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Understanding Men's Perceptions of Risks and Rewards in a Date Rape Scenario

Leana A. Bouffard and Jeffrey A. Bouffard Int J Offender Ther Comp Criminol 2011 55: 626 originally published online 2 April 2010 DOI: 10.1177/0306624X10365083 The online version of this article can be found at: http://ijo.sagepub.com/content/55/4/626

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Understanding Mens Perceptions of Risks and Rewards in a Date Rape Scenario

Leana A. Bouffard1 and Jeffrey A. Bouffard1

International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 55(4) 626645 2011 SAGE Publications Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0306624X10365083 http://ijo.sagepub.com

Abstract Existing research on date rape has identified important correlations between rapesupportive attitudes and sexual aggression. What remains unclear is the mechanism by which these attitudes are translated into sexually aggressive behavior. This study borrows from a rational choice framework to explore the relationship between attitudes, perceptions of the risks and rewards of engaging in date rape, and selfreported hypothetical aggression in a date rape scenario. Results suggest that rapesupportive attitudes are related to particular patterns of identified risks and rewards of date rape as well as to the self-reported likelihood of engaging in date rape behavior. This supports a perspective that certain attitude structures may alter the risks and rewards that potential offenders consider in deciding whether or not to engage in sexual aggression. Implications for future research and prevention programs are discussed. Keywords date rape, rational choice, rape myths Sexual assault on college campuses has received extensive research attention and has spawned numerous efforts aimed at prevention and control. Reports cite high rates of sexual assault among college students (attempted/completed rape and other forms of sexual victimization), and the vast majority of victims (about 90%) knew their offender (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). A sizable proportion of college women, however,
1

Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, Texas

Corresponding Author: Leana A. Bouffard, College of Criminal Justice, Sam Houston State University, Box 2296, Huntsville, TX 77341-2296 Email: lbouffard@shsu.edu

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still describe the typical rape as a violent, stranger rape involving physical force and resistance (Littleton, Tabernik, Canales, & Backstrom, 2009). In large part because of this, many victims do not define their experience as rape and often do not report the victimization (Fisher et al., 2000; Karjane, Fisher, & Cullen, 2002). Congress responded to the concern over campus crime, and sexual assault in particular, with the Student Right-to-Know and Campus Security Act of 1990 (now known as the Clery Act), which required schools to report campus security procedures and crime statistics, including forcible and nonforcible sexual assault. This law was amended in the 1992 Campus Sexual Assault Victims Bill of Rights to require universities to provide policy regarding sexual assault education and prevention programs and to specify the procedures for handling sexual assault cases (and to alert victims of their options with respect to reporting and available services). Karjane et al. (2002) note that universities are inconsistent in their level of compliance with various aspects of this law. One important portion of the Clery Act focuses on sexual assault education and prevention programs. Many rape prevention programs and research studies have focused on the attitudes that contribute to a likelihood of engaging in sexual aggression. Although a number of attitudinal factors have been identified (Ryan, 2004) and rape prevention programs have met with some short-term success in changing these attitudes (see Gidycz et al., 2001), date rape is still a common occurrence among college students. Focusing on attitudes does not seem to produce long-term impacts on involvement in sexual aggression. The question that remains is how rape-supportive attitudes are transformed into sexually aggressive behavior (Polaschek & Ward, 2002). The current study builds on a curious finding highlighted in some previous work that approaches sexual assault from a rational choice perspective. When asked to report potential costs and benefits of engaging in sexually aggressive behavior, some men report the possibility of legal consequences, recognizing the situation as potentially involving criminal behavior. At the same time, these men report that another potential outcome of sexual aggression is the possibility of developing a future romantic or sexual relationship with the woman (i.e., the victim; e.g., see Bouffard, 2002; Lowenstein, Nagin, & Paternoster, 1997). This pattern of results seems to suggest a disconnect in how these men perceive sexual aggression. To better understand these seemingly conflicting perceptions of sexual aggression, the current study asks college men about the perceived risks and rewards of engaging in sexually aggressive behavior and links their perceptions to underlying attitudinal characteristics and self-reported likelihood of engaging in sexual aggression.

Rational Choice and Sexual Assault

Polaschek and Ward (2002) highlight the extensive body of research that finds a correlational relationship between rape-supportive attitudes (what they refer to as cognitive distortions) and sexually aggressive behavior. What has not been explored as thoroughly is how these cognitive distortions are expressed and how they produce sexual aggression. One potential linkage, derived from rational choice theory, focuses on the

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balance of costs and benefits that individuals consider when choosing criminal or noncriminal behavior (Becker, 1968; Klepper & Nagin, 1989; Paternoster, 1987). Rational choice theorists argue that individuals decide to engage in criminal behavior when they perceive the benefits of that behavior to outweigh the costs associated with it. However, perceptions of costs and benefits are constrained by what individuals attend to during the decision-making process and the attitudes and experiences they bring to the situation (see Cornish & Clarke, 1987). Rational choice researchers have included sexual assault as one of several crime types in studies of the perceived certainty and severity of the costs and benefits of offending (e.g., Bachman, Paternoster, & Ward, 1992; Bouffard, 2002). Others have examined how emotions and certain attitudinal factors affect those perceptions of risks (e.g., Bouffard, 2002; Wright, Caspi, Moffitt, & Paternoster, 2004). Similarly, research on serial sex offenders identifies various hunting patterns, in which offenders seek to minimize the risks (consistent with a rational choice perspective) attendant to victim selection and the assault itself (Beauregard, Proulx, Rossmo, Leclerc, & Allaire, 2007; Beauregard, Rossmo, & Proulx, 2007). Although this research provides some support for incorporating rational choice into an understanding of sexual aggression, these studies have not often incorporated the knowledge gained from a feminist exploration of violence against women (e.g., DeKeseredy & Schwartzs, 1993, courtship patriarchy, characteristics of rape-supportive cultures). To understand the full context of sexual aggression, it is important to consider the impact of attitudinal and sociocultural factors on decisions to engage in the behavior. Theoretically, a rational choice framework allows for the connection of these factors to behavior through perceptions of risks and rewards. Cognitive distortions or rape-supportive attitudes identified in the feminist literature, such as traditional gender norms and rape myth acceptance, may affect the different risks and rewards that individuals attend to in choosing sexually aggressive or nonaggressive behavior. In other words, those individuals who hold rape-supportive attitudes may attend more to perceived rewards (e.g., sexual pleasure) and may discount any potential risks of sexual aggression (e.g., being arrested), tilting their choice more toward engaging in aggressive behavior. Individuals who do not hold rape-supportive attitudes may see more risks and thus choose not to engage in sexual aggression.

Sexual Aggression in the Context of Cultural Norms on Dating and Sex

Research exploring the causes of sexual aggression has expanded from a limited consideration of personal deficits (e.g., biology or psychopathology) to examine broader cultural forces that affect the way in which sexual relationships and rape are perceived. In particular, research asks how norms about dating and sexual relationships create an environment that fosters aggression. Despite a claim to egalitarian attitudes, young adults views of dating and sexual relationships today still reflect traditional, genderstereotyped norms and expectations about male and female roles (Abbey, McAuslan,

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Zawacki, Clinton, & Buck, 2001; Laner & Ventrone, 2000). DeKeseredy and Schwartz (1993) highlight the role of courtship patriarchy in producing power differentials and gender stereotypes of expected behavior in dating relationships. These gendered expectations include male control and female dependence, obedience, and sexual access. Especially on the first date, a womans expected role is reactive (Laner & Ventrone, 2000). Men, on the other hand, are expected to initiate dating and to be the more assertive partner, making the plans, driving, and paying (Laner & Ventrone, 2000; Lloyd & Emery, 2000; Shotland & Goodstein, 1983). In the stereotypical view of sexual relationships as a game or conquest, these expectations apply equally to sexual behavior. Women are not expected to play an active role in initiating sexual intimacy. Rather, they should be subtle, reserved, and reticent, setting the limits for sexual activity (Abbey et al., 2001; Bartoli & Clark, 2006; Shotland & Goodstein, 1983). Muehlenhard and Rodgers (1998) note that traditional sexual scripts involve initial (or token) resistance by a woman regardless of her true intentions to engage in sexual intercourse (see also Lloyd & Emery, 2000). Men, on the other hand, are the seducers, initiating sexual activity and expecting sexual intimacy earlier in a relationship (Abbey et al., 2001; Bartoli & Clark, 2006; Laner & Ventrone, 2000). In this regard, men often misinterpret and overrate womens sexual interest, more often viewing friendly female behavior as seductive or promiscuous in a wide variety of settings (Koralewski & Conger, 1992; Littleton & Axsom, 2003). Men also rely on indirect cues, like the woman going to the mans apartment or engaging in some sexual activity, that are presumed to indicate a womans interest and willingness to engage in intercourse (Abbey et al., 2001; Lloyd & Emery, 2000; Shotland & Goodstein, 1983). At the same time, men underrate or ignore womens resistance to sexual intimacy, viewing it as merely a societal no and not genuine resistance (Littleton & Axsom, 2003; Muehlenhard & Rodgers, 1998). This contradictory set of expectations for womens involvement in sexual activity (on one hand acting as sexual gatekeepers and regulating mens sexual access, but also offering only token resistance as an invitation to seduction) creates an environment ripe for sexual aggression (Lloyd & Emery, 2000). Given the roles provided for men and women in courtship patriarchy and traditional sex scripts, it is not surprising that unintentional or intentional misperception occurs. Women are expected to resist sexual intimacy, and men are expected to overcome that resistance through seduction, persuasion, and coercion, viewing resistance as an invitation for increased effort (Polaschek & Ward, 2002, p. 396). In the highly gender-stereotyped, culturally accepted rules for dating and sex, some amount of coercion and force is viewed as normative (Lloyd & Emery, 2000; Shotland & Goodstein, 1983). Indeed, coercion and force are rationalized in certain circumstances, and these situations are not defined as real rape. One common finding that spans the literature on sexual assault is that sexually aggressive men do not interpret their behavior as rape or as criminal or even as problematic. Rather, they are able to justify their behavior and typically minimize its impact on the victim. In general, many individuals fail to perceive a situation involving forced sexual intercourse as real rape (Estrich, 1987). As Schwartz, DeKeseredy, Tait, and

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Alvi (2001) comment, an event that does not qualify as violent stranger rape may not be perceived as a crime at all (p. 629). Bachman and Paternoster (1993) provide the stereotypical definition of real rape as involving a woman being surprised by a stranger, who violently rapes her despite her physical resistance (see also DuMont, Miller, & Myhr, 2003). Research into cultural expectations about sexual encounters finds that traditional rape scripts involve violent stranger rapes that occur outdoors (Littleton & Axsom, 2003; Littleton et al., 2009). In contrast, the most common type of rape, acquaintance rape, typically occurs indoors among individuals with some type of prior relationship and involves lesser degrees of force and injury (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006). Acquaintance rape is less likely to be viewed as real and is often treated less seriously by the general public, as well as by the criminal justice system (Bachman & Paternoster, 1993; Estrich, 1987; Shotland & Goodstein, 1983). To more fully understand acquaintance rape perpetration and its correlates, it is important to recognize this distinction, particularly within the minds of potential perpetrators.

Justifying Date Rape

Adams-Curtis and Forbes (2004) point to patriarchal culture as a social environment that fosters rape, providing gender-stereotyped expectations for men and women in intimate relationships and encouraging justifications of rape. Schwartz and colleagues (2001) further argue that in a rape-supportive culture, extensive excuses and justifications for rape abound. Justifications center on rape myths, widely held but false attitudes and beliefs that allow men to maintain the image that they are not rapists (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995; Schwartz et al., 2001). Originally explored by Burt (1980), adherence to rape myths is an expression and reification of a patriarchal ideology that excuses or justifies sexual assaults, especially those that do not fit stereotypical images of real rape. These myths include definitions of who constitutes a rape victim and beliefs that women secretly wish to be raped and only report it to get attention (Burt, 1980). Research consistently demonstrates that the degree of adherence to rape myths significantly differentiates sexually aggressive and nonaggressive men (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995). Consistent with the research on rape myths, various studies have identified a number of factors used to justify sexually aggressive behavior. For example, teasing or promiscuous behavior on the womans part is perceived as a justification for coercion and force (Abbey et al., 2001; Koralewski & Conger, 1992; Ryan, 2004). In other words, women who engage in some amount of sexual activity and allow that intimacy to escalate above a certain level are perceived as having no one to blame for their victimization but themselves (Burt, 1980; Ryan, 2004). Shotland and Goodstein (1983) found that a sexual aggression scenario was less likely to be defined as rape if the woman did not protest until after her clothes had been removed. It may be that the myth that men have an uncontrollable sex drive leads some men to see a point of no return in sexual intimacy (Abbey et al., 2001). Thus, women, as the gatekeepers, are responsible for controlling the level of sexual activity and must accept the consequences if intimacy

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reaches a certain point. In addition, a womans resistance is viewed as less genuine, and her no is less likely to be believed after she has engaged in some sexual activity (Adams-Curtis & Forbes, 2004; Littleton & Axsom, 2003; Ryan, 2004) or alcohol consumption (Abbey et al., 2001). In a study of date rape as a rational choice, Bachman et al. (1992) found evidence that certain types of incidents are less likely to be perceived as real rape. Men in their study reported a lower hypothetical likelihood of engaging in sexually aggressive behavior if they viewed the rape scenario as morally offensive. The perceptions of morally offensive behavior, however, were determined by factors including whether the man and woman were dating, whether the woman allowed and willingly participated in some physical sexual activity prior to refusing intercourse, and whether the man refrained from physically injuring the woman. All of these features of the scenario reduced the rating of morally offensive behavior (Bachman et al., 1992), suggesting that such situations do not conform to incidents of real rape in the respondents perspective and providing some justification for the use of coercive tactics. Similarly, Frese, Moya, and Megas (2004) found that both men and women, when presented with ambiguous situations versus stereotypical stranger rape vignettes, attributed a greater degree of blame to the victim and minimized the trauma experienced by the victim. The cultural and attitudinal factors identified in sexual assault research may affect the ways that men view sexual encounters and the potential costs and benefits of engaging in coercive or aggressive sexual behavior. The current study attempts to incorporate these factors into a rational choice perspective with the goal of identifying college mens perceptions of risks and rewards in contemplating sexually aggressive behavior and exploring some of the underlying attitudes that may affect those perceptions. Linking these perspectives will provide a better understanding of how cultural values and rape-supportive attitudes may be translated into actual behavior and will provide guidance for prevention efforts. Given the prevalence of sexual assault on college campuses and the limited effectiveness of current date rape prevention efforts (Fisher et al., 2000; Karjane et al., 2002), a complete understanding of the link between attitudes and behaviors is necessary.

Method Study and Sample Characteristics

Subjects were drawn from a population of male undergraduate students enrolled in an introductory level course at a state university in the eastern United States. A total of 129 men voluntarily participated. Respondents were between 18 and 30 years old, with an average age of 19.7 years. Nearly 57% of the sample was non-Hispanic White. The remaining participants self-identified as Asian (19.4%), African American (14.7%), Hispanic (7.8%), or other (less than 2.0%). Participants were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions: (a) control, (b) nude photograph arousal, and (c) videotape arousal. Men in each of

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the three groups were asked to review the assigned stimulus (control = photographs of fully clothed women from fashion magazines; nude photograph arousal = Playboytype photographs of nude women; videotape arousal = a 10-minute segment of video that depicted an adult male and adult female engaging in consensual intercourse). After reviewing the stimulus, participants were presented with the following hypothetical scenario and were asked to place themselves in the situation. You and Susan have just returned to her apartment after spending the night drinking at a local bar. It is 2 oclock in the morning. You picked Susan up at this bar because, through some friends, you know she has slept with a number of men and has a reputation for being loose. Both of you have been drinking throughout the night and are pretty drunk when you get to Susans apartment. After you get to Susans apartment, where she lives alone, you have a few beers, sit down on her couch, and begin to listen to some music. After listening to music for a few minutes, Susan turns down the lights and begins to kiss you and rub your penis through your pants. In response, you begin to kiss and fondle Susans breasts. You then reach under her skirt and begin to attempt to remove Susans clothes. Susan tells you that she thinks she is not interested in having sex but does not try to physically stop you. After reading the scenario, respondents were asked to answer a number of questions about the scenario itself as well as to complete a survey including attitudinal and demographic measures. It is important to recognize that critics of this type of research design have questioned whether intentions to offend solicited through the use of hypothetical scenarios accurately represent offending. However, there is a large literature linking individual intentions to actual behavior (e.g., Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975; Green, 1989; Kim & Hunter, 1993). In a longitudinal analysis, Green (1989) found a strong, positive correlation between intentions to offend at Wave 1 and actual offending at Wave 2. Pogarsky (2004) demonstrated a relationship between intentions to offend solicited from hypothetical scenarios and a contemporaneous measure of deviance (cheating behavior) within the study setting. Other research has found that key criminological constructs relate to offending regardless of the use of prior actual or projected future criminal activity (Tittle, Ward, & Grasmick, 2003). Thus, the appropriateness of using hypothetical offending intentions in place of actual behavior has been given a good deal of empirical attention in the existing literature, and the hypothetical scenario design is most appropriate for the questions asked in the current study. The design of this study provides a unique opportunity to explore attitudes and how they are expressed in both intentions to offend and perceptions of the risks and rewards of sexually aggressive behavior.

Measures
Sexual coercion and riskreward measures. After reading the scenario, participants were asked to rate on a scale of 0% to 100% how likely they would be to (a) continue

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kissing and fondling Susan when she expressed a lack of interest in sex, (b) say things they did not mean in order to get her to have sex, (c) try to get her drunk in order to have sex with her, and (d) have sex with her even if she protested. The first item was not considered to be clearly coercive (i.e., accepting her refusal for intercourse but continuing to engage in some level of sexual activity), so it was not included as a measure of sexual coercion. The three remaining indicators (saying things they did not mean, trying to get her drunk, and having sex despite her protests) comprised the sexual coercion measures. Participants reported an average likelihood of 45% for saying things they did not mean, almost 20% for getting her drunk, and nearly 6% for having sex despite her protests. In addition to reporting the likelihood of engaging in these behaviors, respondents were asked to think about and list any negative outcomes that might happen to them as a result of having sex with the woman in this situation, as well as any positive outcomes that might occur. The reporting of potential positive and negative outcomes was open ended, allowing respondents to describe their own perceptions of what might occur if they were to have sex under the scenario conditions. Respondents were provided with seven blank lines to write their responses to both the positive and negative outcomes. The participants reported an average of 3.65 negative outcomes (75% reported four or fewer items) and 2.13 positive outcomes (86% reported three or fewer items).1 Arousal and other scenario measures. The study also used an experimental arousal manipulation to explore the impact of sexual arousal level on patterns of consequence reporting. One measure of arousal is the experimental condition to which an individual was assigned (i.e., a categorical variable reflecting control, photo, or video condition). Participants were asked to report on their level of sexual arousal in response to their respective viewing of photographs or videotape. Participants in each of the three groups rated their current level of sexual arousal using a scale ranging from 0% (not aroused) to 100% (very aroused). Respondents were also asked various questions about the scenario itself, including how aroused they would be if they were in the situation, as well as their perception of the womans willingness to have sex (all on a scale from 0% to 100%). Attitudinal measures. Self-control was measured with the 24-item scale developed by Grasmick, Tittle, Bursik, and Arneklev (1993), which includes items assessing the six theoretical components of low self-control (i.e., risk seeking, impulsivity, selfcenteredness, preference for physical tasks, short-term orientation, and temper; Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). Individual items were standardized, and the mean of those items was calculated (Cronbachs alpha = .802). Higher values on the scale indicate higher levels of self-control. Participants also responded to Burts (1980) 11-item rape myth acceptance scale including items such as a woman who goes to a mans home/apartment on the first date implies her willingness to engage in sex; women who go braless or wear short skirts are asking for trouble; and many women have an unconscious wish to be raped. Individual items were standardized, and the mean was calculated to create the Rape Myth Adherence (RMA) scale, with higher values reflecting stronger adherence to rape myths (Cronbachs alpha = .713).

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Results Perceptions of Risks and Rewards

After reading the scenario, respondents were asked to consider the potential costs and benefits associated with having sex with Susan in the hypothetical situation (recall that Susan had verbally refused sexual intercourse). This scenario was clearly viewed as potentially involving criminal behavior, with nearly 75% of the men reporting the possibility of legal consequences (including arrest, rape charges, conviction, and a jail or prison sentence). Participants also indicated potential positive outcomes of having sex with Susan in this situation, and nearly 29% of the respondents reported some type of future romantic or sexual relationship with her. Many of these respondents focused on their own feelings, writing that they might feel closer to her or fall in love with her, developing a real relationship. Others emphasized Susans emotional response, suggesting that she would be flattered, would enjoy it and want more, or that she would want to start dating. One respondent even suggested that she would stay over and make breakfast. Many of these responses mentioned future dating, additional sexual encounters (more hookups), or becoming friends with benefits as positive outcomes of having sex in this situation. When considering the positive or good things that might happen if the respondent had sex with Susan in this situation, one might be tempted to suggest that this group of men was operating under the assumption that Susan eventually consented to intercourse. However, consent was never implied in the scenario or in subsequent questions, and the majority of these respondents also indicated potential legal consequences if they were to have sex in this situation (of the 37 men reporting a future relationship benefit, 81.1% also reported a legal consequence). This suggests that the men who reported both a relationship benefit and a legal cost recognize that sexual intercourse in this situation may potentially be perceived as date rape, but perhaps see it as justifiable or do not define their own potential behavior as date rape. This is illustrated by the types of legal consequences many of the men in this group identified, which were often framed as the respondent being the subject of another persons accusations rather than defining their own behavior as problematic. For example, the same men identifying the relationship benefits noted above also wrote that she could say it was rape, she could tell the police, or she could press charges. Respondents implied some ambiguity in defining the situation, writing that she may claim it to be rape or that it could be considered rape (emphasis added).

Distinguishing the Legal Cost/Relationship Group

The group of men reporting both legal consequences and a future relationship largely realizes that having sex in the scenario could be viewed as date rape, but also views their hypothetical behavior as a form of seduction that could lead to a more extensive romantic relationship. The Legal Cost/Relationship group is identified as those respondents who reported at least one benefit related to a future sexual or romantic

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Table 1. Demographic and Behavioral Characteristics for Full Sample and by Group

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Legal Cost/Relationship group Variable Non-White, % Age Alcohol usea Drug usea Full sample (n = 129) 43.4 19.72 (2.03) 3.87 (1.97) 1.98 (1.73) No (n = 99) 43.4 19.73 (1.82) 3.83 (1.93) 1.98 (1.79) Yes (n = 30) 43.3 19.67 (2.64) 4.00 (2.13) 1.97 (1.54)

Note: None of the differences between groups were statistically significant. a. Alcohol and drug use are both measured on a 7-point Likert-type scale with 1 = never, 4 = sometimes, and 7 = often.

relationship (any responses similar to those mentioned above) and also reported a legal consequence (any responses suggesting police involvement, arrest, charges being filed, etc.). A total of 30 men (23.2% of the sample) fit these criteria. This group was not significantly different from the group of men not fitting the Legal Cost/ Relationship pattern on various demographic and behavioral characteristics, including age, race, alcohol use, or drug use (see Table 1). Low self-control. This pattern of perceived risks/rewards may be related to levels of self-control. Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) suggest that criminal behavior occurs because it is the easiest means of immediate gratification for individuals who are selfcentered and insensitive to others. This would seem to be the case for this group of men whose responses tended to focus on their own sexual gratification and seemingly failed to recognize the consequences of their actions for Susan. Thus, we might expect that these men would show lower levels of self-control than other men.2 However, no significant difference was found between the groups in levels of self-control as measured by Grasmick et al.s (1993) low-self control scale (see Table 2). Rape myths and arousal. Adherence to rape myths significantly distinguished between those men who reported a future relationship benefit plus legal consequences and those who did not (see Table 2). The Legal Cost/Relationship group indicated significantly greater adherence to rape myths (t = 2.365, p < .05). In particular, certain items on the rape myth acceptance scale appear to be closely related to whether an individual reported a legal consequence and a future relationship as potential outcomes of sexual aggression. For example, significant differences were found between groups on items reflecting behaviors presumed to be indicative of a womans willingness to engage in sexual intercourse. Men indicating a possible future relationship despite legal consequences reported stronger agreement with the statements that women who go to a mans home on a first date imply their willingness (t = 3.343, p < .01), that women who go braless or wear short skirts or tight tops are asking for trouble (t = 2.174, p < .05), and that when women let necking or petting go too far, forced intercourse is their own fault (t = 2.852, p < .01).

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Table 2. Bivariate Differences on Attitudinal Measures and Arousal Legal Cost/Relationship group Variable Low Self-Control scale ( = .802) Rape Myth Adherence scale ( = .713) Rape myth adherence items Go to mans home on first date Go braless, wear short skirts or tight tops Let necking, petting get out of hand Many women wish to be raped Experimental arousal manipulation, %a Control group Photo condition Video condition Self-reported arousal level Hypothetical arousal in situation Perceived willingness of the woman to have sex in situation
a. Sample size for each cell in parentheses. * p < .05. **p < .01 (one-tailed).

No (n = 99) 0.028 (0.430) -0.063 (0.547) -0.156 (0.918) -0.105 (1.012) -0.136 (0.951) -0.136 (0.900) 72.1 (31) 81.4 (35) 76.7 (33) 45.367 (30.030) 82.000 (20.570) 41.550 (31.163)

Yes (n = 30) -0.087 (0.398) 0.202 (0.505) 0.515 (1.099) 0.342 (0.891) 0.443 (1.043) 0.447 (1.187) 27.9 (12) 18.6 (8) 23.3 (10) 50.600 (30.094) 88.270 (15.837) 53.200 (25.416)

Test statistic t = -1.313 t = 2.365* t = 3.343** t = 2.174* t = 2.852** t = 2.484** 2 = 1.042

t = 0.835 t = 1.763* t = 2.082*

In addition, men who reported both a legal consequence and a future relationship indicated significantly greater agreement with the item stating that many women have an unconscious wish to be raped (t = 2.484, p < .01). This belief may increase the likelihood of these men perceiving a future positive relationship with the victim by suggesting that she really wants to be coerced into intercourse and will enjoy it, and even if she did not desire sexual intercourse, she is responsible for engaging in activities that led to the use of coercion. As noted previously, these sentiments are echoed in the language these men used when describing both the positive and negative consequences of having sex in this situation (e.g., she could say it was rape, but she would enjoy it and want more). The study participants also took part in an experimental arousal manipulation to examine whether the perception of risks and rewards was altered by level of sexual arousal (see Table 2). The experimental manipulation was not significantly related to the Legal Cost/Relationship pattern of consequences (2 = 1.042, p = .594). Selfreported arousal was also not significantly related to this pattern of reported consequences (t = 0.835, p = .400). Interestingly, men in the Legal Cost/Relationship group reported a significantly higher level of hypothetical arousal when imagining themselves in the situation described (t = 1.763, p < .05), and rated the womans willingness to have sex in the scenario as significantly higher than did the rest of the men

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Table 3. Bivariate Differences on Sexual Coercion Measures (N = 129) Legal cost and future relationship benefit Variable Likelihood of Saying things you didnt mean Trying to get her drunk Having sex despite her protests Top 25% likelihood of (%) Saying things you didnt meana Trying to get her drunkb Having sex despite her protestsc No (n = 99) 42.08 (32.289) 16.22 (25.399) 4.72 (14.882) 25.3 20.2 23.2 Yes (n = 30) 55.07 (34.030) 30.90 (30.049) 9.30 (15.209) 40.0 40.0 40.0

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Test statistic t = 1.906* t = 2.654** t = 1.470 z = 1.460 z = 1.988* z = 1.669*

a. The top quartile includes those reporting a likelihood of 75% or greater. b. The top quartile includes those reporting a likelihood of 30% or greater. c. The top quartile includes those reporting a likelihood of 5% or greater. * p < .05. **p < .01 (one-tailed).

in the sample (t = 2.082, p < .05). These findings provide further evidence supporting the pattern of results identified with the rape myth acceptance scale.

Predicting Likelihood of Sexual Coercion

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, analyses examined the relationship between the pattern of consequences reported by these men and their self-reported likelihood of engaging in sexually coercive behavior (see Table 3). Men in the Legal Cost/ Relationship group indicated that they would be significantly more likely to engage in sexually coercive behaviors, including saying things they did not mean (t = 1.906, p < .05), and trying to get the woman drunk in order to have sex (t = 2.654, p < .01). The difference between groups in self-reported likelihood of having sex with the woman despite her protests was not statistically significant (t = 1.470, p = .072). The three coercion measures were also split to reflect the highest 25% of responses, that is, the group of men reporting the highest likelihood of engaging in each of these behaviors. In terms of saying things they did not mean, the top quartile was defined as those men indicating a likelihood of 75% or greater. About 40% of the Legal Cost/ Relationship group fell into the highest likelihood group compared with about 25% of other men, but this difference was not statistically significant (z = 1.460, p = .076). Significant differences were found for the outcomes of getting the woman drunk and for having sex despite her protests. For getting her drunk, the top quartile was defined as those men reporting a likelihood of 30% or greater. About 40% of the Legal Cost/Relationship group fell into this quartile compared to about 20% of other men (z = 1.988, p < .05). The distribution for the outcome of having sex despite her protests was highly skewed, with the majority of respondents indicating a likelihood of zero.

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The top quartile for this variable was defined as those men reporting a likelihood of 5 or greater. About 40% of men reporting both legal and relationship outcomes fell into the highest likelihood group for having sex despite her protests, compared to 23% of other men (z = 1.669, p < .05). Multivariate analyses were estimated to predict the self-reported likelihood of sexually coercive or aggressive behavior (see Table 4). Based on the prior bivariate analyses, low self-control, rape myth acceptance, self-reported hypothetical arousal in the situation, and perceived willingness of the woman to have sex were included as controls along with age and race (a dichotomous variable, with 1 = non-White). The independent variable of interest is the pattern of consequences (1 = reporting both a legal consequence and a future relationship benefit). Because of the skewed nature of the dependent variables, overdispersed Poisson regression models were estimated.3 In the model predicting the self-reported likelihood of saying things they did not mean, only race and rape myth acceptance were significant predictors. Non-Whites reported a higher likelihood (b = 0.298, t = 2.255, p < .05), and higher levels of rape myth acceptance were also related to higher likelihoods (b = 0.337, t = 2.723, p < .01). The remaining variables in the model, including the legal cost/relationship variable, did not significantly predict the likelihood of saying things they did not mean. A second model estimated the self-reported likelihood of trying to get the woman drunk in order to have sex with her. In this model, higher levels of self-control significantly reduced this outcome (b = 0.761, t = 2.547, p < .01). Higher levels of rape myth acceptance (b = 0.442, t = 2.012, p < .05) and a higher perceived willingness of the woman to have sex (b = 0.010, t = 2.087, p < .05) significantly increased the self-reported likelihood of using alcohol as a coercive tactic. Controlling for these relationships, the dichotomous variable reflecting the pattern of consequences also had a significant impact. Men in the Legal Cost/Relationship group had a significantly higher self-reported likelihood than did men who did not report this pattern of consequences (b = 0.515, t = 2.134, p < .05). Race, age, and hypothetical arousal were not significantly related to the self-reported likelihood of using alcohol coercively. The final overdispersed Poisson regression model predicted the self-reported likelihood of having sex with the woman despite her protests (see Table 4). The impact of race was significant in this model, with non-Whites reporting a significantly higher likelihood of this behavior (b = 0.884, t = 1.970, p < .05). Although significant in the previous model, low self-control did not significantly predict the likelihood of having sex despite the womans protests. Age, arousal in the situation, and the perceived willingness of the woman to have sex were also not significantly related to the dependent variable in this model. Rape myth acceptance and the consequence variable, however, were significantly related to the self-reported likelihood of having sex despite the womans protests. Men with higher levels of rape myth acceptance reported a significantly higher likelihood (b = 0.832, t = 2.314, p < .05). Controlling for the impact of rape myth acceptance, men in the Legal Cost/Relationship group also reported a significantly higher likelihood of sexual aggression (b = 0.760, t = 1.797, p < .05).

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Table 4. Overdispersed Poisson Regression Models Predicting Self-Reported Likelihood of Sexually Coercive Behavior (N = 129) Say things you did not mean b (SE) 2.885 (0.609) 0.298 (0.132) 0.022 (0.028) -0.213 (0.158) 0.337 (0.124) 0.002 (0.004) 0.002 (0.002) 0.149 (0.144) 4.779 1.035 0.515 (0.241) 5.688 2.134* 4.736** 2.255* 0.784 -1.345 2.723** 0.629 0.833 2.168 (0.979) -0.371 (0.246) 0.049 (0.045) -0.761 (0.299) 0.442 (0.220) -0.009 (0.006) 0.010 (0.005) 2.214* -1.508 1.073 -2.547** 2.012* -1.643 2.087* t ratio b (SE) t ratio Try to get her drunk Have sex despite her protests b (SE) 0.067 (1.859) 0.884 (0.449) 0.061 (0.084) 0.184 (0.528) 0.832 (0.360) -0.009 (0.010) 0.004 (0.008) 0.760 (0.423) 5.142 t ratio 0.360 1.970* 0.726 0.348 2.314* -0.937 0.538 1.797*

Variable

Intercept Non-White Age Self-control Rape myth acceptance Hypothetical arousal in situation Perceived willingness of woman to have sex in situation Legal cost and relationship benefit Scale parameter

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*p < .05. **p < .01 (one-tailed).

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Discussion
Researchers have long considered the cultural values and attitudes that are conducive to rape and have found that sexually aggressive men tend to discount the negative impact of rape on victims and endorse justification and excuses for their behavior centered on the womans responsibility in provoking aggression. Although extensive research has demonstrated a link between these types of rape-supportive attitudes and sexual aggression, less is known about why that link exists and how attitudes are transformed into behavior (Polaschek & Ward, 2002). Borrowing from rational choice theories of criminal decision making, the current study examined perceptions of risks and rewards among men contemplating a hypothetical date rape scenario. One particular riskreward pattern was identified among a group of men who do appear to recognize a date rape situation as potentially criminal but still see the potential for a continuing romantic or sexual relationship with the woman (i.e., the hypothetical victim). A number of factors were identified that distinguish this group from other men, including rape myth acceptance and reported likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion. Not surprisingly, the Legal Cost/Relationship group endorsed rape myths to a greater degree than did other research participants. In particular, significant differences were found for a subset of items identifying womens provocation of sexual assault in certain situations. This group of men was more likely to believe that women provoke rape when they wear revealing clothing or allow some level of sexual intimacy to occur. In addition, the potential future relationship identified by these men coincides with stronger endorsement of the belief that some women want to be raped and higher ratings of the hypothetical womans willingness to have sex in the scenario. Although this might suggest that these men do not define their potential behavior as criminal, and instead offer justifications for it, it is interesting to note that these men also reported potential legal consequences of their behavior. A closer look at their description of those consequences, however, reveals that they are merely reporting the potential that someone else (e.g., the victim or another party) might claim that it was rape. In this situation, the other persons perspective does not coincide with the individuals own definition of the incident as rape. It may also be argued that although these men report the possibility of legal consequences, they do not perceive these to be real risks. Given that so few acquaintance rapes are even reported to police (Fisher et al., 2000), the real threat of legal sanctions is minimal. In addition, college men in particular may be surrounded by peers who provide positive reinforcement for the use of coercion and aggression in sexual conquest, and they may have friends who have been sexually aggressive with few repercussions (Schwartz et al., 2001). The data used here provides some insight into this issue. In addition to asking what the potential consequences were for engaging in sex in the hypothetical situation, respondents were asked to rate the certainty of those consequences. Although a full consideration of certainty and severity from a rational choice framework is beyond the scope of this article, the certainty of legal costs in particular is informative to the question at hand. More specifically, men in the Legal Cost/Relationship group rated the certainty of legal consequences as significantly

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lower than did the other men (t = 3.322, p < .001), and the magnitude of the difference was large at nearly 20 percentage points (37.7% certainty for this group versus 56.6% certainty for other men). Taken together, the results presented here indicate that these men do not see legal consequences as a real risk and may view coercion and aggression in the incident as simply the next step in the seduction of a recalcitrant female.

Limitations and Future Research

The pattern of risks and rewards identified in this study and its relationship to various attitudinal factors can be easily understood in the framework of extant research. The ultimate question is how this is related to sexually aggressive behavior. Results presented here clearly identify a link between this pattern of riskreward and the hypothetical likelihood of engaging in sexually aggressive behavior. In multivariate analyses, both rape myth acceptance and the Legal Cost/Relationship riskreward pattern significantly predicted likelihood of sexual aggression, in terms of clearly criminal behaviors including getting the woman drunk and having sex despite her protests. Although this finding provides some evidence of the importance of considering risk reward calculations in the decision to engage in sexual aggression, more advanced structural equation modeling is required to address whether rape myth acceptance, low self-control, moral beliefs, and other potential attitudes and beliefs affect perceptions of risks and rewards, which then affect the actual decision to engage in sexual aggression. Unfortunately, the small size of this sample precludes such analysis, which must be left to future research. Future research should also examine these relationships in an international context. The concepts involved here (i.e., rape-supportive attitudes prevalent in patriarchal societies that affect risks and rewards associated with sexual aggression) are likely applicable to a wide variety of settings. Research, however, has tended to focus exclusively on U.S. and college student samples (a criticism fairly leveled at the current study as well). Research in international settings has identified similar patterns as those studies using American samples (see Frese et al., 2004; Geiger, Fischer, & Eshet, 2004; Krah, Bieneck, & Scheinberger-Olwig, 2007), suggesting that this approach of incorporating the rational choice framework might be generalizable beyond U.S. borders. In addition, although acquaintance rape is prevalent on college campuses, it is certainly not limited to a college population. Research should also explore the relationship between rape-supportive attitudes, perceptions of consequences, and involvement in sexual aggression beyond the college setting. In addition to the need for larger and international samples and more advanced modeling, it is important to recognize that the research protocol and data used were not specifically designed to answer the questions posed in this study. One important limitation is the absence of a measure of prior involvement in sexual aggression. Referred to as an experiential effect in rational choice research (Paternoster, 1987), it is likely that an individuals prior behavior (i.e., engaging in sexual aggression with either no attendant consequences or some form of sanction) shapes his current perceptions of risks and rewards. Future research should consider whether these perceptions

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differ by prior sexual aggression. Likewise, a measure of peer involvement in sexual aggression would provide important context for these mens perceptions. Although these data do provide a unique opportunity to explore the linkage between attitudes, riskreward calculations, and participation in sexually aggressive behavior, future data collection efforts should also specifically target those attitudes and beliefs hypothesized to affect perceptions of consequences as well as sexual aggression. For example, measures of moral beliefs (Bachman et al., 1992) and attitudinal factors such as hostility toward women and adversarial heterosexual beliefs (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995) are important in understanding mens justification of date rape. Furthermore, Ryan (2004) identifies other cognitive components of rape, like sexual preoccupation, deviant sexual arousal, and sexual entitlement. It may be that all of these factors are related and affect how men perceive the potential consequences of their actions, which in turn affect their decisions to engage in sexually aggressive behavior.

Implications for Prevention

With the consistent and persuasive evidence linking certain attitudes to sexual aggression, it is important to consider exactly how those attitudes are translated into actual behavior. This study incorporated rational choice theory to explore the relationship between rape-supportive attitudes, the perceived risks and rewards of engaging in acquaintance rape, and the self-reported likelihood of engaging in acquaintance rape. The evidence presented here supports the need for further research to understand whether and how attitudes and beliefs alter the risks and rewards that individuals attend to in the criminal decision-making process, which may in turn affect whether individuals choose to engage in sexual aggression. Although this question is theoretically interesting in itself, it also raises some important implications for prevention. Prevention programs attempting to change attitudes have met with limited, short-term success and do not appear to affect actual behavior (see Gidycz et al., 2001). Achieving longerterm attitudinal and behavioral change may require a broader focus not just on changing attitudes but on changing the perception of risks and rewards of sexual aggression. With a large population of potential victims and offenders, college campuses and administrators would be well advised to focus on identifying effective prevention programs and strategies. Karjane et al. (2002) note that although many universities have sexual assault policies as required by Federal law (Clery Act) and provide safetyrelated educational programs for students, a minority of those programs address acquaintance rape prevention. Programs that do address it typically focus on the victims role in avoiding risky situations, with little balancing information about the perpetrators responsibility. More common rape-prevention strategies include efforts such as emergency phones, lighting, campus escort services, and other target-hardening approaches, which may serve to reinforce stranger-rape myths while minimizing the more common experience of acquaintance rape. Karjane et al. (2002) point to the need for campus sexual assault education programs that address rape myths, common characteristics of rape situations and perpetrators, the prevalence of acquaintance rape, resources for victims, and clear and specific sanctions for offenders. Based on the

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results from the current study, combining education strategies that break down rape myths and other rape-supportive attitudes with special attention to reducing the perceived benefits and emphasizing the potential consequences of sexual aggression may be an effective strategy for reducing rape on college campuses. Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.

Notes
1. It does not appear that respondents were writing unimportant items to simply fill in the blank lines. Rather, very few of these men included more than five items for both the positive and negative outcomes. 2. Based on existing research, directional hypotheses are possible for nearly all of the variables examined in this study. Therefore, analyses are presented using one-tailed hypothesis tests. 3. In the case of overdispersion in the dependent variable, the standard errors in a Poisson model will be underestimated, resulting in possible Type I errors, incorrectly identifying significant effects. In an overdispersed Poisson model, a dispersion or scale parameter is estimated, which corrects the standard errors (see Gardner, Mulvey, & Shaw, 1995). The scale parameter for each model is presented in Table 4.

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