United States Africa Command Public Affairs Office 13 December 2011 USAFRICOM - related news stories

Good morning. Please find attached news clips related to U.S. Africa Command and Africa, along with upcoming events of interest for December 13, 2011. Of interest in todays clips:

A blogger says U.S. influence via AFRICOM helped sway the Tunisian military's reaction early last year, and thus helped spur the eventual revolution and overthrow of Ben Ali. The Tunisian assembly names secular Moncef Marzouki, from the Congress for the Republic Party, as the countrys president Militia fighting continues in Tripoli. Provided in text format for remote reading. Links work more effectively when this message is viewed as in HTML format. U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Please send questions or comments to: africom-pao@africom.mil 421-2687 (+49-711-729-2687) -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Top News related to U.S. Africa Command and Africa Did the US give green light for Ben Alis overthrow? (Counterpunch Blog) http://www.counterpunch.org/2011/12/12/did-the-us-give-green-light-for-ben-ali %E2%80%99s-overthrow/ 12 December 2011 by Rob Prince If the French press is right, Ammar also was in close contact with, the then acting head of Africom, General William Ward whom the French suggest played a key if not decisive role in influencing Ammars decision, helping the Tunisian chief of staff understand which ways the political winds were blowing. Tunisian activist, Moncef Marzouki, named president (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-16149119
U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

12 December 2011 Tunisia's Constituent Assembly has elected Moncef Marzouki, a former human rights activist and opposition leader, as the country's president. Several killed in Libya fighting (al Jazeera) http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2011/12/20111212173256123703.html 12 December 2011 Source: Reuters Reports say rival groups in south-west of the capital Tripoli exchanged gunfire, leaving four people dead. Mali arrests Qaeda "subcontractors" for abduction (Reuters) http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE7BB06B20111212 12 December 2011 Malian security forces have arrested four suspects accused of kidnapping two Frenchmen last month on behalf of al Qaeda's North African wing, the West African state said on Monday. Somalia militants publish slain peacekeeper IDs (Reuters) http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE7BB06020111212 12 December 2011 by Mohamed Ahmed Islamist militant group al Shabaab released what it says are ID card scans of eight slain Burundian peacekeepers on Monday, the latest salvo in a growing propaganda campaign around the war in Somalia. Joseph Kabila defends DR Congo Election (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-16141153 12 December 2011 The Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila has rejected claims that he won elections through widespread rigging. Congo election aftermath: some posssible scenarios to avert crisis (CS Monitor) http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Africa/Africa-Monitor/2011/1212/Congo-electionaftermath-some-possible-scenarios-to-avert-crisis 12 December 2011 by Jason Stearns As expected, many Congolese have rejected the results, setting tyres on fire in Kinshasa and launching isolated protests around the country. Tshisekedi has now announced a large opposition demonstration in Kinshasa and other cities for Tuesday, while the opposition UNC party will hold a protest today in Bukavu, focusing on both the election results and the killing of two students over the weekend. Low voter turnout in Ivorian parliamentary elections (France 24) http://www.france24.com/en/20111211-low-voter-turnout-ivory-coast-parliamentaryelections-alassane-outtara-laurent-gbagbo
U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

12 December 2011 Ivorians voted Sunday in parliamentary elections amid a boycott by the party of ousted president Laurent Gbagbo. Turnout was much lower than in the disputed presidential election of 2010, the outcome of which plunged the country into turmoil. ### -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------UN News Service Africa Briefs http://www.un.org/apps/news/region.asp?Region=AFRICA DR Congo: UN mission urges review of issues raised by election observers 12 December The United Nations peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo today called on the countrys electoral authorities to review the issues raised by independent observers about the recent DRC presidential and parliamentary polls, saying there were significant irregularities in the results process. Amid counting in Cte dIvoire, Ban calls on political parties to remain calm 12 December Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today called on Ivorian political parties and candidates to continue to act peacefully as counting gets under way in polls to elect the 225 members of their countrys National Assembly. ICC informs Security Council about Malawian failure to arrest Sudanese leader 12 December The International Criminal Court (ICC) decided today that Malawi failed to cooperate with the court when it did not arrest and surrender Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, who is facing charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, when he visited the Southern African country two months ago. (Full Articles on UN Website) ### -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Upcoming Events of Interest: Tuesday, 13 Dec 2011 WHAT: AFRICOM Commander's Speaker Series: Maj. Gen. Moses Bisong Obi, Force Commander of the U.N. Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS) presents Waging Peace in Independent South Sudan" WHEN: 1:30 p.m. 3 p.m. WHERE: Kelley Theater, Kelley Barracks, Stuttgart, GE CONTACT: J9 WHAT: Center for Global Development (CGD) Discussion on Which Countries Will the Millennium Challenge Corporation Select This Year?

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

WHEN: 8:30 9:30 a.m. WHERE: CGD, 1800 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, 3rd Floor - D.C. CONTACT: 202-416-4000; web site: http://www.cgdev.org SOURCE: CGD event announcement at: http://www.cgdev.org/content/calendar/detail/1425773 WHAT: U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP) Discussion on Negotiating Peace and Confronting Corruption: Challenges for Post-Conflict Societies. WHEN: 10:00 a.m. 12:00 p.m. WHERE: USIP, 2301 Constitution Avenue, NW CONTACT: 202-457-1700; web site: www.usip.org SOURCE: USIP event announcement at: http://www.usip.org/events/negotiating-peaceand-confronting-corruption WHAT: Brookings Institution Discussion " Interpreting the Arab Spring." WHEN: 5:30 - 7:00 p.m. WHERE: 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW; web site: www.brookings.edu CONTACT: 202-797-6105; web site: www.brookings.edu SOURCE: AEI - event announcement at: http://www.brookings.edu/events/2011/1213_aron_arab_spring.aspx ### -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Whats new on www.africom.mil Civil Affaris Team Encourages Students to Pitch In http://www.africom.mil/getArticle.asp?art=7491&lang=0 12 December 2011 by 1st Lieutenant Kathleen Atanasoff, CJTF-HOA Public Affairs Djibouti, Djibouti The U.S. Army 4902nd Civil Affairs Team put its teaching skills to work, using artwork and colorful flip charts to encourage students to pitch in for their school and community, December 6, 2011. ### ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Full Text Did the US give green light for Ben Alis overthrow? (Counterpunch Blog) http://www.counterpunch.org/2011/12/12/did-the-us-give-green-light-for-ben-ali %E2%80%99s-overthrow/ 12 December 2011 by Rob Prince

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

A friend, relative of a Tunisian family in Colorado, today took me for a ride in the hills above the Mediterranean just 2 kilometers north of La Marsa. On the way, we passed the residency of the French Ambassador and nearby, one of the trashed out mansions of the Ben Ali and Trabelsi clans, the two ruling clans that ran the country into the ground economically and politically. The gutted mansion stood on the corner of the road to Gammarth by the Mediterranean where it bisects Rue Hannibal. Down the block is a chic looking restaurant called `Le Cafe Journal. The mansion belonged to Imad Trabelsi, one of Leila Trabelsis nephews, recently sentenced to 18 years in prison by a post Ben Ali tribunal. One of the graffiti notes left on the wall filled with slogans against the Ben Ali years read `Dear Imad Thanks for the wall signed Abdel Aziz. The place was thoroughly trashed, pulverized really, as if hit by a drone missile gone astray from Pakistan! All the other Ben Ali Trabelsi mansions, many of them, like this one built on property expropriated from the state to the two families lie in similar ruin. Not roped off, they remain open to the public. A person can just walk in and look around as we did. Trabelsi did not get along well with the neighbors and didnt seem to care. The unbridled arrogance of the nouveau riche! Trabelsi had the neighbors pay for a retaining wall within the property to insure privacy. The mansion hosted loud and wiDJIBOUTI, Djibouti, I wondered, with the French residence being so close, how close the Trabelsis were to the French diplomats who protected and defended the old order down till the end and at how many Trabelsi wild soirees the French ambassador (or other French diplomats) might have been regulars. Did the ambassador pass by to check out the damage, symbolic at least on some level of the damage done to French Tunisian relations as well. Because France took something of a diplomatic hit from the Tunisian crisis. General Rachid Ammars Dilemma Just at the time Zine el Abidine Ben Ali whose name in Tunisia today is worth less than mud fled Tunisia with a million Tunisians cheering him on to go, a curious article appeared in the French press. It was curious because of its content and brevity. It alleged that the chief of the Tunisian army, General Rachid Ammar was at a loss as to whether or not to obey Ben Alis orders to mow down protesters with machine guns from armored vehicles and helicopters. General Ammar, who has slipped back into obscurity, was caught in the middle between Ben Ali and the Tunisian people. Caught in one of those `damned if you do damned if you dont moments. His crisis was being unable to discern at the time which side in the fight between Ben Ali and `the people would come out the winner. Before January 12, 2011 when 150,000 people demonstrated against Ben Ali in Sfax in a demonstration called by the countrys union movement the UGTT it was not at all clear who would win Ben Ali and his wife, Leila Trabelsi (who was hated in some quarters here in Tunisia even more than the president) or the Tunisian people. Given that making the

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

wrong decision could have cost General Ammar dearly , he needed to weigh his decision carefully. It is exactly at crisis moments like this that former President George Bush tells us, that he consulted God. Maybe General Ammar did too, but if the French press is right, Ammar also was in close contact with, the then acting head of Africom, General William Ward whom the French suggest played a key if not decisive role in influencing Ammars decision, helping the Tunisian chief of staff understand which ways the political winds were blowing. Apparently the United States was betting against Ben Ali. Whatever advice General Ward offered to Ammar, it was enough to help give the good man enough spine needed to refuse Ben Alis order to slay his own people at will. And for that, Ammar became and remains something of a Tunisian national hero, `le centurion du peuple coming only behind the immolated Mohammed Bouazzizi and the million or so demonstrators that marched on Tunis, calling on Ben Ali to make a hasty departure. The French press revealed the details of the Ammar-Ward relationship at that sensitive moment. Let us be clear here, theirs is more than a personal connection. The contact marked a quiet watershed in U.S. Tunisian ties. The French were not pleased the Americans had gotten to Ammar before they did and so the story was leaked in bits and pieces in an effort to press the French government to define itself more clearly on the Tunisian crisis. France defended Ben Ali almost up to the last second, the United States shifted gears and gambled against Ben Ali in the last two seconds, so the U.S. stuck it to France and positioned itself well to influence the flow of events in the post Ben Ali period. France, as nervous about losing its influence in North Africa as it is concerned about the crisis of the euro, responded by trying to regain the influence in Libya which it had lost in Tunisia by pushing NATO to take military action against Khadaffi. The Americans didnt mind if France got its claws in Libya which would be a mess for a long time and therefore be more Frances problem than the U.S.s. Besides Washington could argue this time that it was France that was too quick on the trigger taking a little pressure off what the U.S. was doing unsuccessfully in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and unofficially in Yemen, Somalia and who knows where else. In the end Tunisia would be a much easier country to `help rebuild, Libya more difficult. A U.S. foothold in Tunisia has its own strategic logic, in line perhaps with AFRICOM plans for Africa? Not a bad deal. Lets look at the chain of events. There were signs today not all that difficult to read that the U.S. was at least positioning itself for a post Ben Ali future. It is not that the U.S. engineered the changes, but more that in the Tunisan case, they tried jumping on a running horse rather than blowing it out of existence with bunker busters, smart bombs and torture.

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

First there some of the WikiLeaks dealing with Tunisia making it clear that the State Department had no illusions about Ben Alis lack of popularity, his repressive politics and the money-grabbing nature of the crudely nouveau riche Ben Ali and Trabelsi clans. The statements of the current U.S. Ambassador to Tunisia, Gordon Gray, himself a former Peace Corps Volunteer in Morocco I am told, has consistently praised the transition away from Ben Ali-ism and seems to have played a role in the emerging U.S. approach The evidence is mounting that the U.S. was not unhappy to see Ben Ali go and when they had the opportunity, let that be known to General Ammar through the medium of AFRICOM commander William Ward. The suggestion that came with Wards comments made either directly or in a more coded manner was like manna from Heaven for Ammar. he could assume, rightly or wrongly, that the weight of the United States was behind him, helping prop up his confidence to stand down Ben Ali. An article appeared today (December 11, 2011) taking up the issue of the new U.S.Tunisian relationship. Nawaat.org, an human rights alternative website, published a piece in French by Farhat Othman, former diplomat expelled by Ben Ali for not towing the party line in the 1990s. His piece is entitled La verite sur la revolution tunisienne en dix points (The Tunisian Revolutions Truths Explained in 10 points) in which he asserts that the U.S. supported Ben Alis overthrow, why the Tunisians took the U.S. bait, and what the nature of the evolving U.S.- Tunisian relationship could look like. Perhaps Othman will elaborate on these points in the future, but let me say that for the moment, his is a coherent, credible explanation of the U.S. role. Given the overall record of the United States in the region, complimenting the United States, U.S. Middle East policy in any way in Tunisia is not easy. Othman is taking a lot of heat. His reward for putting forth his ideas so far has mostly to be thoroughly trashed by readers comments, but I think that he has come as close as anyone to explaining the hows and whys of the new U.S Tunisian relationship. Othman begins by calling the uprising in Tunisia, now nearly a year old, a `peoples coup and gives it his full support. In so doing, Othman begins by paying homage to those who actually made the revolution: the countrys youth who paid the price with their blood and suffering. It is not particularly original but it reveals the deep respect and love that the Tunisian people as a whole feel for their youth, those that showed a courage that many older people here could not quite muster, a courage not for themselves but for the country as a whole and in so doing rekindled the wholesome fires that is a long suppressed Tunisian nationalism. What follows however is more original and probably explains what triggered the negative responses. Othman states unequivocally that the Tunisian revolution could not have succeeded on its own without the green light from Washington and the media coverage the protest

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

movement here enjoyed from Al Jazeera. He credits `the green light as the key element that gave the Tunisian military the courage not to fire on demonstrators; that corresponds to what I argued above. I would only add here, that Tunisians did not go asking kindly for permission, with Washington agreeing. It was rather that unable in any way to control the flow of events in Tunisia (or elsewhere in the region these days) the Obama Administration had, for a change, the good sense to roll with the punches so to speak and make the best of it. Had Obama not seen it in U.S. interests to help push Ben Ali aside, he could have made life much more difficult for Tunisias social movement. Othman goes on to claim that Washingtons support for the changes in Tunisia are not as strange as it might seem. Without mentioning the specific cases, he is referring to the U.S. policy of abandoning allies when they are no longer useful. Cases like Marcos of the Philippines, Mobutu of Zaire come to mind. There are many more examples. At times, U.S. global interests needs new face as the old ones have become more a liability than an asset. So it was with Ben Ali. Supporting him too long backfires politically. The U.S. understood this. Sarkozy didnt until it was too late. Othmans point here is that to suggest that the United States was preparing for some kind of change like this in the Arab World. The U.S. Middle East policy has been in crisis for some time. No secret. Some (Im one of them) would go further and say that it is, overall, in shambles with no long term strategy, a more and more militarized policy which just stumbles from one crisis to another. No vision, No de Gaulles to save us from ourselves. It is a policy that has welded virtually every U.S. administration since World War 2 to Arab tyrants secular and religious, and Israeli policies against the Palestinians and neighboring Arab people. To that overall structural rot, long percolating, add the U.S. invasion of Iraq, and the wars in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. The combined impact of these policies has led to a precipitous loss of U.S. prestige throughout the region. At some pointand it sure seems were almost there, the negative reaction that these policies have triggered boil over that they threaten U.S strategic regional interests there (specifically oil and natural gas) unless things change. Supporting the Tunisian `peoples coup gave Washington to change course just to the slightest degree and to identify with the historic movement of the Arab peoples, rather than against itand of course slap the French in the face (it really is a very small slap actually) which pleases Washington. A new alliance? The more controversial part of Othmans hypothesis is that he openly credits the United States for having helped enable the Tunisian changes and doesnt really mind giving the Obama Administration credit for it. It takes a bit of courage to defend that position, and courage on Nawaats part to publish the piece too. The argument is simply that for a

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

moment in time, without illusions, the needs of Tunisian democracy coincide with developing U.S. strategy in the region. Not a marriage of love, but one of convenience. Othman makes this argument in a classically Tunisian manner. It is not out of ignorance of the overall U.S. role in the Middle East. Tunisians, of left, right or center are not stupid. Comes with being a small country! To survive you have to be brighter than bigger and frankly not very nice neighbors Algeria and Libya. The more I watch Tunisian foreign policy, the more I am impressed by both its cosmopolitan nature and its political pragmatism. Tunisians know Washington. But they also know that their close relationship with France over decades have yielded them little to nothing. Othman speaks of Frances claims of solidarity with Tunisia as being `no more than words, and essentially demogagic He s got French Tunisia policy pegged. So what does Tunisia have to lose by distancing itself from France and edging closer to the United States which is just acting, , as any imperialist power would act, trying to enhance its strategic interests in the region and improve its image by befriending Tunisia? This is not the line of reasoning the line of reasoning of a Tunisian neo-conservative pandering to Washington instead of Paris. It is something far different from what I can understand, although it is a gamble for Tunisia rolling the dice with Washington, obviously. Then what is it? Practical choices for small countries are rather limited, at least within the framework of traditional world politics. Tunisia finds itself caught in the dilemma of many of the worlds small countries, trapped as potential pawns in the big power game to try to figure out which way the wind is blowing and what alliances to make with the world powers that might further their national interests. So without the U.S. green light, the Tunisian revolution could have turned to a blood bath. In recognition of the U.S. role, Tunisia opens a new page its relations with the United States, downgrading them a bit (here lets not exaggerate too much) with Paris. Onn the basis premise, Othman is on target . Ghannouchis `informal invitation to the U.S. only reinforces the validity of his views. U.S. Tunisian approaches are being coordinated. Ghannouchi was careful not to let any issue that might sidetrack the cooperation like adding a section of the proposed constitution to complicate the relations. He has made other gestures in the direction of damage control as well. Somewhere along the way, the United States has decided that it will cooperate with Ennahdha and that there is a new U.S.-Ennahdha strategic relationship in the making. Indeed it is already made. Othman gives the Obama Administration credit for understanding Ennahdha better than the French have. The French fear it as yet another manifestation of Islamic fundamentalism masked with a cover of European liberalism. There are some Tunisians here, by the way who feel likewise.

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

The new alliance builds on similar relations the United States has with Turkey. It shows a modicum of realism, a willingness to deal with a Middle East country more on its own terms, rather on terms dictated by Washington and as such, also is an admission of declining U.S. influence as Washington can no longer dictate Middle East policy. It needs to be more flexible to maintain its interests. It is the beginning of recognition in the U.S. Administration of a need for a changed U.S. policy, perhaps too little too late . U.S. policy in the Middle East has done enormous damage already that will not be so easily undone Yes, there are many problems with this strategic alliance both from Tunisian and the United States point of view but in a region where the U.S. is drowning in bad and inhumane policies contrast its current support for Tunisian democracy with its policies towards much more strategically important Egypt, it is at least a glimmer of hope on an otherwise dark regional tableau. ### Tunisian activist, Moncef Marzouki, named president (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-16149119 12 December 2011 Tunisia's Constituent Assembly has elected Moncef Marzouki, a former human rights activist and opposition leader, as the country's president. Mr Marzouki comes from the secular centre-left Congress for the Republic party, which came second in recent elections. He spent two decades in exile in Paris before returning to Tunisia in January days after the toppling of former president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. His party had previously been banned. Mr Marzouki, 66, was chosen by 153 out of 217 members of the Constituent Assembly. The body was elected in October to draw up a new constitution and appoint a transitional government. One of Mr Marzouki's first tasks will be to formally designate Hamadi Jebali, from the moderate Islamist Ennahda party, as prime minister. Ennahda won 89 seats in October's election making it by far the largest party. ### Several killed in Libya fighting (al Jazeera) http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2011/12/20111212173256123703.html 12 December 2011

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

Rival militias in an area south-west of the Libyan capital have exchanged heavy gunfire after a dispute flared up between them, killing at least four people, say local residents.

They said the latest flare-up began when El-Mashasha fighters killed a militia commander from Zintan on Sunday as his convoy tried to pass through a nearby town. Journalists for the Reuters news agency in Wamis, about 190km from Tripoli, said on Monday the fighting was between members of the El-Mashasha tribe, based around the town, and fighters from the larger town of Zintan in the mountains to the north. Shots, including from machine guns, could be heard and all men and boys in Wamis were carrying AK-47 rifles, the journalists said. They were shown a school and a mosque which had been hit by artillery or rocket fire, and also saw evidence of shells or rockets landing between houses in a residential area. There is a long-standing rivalry between Zintan and the people of the El-Mashasha tribe. This worsened during the seven-month conflict against the rule of former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, who was killed in October. Zintan rose up against Gaddafi while most of the El-Mashasha tribe supported him. Some of the artillery bombardment directed against Zintan during the conflict came from proGaddafi batteries based in areas controlled by the tribe. ### Mali arrests Qaeda "subcontractors" for abduction (Reuters) http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE7BB06B20111212 12 December 2011 BAMAKO (Reuters) - Malian security forces have arrested four suspects accused of kidnapping two Frenchmen last month on behalf of al Qaeda's North African wing, the West African state said on Monday. Mali is under growing international pressure to step up the fight against al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), which is plying a lucrative trade in the ransom of Westerners kidnapped in the Sahel region. "We confirm the arrest of four kidnappers," a spokesman for the Malian presidency said. "They are subcontractors for AQIM, to whom they handed over the hostages," the spokeman said, adding that pictures of the kidnappers would be broadcast on television later on Monday.

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

The two Frenchmen, described by Malian officials as an engineer and a technician who work for a local cement firm, were kidnapped on night of November 23 in the town of Hombori, about 200 km (125 miles) west of the northern city of Gao. AQIM last week claimed responsibility for the kidnapping of the two Frenchmen -whom it described as French spies -- and three other Westerners in a separate incident in the north of Mali a few days later. The spokesman said the suspects are all Malian nationals from the north of the country. Mali said earlier this month it believed the hostages were alive and it was trying to free them. Governments in the Sahel region including Mauritania, Algeria, Mali and Niger are struggling to contain the growing threat by Islamist militants in the region, which has long been a safe haven for rebels and smugglers. French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe said on Sunday security concerns for the Sahel had risen since the Libyan war, there were concerns Mali was not doing enough in regional efforts. "We are extremely worried, because from Libya there was penetration by a number of armed groups that entered the region, so all our work is to convince the countries to coordinate their action against AQIM," Juppe told French media at the weekend. "Mauritania and Niger are committed, Algeria is taking part, but we have to convince Mali to be completely committed." ### Somalia militants publish slain peacekeeper IDs (Reuters) http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE7BB06020111212 12 December 2011 by Mohamed Ahmed MOGADISHU (Reuters) - Islamist militant group al Shabaab released what it says are ID card scans of eight slain Burundian peacekeepers on Monday, the latest salvo in a growing propaganda campaign around the war in Somalia. An African Union force of Ugandan and Burundian troops known as AMISOM has been largely responsible for keeping al Shabaab from ousting Somalia's internationally-backed but weak government. Al Shabaab displayed dozens of bodies in army fatigues to journalists in October, saying they were AU soldiers killed in the latest fighting in the capital. A Reuters photographer counted 76 bodies, some of whom had helmets and flak jackets laid out nearby. The AU acknowledged at least 10 of its troops were killed.
U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

The release of the photographs is part of a publicity war between the militants and neighbouring Kenya, which sent its troops into Somalia more than two months ago after blaming al Shabaab for attacks on tourists and security forces on its soil. Witnesses and anonymous Ethiopian officials say Ethiopian forces also crossed into the nearly lawless country last month to support pro-government militias. "In response to requests from some families in Burundi, Harakat Al-Shabaab Al Mujahideen has decided to publish the details of some of the Burundian soldiers killed during the heavy battles in the Somali capital Mogadishu," Al Shabaab said in a statement. In a message designed to display its authority, the group gave contact details where it said families of Burundian soldiers could seek confirmation if they feared that their relatives had been killed in battle. Al Shabaab opened an account on social media site, Twitter, last week and has exchanged goading messages with Kenyan military spokesman Emmanuel Chirchir. Al Shabaab tweeted that it published the scans because the Burundian authorities were unable to identify the soldiers. Burundian government spokespeople did not immediately comment. Kenya, the region's biggest economy, has been plagued by a wave of low-level strikes since crossing the border. The third attack in two days came on Saturday when a senior intelligence officer in the town of Wajir, near the Somali border, was among several people injured by a roadside bomb while travelling back from celebrations to mark Kenyan independence day. "We had just finished Jamhuri day celebrations. Everybody was either going back home or to the town when suddenly we had a huge blast, dust all over, the vehicle had been hit just opposite the Red Cross office," Rashid Mohamed,a resident who witnessed the incident, told Reuters. ### Joseph Kabila defends DR Congo Election (BBC) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-16141153 12 December 2011 The Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila has rejected claims that he won elections through widespread rigging. The Carter Center observer group said the results "lack credibility", while the Catholic archbishop of Kinshasa said they did not reflect "the truth".

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

Mr Kabila denied this but admitted that "mistakes" had been made. Opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi claimed victory for himself. Several people were killed in weekend protests. After days of delays, Friday's official results which gave Mr Kabila 49% of the vote against 32% for the 78-year-old Mr Tshisekedi. At a news conference in the capital, Kinshasa, Mr Kabila, 40, denied that the results lacked legitimacy. "The credibility of these elections cannot be put in doubt," he said. "Were there mistakes? Definitely, but [the US-based Carter Center] has definitely gone far beyond what was expected." He pointed to his own disappointing scores in the eastern provinces as proof that the election process had been transparent and said these elections were "far better" than those in 2006, when he was first elected. Mr Kabila said he was not surprised by Mr Tshisekedi's declaration of himself as president, but he would press ahead with the task of governing DR Congo and was confident that the economy would achieve double-digit growth in the next two or three years. "We don't have a crisis in this country... We're going to stay calm and continue with the day-to-day activities of the state," he said. The people of this country don't want another turmoil, another conflict, another crisis. That's the last thing we need in the Congo." 'Impossible' turnout The opposition have announced plans to hold protest marches after rejecting Mr Kabila's victory. "We insist that the protests will be non-violent. The population know this may be a long, long walk but they are ready for it," opposition spokesman Albert Moleka told Reuters news agency. Four other opposition candidates have said the election was rigged and should be annulled. DR Congo, a country two-thirds the size of western Europe but with hardly any tarred roads or other basic infrastructure, is trying to recover from the 1998-2003 war which claimed an estimated four million lives.

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

International Criminal Court (ICC) chief prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo warned last week that renewed conflict would be a ticket to The Hague, not power. Mr Kabila's victory in the last election in 2006 led to street battles between government security forces and militias allied to losing candidate, Jean-Pierre Bemba. Mr Bemba is now on trial at the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in neighbouring Central African Republic. In a statement, the Carter Center, which had 26 teams of observers monitoring the elections, pointed to differences in the vote count between areas where Mr Kabila had strong support and areas that favoured Mr Tshisekedi. Some constituencies in Katanga province "reported impossibly high rates of 99 to 100% voter turnout with all, or nearly all, votes going to incumbent President Joseph Kabila", the Center said. Meanwhile in Kinshasa, where Mr Tshisekedi has strong support, results from nearly 2,000 polling station stations were lost - roughly a fifth of the city's total. The Center said the violations it had documented does not mean "the final order of candidates is necessarily different" from official results. The Catholic archbishop of Kinshasa, Laurent Monsengwo, said the results "comply with neither the truth nor justice". The BBC's Thomas Hubert in Kinshasa says the Roman Catholic Church was one of the main election observer groups, with some 30,000 monitors around the country. Archbishop Monsengwo said the results should be challenged in the Supreme Court. "[The court] is called by all Congolese people to say what is really right." However, Mr Tshisekedi said he would not mount a legal challenge against the results. He described the results as a "provocation" and "scandalous and vulgar". "We have done our own calculations and I received 54% to Kabila's 26%. His term is finished. I am the president," Mr Tshisekedi said. Mr Tshisekedi is hopeful that the international community can mediate a solution to the crisis, his spokesman says. Mr Kabila has been president since 2001 following the assassination of his father, Laurent. He is due to be sworn in on 20 December for his second term, but his victory must first be confirmed by the Supreme Court.

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

### Congo election aftermath: some posssible scenarios to avert crisis (CS Monitor) http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Africa/Africa-Monitor/2011/1212/Congo-electionaftermath-some-possible-scenarios-to-avert-crisis 12 December 2011 by Jason Stearns Joseph Kabila was proclaimed winner of the presidential elections on Friday, obtaining 49% of the votes. Etienne Tshisekedi was a distant second, with 32%. As expected, many Congolese have rejected the results, setting tyres on fire in Kinshasa and launching isolated protests around the country. Tshisekedi has now announced a large opposition demonstration in Kinshasa and other cities for Tuesday, while the opposition UNC party will hold a protest today in Bukavu, focusing on both the election results and the killing of two students over the weekend. It is not only some Congolese who find the results hard to believe foreign observers have also expressed skepticism. The Atlanta-based Carter Center published a brief report on Saturday, saying the results "lack credibility." The European Union will be publishing a report today or tomorrow, reportedly with very similar conclusions. What are the main problems with the vote? Perhaps the most obvious flaw is the loss of ballots of between 3,000 and 4,000 polling stations around the country, including 2,000 from Kinshasa and all the results from the territory of Kiri in Bandundu. In the case of the lost Kinshasa votes, some foreign observers believe that these are the same polling stations that Ngoy Mulunda had wanted to invalidate earlier in the week, but was forced to set aside after protests from observers. Then there are the suspicious turnout figures. In several districts, turnout was almost 100%, rates the Carter Center finds "impossibly high." This was the case in several territories of northern Katanga, Joseph Kabila's home turf (or, to be more precise, that of his father). The problem was not just the high turnout, but the fact that it coincided with almost 100% support for Kabila. In the territory of Malemba Nkulu, for example, turnout was 99,46%, with not a single one of the 266,866 votes going to anyone but the incumbent. In Kabongo territory, Kabila also received a perfect score (turnout was 91%), while in Manono, where Kabila received 99,98% of the vote, turnout was 100,14%. While Tshisekedi received very high scores in the Kasais, as well, turnout there was much lower, around 50-60%. The national turnout was 58 percent. Some observers have told me that one way of detecting suspicious turnout figures is to calculate how many voters cast their ballots in a polling station on election day, then multiplying by the number of minutes it takes them on average to cast a vote, taking into account that several people can vote at the same time. If the total is over 20 hours, it is likely that there was something wrong with polling in that station.
U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

Another figure that raised eyebrows were registration numbers. In some rural parts of northern Katanga, the growth in registered voters since 2006 is more than double the national growth rates. In Manono, for example, the number of voters grew by 52% in five years, while in four other Katangan territories growth was over 38% in the same period. The national increase in voters between the two elections was 26%. Finally, the process was flawed. Ballots were seen transported by private means in several cases even by candidates and in some cases ballot bags were opened and altered in violation of official procedures. The Carter Center suggested that in 15% of the compilation centers, security personnel could have influenced compilation; they also pointed out that some election official obstructed access for observers, including in the National Results Center in Kinshasa. In one flagrant case in the capital, the compilation center was closed and when it re-opened a large number of ballots had gone missing. I should emphasize that none of the observers I have spoken with has weighed in on what he or she thinks the real results were. Tshisekedi would have to win 1.5 million votes and Kabila lose the same number for the final results to change. What next? The opposition has until tomorrow to contest the results officially, or the Supreme Court may just confirm Kabila as the winner (at the moment of writing, I don't think the UDPS had done so). The opposition has little faith in the court, as in the run-up to elections a large number of new judges were appointed, many of whom reportedly favorable to Kabila. If a suit is filed by tomorrow, the Supreme Court only has until Saturday to consider it before it has to announce a winner. That amount of time is clearly insufficient given the complexity of the results. Time is hence of the essence. Several solutions have been bandied about in diplomatic circles, some of which involve the creation of an independent commission to audit the results and propose a solution. Who should be a member of the commission and to whom should it report? Not clear the United Nations is very unlikely to take on this kind of role, given the politics in the Security Council. The southern African body SADC, which sent the largest observation mission, is seen by the opposition as pro-Kabila, and South African President Zuma has approved of the official tallies. Others have suggested that a mediator or special envoy should be appointed. However, Kofi Annan has reportedly already turned down an offer other names that have come up are John Kufuor and Alpha Oumar Konare. What could a possible solution look like to electoral disputes? Here, again, different solutions are being mulled over. The official line, taken by many diplomats, is that legal avenues should be pursued i.e. the Supreme Court. However, as mentioned, the opposition does not find this credible. The UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon added that mediation efforts should also be considered, notably by the National Mediation Commission. But many members of this commission, named shortly before the elections, are also considered to be close to the presidency. Some suggest that there only needs to be a re-tally of the results put together at the 169 compilation centers (CLCR). That, however, would not be able to come to grips with the
U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

kind of fraud listed above. Others have suggested a re-vote in selected areas with reported irregularities, a solution that would not address problems of the voter register, but could address many of the other irregularities. Another solution that I have heard of would be to hold another presidential vote, just between Kabila and Tshisekedi this run-off ballot, however, would contravene the electoral law, which states that the presidential ballot is a one-round, plurality-wins vote. The longer it takes to decide on a way forward, the more likely it is that the Supreme Court will declare Joseph Kabila winner and Tshisekedi's supporters will take their frustrations to the streets. ### Low voter turnout in Ivorian parliamentary elections (France 24) http://www.france24.com/en/20111211-low-voter-turnout-ivory-coast-parliamentaryelections-alassane-outtara-laurent-gbagbo 12 December 2011 Ivorians voted Sunday in parliamentary elections amid a boycott by the party of ousted president Laurent Gbagbo. Turnout was much lower than in the disputed presidential election of 2010, the outcome of which plunged the country into turmoil. Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara made a personal call to his countrymen to vote on Sunday as low turnout in parliamentary elections threatened to undermine his efforts to reconcile a deeply divided country. At noon on Sunday it was evident that turnout was going to be far below the 80% that participated in last Novembers disputed presidential election, which brought the country to the brink of civil war. The vote has been boycotted by the party of deposed former president Laurent Gbagbo, who is currently awaiting trial at The Hague in connection with the post-election violence of 2010. Calm reigns in all the polling stations I have seen today, said Lamine, in Abidjan, on FRANCE 24s Observers website dedicated to the Ivorian elections (in French). Voters are arriving in dribs and drabs and other polling stations are opening very late. Its absolutely deserted here concurred Ghislaine, another observer at the same polling station at Sainte-Marie secondary school in the Cocody district of the city. And at noon observer Lasswattara reported that polling stations were "virtually empty". So much so that here in the Yopougon district of Abidjan activists from Ouattaras RDR party are using megaphones to call on people to vote, he wrote on the site. It is aggravating to those people who have no intention of going to the polls. Ouattara needs parliamentary majority The low turnout reflects the decision by Gbagbos Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) party, whose support base was the largely Christian south of the country, to boycott the vote.
U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

The FPI has described Gbagbo's transfer to the International Criminal Court in The Hague last week as a political kidnapping, and denounced what they call "victor's justice". Illiteracy and low education has also played a part in keeping people away from the polling stations. At the Abobo polling station in Abidjan, a town hall spokesman told FRANCE 24s Observers that many people believed that parliamentary elections were less important than presidential votes. He said: Those voters I have spoken with during the campaigning period told me that they had made the effort during the presidential vote last year, that they voted for Alassane Ouattara and that now as leader he can do whatever he likes. They dont understand that he will not be able to govern if he does not have a strong parliamentary majority, that it is parliament that debates and votes on laws, not the president himself. "The election campaign was also too short [one week from December 2 to December 9] to get people out to vote. The path to national reconciliation Despite the apathy and the tensions, Ivory Coast was mostly calm, a far cry from last years disputed election, in which Gbagbo refused to cede power and was eventually forced from office in April by rebel fighters loyal to Alassane Ouattara. Ouattaras support base comes from the Muslim north, and the continued presence of his former rebel fighters on the streets of southern cities such as Abidjan is an ongoing source of frustration for a civilian population subjected to growing corruption in the form of protection rackets. Observer Magnaled, who works in haulage in Abidjan, reported that businesses in the city were at the end of their tether. We are forced to pay 15,000 francs CFA (24 euros) per week per vehicle to armed men who have the liberty of the city, he writes. We can drive freely on the main roads, but on secondary roads they stop our vehicles systematically. Meanwhile, banana traders are on strike because these men are demanding 7,000 francs (11 euros) per load.

Ouattara faces a daunting task. He needs to reconcile a deeply divided country and to integrate the former rebels who fought for him with the countrys pro-Gbagbo armed forces. He also needs to revive the countrys economy which shrank 6% this year while Ivory Coast is the worlds largest cocoa producer and potentially one of Africas wealthier nations.
U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil

But without firm participation from the countrys frustrated electorate, bringing together this fractured country will be an uphill struggle. ### END OF REPORT

U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs Office +49(0)711-729-2687 AFRICOM-PAO@africom.mil