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Citation: Priyadarshi, P.

, Caste has not evolved from Varna: Tribal and Guild Or igins of Modern Hindu Castes, Itihas ki khoj men, ISSN No. 0975-3672, 2011, 6(1) :7-27. Caste has not evolved from Varna: Tribal and guild origins of Modern Hindu castes By P. Priyadarshi Earlier historians mistakenly tried to find out roots of modern caste system in the Hindu religious texts, where they found the four varnas. In an attempt to fu se the two (caste and varna), they confused the two. Thus authors usually transl ated Sanskrit varna as caste in English. However, contrary to such practices, the caste and Hindu varna system have no relationship. This has been the considered view of many sociologists and anthropologists like Max Weber, Hutton, Srinivas a nd historians like Basham and Thapar. There has been a malicious campaign to malign Hinduism by associating the infamo us caste with Hindu varna. John Campbell Oman (1907) noted, No little amused wonder and supercilious criticism on the part of Europeans has been aroused by the cas te system of India and in this connection it is interesting to recall to mind tha t at certain epochs the law in Europe has compelled men to keep, generation afte r generation, to the calling of their fathers without the option of change.1 Dr B. R. Ambedkar too held that there was nothing unhealthy in the open classes (varnas) of the ancient Hindu society, which were not caste, because caste is a cl osed entity. He expressed in 1916 (emphasis added):2 2 society is always composed of classes. It may be an exaggeration to assert the the ory of class conflict, but existence of definite classes in a society is a fact. Their basis may differ. They may be economic or intellectual or social, but an individual in a society is always a member of a class. This is a universal fact and early Hindu society could not have been an exception to this rule, and, as a matter of fact, we know it was not. If we bear this generalization in mind, our study of the genesis of caste would be very much facilitated, for we have only to determine what was the class that first made itself into a caste A Caste is an enclosed Class. We shall be well advised to recall at the outset that the Hindu society, in commo n with other societies, was composed of classes and the earliest known are the ( 1) Brahmin or the priestly class; (2) the Kshatriya or the military class; (3) t he Vaishya or the merchant class; (4) the Shudra or the artisan and the menial c lass. Particular attention has to be paid to the fact that this was essentially a class system, in which, individuals, when qualified, could change their class, and therefore the classes did change their personnel. Authors like Max Weber, Basham and Srinivas indicated that caste is something en tirely unrelated with Vedic varna, and has nothing to do with varna. Later this view became more widely acceptable. Of late Romila Thapar too subscribed to this view (infra). Max Weber too had traced origin of castes from guilds and tribes, and not from varnas. We shall now see what these authorities had to say. The following quotes are from Bashams book The Wonder That Was India (emphasis ad ded):3 3 The term varna does not mean caste and has never meant caste by which term it is ofte n loosely translated. (p. 35). It was only in late medieval times that it was finally recognized that exogamy an d sharing meals with members of other classes were quite impossible for respecta ble people. These customs and many others such as widow-remarriage, were classed as kalivarjyacustoms once permissible, but to be avoided in this dark Kali age, when men are no longer naturally righteous. (p. 148, top para, last lines). In the whole of this chapter we have hardly used the word which in most minds is most strongly connected with the Hindu social orderIn attempting to account for t he remarkable proliferation of castes in 18th- and 19th- century India, authorit ies credulously accepted the traditional view that by a process of inter marriag e and subdivision the 3000 or more castes of modern India had evolved from the f our primitive classes, and the term caste was applied indiscriminately to both var

na or class and jati or caste proper. This is a false terminology; castes rise a nd fall in social scale, and old castes die out and new ones are formed, but the four great classes are stable. They are never more or less than four, and for o ver 2,000 years their order of precedence as not altered. All ancient Indian sou rces make a sharp distinction between the two terms; varna is much referred to b ut jati very little, and when it does appear in the literature it does not alway s imply the comparatively rigid and exclusive social groups of later times.4 If caste is defined as a system of groups within the class, which are normally endo gamous, commensal and caste exclusive, we have no real evidence of its existence until comparatively late times. (p. 148, para 2). 4 It is impossible to show its origin conclusively, and we can do little more than f aintly trace its development, since early literature paid scanty attention to it ; but it is practically certain that the caste did not originate from the four c lasses. Admittedly it developed later than they, but this proves nothing. There were subdivisions in the four classes at a very early date, but the Brahman gotr as, which go back to Vedic times, are not castes, since the gotras are exogamous , and members of the same gotras are to be found in many castes. (p. 148, last pa ra). Many trades were organized in guilds, in which some authorities have seen the orig in of the trade castes; but these trade groups cannot be counted as fully develo ped castes. A 5th century inscription from Mandsore shows us a guild of silk-wea vers emigrating in a body from Lata (the region of the lower Narmada) to Mandsor , and taking up many other crafts and professions, from soldiering to astrology, but still maintaining its guild consciousness. We have no evidence that this gr oup was endogamous or commensal, and it was certainly not craft-exclusive, but i ts strong corporate sense is that of a caste in the making. Huen Tsang in the 7t h century was well aware of the four classes, and also mentioned many mixed clas ses, no doubt accepting the orthodox view of the time that these sprang from int ermarriage of the four, but he shows no clear knowledge of existence of caste in its modern form. (p. 149, para 2) Indian society developed a very complex social structure, arising partly from trib al affiliations and partly from professional associations, which was continuousl y being elaborated by the introduction of new racial groups into the community, and by the development of new crafts. In the Middle Ages the system became more or less rigid, and the social group was now a caste in the 5 modern sense. Prof J.J. Hutton has interpreted the caste system as an adaptation of one of the most primitive of the social relationships, whereby a small clan, living in a comparatively isolated village, would hold itself aloof from its ne ighbors by a complex system of taboos, and he has found embryonic caste features in the social structure of some of the wild tribes of present-day India. The ca ste system may well be the natural response of the many small and primitive peop les who were forced to come to terms with a more complex economic and social sys tem. It did not develop out of the four Aryan varnas, and the two systems have n ever been thoroughly harmonized (p. 149-150). Another important author was M. N. Srinivas. Following quotes are from his book Caste in Modern India (emphasis added):5 The varna-model has produced a wrong and distorted image of caste. It is necessar y for the sociologist to free himself from the hold of the varna-model if he wis hes to understand the caste system. It is hardly necessary to add that it is mor e difficult for Indian sociologist than it is for non-Indian. (p. 66). The category of Shudra subsumes, in fact, the vast majority of non-Brahminical ca stes which have little in common. It may at one end include a rich, powerful and highly Sanskritized group while at the other end may be tribes whose assimilati on to Hindu fold is only marginal. The Shudra-category spans such a wide structu ral and cultural gulf that its sociological utility is very limited. It is well known that occasionally a Shudra caste has, after the acquisition of e conomic and political power, Sanskritized its customs and ways, and has succeede d in laying claim to be

6 Kshatriyas. The classic example of the Raj Gonds, originally a tribe, but who su ccessfully claimed to be kshatriyas after becoming rulers of a tract in Central India (now Madhya Pradesh), shows up the deficiency of the varna-classification. The term Kshatriya, for instance, does not refer to a closed ruling group which has always been there since the time of the Vedas. More often it refers to the position attained or claimed by a local group whose traditions and luck enabled it to seize politico-economic power. (pp. 65-66). But in Southern India the Lingayats6 claim equality with, if not superiority to t he Brahmin, and orthodox Lingayats do not eat food cooked or handled by the Brah min. The Lingayats have priests of their own caste who also minister to several other non-Brahmin castes. Such a challenge to the ritual superiority of the Brah min is not unknown though not frequent. The claim of a particular caste to be Br ahmin is, however, more often challenged. Food cooked or handled by Marka Brahmi ns of Mysore, for instance, is not eaten by most Hindus, not excluding Harijans. (p. 66) It is necessary to stress here that innumerable small castes in a region do not o ccupy clear and permanent positions in the system. Nebulousness as to position i s of the essence of the system in operation as distinct from the system in conce ption. The varna-model has been the cause of misinterpretation of the realities of the caste system. A point that has emerged from recent field-research is that the position of a caste in the hierarchy may vary from village to village. It i s not only that the hierarchy is nebulous here and there, and the castes are mob ile over a period of time, but the hierarchy is also to some extent local. The v arna-scheme offers a perfect contrast to this picture. (p. 67). 7 About mobility (movement) of a caste from one level of hierarchy to other, Srini vas writes, It is interesting to note that the mobility of a caste is frequently stated in va rna terms rather than in terms of local caste situation. This is partly because each caste has a name and a body of customs and traditions which are peculiar to itself in any local area, and no other caste would be able to take up its name. A few individuals or families may claim to belong to a locally higher caste, bu t not a whole caste. Even the former event would be difficult as the connections of these individuals or families would be known to all in that area. On the oth er hand, a local caste would not find it difficult to call itself Brahmin, Kshat riya or Vaishya by suitable prefixes. Thus the Bedas of Mysore would find it dif ficult to call themselves Okkalingas (Peasants) or Kurubas (Shepherds), but woul d not have difficulty in calling themselves Valmiki Brahmins. The Smiths of Sout h India long ago, in pre-British times, changed their names to Vishvakarma Brahm ins. In British India this tendency received special encouragement during the pe riodical census enumerations when the low castes changed their names in order to move up in the hierarchy. (p. 69). When there were no castes in India, it was the individual which moved up or down in a varna scale. However, after establishment of castes in the last millennium , it was now castes which moved up or down in the varna scale. This was possible because of changeable nature of varna status of the Hindus. Hence, many castes which considered themselves shudra earlier, claimed later a brahmana or kshatriy a status.7 Census of India noted: In every single instance, the claim was that the caste deserved to be enumerated as a higher caste Ahar as Yadava, as Yadava Kshatriya; Aheria as Hara Rajput; Ah ir as Kshatiryas of varied 8 superscripts; Banjaras as Chauhan and Rathor Rajput; Harhai as Dhiman Brahman, a s Panchal Brahman, and Rathor Rajput; Barhai as Dhiman Brahman, as Panchal Brahm an as Vishwakarma Brahman, Bawaria as Brahman; Bhotia as Rajput; Chamar as Jatav Rajput; Gadaria as Pali Rajput; Lodh as Lodhi Rajput; Taga as Tyagi Brahman ... one after the other, sixty three castes, the list alone taking three full pages .8 Thus varna and caste are different by definition, character and origins. Srinivas,

Basham, Thapar and other knowledgeable authors, and even the Supreme Court9 giv e endogamy and heredity as the main and essential features of caste. It is the sam e definition of caste, which Kroeber gave in 1930 in the following words: Caste is an endogamous and hereditary subdivision of an ethnic unit occupying a p osition of superior or inferior rank or social esteem in comparison with other s uch subdivisions10 Eighty years later, this definition has not been significantly improved upon, al though there has been greatly increased understanding both of the Indian caste s ystem and of other systems of stratification. Although sociologists and anthropologists, who can do better analysis of nature and character of a social group, made the difference between caste and varna qui te early, yet historians (other than Basham) could not understand the nature of caste organization. Historians like Kosambi and Thapar subscribed to Risley and other authors racist theory of Indian castes, that the original Indians were subo rdinated by invading Aryans into lower castes and the Aryans placed themselves i n the top castes. However, Thapar recently changed her mind and found that caste s originated from guilds and tribes. 9 It may be understood that original Indian population must have consisted of innu merable tribes based on territoriality. Whether they spoke Austro-Asiatic or Ind o-European or Dravidian or Sino-Tibetan, each such local unit was a tribe. As ci vilization evolved, tribes were incorporated into larger regional civilizations (like Mehrgarh or Harappa). It was only after a level of civilization had been a chieved, that people were considered as classes. Vedas mention these classes. Th e oldest verses of Rig-Veda mentions only two classes, Brahmana and Rajanya (or Kshatriya), and the other two (vaishya and shudra) appear only in the last proti on, i.e. Mandala 10, indicating that these latter classes were products of incre asing civilizational complexity in production, industry and trade. However these classes in the Vedas were not castes, and each Vedic tribe (jana) usually had its members distributed in all the four classes, as we find today in the (scheduled) tribes of India. Vedas gave emphasis on exogamy, i.e. marriage outside the group. Vedic jana-s were most likely gotra-exogamous, pravara-exogam ous, village-exogamous and clan-exogamous. This tended to reduce inter-tribal ri valries by establishing long-distance relations. The tribal identity had regiona lism, whereas varna or class identity was pan-national. This basic Vedic dogma prevented emergence of endogenous castes, as long as Vedi c philosophy guided Hindus until the end of the first millennium AD. This exogam y principle was unique to Hindus, as has been noted by Al-Biruni in about 1000 A .D. in the following words: According to their marriage law it is better to marry a stranger than a relative. The more distant the relationship of a woman with regard to her husband, the be tter.11 10 Although varnas were only few, Vedas always mentioned a large number of Vedic tr ibes (called jana or jan) like Kuru, Puru, Bharata, Panchala etc. These tribes h ad local territories of origin. Each tribe later developed its brahmana, khshatr iya and other classes depending on profession. It is to be noted that Panini men tioned Brahmana among the Nishadas (fishermen) as Nishadagotra Brahmana.12 But when Vedic institutions ended after ancient Indian civilization was terminat ed by Muslim invaders, regrouping of people occurred on ethnicity, tribe, clan, professional guild and religious sect lines, leading to formation of modern cast es. These regroupings were often based on trade-guilds (gold-smith, black-smith, carpenter etc), or micro-geographical territorial origins (like Marwari, Ramgar hiya, Kanaujiya, Mathur etc) or religion (like Lingayat, Kabirpanthi, Satnami et c). Romila Thapars line of thinking was nave but simple: The Aryans came to India from outside and they defeated and enslaved the Dravids. Later the slaves became the shudras. In the year 2002 Romila Thapar took a U-turn, and incorporated in her theory of caste what Basham had said long back. It is likely that she took a lon g time to understand it, and the earlier misinformation by her regarding the Ind

ian caste system was possibly not deliberate. The truth is that, as Srinivas, and Basham too, have pointed out that most of th e Indians can actually never understand the difference between varna and caste. Prof Romila Thapar in her earlier book (1966) used caste to denote varna and sub -caste to denote jati. But in her latest book (2002) she uses the terms varna an d jati in English also, and avoids the word caste, but if she uses it, she uses it for jati and not varna. Prof Basham also had strongly discouraged the use of word caste to mean varna (vide supra). Prof. Thapar explains how jati might have 11 originated from clans or tribes, religious sects and guilds.13 This understandin g was not there in her earlier writings.14 We will now see what Prof. Thapar has said over the matter in 2002 in her book E arly India.15 First she explains the reasons why it had been difficult for the h istorians to understand the caste system: In common with all branches of knowledge, the premium on specialization in the la ter twentieth century has made it impossible to hold a seriously considered view about a subject without a technical expertise in the discipline. (p. xxv) One of the current debates relating to the beginning of Indian history involves b oth archeology and linguistics, and attempts to differentiate between indigenous and alien peoples. But history has shown that communities and their identities are neither permanent nor static. To categorize some people as indigenous and oth ers as alien, to argue about the first inhabitants of the subcontinent, and to t ry and sort out these categories for the remote past, is to attempt the impossib le. It was not just the landscape that changed, but society also changed and often q uite noticeably. But this was a proposition unacceptable to colonial perceptions that insisted on the unchanging character of Indian history and society. (p. xxi v) That the study of institutions did not receive much emphasis was in part due to t he belief that they did not undergo much change: an idea derived from the convic tion that Indian culture had been static, largely owing to the gloomy, fatalisti c attitude to life. (p. xxv) 12 But there are variations in terms of whether landowning groups or trading groups were dominant, a dominance that could vary regionally.This raises the question wh ether in some situations wealth, rather than caste ranking, was not the more eff ective gauge of patronage and power. The formation of caste is now being explore d as a way of understanding how Indian society functioned. Various possibilities include the emergence of castes from clans of forest dwellers, professional gro ups or religious sects. Caste is therefore seen as a less rigid and frozen syste m than it was previously thought to be, but at the same time this raises a new s et of interesting questions for social historians. (p. xxvii) It is curious that there were only a few attempts to integrate the texts studied by Indologists with the data collected by the ethnographers. Both constituted su bstantial but diverse information on Indian society.Those who studied oral tradit ions were regarded as scholars but of another category. Such traditions were see n as limited to bards, to lower castes and the tribal and forest peoples, and as such not reliable when compare to the texts of the higher castes and the elite. Had the two been seen as aspects of the same society, the functioning of caste would have been viewed as rather different from the theories of the Dharma-shast ras. (p. 10). The evolution of this idea can be seen from the Vedic corpus, and since this cons titutes the earliest literary source, it came to be seen as the origin of the ca ste society. This body of texts reflected the brahmanical view of caste, and mai ntained that the varnas were created on a particular occasion and have remained virtually unchanged.Varna is formulaic and orderly, dividing society in four grou ps arranged in hierarchy (p. 63) 13 Prof. Thapars view of the origin of caste, which are consistent with Prof. Bashams views, are:

However, there have been other ways of looking at the origins and functioning of caste society. A concept used equally frequently for caste is jati. It is derive d from a root meaning birth, and the number of jatis are listed by name and are to o numerous to be easily counted. The hierarchical ordering of jatis is neither c onsistent nor uniform, although hierarchy cannot be denied. The two concepts of jati and varna overlap in part but are also different. The question therefore is , how did caste society evolve and which one of the two preceded the other? Acco rding to some scholars, the earliest and basic division was varna and the jatis were subdivisions of the varna, since the earliest literary source, the Vedic co rpus, mentions varnas. But it can also be argued that the two were distinct in o rigin and had different functions, and that the enveloping of jati by varna, as in the case of Hindu castes, was a historical process. The origin of varna is reasonably clear from the references in the Vedic corpus.Th e genesis of the jati may have been the clan, prior to its becoming a caste. (p. 63). Interestingly, an account of Indian society written by the Greek, Megasthenes, in the fourth century BC, merely refers to seven broad divisions without any assoc iation of degrees of purity. He says that the philosophers are the most respecte d, but includes in this group the brahmanas as well as those members of heterodo x sects-- the shramanaswho did not regard the brahmanas as being of the highest s tatus. (p. 62) 14 Jati comes from the root meaning birth, and is a status acquired through birth. Jat i had a different origin and function from varna and was not just the subdivisio n of the latter. (p. 123). The transition from jana to jati or from clan to caste, as this process has somet imes been termed, is evident from early times as a recognizable process in the c reation of Indian society and culture. (p. 422) There are close parallels between the clan as a form of social organization and t he jati. Jati derives its meaning from birth which determines membership of a grou p and the status within it; it also determines rules relating to the circles wit hin which marriage could or could not take place and rules relating to inheritan ce of property. These would strengthen separate identities among jatis, a separa tion reinforced by variance in ritual and worshiptherefore, these are entities wh ich gradually evolved their own cultural identities, with differentiations of la nguage, custom and religious practice. A significant difference between clans an d jatis is that occupation becomes an indicator of status (p. 64) The conversion from tribe or clan to caste, or from jana to jati as it is sometim es called, was one of the basic mutations of Indian social history.. (p. 66) The conversion of clan to jati was not the only avenue to creating castes. Since caste identities were also determined by occupations, various professional assoc iations, particularly urban artisans, gradually coalesced into jatis, beginning to observe jati rules by accepting a social hierarchy that defined marriage circ les and inheritance laws, by adhering to common custom and by 15 identifying with a common location. Yet another type of jati was the one that gr ew out of a religious sect that may have included various jatis to begin with, b ut started functioning so successfully as a unit that eventually it too became a caste. A striking example of this is the history of the Lingayat caste in the p eninsula. (p. 66) Intermediate castes have a varying hierarchy. Thus, in some historical periods th e trading caste of khatris in the Punjab and the land owning velas in Tamil Nadu were dominant groups. (p. 67) Thus the conclusion of these three authors is that caste originated from guilds, tribes and religious sects, and not from varna. Hutton too pointed out that caste system did not originate from the varna system . He explained that the classical explanations for the caste system are not true and any attempt to associate caste with varna is a total non-sense. He also ref uted the theories based on racial differences or those based on imagined conques t by Aryans.16 These views too are consistent with origin of most of the castes

from tribes. Max Weber (1921), an early sociologist of Germany, did not find any caste-like s ocial structure in the Vedas and opined that the Vedic classes were different fr om the modern Hindu castes. He found that modern Hindu castes are more like Euro pean guilds which existed before the modern age in that continent. At that time there were untouchable guilds like Pariah and opprobrious trade guilds, and li turgical guilds too in Europe, which were strictly controlled by caste laws of E urope. Max Weber wrote (emphasis added): Perhaps the most important gap in the ancient Veda is its lack of any reference t o caste. The (Rig-) Veda refers to the four later 16 caste names in only one place, which is considered a very late passage; nowhere does it refer to the substantive content of the caste order in the meaning which it later assumed and which is characteristic only of Hinduism.17 Although Max Weber too translated varna as caste, as we can see in the above quote , yet he was able to discern that the Vedic caste (actually varna) and modern cast es (jati) were entirely different things. Like Basham, Max Weber too was able to find similarities between modern Hindu castes and pre-modern European guilds. H e wrote: In this case, castes are in the same position as merchant and craft guil ds, sibs, and all sorts of associations (of Europe). Guilds of merchants, and of traders figuring as merchants by selling their own produce, as well as craft-guilds, existed in India during the period of the de velopment of cities and especially during the period in which the great salvatio n religions originated. As we shall see, the salvation religions and the guilds were related.18 During the period of the flowering of the cities, the position of the guilds was quite comparable to the position guilds occupied in the cities o f the medieval Occident. The guild association (the mahajan, literally, the same as popolo grasso19) faced on the one hand the prince, and on the other the econ omically dependent artisans. These relations were about the same as those faced by the great guilds of literati and of merchants with the lower craft-guilds (po polo minuto20) of the Occident. In the same way, associations of lower craft gui lds existed in India (the panch). Moreover, the liturgical guild of Egyptian and late Roman character was perhaps not entirely lacking in the emerging patrimoni al states of India. The merchant and craft guilds of the Occident cultivated religious interests as d id the castes. In connection with these interests, questions of social rank also played a considerable role among guilds. Which rank 17 order the guilds should follow, for instance, during processions, was a question occasionally fought over more stubbornly than questions of economic interest. Th ere were also quasi-guild associations and associations derived from guilds in w hich the right to membership was acquired in hereditary succession. In late Anti quity, membership in the liturgical guilds was even a compulsory and hereditary obligation in the way of a glebae adscriptio, which bound the peasant to the soi l. Finally, there were also in the medieval Occident opprobrious trades, which were religiously declasse; these correspond to the unclean castes of India. The merchant and craft guilds of the Middle Ages acknowledged no ritual barriers whatsoever between the individual guilds and artisans, apart from the aforementi oned small stratum of people engaged in opprobrious trades. Pariah peoples and p ariah workers (for example, the knacker and hangman), by virtue of their special positions, come sociologically close to the unclean castes of India. Furthermore, caste is essentially hereditary. This hereditary character was not, and is not, merely the result of monopolizing and restricting the earning opport unities to a definite maximum quota, as was the case among the absolutely closed guilds of the Occident, which at no time were numerically predominant. Let us now consider the Occident. In his letter to the Galatians (11:12, 13 ff.) Paul reproaches Peter for having eaten in Antioch with the Gentiles and for havi ng withdrawn and separated himself afterwards, under the influence of the Jerusa lemites. And the other Jews dissembled likewise with him.

By its solidarity, the association of Indian guilds, the mahajan, was a force whi ch the princes had to take very much into account. It was said: 18 The prince must recognize what the guilds do to the people, whether it is merci ful or cruel. The guilds acquired privileges from the princes for loans of mone y, which are reminiscent of our medieval conditions. The shreshti (elders) of th e guilds belonged to the mightiest notables and ranked equally with the warrior and the priest nobility of their time. There can be no doubt then that occupational castes including trading castes ori ginated from guilds. Yet castes are too numerous than these, and all could not h ave originated from them. Most of the remaining castes originated from tribes of I ndo-Europeans, Dravidians and Austro-Asiatic speakers. This is noted by Basham, Thapar and Srinivas (supra). Max Weber too noted remarkable similarity between tribe and caste. When an Indian tr ibe loses its territorial significance it assumes the form of an Indian caste, h e wrote.21 In other words, as long as a single tribe lives in a locality, it is a tribe. But when several tribes try to enter the same space, they occupy differ ent occupational niche or specialization, and then the same tribes starts behavi ng like castes. Bailey opined that we should curb the tendency to view tribe and caste disjunctl y and instead, the tribes and the Hindu castes should be viewed in continuum. Ba iley (1961) sought to make distinction between the two not in terms of totality of behaviour but in a more limited way, in relation to politico-economic system. While the castes are more integrated with the national political and economic s ystems, the tribes are less so.22 Andre Beteille (1974) also discussed the issue of defining tribe and caste in Indian context. He found many of the distinction s arbitrary.23 Thus as long as tribes live autonomously, or independently, separ ate from main civilization, they behave like tribes. But when they become integr ated with the main civilization, they lose many of the tribal characters and bec omes castes. 19 William Crooke quotes from Risley that Rajput castes development from original tr ibes can be with more or less confidence be assumed.24 He notes that often Bhil or Gond tribal man becomes leader of his sept and claims to be a Rajput sept. Hi s claim is granted sooner or later.25 As a result of this constant conversion of tribes into Rajputs, Rajput became the single largest caste of India with wides t territorial distribution. Crooke traced origin of many of the Rajput clans and families from tribes. Dravid ian Gonds were enrolled as Rajputs. Raja of Singrauli was a pure Kharwar, but beca me a banbansi Kshatriya during the life of the author. Col Sleeman gives the case of an Oudh Pasi who became a Rajput. The names of many septs (of Rajputs), as Baghe l, Ahban, Kalhans, and Nagbansi suggests a totemistic origin which would bring t hem in line with the Chandrabanshi, who are promoted Dravidian Cheros and other similar septs of undoubtedly aboriginal race.26 More such relations between tribes and Rajputs have been noted by Sadasivan from records of older authors, Dr Francis Buchanan upon evidence states that the Prat ihara Rajputs of Sahabad are descendants of tribe of Bhars. Chandels observes Vinc ent Smith who appear to have their descent from the Gonds closely connected with another tribe the Bhars, first carved out a petty principality near Chhatrapur. Sir Denzil Ibbetson is also almost certain that the so called Rajput families we re aboriginal, and he instanced the Chandels. Recent investigation has shown write s H. A. Rose (A Glossory of Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and the North-West P rovince) that the Pratihara (Parihar) clan of the Rajputs was really a sections of the Gujars and other fireborn Rajput clans, Solanki (Chalukyas), Punwars (Param aras), Chauhans (Chahumanas or Chahuvamsha) must be assigned similar origin. Clans and families says Vincent Smith, who succeeded in winning chieftainship were made k shatriyas and Rajputs, and there is no doubt the Parihars and many other Rajput clans of the north, were developed out of the barbarian hoardes besides various ot her aboriginal tribes 20

the Gonds, the Bhars and the Khanwars underwent the same process of social promot ion to emerge as the Chandels, Rathods and the Gahadwars equipped with pedigree reaching back to the sun or moon.27 Sherring writes that Rajas of Singarauli and Jushpore, although claim to descendants of Rajput rajas, are descendants of Khar war tribes. Prof Vijay Nath noted that tribes often became brahmin too.28 According to Skand a Purana, Parashurama conferred Brahmanahood to many Kaivartta (fisherman) famil ies as well as several other people (p. 33). He notes that Malvika Brahmins orig inally belonged to the Malava tribe. Similarly, the Boya Brahmanas mentioned in the Koneki grant of Chalukyan king Vishnuvardhana II, actually belonged to the B oya tribe of Andhra. The Padma Purana mentions Parvatiya Brahmanas who were of t ribal origin. Large number of tribal and aboriginal priestly groups appeared to h ave gained entry into its fold as a low grade Brahmana. (p. 33). Romila Thapar mentions how a section of Boya tribe of Andhra Pradesh got convert ed into Boya Hindu caste after getting job of temple servants, and with time wer e able to rise in the hierarchy in the temple establishment, reaching highest po sitions. 29 Romila Thapar also notes that forest tribals have entered into Kshat riya and Rajput fold quite lately.30 Even until the nineteenth century, caste was quite fluid in India. The British o fficers recorded lower or menial origins of many of the Brahmanas. Ojha Brahman is a successor of Dravidian Baiga.31 Trigunait Brahmana, Pathak (Amtara), Pande Parwars (Hardoi) and Sawalakhiya Brahmana (Gorakhpur and Basti), Mahabrahmana, B arua, Joshi and Dakaut had originated from lower castes. The Mishra Brahmanas of Arjhi were descendants of a Lunia who was conferred Brahmanhood by a Raja in th e eighteenth century.32Ahir, Kurmi and Bhat were once converted into Brahmanas o n record.33 Srinivas refers to similar instances from 21 United Provinces.34 The is far from being exhaustive, and indicates a general tr end. Thus we can say that the modern Indian castes have evolved from tribes and guild s, and sometimes from religious sects, relatively lately after Muslim advent in India. Caste has no relationship with varna, and it has not evolved from varma. Most probably, it was the vanishing of varna from Indian space after the Muslim conquest, that led to conversion of guilds and tribes into caste. However confus ion has been created over the last couple of hundred years when many of the cast es assumed the suffixes of Brahmana and Vaishya on the basis of castes occupation . Later most of the remaining castes assumed the suffix Kshatriya,35 thus giving an impression that the ancient system of Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudr a has survived till date in form of the current castes. 1 Oman, John Campbell, Caste in India , in Oman, J. C. (Ed and author), Brahmanas, Theists and Muslims in India, Republished Kessinger Publishing, 2003, pp. 63, 64 . (First published by T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1907) 2 Quoted in AIR, 1993 SC p. 549-550, para 76 of Indira Shawney Case Majority Jud gment; It is from a paper read by Dr Ambedkar May 9, 1916 at the Columbia Univer sity, U.S.A., on the subject Castes in India; Their Mechanism, Genesis and Develo pment . The paper was subsequently published in Indian Antiquary, May 1917Vol. XLI. 3 Basham, A. L., The Wonder That Was India, Part I, (a survey of history and cul ture of Indian subcontinent before coming of the Muslims); Third Revised Edition , 1967, Thirty Fifth Impression, 1999, Bombay. 4 jati usually means nation in Bangla, Asamese, and many modern Indian language. I n other contexts it means a more universal group like manava jati 5 Srinivas, M. N., Caste in Modern India, Media Promoters and Publishers PVT. LT D., Bombay. 1989, (first published 1962) 6 Lingayata was a religion started by Basava in the South India during Medieval Period. Soon it took shape of a caste. Basham wrote about this phenomenon in the following words: Equalitarian religious reformers of the middle ages such as Bas ava, Ramanand, and Kabir tried to abolish caste among their followers; but their sects soon took characteristics of new castes. P. 151, second para, 8th line onw ards. These religions were heterodox, i.e. they did not subscribe to the authori ties of Vedas, nor did they accept Brahmanical way of life.

7 Srinivas, M. N., Some Expressions of Caste Mobility , in Social Change in Modern India, Orient Longmans, 1972 (Indian Ed.), p.103. First Published University of 22 California Press, 1966. Also see Shourie, Arun, Falling Over Backwards, ASA Publ ications, Delhi, 2006, p. 40. 8 Census of India 1931, pp. 528-32. 9 Indira Sawhney vs Union of India, writ petition (civil) no. 930 of 1990, Major ity Judgment, AIR 1993, SC p. 483 & para80, 81 and 82, pp. 552-553. 10 Kroeber, L., Caste , in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, ed.-in-chief, Edwi n R. A. Seligman, Macmillan, New York, 1930, III, 254-57; p. 254. 11 Sachau, Edward (translator and editor from original Kitab-ul Hind), Alberunis India, Indialog Publications, Pvt., Ltd; New Delhi, 2003, p. 444). 12 Nath, Vijay, From Brahmanism to Hinduism: Negotiating the Myth of the Great Tr adition , Sectional Presidents address, Section I, Ancient India, Indian History Co ngress Proceedings, 61st (Millennium) Session 2001, p. 32. 13 see p. 422, Thapar 2003. 14 see Thapar, Romila; A History of India, Volume 1, Penguin Books, London, 1990 , p. 39. First published 1966. 15 Thapar, Romila; The Penguin History of Early India from the Origins to AD 130 0, Penguin Books India, New Delhi, 2003, First Published 2002. 16 Hutton, J. H., Caste in India: : Its nature function and origins, Oxford Univ ersity Press, UK, 1969, pp. 66-67. Also see: Zinkin, Maurice; Book Review of Cas te in India by Hutton, J. H.; Race and Class, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1961, Institute of Race Relations. p. 88 17 Weber, Max, Gerth, H. H. and Turner, B. S., India: The Brahman and the castes , in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Routledge, 1991, p. 396, opening paragra ph. First published in 1921 in German as Part 3, Chapter 4 of Wirtschaft und Ges ellschaft. English translation by Girth, H. H. and Mills, C. W., as Class, Status , Party. Pages 180195 in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Oxford Univ. Press, New York, 1941, 1958. 18 Monasteries of salvation religions, Buddhism and Jainism, were supported by d onations from the 19 Means big people. 20 Means small people. 21 Weber, Max et al, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Routledge, 1991, p. 39 8-9. 22 Bailey, F. G., Tribe and Caste in India, Contributions to Indian Sociology, Vol. 5, 1961. Also see Baileys theory discussed by von Furer-Haimendorf, Christoph, Tr ibes of India: The Struggle of Survival, University of California Press, 1982, p . 214. 23 Beteille, Andre; Six Essays in Comparative Sociology, Oxford University Press , New Delhi, 1974. 24 Crooke, W., Natives of Northern India, republished 1996 by Asian Educational Service, p. 88. (First Published 1907). 25 Ibid., p. 76. 26 Crooke, William, The Tribes and Castes of North-Western Provinces and Oudh, V olume 1, Asian Educational Service, New Delhi, 1999, p. xxii (First published, C alcutta, 1896). 27 Sadasivan, S. N., A Social History of India, APH Publishing, 2000. p. 241. 23 28 Vijay Nath, From Brahmanism to Hinduism: Negotiating the Myth of the Great Tra dition , Sectional Presidents address, Section I, Ancient India, Indian History Con gress Proceedings, 61st (Millennium) Session 2001. 29 Thapar, Romila; The Penguin History of Early India from the Origins to AD 130 0, Penguin Books India, New Delhi, 2003, p. 390. 30 Thapar, ibid, p. 422-423. 31 Crooke, W., Origin of Caste , in Kannupillai, (Ed.), p.202. (An extract from The Tribes and Castes of Northwestern India, vol. I, 1896, pp.XV-XXVI). 32 Ibid. 33 Nesfield, John C., Cultural Evolution of Indian societyFunction as Fou

ndation of Caste , in Kannupillai, V. (Ed.), Caste: observation of I.C.S. officers and others since 1881, Gautam Book Center, 2007, p. 139. 34 Srinivas, M. N., Some Expressions of Caste Mobility , op. cit., pp. 101-2. 35 Srinivas, M.N., Some Expressions of Caste Mobility , in Social Change in Modern India, Orient Longmans, 1972 (Indian Ed.), First Published University of Califor nia Press, 1966.