"Dancing in a Cage": Changing Autonomy in Chinese Higher Education Author(s): Rui Yang, Lesley Vidovich, Jan Currie Source:

Higher Education, Vol. 54, No. 4 (Oct., 2007), pp. 575-592 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29735132 . Accessed: 25/01/2011 05:01
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=springer. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Higher Education.

http://www.jstor.org

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

DOI 10.1007/S10734-006-9009-5

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

6'Dancing in a cage": higher education

Rui Yang ? Lesley Vidovich

Changing

autonomy

in Chinese

? Jan Currie

Received: ? Springer

2 June 2005/Accepted: 10March 2006/Published Inc. 2006 Science+Business Media,

online:

3 June 2006

In China, the central government has released a series of key policy initiatives Abstract over the last twenty years to foster decentralisation of control over higher education, giving
prominence to discourses of increased autonomy for both universities and academics. This

article reports findings of an empirical study of changing autonomy in Chinese higher education and it focuses on the effects of these key policy developments in two case study
universities. This research was part of a larger study of new power relationships emerging

from changing policies on accountability and autonomy inMainland China, Hong Kong and Singapore, located within a broader context of the impact of globalisation on higher
education. The focus on the three regions was selected to begin to redress a Western

hegemony in such research. The larger study is premised on the principle that globalisation is characterised by ongoing tensions between global commonalities and context-specific differences, and that it is important not to gloss over the complex and often contradictory national and local mediations of "global" policy trends.
Keywords education Autonomy ? Policy ? China ? Devolution ? Globalisation ? Governance ? Higher

(El) of Education, Monash University, 3800, Australia Clayton, Victoria e-mail: rui.yang@education.monash.edu.au Faculty L. Vidovich The University J. Currie Murdoch University, Perth, Australia of Western Australia,

R. Yang

Clayton

Campus,

Crawley,

West

Australia,

Australia

fi

Springer

576 High Educ (2007) 54:575-592 Introduction

Globalisation, with its characteristic compression have of time and space, is seen as the most

fundamental challenge
sponse, higher the education

confronting higher education

systems undergone

in its history
significant

(Scott, 2000).

In re?
&

restructuring a paradoxical

(Currie

Newson,
university,

1998). At the core of the changes

state, and the market. Neoliberal

is a redefinition of relationships between

policies advocated mixture

the

of deregulation and regulation of higher education and put the whole

universities 2003). countries. and academics most this of article into the However, Thus, question on research in many these countries changes by has across been on

idea of autonomy for

the globe conducted (Ordorika, in Western in the People's

makes

a contribution

reporting

research

Republic
hegemony

of China
of research

(hereafter referred to as China),1

into 'global' its key has trends in higher

to begin

to redress the Western to adopt

for some

education.

As China moves
market principles, universities. This

to engage with the outside world and reforms its economy

one of policy positions potential to is to allow strive to achieve autonomy significant greater

'world-class'

move

Chinese universities. Using document and interview data from Nanjing University (NU) and Nanjing University of Science and Technology (NUST), this article analyses how has changed in these two universities. The findings presented here are based autonomy upon fieldwork carried out by the authors in late 2003 and early 2004. The aim of the study
was to capture some of China's experiences of autonomy for universities and academics set

within
China, textual worked better

its cultural complexities. Thus, the early part of the article is devoted to contex tualising the case studies within the broader scene of the higher education landscape in
using both primary for of how the years and case secondary studies at a Chinese economic sources. was Gaining by This an one article, and understanding of the of researchers attempts international the con? who to background for a number understand facilitated

University.

therefore, changing within

expanding and

globalisation and

relations between China and the rest of the world is having implications at the ground level
for the goals, functions autonomy of universities academics that country.

Chinese China's
the most

higher

education

in historical

context is of major
the world's

repositioning
populous and

in the global context

potentially one of

importance to the world as it is

most powerful countries (Price,

1997). By the close of the 18th century, China had developed a durable political system with a unique civilisation that had evolved during 2000 years of imperial his?
tory. During this time, its influence had spread to other countries, particularly to its own those

surrounding
cation few system external

it in East Asia. Over

evolved influences., a unique The imperial

such a long historical process, China's

scholarly examination values according and the system academies

higher edu?
logic with (shuyuan)

set of

were key elements of ancient Chinese higher learning (Hayhoe, 1996). Higher educa? tion circles confined their dissemination of knowledge to the provincial level and re? mained isolated from the rest of the world. As these institutions lacked a liberal arts tradition and autonomy to decide their own directions, they could not be called
universities 1 University constitutional in the western sense.

in Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan autonomy terms, they are all parts of China.

is not considered

in this article,

although,

in

Springer

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

577

The 19th century saw the diffusion of the European model of the university throughout much of the world under conditions of imperialism and colonialism. During this period, Chinese higher education focused on training traditional Confucian scholars with little knowledge of the outside world, and it did not introduce science and technology to pro?
mote limited. economic However, development. as China reformers China's became suggested communication gradually enmeshed with the West was in the West-centred be invited intentionally worldwide into Chinese

developments,

that Western

instructors

institutions. Starting from the 1860s, Western style professional schools were established to train technicians. China's first modern university was founded in 1895 (Chen, 1986) and reforms of traditional higher learning institutions ensued. By 1905, normal and vocational
schools were established, and students were also sent abroad for training, mainly was to Japan,

the United States and Europe (Bastid, 1988).

Immediately after the 1911 revolution, a modern educational system ostensibly

established in tune with the then prevailing world trends. The lack of central government from 1911 to 1927 provided Chinese higher education with the opportunity for vigorous experimentation. This period saw the first real efforts to establish 'universities' in the
western sense of their defining values of autonomy and academic freedom (Hayhoe, 1996).

Different
influences,

strands of China's
facilitated by Chinese

own evolving
scholars who

traditions combined with

returned from Western

various
and

foreign
Japan.

countries

The Chinese university of the Republican Era (1912-1949) began to develop into amature institution, achieving a balance between its Chinese identity and its ability to link with
universities in other parts of the world.

In 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came into power and founded the People's Republic of China (PRC). Subsequently, the PRC began to be isolated from the
West, leading to its leaning towards the Soviet Union. Mao Ze-dong even announced in

1949 that the CCP must "lean to one side". Russians replaced departing Americans and Europeans in Chinese universities, so that by 1952, the Chinese higher education system
imitated Ideas Soviet from other administration, countries, teaching especially methods, those of textbooks, the West, were and even classroom rejected. actively design. on Based

Russian experience and advice, China's First Five-Year Plan (1953-1957) focused on the development of heavy industry. Plans to reform institutions of higher education so as to emphasise technical education were finalised in 1951. Copying Soviet reliance on man? power planning, the Chinese adopted a unified set of plans for student enrolments, job
assignments and curriculum content.

1956, China experienced political turmoil including the Great Leap Forward that devastated higher education (1958-1966) and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976)
along with the fortunes of a generation of teachers and students. When Deng Xiao-ping was and

From

the 'pragmatist' faction reversed Maoist

rational, economic-oriented path

policies

in late 1976 and set China on a more

one of the first tasks undertaken the

to modernisation,

restoration of the educational system (Reed, 1988). The post-Maoist changes in educational policy saw the re-emergence of the old system with its residue of foreign models (Hayhoe, World Bank, began 1984). In the 1980s and 1990s, supranational organisations, such as the to influence Chinese higher education policy. More recently with China's entry into the
World Today and icine, Trade Organisation, higher market education Chinese ideologies is a state are system permeating without their a universities. degree-granting significant

private sector. Its institutions are of various types including general universities
social sciences/humanities), and foreign technical languages) universities, and specialised colleges. institutions Despite agriculture, teacher-training

(natural
med? in

(e.g.

reforms

recent decades, the Chinese

system has remained highly centralised. The administration of

4? Springer

578 High Educ (2007) 54:575-592 higher education institutions follows the vertical and horizontal patterns of general public administration in China (Cheng, 1998). The vertical system is controlled by the central (national) government and the horizontal system is controlled by local authorities, mainly provincial governments. This differentiation of universities is a major factor influencing
the level of autonomy for universities and academics.

The concept of autonomy

We begin this discussion of the conception of autonomy by reviewing 'western' literature.

In doing this, we do not wish to impose these concepts on to the Chinese context but to explore their applicability to Chinese higher education. In our concluding comments, we return to the analysis of how autonomy appears to be developing in Chinese universities. is at the heart of the concept of a 'university'. Derived from the Greek Autonomy
words for "self and "law or customary usage", the word describes the practice of self

government (Snyder, 2002). Levy

cation university as the location control

that is considered
of

a right and responsibility of colleges and universities (1980) provided a working definition of autonomy in higher edu?
authority "somewhere (of within the components self-government)" university" (p. 7). This (p. 4), characterisation or "as is

over

compatible with Berdahl, Graham and Piper's (1971) classical definition where autonomy is seen as the power of a university to govern itself without outside control. Berdahl et al. further suggested a distinction between substantive and procedural autonomy where the
former pursue" refers and to the the latter "goals, refers and programs that an institution policies, to the "techniques to achieve the selected has chosen chosen goals" to

1971, p. 10). More recently, Ordorika (2003) adopted a pluralist per? spective by assessing the extent of autonomy in three broad areas of institutional self (Berdahl et al.,
government: autonomy administrative and course includes to Ordorika, and financial. academic, According appointive appointive, the hiring, of professors, and dismissal and rectors, deans, promotion, career includes choice curriculum academic autonomy policies, personnel; of degree and academic and establishment freedom; selection, requirements, has focussed in higher education boards and universities within on an

financial autonomy focuses on university budgets and financial accountability.

Another tionship way between to understand state autonomy the rela? governing/coordinating interest

Slaughter,
notion academic of

articulation framework. More recent approaches (Gumport & Pusser, 1995; Hardy, 1996; 1993; Slaughter & Leslie, 1997) have focussed on political economy and the
academic capitalism For example, capitalism. on university autonomy researchers and found have that one looked of at the the obvious impact results of is

the diversification of funding sources. A key argument has been that university autonomy can be enhanced and protected through diversifying university funding bases (e.g., Goedegeburre, 1994). While independence from a single source of funding may potentially increase autonomy, there is every possibility that itmay also introduce different types of
constraints when institutions accept private funding. It may be necessary for public uni?

versities to completely break away from government funding to form private institutions (as several UK universities have threatened to do, like Oxford and Cambridge, and US universities, like the University of Virginia and the University of Michigan) to gain greater
autonomy. Another change that traditionally central allowed considerable autonomy has been a

shift from unstipulated or block grant funding to targeted funding, which tends to increase
higher education dependence on governments and place additional constraints on

institutional autonomy fi Springer

(Slaughter & Leslie,

1997). Ironically one of the side effects of

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

neoliberal government measures more to make that aim universities policies resources of governments is the tendency the autonomy of universities. thereby reducing autonomous to introduce policies and more independent

579
of

These

accountability have led to wider

trends towards an "audit society" or "performative society" (Amit, 2000; Ball, 2000). It is against such a global policy context that higher education became a tool for achieving an integrated global knowledge system along market lines (Ball, 1998). The change in governance ideology in higher education towards market principles has altered the ways in which universities are managed (Braun & Merrien, 1999; Currie & Vidovich, 1998; Flynn, 1997; Marginson & Considine, 2000; Slaughter & Leslie, 1997). Arguably,
while there may be some level of enhanced administrative autonomy, increasing financial

and accountability pressures continue to limit the power of universities self govern. This is arguably the case for Chinese universities. Chinese national policy on autonomy

and academics

to

According toNeave and van Vught (1994), there are two models of government steerage in higher education: the state-supervised model and the state-controlled model. The Chinese higher education system has traditionally employed the latter. In the 1950s, the central (national) government assumed the responsibility for formulating higher education poli?
cies, search allocating resources, exercising administrative controls, curriculum, textbooks, staff, developing choosing to university The government-university graduates. universities little with down, autonomy. University enjoying as stated direct central control, by the Provisional government's jobs and re? teaching employing students and assigning recruiting was one-way and top relationship operation was under of Higher the

Regulations

Education Institutions under theDirect Jurisdiction of theMinistry of Education the 1960s as follows:
The establishment, change and cancellation of programs in all these universities

(MoE) in

must

be approved by the MoE... University teaching should be according to the syllabi designed or approved by theMinistry...No programs, syllabi and textbooks should be changed easily. Any substantial changes must be approved by the Ministry. (Shanghai Higher Education Bureau no date, cited in Hu, 2003, p. 4) The 1980s saw a turning point in government-university relationships in China. The transformation from a planned economy (imported from the former Soviet Union) to a market economy from the 1980s under the open-door policy led to profound changes in all
The education of Chinese aspects society. higher was to reforming in a context turned governance sector of was no exception, of the and attention Gov? rapid expansion sector.

ernance reforms were introduced from 1985 when the CCP Central Committee issued the Decision on the Reform of the Educational System (hereafter referred to as the 1985 Decision) at theNational Education Conference, indicating that university autonomy was a priority:
The core part tight of the current over higher education reforms is to change institutional the central under gov? the control to improve their

ernment's

institutions,

autonomy

national principles and plans, so that institutions can build up their closer links to
industry and other sectors, and foster initiatives and capacity to meet economic

and social needs. (Guo, 1995, p. 69)

Springer

580

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

In 1993, the Program for Education Reform and Development in China (hereafter the 1993 Program) was promulgated to reaffirm the 1985 Decision that the central government
was to refrain from direct control of education. Instead, it was to act as a facilitator, giving

all universities more autonomy (Mok, 1999). In 1998 university autonomy was further protected by China's Higher Education Law (Sun, 1999), which legitimated the "Presi? dential Responsibility" system. According to this law, university presidents would become responsible for the formulation of their own institutional policies and long-term devel? opment plans. For example, according to Article 34 of theHigher Education Law (1998) "Based on their own teaching needs, higher education institutions take the initiative in designing their own teaching plans, selecting textbooks and organising teaching activities" (Sun, 1999, p. 62). Likewise within a university, faculties/departments are also meant to
much greater enjoy resource allocation. autonomy in matters relating to teaching, research, personnel and

With a strong push towards decentralisation of higher education (Bray, 1999), including a strengthened role for provincial governments, coupled with marketisation of the higher
education domains of sector, the autonomy research of and universities administration. was, in theory, as to be reported increased by Wang across the teaching, However, (2000),

based on his questionnaire survey of full and associate professors from more than 200 universities in 2000, academic staff recruitment was the only item where more than half of the respondents (55%) considered their institutions had relatively more autonomy than in the past. Autonomy in the other six areas identified in the survey was considered lacking. Specifically, the majority of respondents believed that autonomy was lacking in student recruitment (70%), academic programs (66%), organisational structure (65%), allocation of funds (57%), promotion (55%), income allocation (53%), and recruitment of senior administrators and departmental heads (52%). By the early 2000s, tuition fees were becoming widespread inChinese higher education
as a direct portion of result of reduced from government the central funding government and policies had steadily of of marketisation. decreased. The From pro? 1993 investment

1996, although the central government's

Chinese yuan due to student expansion,

appropriation rose from 13.88 to 21.07 billion

the proportion annual higher education

expenditure decreased from 83% to 70% during this period. The percentage in 2001 was dramatically lower at 53%, demonstrating a significant proportional decline in government resources devoted to higher education. In 2002, the MoE set limits to higher education tuition fees, with different caps for different majors and higher learning institutions with
different relations status. and Thus, the central since the 1980s, the market has become has government to state stepped a "market into university-government manager". this affected The relationship

has taken the shape of a "trinity"

shifting from state control

(Dong, 2003). Furthermore, the role of the government

supervision. How has the autonomy

is
of

institutions and individual academics

in Chinese higher education?

The

case

study

universities

case

study

approach

was

adopted

in this

research

to gain

a deeper

understanding

of

institutional autonomy within individual universities in their unique settings. The univer? sities selected were Nanjing University (NU) and Nanjing University of Science and (NUST). As the main method of data collection, we conducted 21 semi Technology structured interviews in Chinese (Davies, 1997; Punch, 1998) at the two case study sites. fi

Springer

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

These interviews averaged 45 min and were tape-recorded. the They to gain were then simultaneously

581

transcribed and translated into English.

A range of respondents was selected for interviews a better understanding of

university policies
sites, contacts had

from different perspectives. Well

been made with our Chinese

before we

travelled to the research

two professors who were

colleagues,

directors of higher education research institutes at NU and NUST

background understanding with service long-term Through snowball them, we were they and there. able were entr?e to the two universities. us to locate They helped to approach some managers to identify other managers asked to make sure

respectively,

to facilitate
scholars participants. Then, working by

are both They information-rich and

senior

academics. and academics

sampling, so

with

them. All participants were

By doing, we were

required to have at least five years' experience

able that most participants were

in the
knowl?

university.

edgeable about changing policies within their own institutions.

Efforts respondents. resentation more about were made to achieve one major Although in the wider university a range

in Chinese
variation by

higher education at the national

level and

consideration population, and processes.

university policies of

the rank, age, and disciplines among gender, was in selecting their rep? interviewees we also wanted to interview those who knew The spread those of those interviewed was not

quite as dispersed throughout the two campuses as we would have liked but we managed
interview quite individuals and especially who were more senior

to

in the two

universities and who tended to be more aware of higher education policies. We interviewed 11 full professors, 6 associate professors and 4 lecturers; there were 14 males and 7 and the females. In terms of disciplines, 5 were from the sciences/engineering/computing
rest from law, literature, linguistics, education, and the social sciences. In terms of ages,

they ranged from their 50s (7), 40s (6), 30s (5), to their 20s (3). The two case study institutions represent the two most common kinds of universities in contemporary China (Yang, 2002), so the practices of NU and NUST may throw some
light on the general conditions at many similar Chinese universities. However, this article

does not claim that its findings are directly generalisable to other universities inChina. NU is a national university (in the vertical system). It is one of the oldest higher learning institutions in China, consisting of 17 faculties including the humanities, law, international
business, foreign studies, science, engineering, geoscience, life sciences, and medicine,

with 47 departments, the Graduate School and the School of Adult Education. NU runs 70 undergraduate, 180 masters, 116 doctoral programs, and 18 postdoctoral centres.2 It has 75
laboratories on campus, among which are 7 national key laboratories and 3 national

specialised laboratories. There are 28 nationally designated and 10 provincially designated key disciplines. In 2004, there were 38,500 students and of its 2,150 faculty members, 632 were full professors, 23 were members of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and 3 of the Chinese Academy of Engineering, and 3 were Fellows of the Third World Academy of
Sciences. NU has very strong programs in the humanities and social sciences as well as

natural sciences. By contrast, engineering is relatively weak, although it is beginning to build engineering programs. During its long history it has consistently ranked at the top in China, although its rank has slipped in the last few years from third to sixth and this has
been the source of some concern by those within the university. These rankings are

area in 1985 to make use of centres began to emerge within Chinese campuses by discipline Post-doctoral needs holders. They are associated with leading national research and their establishment talented Doctorate to be approved by the Ministry For an account of the work of the post-doctoral of Education. centres, see (1989). Hayhoe

fi

Springer

582

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

conducted by non-government organisations but are widely published and frequently referred to (Liu & Liu, 2005). NUST was founded in 1953 under the direct jurisdiction of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defence. In 2002, this Commission and Jiangsu provincial government decided to jointly develop NUST. Its jurisdiction was completely transferred to the Jiangsu provincial government in 2003-2004.The University has now turned into a multi-disciplinary institution including faculties of science, engineering,
information technology, liberal arts, economics, management, adult education and law,

with special emphasis on engineering. It has been particularly specialised in engineering, with relatively weaker humanities and social science programs. It has 57 undergraduate, 82 Masters and 33 Doctoral programs and 11 post-doctoral centres. In 2004, 29,626 students were enrolled, with 16,599 undergraduate and 5,626 postgraduate students. It had 3,047 full-time staff, of which 1,565 were academics and 3 were members of the Chinese Academy of Engineering. While enjoying a good reputation within the higher education system, NUST does not have the status of NU, nor is it characterised by the liberal
orientation evident at NU. It originated as a military college, and continues to maintain

close links with themilitary. In 2004, the year the data were collected, itwas ranked forty fifth nationally. currently Although universities in the vertical system (national government-controlled) occupy about 5% of Chinese higher learning institutions, their officially designated high status makes them the most influential within the system. Meanwhile technology univer? form the biggest group sities in the horizontal system (provincial government-controlled) among various types of Chinese higher institutions. A detailed discussion of the policies and practices at NU and NUST should begin to shed light on the current state of autonomy in Chinese higher education.

Interview findings In our study, we

autonomy. relationships, The

distinguished
refers with

two levels of autonomy:

autonomy and the latter

institutional and individual

of multiple to the autonomy external of indi?

former especially

to a university's governments,

in its context refers

vidual academics which

synonymous. For

is akin to the notion of academic freedom. Although there is clearly significant overlap between institutional and individual autonomy, they are not
example, be exercised a high degree of institutional autonomy does not necessarily

guarantee a high
autonomy could

level of individual autonomy

to reduce the autonomy

for academics
of individual

and, in fact, university

academics. Therefore,

the views
separately. Most of

of our respondents on institutional and individual autonomy

the themes to emerge where extensively about autonomy were between the richness in common the of two across

are presented
the two case they to

study universities. are noted. Quotes

However, are used

differences to allow

institutions from

existed, respondents

the data

be revealed, and an audit trail is provided with respondents numbered and identified by institution as NU or NUST. We start with the views about institutional autonomy. Institutional autonomy
There was almost now total than consensus ago, among respondents as exemplified by: that universities "Compared with in China the past, have more

autonomy

a decade

autonomy

fi

Springer

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592 given by the country (national government) is much more" (NUST7). However, respondent argued for further enhancing autonomy by marketising more fully:

583 one

The government still uses the thinking of a planned economy. The university should be totally put into themarket and let themarket say if the quality of the university is good or not. It is like farming. The MoE controls what the university should seed; but when there are too many plants, it will blame the university. (NU2) Opinion was divided on international comparisons, which different views: Autonomy
Chinese Western

is reflected

in these two

is still very little compared to overseas.

universities countries. have For obtained all the example, in Germany,

(NUST3)

more than universities in rights, maybe wants more to employ if the university

teachers, it has to be approved by theMinistry of Culture. In China it is very easy. The university has the right to decide. (NUST2) The latter quote points to the increasing autonomy of universities
although there are still limitations. For example, one respondent noted

in appointing staff,
that:

In our province there is an official document specifying that if people from North Jiangsu want tomove to work in South Jiangsu, itwill not be easy. Itmay be easier if you bring talent from abroad. The personnel file and residence registration file was
not easily transferred. It is a little better now because you may be able to reconstruct

a new file, but it relies on your 'good relationship' (guanxi) with the university authorities, if they support you. But if this residence file cannot be transferred, itwill
make things difficult for the university to recruit to arrange an apartment are for academics and for

their children to register in schools. They

wide stability...if you want staff,

(central government]
you restricted

emphasise nation?
their general

within

plan. (NU5) Another respondent noted that "Universities still have no rights to dismiss teachers, except if they offend party discipline and national law" (NUST7). University presidents and secretariats are still appointed by the national and/or provincial governments but
academics nationally. Universities pressure means with The some from placing its desire have increasing, although still limited, to link enrolments the government education. autonomy to human is also As one over enrolments. planning, enrolments explained: There which overall is resource from professors down are now being appointed institutionally, rather than

the national limits to move

government in some areas, and towards mass

increasing respondent

higher every

government don't want books

encourages to because and

almost

it is too much equipment.

university of a burden But

more to accept but students, on the classrooms, teachers, orders us to do

dormitories,

laboratory

the government

that so we have to. There is bargaining between theMoE and universities. They say we should enrol 3000, we say 2000 and they say 3000. But only where students can find jobs does the government encourage enlargement of those fields. (NU 12)
Respondents believed that national universities (e.g. NU) generally have more auton?

omy than provincial universities

have greater and extent) over autonomy some universities have

(e.g. NUST).
of autonomy

The more prestigious universities

(NU and NUST to a (NU of postgraduates

tend to
lesser not but

the enrolment

undergraduates over enrolment

?) Springer

584

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

NUST). If a university has gained permission from theMoE to have a Research Graduate School (approximately 50 across the country), it can offer Masters places, but Doctoral
places this ments, enrolments has are still controlled to change. universities by now the national with have some more government, level of although there control are some over signs total that enrol? of begun some Even government over internal their distribution autonomy as one respondent at NU noted:

between

departments,

although

I think this (power to determine internal distribution of enrolments)

but you still have changes, to report such unplanned it (department as increasing enrolments) or decreasing to the MoE...You the number

is slightly better,
cannot of students make for a

course based on a changed situation after the National Higher Education Entrance
Examinations. Almost all That's respondents new courses. Students majors programs. not allowed. reported Some also and (NU5) that autonomy over the curriculum has increased

greatly in recent times, although again this varies across different universities. The MoE
usually courses past. approves themselves. change their doctoral universities, that some across they the have of sector however, greater lecturers. in the can autonomy They trend also towards introduce than have new in the more remarked have

can They within ?lectives

choice

Variation

increasing

autonomy over enrolments respondent at NUST:

Some rolment. universities The have national subjects Generally

and curriculum

is reflected

in the following

quote from a
en? new

autonomy government out of

and has

some given

have some

not. We

have

autonomy rights to list but we

of set

universities subjects' give

undergraduate one of them.

the national the

speaking

undergraduate not does country

are not to

complete

autonomy

universities.
Universities except that

(NUST5)
are generally to political free to decide where on course content design, the national government and evaluation, The

relating

education

intervenes.3

issue of individual academic freedom in teaching is taken up in the next subsection. The majority of respondents noted tensions between the level of resources and the level of autonomy, as exemplified by: "The University has lots of autonomy but resource allocation still has problems...The government should provide enough funding, including
human resources. If our University cannot provide high salaries to professors, no-one will

come" The
common

(NU4). introduction of tuition fees set by individual universities was one of the most
examples respondents gave of increasing university autonomy, especially at

NUST.
lation

However, education, with many believing

to pay. Further, fees

this continues
were

to be a highly controversial reform in Chinese higher that fees are too high relative to the ability of the popu?
seen by many respondents to breach the "rightful"

responsibility of the government illustrated in the quote below:

to invest in education for the people,

as dramatically

3 on political education are compulsory at university "Two courses" level). One (including postgraduate centres on Marxism, Leninism, Mao Ze-dong Thought and Deng Xiao-ping Theory, and more recently on (1) CCP should always represent the most advanced production power Jiang Zemin's Three Representatives: in science and technology; (2) CCP should always indicate the future direction towards which the advanced culture of China should go; (3) CCP should always represent the basic benefits for the mass of the Chinese people. The second course is on political character and moral education.

?} Springer

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

The autonomy of running the university controls is much more than before. In the past

585

everything was planned,

plan reported by

including tuition fees. Nowadays

and fees 'a little'

the MoE
they

just sights the

cannot be too

the university

because

high. The reason is that this year inwestern China, a student suicided and last year a parent suicided because the family could not afford tuition fees. The media had a
series of reports and lots of people said fees should not be raised. In western

countries the tuition fee is a limited percentage of people's not have enough to pay. (NUST8)
On the one hand, almost all respondents were largely

income. Here peasants do

moves

positive

about

towards

market principles "freeing up" the centralised controls of the Communist past. Unlike the situation in theWest where the decreasing involvement has been criticised, such a trend in China, due to the different historical and contemporary social, has been welcomed economic and political contexts, in particular the longstanding tradition of reluctance to encourage a direct link between education and industry and the lingering discord caused by
the planned On system. hand, many were uncomfortable with the degree more of change?it was for the other

them too far and too fast. The following quotes reflect the tensions between centralised
control and the Most autonomy of the of universities quoted to operate here freely marketplace. respondents argue for various in a higher education forms of compromise to achieving the goal

or "mixed modes"
of rejects a 'world the notion class'

of partial regulation and deregulation,

style corporate university university.

although the final respondent

of a market

as antithetical

The national government transfers the responsibility it should have to universities and parents. My view is that the country should raise the funds and the university should
also adopt appropriate market ways. The national investment should be over 70%, and

universities
China must

should fund the remaining 30%. Now

a planned economy we not should However, from But it does not mean we take

it is around 40%. (NUST2)

economy the aim a profit. ... The because The university our aim university

is transferring create profits. people.

to a market

is to educate

as profits cannot make

has started to ask students to pay an annual fee; it had to be done, otherwise
burden for the country is too heavy. The university also needs the application

the
and

commodification of research to obtain economic profit. The aim of making profits is for the development of education. It is different from a company that does everything only for obtaining profits. (NUST5) and Tsinghua?the best (mainland Chinese) Universities such as Peking
universities?should not be evaluated according to market criteria, but the majority

of universities should be?if the products can be sold and get a good price. If the student graduates are not good, then the reputation of the university will decline and it should answer to the market. The market is fairer. (NUST7) I think if the university wants to be first class in the country or in the world, it should
not use the administrative aim company. The way of a company of companies. is for pursuing The cannot be run like a university maximum which is the worst profits,

thing for running a university because the university is for cultivating people's spirit and it should be full of human culture. The environment should be more relaxed. The
people who want to earn lots of money should not come to university. However, the

university must provide an honourable life for people who are willing education. (NU6)

to contribute to

Springer

586 Several respondents

universities In the to get operating last into two years,

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592 identified (unprompted) the emergence

autonomously extending but after to increase has they are their gone income

of negative
from fees.

implications for
For example: money to not

enrolments entering

too far. Some to study and

pay more and, added

university

reluctant

being very clever, this definitely results in failure. (NUST8)

Nowadays parents pay for sending children to universities, students have started

to demand higher teaching quality...The out has occurred. (NUST1)

phenomenon

of a teacher being drummed

On top of the tensions with the transition from centralised control to deregulated markets in Chinese higher education is the complication of a political system which has evolved from Communism, as highlighted by a majority of respondents across both uni? versities and exemplified in the following quotes:
Teachers do not answer to the market, they answer to the (political) leaders. ... If

totally following

the principle of the market, public politics would be washed out.

(NUST7)
Economic reform is following the track of a market economy and doing very well. Now is the problem of political structure reform. (NUST7) Several respondents from NU, the higher ranked case study university, believed that the government should give different levels of autonomy to differently ranked universities, for example: "Universities ranked in the first 30 should be given autonomy of curriculum set up because those universities will not do any banned things. As to lower level universities,
the autonomy them" (NU2). should From not be given and the government "To develop could enhance the management of should another respondent: education, the government

give freedom to big universities ties" (NU10).

Overall, while institutional

and make
has

them energetic, but control the new universi?

clearly increased in some domains, there are

autonomy

still significant limitations (including low levels of resourcing) which are the source of tensions. One respondent gave an example of the President of Nanjing University putting a to this respondent, the case, publicly, for more autonomy from the MoE. According President was likening reforms within Nanjing University?a "flattening" of the structure
of colleges and departments?to the need for national reforms to devolve more power from

theMoE

to universities: "Last month a Director of theMoE came here.... The President of

that... not 'We wish have such the MoE power" could (NU5). decentralise The current power'. balance

this university said to him face to face He meant that we?the university?did

between government control and university autonomy in Chinese higher education might best be characterised as a "hybrid" of centralisation and decentralisation which takes
variable forms across the sector. In the next section the focus moves from the level of

institutions to individual academics. Individual autonomy for academics

The general trend towards increasing university autonomy in China does not necessarily

translate into increasing autonomy for individual academics. Almost all respondents in this study reported a high degree of individual autonomy or academic freedom in their re?
search. For example, "Nowadays we are advocating academic freedom, and there is much

freedom fi

in research"

(NUST5). Although

some noted that research projects are very

Springer

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

dependent on scarce funds and these can carry expectations to direct the research by

587
those

providing the funds. The availability of funds can also be subject to guanxi, which is a form of interpersonal relationship building where junior staff members are sponsored by senior powerful allies. These themes are reflected in the quotes below: For national projects, which
allowed to have autonomy,

aim to benefit
and also for those

the country, scientists would

projects funded by companies,

not be
you

must follow the needs of the company. (NU3) There is freedom in research except around political issues, but you cannot be guaranteed funding. Funding depends on the private relationship you have with the person who is in charge of funding (guanxi). (NUST7) Another
would not

respondent gave examples of political research that could be too sensitive and
be allowed by the government: "You cannot do research on the June 4th

Incident?its merits, demerits, historical position?or on the Four Basic Principles4?whether to stick to them or not. But you may wish to study Bill Clinton and no-one will interfere with you" (NU5). There was a high level of consensus from respondents that there is increasing freedom in teaching (except in politics where the curriculum is set and students must pass national
exams). students' Chinese learning too many lecturers as they can please. as generally Beyond decide this, what to say in class and how to assess inter? the national government now rarely

feres in curriculum design: "Now

trolled things such

is much better than before. Previously

we just not need to provide

the MoE
the

con?

the curriculum...Now

student

outcomes"
However, into autonomy university

(NU6).
autonomy for to universities academics be very from the MoE on over does individual can to decide curricular these translate necessarily always and pedagogy issues. Some One respondent at NU

departments

prescriptive

domains.

gave examples of restrictions applied at both administration and department levels: At the beginning of the semester, our department (linguistics) will hold a meeting. It will decide on what kinds of materials (such as texts) and teaching methods should
be used. If you do something special, you will be criticised. ...Some of my colleagues

tried to give students more American movies to practice their listening (in English). Others didn't think itwould work because they thought that students would only look at the Chinese characters (subtitles) instead of listening to the dialogue. My col? leagues were criticised by the teaching administration department. (NUI) One respondent at NUST observed that where individual teacher autonomy does exist,
it is not time how though always consuming. to evaluate nascent to longstanding because is very instituting changes practices to choose this respondent felt there was freedom example, although use of examinations, in reality al? there was almost exclusive students, were of examinations "The way is changing changes emerging: gradually. taken up, often For with the other such as oral tests but not

Teachers do not want to change their ways because they feel it is simple to give a test. The
workload is heavier ways the government does

interfere and require them" (NUST9).

4 or "Four Cardinal Principles", in 1979. They introduced the "Four Basic Principles", Deng Xiao-ping are: "We must keep to the socialist road. We must uphold the people's democratic dictatorship. We must the leadership of the Communist Party. We must uphold uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Ze-dong Thought."

fi

Springer

588 High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

Despite widespread noted that acknowledgement among respondents of increasing autonomy for

institutions and individual academics

respondents several gence increased that respondents of university noted

compared with
accountability a single towards

the past, a significant number of

increased measures model. The autonomy. can force "dangers" Further, a conver? of a single

accountability prescriptive

accompanies

structures/functions

model

are colourfully described by the following

respondent:

A famous university must be all flowers in bloom and does not only follow one model. If there is accountability demanded by senior staff, we will do it just to muddle through but it wastes manpower and money. The university is not a
mechanical factory to create standard products. It is to cultivate students. Therefore,

the environment
As noted by

should encourage creativity and innovation. (NU6)

respondents: "The more autonomy the national government gives,

several

the higher requirement it asks for. It requires our university to be a 'world class' university and the pressure increases" (NU9) and "The MoE gave us several hundred million (yuan),
but is always to referring despite dance evaluating the pressure the rhetoric us, on of so how can we and be free?" universities increasing and more academics when Another respondent, out? to account for measurable ' are shackles 'After your explained: (NU8). or perform some

comes,

autonomy,

untied, you are still dancing

you will more perfectly

in a cage. If you undo your shackles, you will not fly away;
elegantly, not overcautiously

unqualified dance against your will"

(NU5).

Concluding University
which based

remarks autonomy
Chinese with

is never an absolute concept but limited by the historical context in

universities the economy of China are also taking central the past, the Chinese it has As moves steps from to open a planned themselves given to a market to greater considerable

universities economy,

develop.

freedoms.

Compared model. students

government

has

autonomy
state-supervised international

to universities. By doing this, it has shifted from a state-controlled model

In terms and of the market, its academic appointments even more up opened to international its student enrolment recruitment.

to a
to

How?

ever, it still operates basically within a restricted, national market for both students and
staff; and, in some cases, this becomes limited to a provincial market. There

continues to be a lack of mobility for students and staff that one might find in theUK or the USA. The central government still has control over key aspects of Chinese higher edu?
cation our policy. two case Some study of these aspects were detected summarizing in our these, interviews with academic to note staff that in this universities. Before it is important

study captured only one point in time in the lives of a small number of academics in two Nanjing universities. Furthermore, our findings have to be understood within the context of
a country Having in a state said of flux. detected several significant, if sometimes, contradictory trends. A that, we

good

illustration of one of these is the paradox of policy discourses

while of universities enhanced also had autonomy to accept concurrent greater with accountability. increased We

about increasing
would will that argue mean

autonomy this mixture

accountability

that the autonomy granted by the government will be somewhat

important what may to note appear that with to westerners China's to be tendency to want to preserve may contradictory patterns

limited. However,

it is

in its society, harmony not be seen in the same

fi

Springer

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592 589

way the Chinese. by in Asian reconstituted Drawing tions between upon In other societies. views, they reported a significant increase in autonomy words, concepts from the West are often redefined and

the respondents'

(both institutional and individual) in the last two decades, while also identifying distinc?
the rhetoric controls there were of and of government "the reality" of policy government example, freedom constraints, appointment a "freeing suggesting up" of centralised to experience. For constraints continued they when said that they had greater respondents

contradictions

evident

in terms

and research and at the same time there were continuing teaching areas of research in terms of political and the sensitive education, especially and party central of the President secretaries within authorities. universities by

These examples
higher The education. issue of

suggest that the CCP still has considerable

autonomy for universities and academics

influence in certain areas of

raises questions about

inevitably

the purposes of universities themselves. Institutions of higher learning have always served their societies; they have never been the isolated ivory towers of popular imagination. Since their inception, they have engaged with the issues of their day, discovered and distributed whatever was at the time deemed useful knowledge and established various,
often last idiosyncratic, two decades financial as with patrons, relationships the Chinese decided government to become more donors, to expand and governments. the sector Over towards the mass

higher education,
allow room

it began to relinquish its monopolistic

forces involved.

role in higher education and to

Policies of decentralisation and

for non-state

marketisation
educational citizens. At more the same public

in the Chinese
resources and

context have been highly

thereby creating other more

instrumental in mobilising
opportunities for

more

learning

Chinese

time,

China, Greater

like many

countries, to external

began

opening

up

its universities that some

to of

scrutiny.

accountability

constituencies

means

the traditional values of universities are often challenged (Kennedy, 2003). When this happens, Kennedy suggests that the task of universities is to develop strategies that will retain the best of what universities have traditionally stood for while responding to new pressures and priorities. The analysis here shows that China is trying to do just that. It has
maintained works via a strong increased role for the state even and accountability a regulator, our it is being though steers at a distance. reconstituted. Considering even The China's state now social,

cultural and historical realities, the government's

continue to act as a facilitator and

role is likely to remain significant. It will

a negotiator that though are it has gained

greater faith in the market

Evidence from

to fulfil some of these roles.

respondents suggests the Chinese passionately

research

engaging with globalisation and market competition and thatmarket ideologies may be an even stronger influence in Chinese higher education than inmany OECD countries. But, markets can also be deaf and blind (Yang, 2003) and thus there may be a role for the state in ensuring equity. Within universities, the challenge is, as suggested by Kennedy (2003),
to identify authorities structures that allow academics, managers decision-making to work in partnership. Outside of universities, partnerships and can governing also extend

beyond
taken.

the university
as Derek

to include external constituencies.

Bok (2003), former president

This

is a path that China has

has warned, it may be

However,

of Harvard,

wise to be cautious in this endeavour. While

increase ties autonomy that private for there universities are often and suggests or corporate hidden

diversifying
constraints different

funding sources might potentially

from emerge, from western universi? with especially the the state and

academics,

the experience that can requirements

funding.

Balancing

market may be a difficulty Chinese

universities will face in the future.

4y Springer

590

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592 (1983) is still

the

is associated with relationships of power and authority. Clark's Autonomy distinction between state (regulatory) and market control as policy mechanisms
useful here. Market-based interventions incorporate financial incentives to change use

behaviours of market participants, and the incentives can subsidise the cost of production
or change price incentives faced by market participants. Regulatory interventions non

market or non-price strategies. They do this through changing regulations or legislation to facilitate, prohibit or regulate certain behaviours. They can also introduce funding pools
that do not give autonomy to market participants but require special submissions or

applications to access the available funds. China is trying to utilise both state and market control mechanisms. This is in line with what Coaldrake (2000) has highlighted in the
Australian context, that is, bureaucrats emphasizing regulating at strategies and conservative

politicians
strengthen market and

wanting more market

both the market and the

practices.
state, often

In Clark's

(1983)
of

terms, the effect

academic autonomy

is to
or

the expense

academic control. The challenge

the university sector.

is to get the mix right among the trinity of the state, the

In relation to general patterns of control in higher education across the globe, Ordorika (2003) identified three types of domains in which universities could have autonomy. It appears that Chinese universities now have greater freedom in the appointive domain for
academics and in the academic domain of self-government over curricular decisions and

they also have some additional financial independence from government in the form of private funds, as neoliberal policies come to dominate. But this latter freedom is a mixed
blessing due to increased regulation of performance-related pay and tuition caps. Olssen,

Codd and O'Neil (2004), writing about educational restructuring in England, point to the dangers of neoliberal policy options that tend to deprofessionalise academics by replacing
autonomy essence and of trust with new forms involves of contractual models accountability a specification and of control. tasks and They duties, argue which that "the is fun?

damentally at odds with the notion of delegated responsibility" (p. 186). It may be too early to raise alarm bells about the influence of neoliberal policies that may change the relationship between the state and universities and individual academics in China. Nev?
ertheless, procedural we can discern but, a shift in the nature of of autonomy, substantive resulting autonomy in some autonomy arguably, a narrowing (Berdahl greater et al.,

1971) with the central government at the helm in China, steering higher education to in a context of globalisation. This has resulted in a type of increase its competitiveness
regulated their autonomy have that been is reminiscent removed, of one they were of our still shackles claims respondent's in a cage". "dancing that even though

Financial support by the Australian Research Council Discovery Acknowledgements Project is gratefully We thank the reviewers for their valuable insights. We also want to thank the participants in acknowledged. the two Chinese that gave us their time to be interviewed. Finally, we are particularly grateful universities for the assistance and the hospitality provided by Professor Gong Fang and Assistant Professor at the Institute of Higher Education Research, University and Director Zhao Min of Nanjing, of Science and Technology. Education Research Institute at Nanjing University Qu Mingfeng of the Higher

References V. (2000). The university as panoptican. and New York: Routledge. world: An Ball, S. J. (1998). Big politics/small 119-130. Education, 34(2), Comparative InM. Strathern introduction (Eds.), Audit cultures perspectives London

Amit,

(pp. 215-235). in education

to international

policy.

?1 Springer

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592 591

and fragmentation in 'postmodern In J. Carter (Eds.) Post schooling'. of welfare (pp. 187-203). London and New York: Routledge. China reform in early twentieth-century (English edition translated by P. Bailey). Centre for Chinese of Michigan. Studies, University Berdahl, R. O., Graham, J., & Piper, D. R. (1971). Statewide coordination of higher education. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Ball, in the market place: Bok, D. (2003). Universities Press. Princeton University The commercialization of higher education. Princeton, NJ: S. J. (2000). Performativity and fragmentation modernity Bastid, M. (1988). Educational

A comparative view. Braun, D., & Merrien, F. (Eds.), (1999). Towards a new governance for universities? London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Issues and tensions in centralisation of education: and decentralization. In (1999). Control Bray, M. R. F. Amove, & T. Torres (Eds.), Comparative education: The dialectic of the global and the loca (pp. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. 204-228). on Chinese modern history of education. Beijing: People's Chen X. X. (1986). Teaching reference materials Education Publishing House (in Chinese). In M. Agelasto, & in the administration and financing of higher education. Cheng, K. M. (1998). Reforms in Post-Mao B. Adamson Education China (Eds.), Higher (pp. 11-27). Hong Kong: Hong Kong Press. University in cross-national Los Clark, B. R. (1983). The higher education system. Academic organisation perspective. Press. of California Angeles: University on the repositioning of the government's Coaldrake, P. (2000). Reflections approach to higher education, or I'm dreaming of aWhite Paper. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Measurement, 10-21. 22(1), J. (Eds.) (1998). Universities Critical Perspectives. Currie J., & Newson, and Globalisation: Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. L. (1998). The ascent of corporate Currie, J., & Vidovich, In R. Martin (Eds.), Chalk lines: The politics universities. Press. 144). Duke University in American and Australian managerialism of work in the managed university (pp. 113

L. (1997). Interviews An In and the study of school management: international Davies, perspective. M. Crossley, & G. Vulliamy countries: Current educational research in developing (Eds.), Qualitative (pp. 133-159). New York: Garland Publishing. perspectives the university, the relationship and society. Fudan between government Dong, Y. C. (2003). Trinity: Education Forum, 1(6), 6-9 (in Chinese). Harvester Wheatsheaf. Flynn, N. (1997). Public sector management. Hempstead: Goedegeburre, L. (Ed.) (1994). Higher education policy: An international comparative perspective. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Gumport, P., & Pusser,

B. (1995). A case of bureaucratic accretion: context and consequences. Journal of 66(5), 493-520. Higher Education, laws in the People's Guo, Q. J. (Ed.) (1995). A collection of education Republic of China. Beijing: Beijing Institute Press (in Chinese). Broadcasting in Canadian Retrenchment universities. Montreal: strategies Hardy, C. (1996). The politics of collegiality: Press. McGill-Queen's University Chinese education. London: Croom Helm. Hayhoe, R. (Ed.) (1984). Contemporary and the open door. New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc. universities Hayhoe, R. (1989). China's A century of cultural conflict. New York: Garland. 1895-1995: Hayhoe, R. (1996). China's universities Fudan Education from state control to state supervision. Forum, Hu, J. H. (2003). Shifting 1(6), 3-5 (in Chinese). as a key policy issue in the 21st century. Educational Kennedy, K. J. (2003). Higher education governance Research for Policy and Practice, 2, 55-70. inMexico: Autonomy in an authoritarian system. New York: Levy, D. C. (1980). University and government Praeger. Liu, N. C, & Lui, L. (2005). University 227. rankings in China. Higher Education in Europe, 30(2, July), 217?

Press. S., & Considine, M. (2000). The enterprise university. Cambridge: Cambridge University Marginson, and the market place in Hong Kong and Mainland China. Higher Education, Mok, K. H. (1999). Education 133-158. 37(2), and higher education relationship across three continents: Neave, G., & van Vught, F. (1994). Government Ltd. of change. Exeter: BPC Wheaton Codd, J., & O'Neil, A. (2004). Education policy. London: Sage. I. (2003). The limits of university Ordorika, autonomy: Power and politics Aut?noma de M?xico. 46, 361-388. Higher Education, Olssen, M., The winds

at the Universidad

National

fi

Springer

592
Price R. F. world Punch, K. Reed,

High Educ (2007) 54:575-592

in China. In T. J. Scrase (Eds.), Social justice and third (1997). Social justice and education Inc. education (pp. 163-180). New York and London: Garland Publishing, to social research: Quantitative and qualitative approaches. London: Sage. (1998). Introduction L. A. (1988). Education in the People's educational exchanges. Republic of China and U.S.?China

for Foreign Student Affairs. D.C.: National Association Washington, In P. Scott (Eds.), Higher Scott, P. (2000). A tale of three revolutions? Science, society and the university. education re-formed (pp. 190-206). London: Falmer Press. in the 1980s: The politics of prestige and gender. Journal of Higher S. (1993). Retrenchment Slaughter, Education, 64(3), 250-282. and the entrepreneurial S., & Leslie, L. L. (1997). Academic Politics, capitalism: policies Slaughter, Press. Johns Hopkins University university. Baltimore: Snyder, M. D. (2002). A question of autonomy: The view www.aaup.org/publications/Academe/2002/02mj/02mjsny.htm administration Sun, C. C. (1999). An introduction to educational Wang Chinese). S. M. (Ed.) (2000). Reports on China's educational (in Chinese). Yang, R. (2002). Third delight: The internationalisation London: Yang, of Education, Routledge. R. (2003). Globalisation 49(3-4), and higher education 269-291. from Salzburg. Academe, retrieved from http:// on 23 November 2004. in China. Hefei: Anhui Education Press (in Beijing: education Beijing Normal New University York and

development. of higher

in China.

development:

A critical

analysis.

International

Review

fi

Springer