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American Anthropologist

[72, 19701

his self-assigned tasks. He has given color, some logic, and consistency to the myths of Tuglibong, Mebuyan, and Lumabat by rationalizing the rough edges with comparative material. He literally wrestles with symbols to bolster to the fullest his interpretative analysis (e.g., pestle and mortar in the myth of Tuglibong, with pounding symbolizing scolding and argument, p. 13; the number seventeen as having lunar meanings, p. 57; and so on). He also makes occasional use of linguistic data (as in the analysis of the name Tuglibong, p. 8), when necessary to the resolution of his problems. In one instance he resorts to archeological evidence, brought forward with admirable determination in the interpretation of the symbols for horizon in Indonesia and the Philippines (p. 60). The force of the technique he used in driving home inferences is heaviest in analyzing the meanings of rites both in Bagobo culture and outside it, thus fulfilling in effect the promise in his title. The author carries this out in the three myths, and with thoroughness in the myth of Lumabat, since this is a complete and obscure myth (p. 41). The comparison of this myth with the myth of Hainuwele-Mulua Satene of the Wemale people is an impressive demonstration of the structural approach shown earlier by UviStrauss in a seminal study (in T. A. Sebeok, ed., Myth, a Symposium, 1958), minus its three-dimensional implication. I think this work is a milestone in Philippine folklore studies. For the first time, structural analysis has been introduced into this part of the world, and Raats has shown the rich possibilities in prospect for folklore scholars in handling oftentimes incomplete and scattered material. Although Raats expresses a desire to go into the field to gather more data to support his reconstruction and interpretations, I am afraid that it is now too late to do this, for the Bagobo have become highly fragmented and acculturated since the time of Cole and Benedict, and it might be just as well that the prcsent study was attempted in order to show a means for elucidating the obscurities in already collected specific mythologies.
Growing U p in a Philippine Barrio. F. LANDA JOCANO. Foreword by George and Louise Spindler. Case Studies in Education and Culture. New York and Lon-

don: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1969. xv 121 pp., illustrations, glossary, references and recommended reading. $2.25 (paper).

Reviewed by ETHEL NUROE University of Kansas Medical Center Growing U p in a Philippine Barrio is as much an ethnography as it is a case study in education and maybe more so. The village of Malitbog (pseudonym) on the island of Panay in the western Bisayans is five miles from a national road and has wet rice agriculture as the mainstay of life, although dry rice is also planted. The village probably has about eight hundred members, although the author is imprecise on this matter (p. 6), saying there are one thousand farmers in ninety-seven households, each family unit having from six to ten members, mostly children. This cannot come to one thousand; it probably is about eight hundred. The village has been both Roman Catholic and Protestant and there is a heavy residue of ancient animistic beliefs. Formal education in the village is neither extensive nor effective. The barrio has a two-room schoolhouse operated by the government and managed locally by two teachers who handle four classes. First graders are mixed with second graders in Room A and third graders with fourth graders in Room B. Children are admitted at age seven and above, are taught in the local language, and, by the second grade, get vocabulary in the national language-Tagalog. In the third grade, English is added. This heavy linguistic burden, as well as the limited exposure to formal education, means that none of the languages are learned effectively. After the children have been away from school a few years, they are just as illiterate as those who have not gone to school at all (p. 50). Considering the authors judgment on the ineffectiveness of the school, which is corroborated by my own experience and that of other Philippine scholars, it is perhaps neither surprising nor belittling of Growing U p in a Philippine Barrio to say that it contains little on formal education but rather places its emphasis on other learning experiences throughout life. Some of the subjects covered are the adults view of the child, birth control, pregnancy and birth, weaning, puberty and ado-

Book Reviews
lescence, courtship and marriage, kinship, family and household, and death and burial; there are also interesting chapters on social order and value orientation and on the supernatural world. There is a wealth of good descriptive material in this book, and I might cite in particular the chapter on family and household, which is one of the best for explicit statements on socialization, material on the perception and conceptualization of the supernatural world, and an excellent summary on the nature and context of learning in daily life in traditional society (Chapter 14). Jocano gives a provocative bit of information on childrens incorporation of knowledge of the supernaturals. Between five and eight years of age, children describe supernaturals as real people, usually old men and women who live in the barrio. They are pictured as aggressive humans who like to eat the internal organs of children. Between the ages of eight and ten, children know the supernatural beings as powerful figures who transform themselves into such animals as pigs, dogs, cats, and goats; who live in a different, though similar, style to that of humans; and who are immortal. These beings carry off disobedient children and can also attack adults. From the ages of ten years to adolescence, these anthropomorphic beings become alive and dangerous to the growing youngsters. They are believed to participate actively in human affairs and are pictured as physically most aggressive (p. 110). More research on this subject might be useful both for perceptual theory and for the testing of the hypotheses of Linton, Kardiner, and Whiting et al. The role of the anthropologist in studying this community is not discussed, and I wish that such information had been given. Also welcome would have been information on the number and representativeness of informants. Jocano mentions once (p. 40) that he observed 104 children between the ages of six and ten during 1964 and 1965, and that seventy-five of them were confined to bed for various illnesses during that time. This is provocative but meager; it would be better set in a context where his interaction with the villagers over time was described. Likewise, it would be good to know something about his method of working and his language ability. Jocano mentions three dia-

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lects for the western Bisayans (p. 3), but he does not say what the people of Malitbog speak, nor what his facility in the dialect was. Lastly, there is no mention (with one exception) nor integration of the numerous other socialization studies made in the Philippines.
Modernization: Its Impact in the Philippines. WALDEN BELLO and MARIA CLARA F. ROLDAN, Institute of Philippine Culeds. ture Papers, 4. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1967. vi 133 pp., biographical notes on contributors, figures, tables, 7 chapter appendices, chapter references. P6.25 (incl. postage) (paper).

Modernization: Its Impact in the Philippines 111. WALDEN F. BELLOand ALPONSO DE GUZMAN eds. Institute of Philippine 11, Culture Papers, 6. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1968. ix 153 pp., biographical notes on contributors, tables, chapter references. P7.50 (incl. postage) (paper).

Reviewed by F . LANDA JOCANO University of the Philippines These two slim volumes are among the current outputs of the highly creative Institute of Philippine Studies of Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City, Philippines. IPC Paper 4 contains five articles written by the IPC stafE and an introduction by Frank Lynch, director. Paper 6 includes seven papers and an introduction by Lee Sechrest, one of the special project directors. The overall title of the two volumes is Modernization: Its Impact in the Philippines. While it looks impressive, it is somewhat misleading in content. Most of the papers do not directly deal with problems of modernization; they are either progress reports of researches currently being undertaken or preliminary reports of fieldwork just finished. In IPC Paper 4, the only article directly related to modernization is David Szantons report Estancia Iloilo: Town in Transition. Frank Lynch and Ronald Himess Cognitive Mapping in the Tagalog Area is an interesting initial attempt at delineating cognitive domains of Tagalog kinship and folk medicine. It appears to be a promising