HANOI UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

International Relations course

Normative Power vs. Neo-realism In the context of Chinas policy towards African countries

by
Tran Ngoc Diep Mai Thi Thu Trang Vu Thu Trang Nguyen Sy Anh Vu

Hanoi, May 5, 2010

Table of Contents
Table of Contents.......................................................................................................................2 I. Introduction.............................................................................................................................5 II. Theoretical arguments...........................................................................................................6 1. Theory on normative power...............................................................................................6 1.1. Civilian power the ancestor of normative power.....................................................6 1.2. Definition and understandings of normative power....................................................7 1.3. Criticism on normative power...................................................................................10 2. Theory on Neo-Realism...................................................................................................11 III. China policy towards Africa How two theories are applied..........................................14 1. Why is China considered as a normative power in Africa? ............................................14 1.1. Sino-African relationship history..............................................................................14 1.2. How China theoretically fits in as a normative power .............................................16 1.3. How China is considered as a normative power.......................................................18 2. How China stands out as a neo-realist.............................................................................19 2.1. The case of Zambia...................................................................................................19 2.1.1. Zambia a cash-thirst copper mine ...............................................................19 2.1.2. All weather friend China and its generous assistance........................................19 2.1.3. Cost-benefit analyses for Zambia.......................................................................21 2.2. The Case of Angola...................................................................................................23 2.2.1. Angola in brief and IMF program......................................................................23 2.2.2. Angola- China relation: The cost of unconditional assistance...........................24 2.3. The Case of Sudan.....................................................................................................26 2.3.1. China- Sudan economic relation........................................................................26 2.3.2. Dafur crisis.........................................................................................................27 2

2.3.3. Chinese policies in Sudan: The characteristics of Neo-realism.........................28 3. Conclusion on theory employed by China in its policy in Africa....................................31 IV. Conclusion.........................................................................................................................32 To sum up, the paper has dealt with two theories of international relations: Neo-realism and normative power with China as research target, illustrated by its policy towards Africa throughout four case studies in Sudan, Angola, Nigeria and Zambia. Our argument is that although Chinese leaders have never claimed in any of its officially public documents, what they are doing in the poor continent Africa shapes an impression of a normative actor. Chinas actions though represent its determination to counterbalance US and EU, which fits it as a neo-realism follower. The actions, moreover, are very typical in the present international politics status quo of multipolarity. Many have now considered China as a super power, indicating survival is no longer its sole purpose. On the other hand, we argue that if China did not follow its current way, the loud voice it has been speaking in the international stage may no longer exist. A huge population needs the equivalent amount of resources, and offshore exploiting in a resource-rich land like Africa is rational for China. After all, there is no immorality for a government to be realist but to fail as leaders of their very own people......32 It is also arguable that by heavily investing into Africa, China may undermine the UNs efforts on this continent. The giant has been breaking international law and ignoring international critics as seen in Sudan case despite the urge from the Security Council (UN News centre, 2006) for the sake of oil (about one third of African oil is reserved for China (Hanson, 2008)). ......................................................................................................................33 Finally, the line between neo-realism and normative power is blurred in reality. Instead, what makes them different is in theory that states claims to be theirs especially in a time when such terms as globalization, integration, cooperation, mutual benefits and liberalization are more trendy than practical. We do not completely deny the existence of international cooperation. In the examination scope of the paper where Chinese goodwill is suspected as for later investment opportunities (Hanson, 2008), nonetheless one has the right to ask the question: Does the normative power actually exist in the most populous country? We hardly believe in a free lunch...................................................................................................33 Bibliography ............................................................................................................................34 Abimbola, O. (2008). The Nigerian Textile Industry and Cheap Chinese Products. Retrieved 2 May, 2010 from http://loomnie.com/2008/03/13/the-nigerian-textile-industry-and-cheapchinese-products/trackback/.....................................................................................................34 UN News Centre. (2006). Darfur: UN Council imposes sanctions on four individuals, urges peace accord. Retrieved May 5, 2010, from http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp? NewsID=18247&Cr=Sudan&Cr1=......................................................................................38

Xinhua News Agency. (2010). Former Nigerian ambassador hails China, Nigeria relations. Retrieved May 3, 2010 from http://www.china.org.cn/world/201003/19/content_19644277.html..................................................................................................38 Xinhua News Agency. (2008). China proven reliable, dependable partner of Nigeria, Africa. Retrieved May 3, 2010 from http://www.china.org.cn/international/200802/26/content_10772988_2.htm...............................................................................................39 Xinhua News Agency. (2008). China, Nigeria vow to further bilateral cooeperation. Retrieved May 3, 2010 from http://www.china.org.cn/international/photos/200802/29/content_11088468.htm...................................................................................................39

I. Introduction
Its not the strongest species survives nor the most intelligent but the most responsive to change

- Charles Darwin (1809 - 1882) -

Since the environment changes, things must adjust to adapt. International relations are not an exception. As alteration in elements of world politics and economics appears, relationship between states faces modification, from ideology or theories applied to implementation policies. Global interdependence and interconnection are rapidly increasing these days attributed to globalization process, the advance of science and technology as well as other factors. In such context, states are finding ways to proactively adapt to the new environment and to become the finest survivals. They may seek for more cooperation in international relations in order to achieve security through alliances. They may try to negotiate for more free trade zone to boost economic development. South-South cooperation is reinforced and North-South dialogue is promoted. The twenty-first century appears an actor that each of its moves draws attention of the whole world: the emerging dragon China. In turn, China has been playing a more active role in international arena. Its existence seems to be seen in almost every corner of the world. Recently, China stirred up concerns of so many scholars and policy-makers about its increased engagement in Africa where is traditionally under influence of Western countries. China claims to establish a new strategic partnership with African countries with a view to gaining mutual benefit and assisting Africa to realize its Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2006). Some scholars show their favor to China and reason that China has changed to become a more friendly nation and reliable partner from an imperialist holding on ideology. They consider China as a rising normative power besides the EU justifying that it is offering Africa an alternative model apart from that of the Western world. Many others whereas are skeptical about the motives of the resource-hunger dragon. They argue that the nature of China remains unchanged and its only interest in Africa is the continents riches. They thus hold beliefs that it is neo-realism that better explains Chinas policy towards Africa. 5

This global debate intrigues our interest. It is fruitful for us as international studies students to understand the environment between such a big nation like China and the poorest continent Africa and to find out which theory is employed to decorate the mask China is wearing and which works in practice or just one theory can depict China both theoretically and practically. The paper is thus devoted to deal with two theories of international relations: a newly-born theory, normative power on the one hand and its hundred-year-old sister neo-realism on the other hand in the context of today Chinas African policy. It is divided into three parts. The first part is theoretical arguments functioning to shed light on definitions and understandings of the two theories. The second part is discussing how China fits in as a normative power both from Chinas implicit claims in its policy towards Africa and from viewpoints of scholars. The last part is in-depth analyses in Chinas involvement in four African countries with a view to examining in reality whether being a normative policy actor is an indeed intrinsic interest of China, or the nation is still guided by the neo-realists in giving its determination and response towards external policy. Conclusion is followed indicating the theory that explains best for Chinas motives and actions.

II. Theoretical arguments

1. Theory on normative power
1.1. Civilian power the ancestor of normative power
In the aftermath of two destructive World Wars, the Unite States and Soviet Union quickly engaged in the Cold War which continued the state of political conflict, military tensions, proxy wars, and especially the race of nuclear proliferation for the first time in mankinds history. The European Integration or the European Community, on the other hand, decided to make good use of its advantage which was economic power, rather than depend primarily on military force to deal with its international relations. So far, there have been two theories Civilian Power and Normative Power developed to examine and interpret the good power image of European Integration. These theories are akin yet not identical. More than thirty years ago, Francois Duchne did firstly provoke the conception of Civilian Power. As he described

The European Communitys interest as a civilian group of countries long on economic power and relatively short on armed force is as far as possible to domesticate relations between states, including those of its own members and those with states outside its frontiers. This means trying to bring international problems the sense of common responsibility and structures of contractual politics, which have been in the past associated exclusively with home and not foreign, that is alien, affairs (Adler & Crawford, 2004, p.11)

Civilian often means good. As Francois Duchne put emphasis, the European Community would attempt to become a civilian group of states which form cooperative agreements and create common accountability to solve international problems using civilian means. The point is that Duchnes notion did not eradicate completely the use of military power; it would be conceived as the last resort instead. Later, Hanns Maull (1990) raised up the other definition of Civilian Power which referred to an actor being as Civilian Power, that must rely on cooperation (rather than conflict) in order to pursue international objectives; concentrate on non-military (but primarily economic) means to secure national goals, with military power left as a residual instrument serving essentially to safeguard other means of international interaction; tend to develop supranational structures and international responsibility (Ciambra, 2008, p.2). Karen Smith did challenge the work of Duchne and Maull by exposing the most radical vision of the ideal type of civilian power. She proposed the following definition: A civilian power is an actor which uses civilian means for persuasion, to pursue civilian ends, and whose foreign policy-making process is subject to democratic control or public scrutiny (Smith, 2005, pp.68-69). In general, there were four important elements: means, ends, use of persuasion and civilian control over foreign (and defense) policy-making, which constituted a Civilian Power being (Smith, 2005, p.65). According to Karen Smith, both of these predecessors only mentioned to two out of four key elements. Maull did not specify what sort of objectives a civilian power pursues. Meanwhile, Duchnes definition just strongly emphasized on civilian means and civilian ends as he urged the Community to become an exemplar of a new stage in political civilization (Smith, 2005, p.66). 1.2. Definition and understandings of normative power The concept of Normative Power Europe was developed by Ian Manners as something to be distinguished from more traditional conceptions of civilian power. He tried to avoid using the terms civilian and civilizing for two reasons. Based on the first ground, civilizing would cause hindrance when it was used in any self-reflexive discussion of European 7

relations with the rest of the world. For the other motive, he argued that the concept of civilian power has come to be far too related to the ontology of states, rather than a style of action or domestication (Manners, 2004, p.2). Furthermore, Manners (2006, pp.175-177) has pointed out six distinctions between civilian and normative power in a consideration of but not only limited to the EU, as follows Civilian Power Europe raises concern as it could be seen a neocolonial attempt to civilize the world. Many still regard civilian powers role in the name of a civilization of international relations. The theory of Normative Power tries to escape this civilizing mission. The strong emphasis on material assets and physical power, i.e economic resources, objectives, strategies differentiates the civilian power from normative power approach which put emphasis on non-material exemplification found in the contagion of norms through imitation and attraction. The communitarian aspect of civilian power with references to national goals, national interests or national values is far too attached to the ontology of states. In contrast, the Normative Power theory concentrates on the cosmopolitan nature of Europe Normative Power, in particular through a commitment to placing universal norms and principles at the centre of its relations with its member states and the world. The civilian power approach accepting Westphalia culturation, including the status quo of an international society between states is different from normative power approach of transcending the normal of world politics through an emphasis on world society. Civilian power reduces the notion of power to that of relations between agents, even if multilateral, non-military, legal relations. Meanwhile, the EU normative power reflects the structural elements of international relations that are powerful changed by the mere existence of the EU i.e. by exemplification rather than presumed goaldriven instrumentalism. The global context has changed. In the Cold War nuclear-military superpower context, the aspiration to civilianize relations between member states through multilateral, non-military, legal means was seen as a good thing. But during the context of post-Cold War, what brings real goodness to mankind? The Normative Power theory moves away from Cold War (and neocolonial) approaches, tries to 8

promote normative approaches to the EU, that do not seek to civilize, use materialist strategies, for self-interests, within a Westphalia culture The EU and its actions in world politics needs a more appropriate approach to reflect what it is, does and should do. According to Manner: The EU has gone further towards making its external relations informed by, and condition on, a catalogue of norms which come closer to those of the European convention on human rights and fundamental freedoms (ECHR) and the universal declaration on human rights (UDHR) than most other actors in world politics. The EU is founded on and has as its foreign and development policy objectives the consolidation of democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms (Storey & Durac, 2009, p.1). According to Alex Warleigh-lack, a country is holding normative power when it must both have meaningful powers in external policy, and seek to use them in a way which is guided by norms (or values) rather than simply interests or calculations about maximizing short-term gain. The implication of normative power for the EU is that The EU tends to act in accordance with a guiding set of norms, and that these norms are politically more progressive than the alternatives offered by other global actors (Warleigh-lack, 2009, p.89). In a nutshell, the core points of Normative Power are maintained as diplomatic cooperation to solve international problems (multilateralism); centrality of economic power (non-military); and legally-binding supranational institutions (international law). Manners (2009, p.1) argued five-point conceptualization of normative power as being ideational; involving principals, actions, and impacts; as well as having broader consequences in world politics. Normative power uses normative justification. In other words, their decisions are based on moral or ethical consideration to achieve greater good. In this respect, relations and policies with the rest of the world should be normatively sustainable i.e. normatively explicable and justifiable to others; sustainable into the next generation. Normative power tends to promote international responsibility, by boosting respect and implementation towards multilateral cooperation and rule of law. Normative justification is to be convincing and attractive, and its principles must be legitimate (being included in international conventions, treaties, agreements) as well as being promoted in a coherent (being sound, non-contradict and being promoted by differing principles) and consistent way (being uniform both within and without the promoting entity, and are applied uniformly). The EU promotes common liberal-democratic principles such as 9

liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, rule of law, which could be seen in Treaty on EU, article 6 and less common social-democratic principles like equality, social solidarity, sustainable development and good governance, that could be found in Constitution for EU, article I-2, I-3. Normative powers actions are to be persuasive and non-coercive. Persuasion in world politics involves constructive engagement, the institutionalization of relations and encouragement of multi- and plural-lateral dialogue between participants. Non-coercion in the way that economic and cultural resources are utilized to co-opt and attract people in order to achieve mutually acceptable goals. Nowadays, the EU acts in the international field as a normative power, by emphasizing diplomacy, cooperation and economic means of influence. It has made good use of its economic and diplomatic strength in external policy which are shown in the Common Foreign and Security Policy as well as its Development and Neighborhood Policy. The Union places high reliance on soft power, on persuasion, attraction and on negotiation in dealing with third countries and international issues. 1.3. Criticism on normative power Opinions about the practicality of the theory and the EU as a normative power vary. There are those who believe that the international system is characterized by anarchy, as described by realists. There are also those who emphasize the meaning of international norms and diplomacy, who give the EU a more meaningful role. On this advocatory side, the EU does privilege the use of instruments other than violence to achieve its objectives. It also pays regular attention to its norms of multilateralism and rule-based international/global governance, and tends to pay much greater heed to international law and legal institutions than other global powers (Warleigh-lack, 2009, p.90). On the other hand, there is still skepticism towards normative power Europe. Some opponents raised issue about the action of EUs enlargement: whether the disapproval of Turkish membership for decades would erode the principle of EU normative power or not. Besides, as a force of goodness, a normative power would promote the universal norms and values in the international system. The challenge here is to identify with regard to what kind of norms it is possible to achieve inter-subjective agreement. Are some norms of a character more universal than that of the others, in the sense that they may be considered principles 10

having inter-subjective trans-cultural validity? Moreover, a nation as a normative power would be linked to what kind of legal principle its external policy is based upon. Another skeptic argument is that the EUs assistance to its neighboring countries is not purely goodwill as it claims, but more of exerting influences around its territory. There is no such thing as a free lunch, they argue. In general, theory of Civilian Power as well as Normative Power has predominantly but not limited to, employed to describe the EUs foreign policy. Several countries for instance Germany, Japan and China have been trying to become or implicitly proclaim as a normative power. However, there is doubtful attitude to such a goodwill theory. It is reasoned that in spite of multi-international organizations and efforts to build up international laws and regulation, the world is still characterized by anarchy. State actor hence has to play in accordance with the rules of the game in order to survive national interest remains the priority. In other words, neo-realism does not disappear. It is still alive and lives well.

2. Theory on Neo-Realism
Since its birth by Keneth Waltz (1979) in his book Theory of international politics, neorealism has become one of the most influential theories in the world of international relations. Also known as structural realism, the theory depicts an international political system as a whole, with different levels of units and structure (Waltz, 2003). On comparing neo-realism and its sister realism, one could easily notice that it still holds much of the original theory which describes the anarchic state of international system. While followers of both sides believe that anarchy is the driving force that pushes states into striving to grasp its interest (which is defined in term of power- an end by itself- by realists (Morgenthau, 1948)), structuralists, however, think that power is no more than a mean for a state to achieve its ultimate goal other than merely being powerful (Waltz, 1979, p.192 quoted in Slantchev, 2001). On going into details, the first and foremost characteristic of neo-realism by Waltz is that it provides a structure-centered approach to international relations. By considering the world of politics as a whole system, Waltz argued that state would play the role of contributing units which are functionally alike, and autonomy, an alternative for sovereignty is the unit-level counterpart of anarchy at the structural level. (Waltz, 2003. p.37) The reason why Waltz left aside the variation in the units composition, resources and technology is that, he argued, the logic of anarchy does not vary (Waltz, 2003, p.37). Different from realists who base their 11

theory on a states continual seek for power, neo-realists assumes that survival is the final goal in this insecure anarchy as there is no higher body to watch over their enemies. However, it is wrong to infer violence as a common thing in the world of structuralists. Anarchy means each state has to operate a self-help system and the mechanism of international politics often includes limited cooperation as opening itself through trade and so on could make a country dependent, leave alone the unreliability of the others intention and possible actions (Waltz, 1979, pp.168-171 quoted in Slantchev, 2001)- known as the security dilemma. Interesting enough, Waltz found a positive point in this limitation that the high cost of organization can be avoided and states can preserve their autonomy. In fact, a combination of limited yet highly interactive state reflexes the interaction among units of the international system from a structural point of view. Another highlighted feature of neo-realism is that it explains most of the worlds politics by the distribution of capabilities mechanism that operates largely based on the number of great powers or hegemony. Although states are deemed of as alike units within their common system and all shares their ultimate goal of survival, their power- defined by Waltz as the combined capabilities of military, economy and technology- varies greatly, so do the limitations put on weaker states and those who are stronger (Waltz, 2003, p.36). The terminology structural restraints employed by neo-realism is used when international structure emerges from the interaction of states and then constrains them from taking certain actions while propelling them towards other (Waltz, 1995 quoted in Kegley, 2008, p.34). The common way to look at structural neo-realism is by analyzing the famous balance of power theory - that happens when every state, as a further reaction to survival, seeks to maximize their relative power. Similar to realists, structuralists also consider rise in one states capabilities the fall of another. There are two ways in which states balance power: internal balancing means states grow their own capabilities through increase in economic or military spending; and external balancing occurs when states join alliances to check the power of more powerful states or alliances (Waltz, 1979, p.127 quoted in Slantchev, 2001). Specifically, a state may choose to engage in hard balancing by joining a weaker coalition on calculation that stronger alliances are dangerous. With the regards that balancing usually involves military actions, be it internal or external, and that alliances are essential for both weak and strong states, neo-realists war is unavoidable and will continue in the future. On the other hand, weaker states may join coalition of stronger counterparts in a calculation that 12

deems the cost of opposing stronger power exceed the benefits, bandwagoning could put the weaker state in containment and thus only happens when balancing is impossible for one country. Balance of Power also explains the worlds order that includes three possible systems of capabilities distribution. Unipolarity happens where there is only one hegemony ruling over the world. Despite the glory, the hegemony in this case is short-lived and conflict-ridden since it has to be under too many tasks and responsibilities as well as the response from other states in the system will be to ally against it in order to counterbalance its power (Moe, 2004, p.2). Bipolarity, however, is much more stable in the eye of structural beholder when there are two hegemonies check the power of each other (Waltz, 1979, p.163 quoted in Slantchev, 2001). As a bipolar order mostly associates with internal balancing rather than external balancing, there is less opportunity of miscalculation and less chance of great power war (Waltz, 1979, p.199 quoted in Slantchev, 2001). However, conflicts are not going disappear since followers/allies of the great power can still fight over their benefits or ideology. The matter of capabilities is once again raised when participating countries are not at the same level and are supported by different hegemony. In fact, proxy war is common in the world of bipolarity whose perfect example can be found during the Cold War (1945-1991), when the worlds status quo was kept by the USSR and the US with their impressive capabilities in all aspect of military, economy and technology. The relation of these two, furthermore, illustrates the unequal sharing between major and minor powers in alliance. A multipolar order, logically, involves more than two great powers in the political world. Multipolarity, however, is linked with external balancing and thus considered uncertain and dangerous as allies can flexibly move to another pole that fits it better. Neo-realists believe that external balancing can give rise to miscalculation leading to general war due to large influence of small allies and the deterrence fails because of the incentive to defect from commitment among alliance. The multipolar world today has become a global reality (Dickinson, 2009) with the US no longer the sole hegemony after the USSRs collapse in 1991 and the rise of China as a super power and the European Unions successful story. Despite all of its defects discussed above, multipolarity is more suitable to the reality in which representatives from 192 member states gather in Switzerland under the flag of the UN. 13

Nevertheless, neo-realism has been under quite critics by scholars of the field. Guzzini in his Structural power: The limits of neorealist power analysis pointed out the main fault of both realism and neo-realism is their heavy reliance on economic theory and thus diminished the substantial range of original concept of power (Guzzini, 2001, p.3). Ferreira, moreover, argued that Waltzs theory of international politics cannot grant the structure of international anarchy the sort of ontological independence from states his systemic approach requires (p.1). In particular, though much corresponding to basic elements of structuralist thought as it may be, this systemic approach is misleading since it adopts positivist structural analysis that start with the parts to identify the whole and therefore only works at the level of appearances. Waltz himself admitted the most common criticism of his theory is that it fails to include considerations of the effects of states policies and behaviors on international politics and states are not used as analysis units, yet, he explained, It is, after all, a theory about international politics and not a theory about foreign policy (Waltz, 2004, p.3) Instead, foreign policies of one state reflexes part of its identities as a unit in the international politics system.

III. China policy towards Africa How two theories are applied
1. Why is China considered as a normative power in Africa?
In this part of the paper, we are giving interest in Chinas policy towards Africa and especially trying to explain how China implicitly claims and/or is considered a normative actor in the continent. In order to make it easier to understand, we will look back to the long history between China and African countries as well as motives in the formers policy towards the latter through each period.

1.1. Sino-African relationship history Prof. Zeng Qiang of the Institute of Asian and African Studies divided the Sino-African relationship into three distinctive periods (Inyambo, 2008, p.1). From 1949 to 1979, the relationship was heavily based on the political and ideological factors. Having sympathy towards Africa, China did support African countries in the struggle for national independence and against colonialism, imperialism and revisionism. However, China Communist Party refused to establish relationship with many African parties such as African Party for 14

Independent of Guinea and Cape Verde, Parti Congolais du Travail, Mocambique Liberation Front just because they were not communists (Anshan, 2006, p.5). Period 1979-1999 was a turning point. Africa saw the establishment and growing Western influence owing to the pour of billions of dollars from the IMF and the WB for structural adjustment, liberalization and democracy programs (Inyambo, 2008, p.1). China whereas was initiating its Open Door policy whose priorities were placed on economic development. Foreign policy was asserted to serve for the need of economic growth rather than ideological spread. The Going Out policy in 1991 pointed Africa as a new target destination. That the first delegation from Africa parties came to China in 1978 marked a milestone in the SinoAfrican relationship (Anshan, 2006, p.6). The last phase from 1999 until now gives rise to concern to not only China or Africa but the international community also. After thousands years of poverty, ethnic conflicts and political instability, many African authorities have been devoted to economic development and poverty reduction, internal conflict resolutions and political stability (Inyambo, 2008, p.2). They are thus seeking for a new alternative for hard-line conditional loans from Western world. At the same time, China is strongly promoting its march into Africa a term coined by African Business (2006) that covers all fields from trade and investment, financial assistance, donation, education and vocational training and many others. 2006 dubbed by China as Year of Africa was full of significant achievements (Penny, 2007, p.23). In January, China announced the African Policy Paper, by which

The Chinese Government wished to present to the world the objectives of Chinas policy towards Africa and the measures to achieve them, and its proposals for cooperation in various fields in the coming years, with a view to promoting the steady growth of China-Africa relations in the long term and bringing the mutually-beneficial cooperation to a new stage.

(Ministry of Foreign Affairs [MFA], 2006) Sino-African relationship is strongly thriving with an emphasis on economic development and political cooperation. In November, China hosted the Third Ministerial Conference of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) with the attendance of high-level representatives from forty-eight African countries that have diplomatic relations with China. The summit asserted the establishment of a new type of strategic partnership between China

15

and Africa featuring political equality and mutual trust, economic win-win cooperation and cultural exchanges (Beijing Summit Declaration, 2006). 1.2. How China theoretically fits in as a normative power Even though China has never claimed itself as a normative power towards Africa, many of its policy principles fit in the definition. Firstly, in all of its official declaration towards SinoAfrican relationship China in the general theme appears as a policy actor supportive of the creation of rule-based multilateral world order as well as the role and concerted efforts of international organizations for instance the UN made to this creation.

We urge that diversity of the world should be respected and upheld, that all countries in the world, big or small, rich or poor, strong or weak, should respect each other, treat each other as equals and live in peace and amity with each other, and that different civilizations and modes of development should draw on each other's experience, promote each other and coexist in harmony.

(Declaration of Beijing Summit, 2006)

China is devoted, as are African nations, to making the UN play a greater role, defending the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, establishing a new international political and economic order () promoting () rule of law in international affairs

(MFA, 2006)

We call for reform of the United Nations and other multilateral international institutions to make them better meet the need of all members of the international community. Through reform, the United Nations should strengthen its role, give full scope to the function of the UN General Assembly and pay greater attention to the issue of development.

(Declaration of Beijing Summit, 2006) It also recognizes and promotes multilateral relations with the African Union and other regional and sub-regional institutions in their efforts to settle regional conflicts and bring back peace and stability to the continent. Moreover, China is keen on promoting cultural exchanges between African countries and China as well as encouraging that between the continent and the rest of the world. In short, Sino-African relationship is thus based on sincerity, friendship and equality with high respect to each other and abides by international laws (MFA, 2006). It is attributed to the increased bilateral and multilateral relationship, fostering mutual understandings under an orderly international framework.

16

Secondly, it claims to assist to the best of its ability to promote African economic growth and socio-economic stability:

() supports African countries efforts to grow stronger through unity (.) supports African countries endeavor for economic development and nation building, carries out cooperation in various forms in the economic and social development..

(MFA, 2006) So far, China has mobilized many of its power to foster the economic growth of African countries in all-round factors. By the end of 2006, China has established diplomatic relationship with forty-eight countries that recognize the one-China policy which refuses to have political relations with Taiwan. However, there were up to fifty-three states having received assistance from China. The top recipients are Angola, Sudan, Tanzania, Zambia and Ethiopia (Penny, 2007, p.57). The majority of its investment lies in infrastructure construction including transportation, communication, water conservancy and electricity. Agriculture, tourism, science and technology sector also benefit. Significantly, there are exchanges between governments in all levels and consultation mechanism where experiences and lessons learnt are discussed (MFA, 2006). In addition, Chinese government encourages Chinese competitive private enterprises to invest in and cooperate with African nations. South Africa actually stood in the sixth out of top tenth destinations that China invested overseas in 2008 (Wayne, 2009, p.20). Furthermore, it gives incentives for African countries exports. China is also actively playing an important role in African Human Resources Development Foundation (MFA, 2006). The engagement of China with African institutions and development agencies is simultaneously on the rise. Most importantly, China has worked closely with the UN to channel funding to projects in Africa contributing to realize the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It was announced in a 2007 meeting in the African Development Bank that China through the bank supplied $314 million for 14 projects in Africa (Penny, 2007, p.58). Also, China Development Bank (CDB) reached an agreement with East African Development Bank (EADB) to co-finance regional projects, offered the West African Development Bank (WADB) technical cooperation fund and became donors to the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD) (Penny, 2007, p.58). 17

In his opening speech for Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation 2006, Chinese President Hu Jintao made more commitments to fuel African countries on its way to realize development. The speech again shows how well China fits in as a normative actor.
Provide US$3 billion of preferential loan and US$2 billion of preferential buyers credits to African countries in the next three years on favourable terms (favourable is not specified), more so for HIPCs and LDCs. .. Build a conference centre for the African Union to support African countries in their efforts to strengthen themselves through unity and support the process of African integration. Cancel debt in the form of all the interest-free government loans that matured at the end of 2005 owed by the heavily indebted poor countries and the least developed countries in Africa that have diplomatic relations with China. Further open up Chinas market to Africa by increasing from 190 to over 440 the number of export items to China receiving zero-tariff treatment from the least developed countries in Africa which have diplomatic ties with China Over the next three years, train 15,000 African professionals; send 100 senior agricultural experts to Africa; set up 10 special agricultural technology demonstration centers in Africa; build 30 hospitals in Africa and provide RMB 300 million of grant for providing artemisinin and building 30 malaria prevention and treatment centers to fight malaria in Africa; dispatch 300 youth volunteers to Africa; build 100 rural schools in Africa; and increase the number of Chinese government scholarships to African students from the current 2000 per year to 4000 per year by 2009.

(Hu Jintao, 2006)

1.3. How China is considered as a normative power As mentioned above, the increased engagement of China into Africa gives concern to the whole international community with a wide range of attitudes from naively optimistic to highly suspicious. Notably, there are some European scholars the homeland of normative power theory has reckoned the possibility that China may become a normative actor in Africa besides the EU. Benjamin Barton (2009) argues that if normative power is referred to as power over opinion defined by Ian Manners, China is one since it offers African nations a new model to develop (p.15) in addition to that of Bretton Woods institutions which bolsters structural adjustment and liberalization and that of the EU which promotes good governance, democracy, human rights observation and sound political environment. China on the contrary grounds its relationship on economic growth with no political strings attached. Also, China is able to get its approach popularized quickly. As the Ethiopian ambassador stated:

18

If a G8 country had wanted to rebuild the stadium, for example, wed still be holding meetings! The Chinese just come and do it. They dont start to hold meetings about environmental impact assessment, human rights, bad governance and good governance.

(Quote in Hilsum, 2006, p.7 cited in Penny, 2007, p.74) The impact of China on the continent is getting stronger and becomes harder to deny. Jeffrey Sachs, Special Advisor of United Nations Secretary-General admitted that China has more down-to-earth lessons for Africa than the World Bank does (Penny, 2007, p.34). In short, China is regarded to evolve as a normative actor in Africa since it has provided the continent more economic opportunities; chances to increase its status in the international community while respects their own choices on the way to realize development goals.

2. How China stands out as a neo-realist

The reaction and attitude towards the engagement of China into Africa is diverse. In the previous part, we have just presented the positive sides which argue that China is acting as a normative power. The picture however is not in total painted in pink. In this part, we will have a closer look at the situation of recipient countries from China. In-depth analyses will be given in each case. 2.1. The case of Zambia 2.1.1. Zambia a cash-thirst copper mine Zambia is one of the fifty poorest countries listed by the UN in 2007; it is however very rich in mineral. Zambia established diplomatic ties with China quite early in 1964 and in the 1970s, it received US$400 million funding from Chinese government to construct the Tazara railway bridging Dar se Salaam in Tanzania with the Kapiri Mposhi in Zambia dubbed as copperbelt region (Martyn, D. & Johanna, J., 2006, p.44). Zambian government has been keen on to realize MDGs and has identified priorities sectors to attract FDI in its Fifth National Development Plan. The urgent need of cash for development projects of Zambia has been caught by the eyes of its self-claimed all weather friend China. Thus, the dragon has jumped into Zambia providing financial assistance as well as other economic cooperation for mutual benefit. Zambia is in fact one of only three countries that receive FDI from China in South Africa (Penny, 2007, p.57). 2.1.2. All weather friend China and its generous assistance Chinas assistance in Zambia is classified into two types: direct investment and/or investment loans; and grants in forms of cash and in-kind. From 1967 to 2006, the amount of loans and 19

grants were US$ 409.4 million and US$ 5.4 million respectively with 4,500 tons of maize (Inyambo, 2008, p.19). After liberal economic policies and especially privatization process in 1991, Zambia has become more attractive to FDI. From 1994 to 2006, the flow of FDI to Zambia nearly doubled (Inyambo, 2008, p.6). According to Zambia Development Agency in 2007 China remains the biggest investors making up 47% of the total FDI, of which telecommunications, manufacturing and mining were the top three most attractive sectors taking up to 55%, 52% and 50% respectively. Besides, Chinese government reached agreements with Zambian government to invest in over 35 projects mostly in agriculture, construction, transport and health sector (Inyambo, 2008, p.8). The privatization practice has made room for blooming markets in Zambia including the mining sector. China Non-Ferrosus Metal Mining group Corporation Limited (NFCA) took advantage of the policy and on spot acquired the Chambeshi copper mine. In 2005 the mine was established as the Chambeshi Special Economic Zone with a view to creating the most favorable conditions for Chinese enterprises to invest in. Mining activities which has long been the means of living to local people now are on the rise. It was estimated that with US$200 million investment in copper smelter, 60,000 jobs could be created (Martyn, D. & Johanna, J., 2006, p.44). The Zambian government will also gain from more tax revenues paid by Chinese firms. The second area that Zambia owes to China is communications and transportation of which Tazara railway cannot be ignored. The project was signed in 1965 and commenced in 1968, financed by Chinese government. The objective of the railway is to make a major route for Zambias exports and imports, reducing its dependence on the south way which crossed through the territory of Zimbabwe and South Africa ports (Inyambo, 2008, p.12). However, Tazara operation has not met the expectations. Only thanks to the frequent loans from China for procurement of spare parts and technical assistance is Tazara able to be run. The accumulative funding by China for the project from its initial stage until 2006 was estimated over US$157.7 million shared by Zambia and Tanzania. In addition, other projects financed by China can be named such as Lusaka Kaoma Road, Serenje-Samfya-Mansa. China also expresses its interest in co-investing with Zambian firms in telecommunications such as building radio stations, constructing, delivering, supplying and commissioning GSM cellular telephone system (Inyambo, 2008, p.12).

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As for healthcare issue, China has long cooperation with Zambia dated back to 1977. The main form of assistance is the channel of doctors and expert teams along with medical equipment. So far there have been forty-nine Chinese experts in Zambia. China also provides 15 scholarships to Zambia to encourage higher education in the country (Inyambo, 2008, p. 13). So far, China has played the role of the major investor and at the same time biggest lender to Zambia. By the end of 2006, it owed US$217 million to China and during the first half of 2007, it borrowed China more than US$500 million (Martyn, D. & Johanna, J., 2006, p.45). However, its all weather friend China is a good neighbor and has been willing to write off some debts as well as reschedule the timeframe for Zambia to service its debts. This sympathy is in line with Chinas African Policy 2006 that proclaimed to cancel debts owed by HIPCs. In fact, US$ 18 million was cancelled in 2007 when Hu Jintao paid a visit to Zambia (Martyn, D. & Johanna, J., 2006, p.45). 2.1.3. Cost-benefit analyses for Zambia The Zambian government is undoubtedly grateful to generosity of Chinas investment and aids. However the involvement of China does not go with trickle-down effect; in other words, does not bring benefits to all related parties. It is quite easier to understand that some will gain; some will lose due to Chinas involvement. The social net benefit sadly does not favor the poor nation. As China expands its investment, the local producers - the primary locomotive engine of an economy are clear cut losers. There are three reasons for this: (1) they cannot compete in prices due to flows of Chineses cheap goods even if for sometimes they benefit from cheap inputs imported from China; (2) they do have advantageous access to resources as the Chinese firms have thanks to remarkable supports from their governments and (3) they are much less capable in technology, management skills than that of their Chinese counterparts. Local consumers seem to be happier as they have a chance to enjoy cheaper imported goods. Nevertheless at the same time they cannot afford high-value imported goods from China since their livelihood is threatened by Chinese immigrants (Inyambo, 2008, pp. 13-18). Zambian government will see their budget revenues increase due to the increase in number of operating firms. However in the long run it appears to lose the bargaining power to China.

21

Let shed light on the situation by examining some specific sectors which that are heavily engaged by the Chinese. First comes the mining sector. Even though Zambian people have more available vacancies due to increased mining activities, their happiness are compromised by meager salaries, poor working conditions and no safety measures. Michael Sata, an opposition figure asserted in an election campaign that Chinese investments were exploitative and workers were badly mistreated (Martyn, D. & Johanna, J., 2006, p.44). As for Zambia, the country is losing its advantage to China as long as ownership of natural resources such as Chambeshi falls into hands of these foreign investors. By that doing, Zambia will lose not only their invaluable nonrenewable resources but also the bargaining power to negotiate (Inyambo, 2008, p.9). As for China, it in the short and medium run is able to feed its economys hunger for energy and natural resources input. Empirical evidences show that mineral products and metal products led the list of import items of China from Zambia in 2006 ((Inyambo, 2008, p.14). China in fact is the biggest consumer of copper in the world followed by the US (Penny, 2007, p.27). In the long run Naidu (2009) concluded:

Chinas end game seems to be to bypass international market pricing by securing commodity assets at source. It may even consider establishing its own commodity exchanges already having done so by setting up a diamond exchange in Shanghai to rival that in Antwerp. Thus, the price that China pays for specific commodities will be negotiated at source with recipient governments rather than determined by the market () This end game is not favorable to the growth of African democracy, nor to Africas need to better integrate itself into the global economy.

Construction sector is the second play ground of China. Firstly it should be remembered that the costly Tazara did not come into existence purely by Chinese goodwill. The project was constructed within the period that China was wooing African countries for their support in international issues, to be more exact the seat in the Security Council of the UN (Penny, 2007, p.37). And time has proved how this seat deserved millions of dollars spent on the railway. Secondly, the sector turns out to be a mine gold for Chinese investors. China has had bilateral agreements with Zambia governments in construction, operation and transfer. The general observation is that Chinese contractors won the construction part most of the time because they can afford all standards required including project consultants, supervisors and financial ability. The problem is that some Chinese firms have taken advantage of Zambias riddled laws and regulations and cheated in the projects. As a result, Chinese labors have more chances to get employed than Zambian people. Local labors become losers in this 22

game. Even more dangerously, quite a few unregistered Chinese engineers were able to get the construction work. Zambian cannot supervise foreign contractors because they lack of capacity, experience and know-how of the job that they have never done before. Some obvious evidences are the quick degradation of capital Lusaka and other towns in the city (Inyambo, 2008, pp.10-11). In short, construction sector is a lucrative area for Chinese firms to exploit. In addition, the sector appears to be a potential solution to one of Chinas current socio-economic problems: employment for ordinary labor. In conclusion, China has played very well in the game of international relations. The giant dragon is wise enough to understand that in the world today it cannot accumulate power and grasp resources by provoking a war to its neighbor Zambia since international structural constraints will not allow. Instead, it has made full use of the card of aid and investment, making a clear way for Chinese enterprises to come and exploit the riches of Zambia. Even if Zambia has gained important revenues from selling its land and resources, the net benefit is imbalanced and is much inclined to China. As a structuralist, China considers power not an end in itself, but a means to help it survive and live well. The answer lies in the fact that huge investment in Zambia has created a new destination for Chinese investors to use their capital more efficiently and Chinese labors to come and work; thus relieve the unemployment burden faced by Chinese modern society. 2.2. The Case of Angola 2.2.1. Angola in brief and IMF program After almost three decades of civil war, Angola has been relatively peaceful since 2002. This African country is a poor country but the stock of natural mineral especially oil and diamond is very rich and plays the main contribution to the countrys income. In 2005, the oil sector accounted for more than 56 percent of GDP, 83.1 percent of government revenues and 94.1 percent of exports. In the near future, Angola is expected to catch up with Kuwait in annual oil productivity. With the larger contribution of oil to the GDP, many people hoped that the living standard of local people here would rise up. In fact, while this country earned more than US$30 billion from oil export in 2006, more than 70 percent of Angolan people lived on less than US$2 per day though (Ian, 2006, p.15-17). Poor people day by day have to suffer bad living conditions lack of food and water. It is not difficult to explain for this fact, according to Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD and nongovernmental organizations like Transparency International, Angola is one of the most 23

corrupt business environments in the world (Patrick, 2008, p.17). From 1997 through 2002, more than US$4.2 billion equivalent to 10 percent of GDP (mostly oil revenues) disappeared from Angolas public accounts. As one observer said

Parliament faithfully votes each year to approve a budget in which a substantial portion of the monies received by the Angolan state simply does not appear. The official budget is thus a document which bears no relationship to reality, and in any case it is just not implemented for the most part.

(Ian, 2006, p.16) The majority of redevelopment funds were spent on the reparation of the railroad that runs from the port city of Benguela to the main mining area nearly 800 miles away. The decision made is not a product of democratic choice. Indeed, since it began to receive substantial oil revenues, the government has repeatedly postponed elections (Ian, 2006, p.17) In order to improve the current situation in Angola, the IMF (International Monetary Fund) decided to apply the transparency measures included in the new loan for Angola to reconstruct after civil war. This process was moving forward but stopped by the president of Angola, because they did find another more potential and nicer donor instead of IMF with difficult and struggling conditions. The new one was China. 2.2.2. Angola- China relation: The cost of unconditional assistance In 2004, knowing that Angolan was not comfortable with the IMF, China caught this opportunity to jump in Angola as the replacement for the UK assistance in the IMF. Chinese government gave Luandas cabinets a counter-offer of a US$2 billion loan from Chinas export-credit agency, Exim Bank. The deal came with an interest rate repayment of 1.5% over 17 years and was tied to an agreement to the supply of 10,000 barrels of crude oil per day in the first place and of up to 40,000 barrels afterwards, as well as the promise of substantial construction contracts (Ian, 2006, p.17). After this agreement, the relation between China and Angola has been upgraded to a higher level.

In 2004, bilateral trade totaled $ 4.9 billion, representing more than a 113 percent increase from 2003. Chinese companies continue to look for secure oil deliveries and Angola, as sub-Saharan Africas second largest oil producer, is central to this policy. Thus, during a recent visit by Vice Premier Zeng Peiyang, a total of nine cooperation agreements with Angola were signed, three of which related to oil.

(Ian, 2006, p.16)

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A long-term agreement was signed between Sinopec (Chinese state-owned Oil Company) and Sonangol (the Angolan state-owned oil corporation) to assure the oil supply from Angola to China in the future. Both companies will jointly explore and exploit the oil block of Angola including the off-shore ones (which are under the exploitation of BP Angola). In return, Angola gained the promise of China for more unconditional aid and soft loan (Ian, 2006, p.16-17). Exim bank invested a lot of money in rebuilding the infrastructure for Angolan industries (mainly in mining sectors) and in transportation in order to facilitate the flow of oil. (African Development Bank/OECD, 2006) Both sides showed that they were highly happy with these agreements. In the extent of China, they had reached their main goal in this African country, opened the door to the oil and other vital natural resources supply in Angola. As for Angola, or at least the current government of Luanda, the investment and unconditional aids from its friend China is the perfect replacement for the tough former donor the IMF, who always asked for the improvement in transparency. And despite the fact that the interest rate of US$2 billion loan that China gave Angola was not lower than the previous sources, the Angolan government still raises the flag of satisfaction. The Angolan Ambassador in China later named Beijing as a true friend of Africa and claimed that Africa can [now] develop by its own effort with Chinas help...without any political conditions (Ian, 2006, p.17) However, the unconditional assistance of China only helps maintain the current corrupted government of Angola. In other words, the interference of China had ruined the efforts of international community to improve the ability and transparency of Angola government which is good for the future of this country. According to Douglas Steinberg, Angola country director for the humanitarian NGO, CARE

When I hear of this big Chinese loan [I think] it distorts the whole process and gives a lot more flexibility for Angola not to comply with the conditions for other dealsIt allows the government to escape...transparency (Ian,

2006, p.18)

Global Witness also commented that

The long-standing concerns about the lack of fiscal transparency and accountability [by the Angolan government] also extend to the reconstruction process. There has to date been no public scrutiny of either

25

specific reconstruction projects, nor of the procurement process managed by the National Reconstruction Office, including projects selected under the terms of the $2 billion credit line extended to Angola by China (Ian,

2006, p.18)

2.3. The Case of Sudan 2.3.1. China- Sudan economic relation As many other African countries, China is the most important foreign trade partner with Sudan. This countrys total oil reserves are currently estimated at five billion barrels. The country produces about 500,000 barrels a day and this figure was estimated to increase to 750,000 b/d in 2006. According to the statistics from WTO, oil exports to China accounted for 64% of Sudans total oil exports in 2004. Indeed, nine out of every ten barrels Sudan ships go to China, reaching embarkation ports in pipelines built by Chinese. The pipe system to transfer oil to the ports was also built by Chinese companies. Chinas first oil imports from Sudan were in 1995 (Judith, 2006, p.17). From that on, Chinas National Petroleum Corporation began to explore the crude oil there and has expanded rapidly. In 1997, the US imposed economic and trade sanctions on Sudan and China took advantage of this opportunity to replace the position of Western countries here. Nowadays, China National Petroleum holds the largest share and vital control over the Sudanese energy sector as it is the main investor in Sudanese oil production. China covered the cost of most of the US$15 billion 932-mile pipeline to Port Sudan where it is building a tanker terminal. In 2005, approximately 10,000 Chinese workers were employed in Sudan. China has been Khartoums key partner in developing the infrastructure necessary to extract and transport oil. For instance, it helped develop pipelines that stretch for more than 1,000 kilometers from oil fields to Port Sudan. Sudan owns the terminals, but Chinese companies operate them. China has also invested hundreds of millions of dollars to develop Sudans ability to refine the oil. (Human rights first, 2008, pp.6-7) Besides oil industries, Sudan for a long time has been frequent consumer of Chinese weapons.

A long tradition of weapons transfers has been created between China and Sudan. In the 1960s, China provided at east 18 Mig-17 aircraft to Sudan. In the 1970s, it sold it 130 tanks. In the 1980s, the list included at least 20 aircraft, 50 armored personnel carriers and 50 towed artillery pieces.

26

(Human rights first, 2008, p.12) Currently, with the money earned from oil exports, Sudan has increased the arm transfer from China to a higher level. It can be said that, Sudan epitomizes Chinese policies toward African countries. Both China and Sudan benefit from this relationship. China has been able to diversify its oil resources and become less dependent on other oil-producing countries while Sudan has found a reliable economic partner that does not question its domestic political situation. 2.3.2. Dafur crisis Oil brings money for Sudan, but the same as many other African countries, oil and natural resources are the main reason for internal conflicts. The present Darfur conflict in Sudan erupted in early 2003 when Justice and Equality Movement and Sudan Liberation Army/Movement rebels attacked and captured the capital in central Darfur. The rebellion demanded for a bigger share in the political power-sharing between the North and the South of Sudan. The Sudanese government reacted by a series of violent and cruel military movement which directly carried out by a group of people named Janjaweed. These soldiers- backed by Sudanese government committed a lot of crime such as murdering, raping and poisoning the water sources. The conflict has economic, political, and ethnic dimensions. Its economic roots lie in the competition between pastoralists (generally Arab Africans) and agriculturalists (generally non-Arab Africans) over natural resources (Kathryn, 2006) The ongoing crisis in Darfur Province in western Sudan has raised serious concerns about a major humanitarian disaster, with an estimated one million people displaced and more than 140,000 people forced to leave for the neighboring Chad. There are no dependable estimates of the number of dead people during the conflict because the current government of Sudan has denied or strictly restricted access to the real situation in Darfur. Some observers and U.S. officials estimated that between 10,000-30,000 people have been killed over the past twelve months. According to U.S. officials it is estimated that 320,000 could have died by the end of 2004 irrespective of the international response. And this is the main reason for a series of sanctions deployed by the UN over Sudanese government (Ted, 2004)

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2.3.3. Chinese policies in Sudan: The characteristics of Neo-realism As the most important partner of Sudan, and has the greatest influence on the policies of this government, but in fact China did nothing to solve the humanitarian crisis in Dafur. Even worst, Chinese favorable assistance has spoiled the efforts of international community to put pressure on Sudanese government. This move is contrary to the theory of normative power that is to promote a rule-based world order. Because of the Dafur conflicts, the Security Council arms embargoinitially imposed in 2004 under resolution 1556 and expanded in 2005 under resolution 1591prohibits weapons transfers to Darfur in order to avoid bloodshed in this region. Chinese government has just ignored the sanctions of the UN keeping transferring weapons for Sudanese military. Since 2004 Chinese arms sales to Sudan has accounted for 90% of small arms present in the country. Moreover, China also helps train the troops for Sudan government and assists them in building 3 war factories near Khartoum to produce light weapons. These assistances provide Sudanese troops and Janjaweed militias the mean to conduct brutally efficient operations against Darfurs indigenous population. (Human rights first, 2008, pp.13-14) The motivations behind these activities of China are quite clear. Firstly, China wants to maintain the close relation with Sudan government. The second reason is to protect their oil facilities in Dafur (the oil rich- region in Sudan). It can be said that, Chinese policies in Sudan are supporting for one kind of failed state that is state is not willing to provide their own people with basic principle of human rights. And in return, China - the hungry dragon can approach the rich oil flow from this African country and secure them from any threats. Besides, China failed to comply the UN sanctions over Sudan, challenged the so called rule of law based on world order the ultimate goal of a normative power. The theory is just far from the goal of China. On the other hand, the protection of China over Sudan current government from the sanctions of the UN and the Security Council also points out that China has been obviously characterized as Neo-Realism follower. Using its veto power, it managed to weaken the UN efforts to deploy peacekeeping force to Darfur and gave the Khartoum government an opportunity to break an arms embargo set by the UN.

For example, in September 2004 China weakened Resolution 1564, which would have created sanctions against Sudan if the government failed to disarm the Janjaweed. Under Chinese pressure, the final

28

Resolution read that the council would consider taking additional measures instead of directly sanctioning Sudan. Even in face if the adoption of the resolution 1769, China still insisted that it should particularly emphasis that the purpose of this resolution is to authorize the launch of the hybrid operation, rather than to exert pressure or impose sanctions. (Dafur

Australia network, 2008)

However under the increased pressure from international community since 2007, China at last showed some response by playing a more active role in peacekeeping mission in Sudan. It was China that persuaded Sudan to accept 26000 peacekeeping troops (included Chinese) to be deployed in Dafur (Dafur Australia network, 2008). The change in Chinas policy implies that China understands it cannot turn a blind eye and/or a deaf ear to messages from international organizations. It has to play the rules of the power game to survive. At first, it used the veto power that the global institution granted to it to protect its partner along with its control over the oil reserves. Now it again employs the card of peacekeeping to guarantee its control through the presence of military in the country while simultaneously responded appropriately to the global appeal. 2.4. The case of Nigeria 2.4.1. China Nigeria warm relation Bilateral relations between The People's Republic of China and the Federal Republic of Nigeria have enjoyed smooth and steady development since their establishment of diplomatic relations on February 10, 1971 (EPCFRN, 2004). By tracking the following chronological events, one would easily come to an optimistic conclusion of this relation Feb. 10, 1971: Establishment of diplomatic relation 1974-2003: 20 visits by top leaders of both countries 1998: Military delegations by both countries 2001: Agreement on Trade and Agreement on Investment Promtion and Protection 2002: Agreement on Consular Affairs; Agreement on Cooperation on Strengthening Management of Narcotic Drugs, Psychotropic Substances and Diversion of Precursor Chemical; Agreement on Tourism Cooperation. 2004: Agreement on cultural cooperation and protocol on cooperation between institutions of higher learning 2006: Memorandum of Understanding 29

2008: China-Nigeria Business Forum with the participation of more than 300 businessmen from both countries 2008: Draft 2008-2010 Protocol of the Program on Implementation of Cultural and Educational Cooperation and Exchanges 2009: Military officials met in Bejing to seek further military cooperation 2009: Agreement on replacement of Nigerian faulty satellite by 2011 (EPCFRN, 2004 & Xinhua 2008, 2009, 2010)

At the first sight, it seems like those in Africa has met their time when Asias prominent dragon and the worlds rising super power showed its notice to them and has been pouring its capital into this poor continent. China, unsurprisingly, claims generosity and innocence from their help
China's assistance to Africa was purely selfless, and only aimed to help Africa accelerate its independence, Wen told Yar'Adua. China would continue to work with African countries, including Nigeria, to comprehensively implement the Action Plan adopted during the Sino-Africa Beijing Summit last year for the benefit of all.

(Xinhua, 2008, p.2) High-ranked figures from Nigeria in their turn also express faithful attitude and appreciation to Chinas role in our developments efforts (Ojo Maduekwe interview with Xinhua, 2008, p.2). Former Nigerian Ambassador in China - Victor Chibundu - even said that his country owed a debt of gratitude to the country's forerunners (Xinhua, 2010). Without a doubt, Chinas seemingly positive participation in Nigeria is just another typical example to tell in the continent of Africa. 2.4.2. Bitter taste for Nigerian textile industry The question then would be: Is China that all-good to Nigeria? A perfect image of anything usually gives rise to doubts about it. Our claim here is that the giants mind and logics are different from its nice words. Chinas principal interest in the continent is, not simply sharing with Nigeria and other African countries its prosperity, but advantageous access to their natural resources. Chinas actually focusing primarily on textiles where the speedy growth of Chinese exports adds up to a double whammy for Africa, including Nigeria. Exports of Chinese textiles to Africa are in fact destroying local Nigerian industry while the growth of

30

Chinese exports to the United States is blocking the promising growth of African exports in this field. The negative impacts on Nigerian textiles industry from its counterpart in China can be seen clearly from a manufacturers point of view. The most-heard complaint of Nigerian textile manufacturers is that cheap Chinese products are pricing them out of the market (Abimbola, 2008). Although importation of textile products is prohibited in Nigeria, most of the textile materials found here are foreign products, of which Chinese products comprises of about 80% to 90%, said the DG of the Nigerian Textile Manufacturers Association (Abimbola, 2008). As a matter of fact, Nigeria market has been a dumping ground for goods from the so-called the Asian Tigers because the locally produced goods cannot compete, not in terms of quality but in terms of production cost (Vanguard, 2003). Foreign products, including Chinese, are even making life harder for laborers in this African country. While cotton and garment industry used to provide employment to the largest number of Nigerians, generated 25 per cent of the GDP and contributed 20 per cent of corporate taxation revenue in Nigeria (Amachree, 2010), the situation has dramatically changed since the appearance of China
More than one million other persons whose jobs are linked to the textile industry, such as traders and cotton farmers have lost their means of livelihood as a result of the closures. Presently, there are just about 50,000 workers left in the textile sector which used to be the highest employer of labour (Aremu,

quoted in Toye Olori, 2005)

In general, Chinese expansion - which is not only found in Nigeria - very much depicts China as a neo-realism follower who grasps resources offshore to fill its internal emergent need of a huge population. Nothing can be argued when a country acts in accordance with its vital right of survival; however, China is feeding itself in an unfair way which leads to destruction of others economy despite its claim of mutual benefits and selfless help.

3. Conclusion on theory employed by China in its policy in Africa

Through these cases in various African countries, its not difficult to draw a conclusion that normative power is not the compass for the policies of China in this continent. Despite the fact that Chinese aids bring a lot of changes to those countries, they are not for the so called mutual benefit. Zambia and China seems to have a sweet relationship. However, the winner is just China with the huge benefit from natural resources taken from Zambia which hardly to 31

be bought in the future. In addition, Zambia also has to suffer from the wave of cheap products and labors from the Chinese mainland, and this is such an inconvenient truth for the Zambians who used to live under the normal living standard. At the same situation as Zambia is Nigeria, relationship between this country and China does not lead to wonderful consequences. Local economy is destroyed because of cheap and fake imported goods from China especially the textile industry. As a result, thousand of Nigerians lost their jobs. The characteristics of Chinese policies toward Africa can also be seen in the case of Angola. In order to guarantee the oil supply from this country, China gives them unconditional aid without any conditions of transparency. Thanks to this fact, corrupted government of Angola has no incentives for improving capabilities. All the so far efforts of international community to help better off Angola political system has become worthless. Help better of the other government - one idea of Normative power is failed to be fulfilled. Moreover, at the last case of Sudan, China has once again proved that she is a neo-realist instead of normative power. The general idea is as long as something is beneficial for China; it goes for it regardless of moral values. In this context, China ignored the crimes of Sudanese government in Dafur, undermined the UNs embargo and keeps supporting the authorities with arms and the other kinds of aids. The Eastern super power also slapped in the face of international law. At the same time, China has used its position in global political table wisely and effectively to protect Sudan although all of these efforts share the same purpose: to maintain the good relationship with oil rich-Sudan, to ensure the benefits of China and to solve the question of natural resource that China has to. In short, national interest is top priority is the slogan that Chinese leaders pursue despite the fact that these benefits will lead to the fall of others interests. Neo-realism hence is the way opted by China to practice in Africa.

IV. Conclusion
To sum up, the paper has dealt with two theories of international relations: Neo-realism and normative power with China as research target, illustrated by its policy towards Africa throughout four case studies in Sudan, Angola, Nigeria and Zambia. Our argument is that although Chinese leaders have never claimed in any of its officially public documents, 32

what they are doing in the poor continent Africa shapes an impression of a normative actor. Chinas actions though represent its determination to counterbalance US and EU, which fits it as a neo-realism follower. The actions, moreover, are very typical in the present international politics status quo of multipolarity. Many have now considered China as a super power, indicating survival is no longer its sole purpose. On the other hand, we argue that if China did not follow its current way, the loud voice it has been speaking in the international stage may no longer exist. A huge population needs the equivalent amount of resources, and offshore exploiting in a resource-rich land like Africa is rational for China. After all, there is no immorality for a government to be realist but to fail as leaders of their very own people. It is also arguable that by heavily investing into Africa, China may undermine the UNs efforts on this continent. The giant has been breaking international law and ignoring international critics as seen in Sudan case despite the urge from the Security Council (UN News centre, 2006) for the sake of oil (about one third of African oil is reserved for China (Hanson, 2008)). Finally, the line between neo-realism and normative power is blurred in reality. Instead, what makes them different is in theory that states claims to be theirs especially in a time when such terms as globalization, integration, cooperation, mutual benefits and liberalization are more trendy than practical. We do not completely deny the existence of international cooperation. In the examination scope of the paper where Chinese goodwill is suspected as for later investment opportunities (Hanson, 2008), nonetheless one has the right to ask the question: Does the normative power actually exist in the most populous country? We hardly believe in a free lunch.

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