Local Gov Paper IPD Naga Irosin

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Local Politics Transformation and Continuity (Case Study on Naga City and Irosin)
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Local Politics Transformation and Continuity

(case Study on Naga City and Irosin) by Patrick I. Patio
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Occasional Paper No. 27 August 2003
INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY
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Local Politics Transformation and Continuity (Case Study on Naga City and Irosin) WORK IN PROGRESS
Local Politics Transformation and Continuity

(Case Study on Naga City and Irosin) by Patrick I. Patio
wo local government units made names in the national scene in terms of good governance. The City Government of Naga and the Municipal Government of Irosin1 were widely recognized for their most responsive local governments and for having developed strong and award winning growth and equity programs over time. These were attested by numerous national and international recognition Naga City and Irosin received from prestigious award giving bodies on diverse fields of governance; service delivery and citizen participation. Both were widely recognized Peace Zones and Jueteng-Free Areas. The remarkable socio-economic development of these areas such as development of infrastructure, increase of business establishments and revenues and improvement of services and public safety were attained under the leadership of Mayors Jesse Jess Robredo Naga City and Eddie Doc Ed Dorotan of Irosin. During their incumbency, their constituents widely appreciated their leadership, performance and personality. Various studies were also done on the institutional reforms undertaken in Naga and Irosin particularly in the areas of basic services delivery, public administration and citizen participation in local governance. In the 1998 elections, Naga City and Irosin elected new mayors when Robredo and Dorotan left their executive post. Robredo completed his three full terms as City Mayor and opted to attend to his young daughters 2 while Dorotan ran for
congressman instead of completing his third term as mayor to test the level of the voters maturity3. Unfortunately, Dorotan failed in his bid in the district post. After the elections, the former mayors took masteral course in public administration in Harvard Universitys Kennedy School of Government.4 The elected mayor of Naga City in 1998 was Sulpicio Cholo Roco and in Irosin was Nathaniel Tanny Balmes. The two were endorsed and campaigned by their former mayors in the elections. Roco and Balmes were also supported by civic, business, non-government and peoples organizations that were behind Robredo and Dorotan in their previous electoral campaigns and during their stewardship as mayors. These civil society organizations believed that good governance could only be sustained by ensuring that reform-minded politicians in the likes of Robredo, Dorotan, Balmes and Roco win seats in government. But the 2001 elections resulted changes in the local administrations of Naga and Irosin. Robredo came back and won as mayor of Naga but Mayor Balmes lost his reelection bid in Irosin. Before the elections, many people including those working with Roco and Balmes were apprehensive that the mayors will lose their reelection bid. Most were of common concern that Robredo and Dorotan should come back. A growing section of civil society organizations and of the population were having reservations on
1 2
Naga City is in the province of Camarines Sur and Irosin is in Sorsogon. Both are in the Bicol Region. Robredo, taped interview, December 11, 2000, Naga City 3 Dorotan, taped interview, December 20, 2000, City of Manila 4 Robredo and Dorotan took masters degree in separate years under the study grant of Ford Foundation. Robredo in 1998-1999 and Dorotan in 1999-2000
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the administration of Mayors Roco and Balmes. In Naga City, the urban poor organizations criticized Mayor Roco for reneging on his campaign promise to address land acquisition and on-site development. Most member-organizations of the Naga City Peoples Council were one in issue against Roco for his lackluster attitude on peoples participation in governance affairs. In Irosin, the religious groups and other organizations were having second thoughts on Mayor Balmes for his weak disposition to curtail the proliferation of Jueteng. Most people also claimed that both Roco and Balmes are not approachable unlike Robredo and Dorotan. This paper attempts to share insights on the struggle of transforming politics and governance in Naga City and Irosin whose foundations were established under the administrations of Mayor Robredo and Mayor Dorotan. The paper will primarily delve on the sustainance of these transformations through electoral victories by reformminded politicians and the civil society players. Reforms are strengthened through institutionalization. The Robredo and Dorotan administration introduced key reforms in local governance and established mechanisms for the implementation of such reforms. The fundamental contributing factors to these reforms were the strong partnership between the local government administration and civil society organizations and the reform-oriented leadership of the local political leadership. But in Philippine local politics, democratic institutions and reforms are ever threatened by antireform forces ready to knock at the door during election time. Elections in the Philippines is one important source of local political power. With the restructuring of the local economy, political power becomes the venue of local economic elite either to maintain or diversify their vested economic interests. The Local Government Code of 1991, which mandated the decentralization of the central governments authority and resources has made the local political power more enticing to the local elite to join the electoral race. On the other hand, the decentralization of the central states authority and resources provided local spaces where reforms could be introduced and
defended as well as enhanced by sustained efforts of civil society organizations and reform-minded politicians both in the period of governance and elections. The insights attempt to explore the following: 1. That a strong and effective partnership in governance between reform-minded political leaders and civil society organizations is an important factor in the transformation of the local political terrain. That one important element in the sustainability plan for good governance is translating reforms and performance impact into sufficient influence to modify the game of politics and political organization that can diminish the influence and organization of anti-reform forces. Although changes in the socio-economic environment contribute to the change of the political behavior of constituents, the vibrant and effective organizing and mobilization of popular sectors pushes change forward in terms of changing the traditional pattern of political relationship and the traditional nature of political organizations and networks. That constituents measure good governance not only in terms of service output but also due process for peoples participation and responsiveness. In the local culture, responsiveness is approachability and the disposition of political leaders. Performance, due process, and responsiveness organize and mobilize people in governance and community affairs.
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There are several reasons for choosing Naga City and Irosin as case study. These are politicallymined areas in different settings Naga City is urban while Irosin is rural. The politics of these areas have been traditionally determined by landed political elite, traditional politicians and political actors from the outside. On the other hand, the areas have innovative reform-minded political leaders who were
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able to consolidate popular support without the aid of mutually rewarding ties, and a monopoly of power. Naga and Irosin have active non-government organizations willing to work with government. The rise of these new forces the reform-minded politicians and civil society organizations - and their effective engagement in governance and electoral politics have contributed to expanding the framework at looking local politics beyond patron-client relations, clan politics and machine politics. In this study, reform-minded politicians is defined as public officials who subordinate their actions to the law, innovative to expand the law, recognizes the participation of the non-government sector in the decision-making processes of governance and render an account of his/her actions with enough transparency so that citizens may evaluate his/her rule, and ultimately ratify it or reject it5. Civil society organizations is simply defined here as the nongovernment sector with emphasis on the popular sector. The 1998 Elections CITY MAYOR JESSE Robredo and Rural Mayor Eddie Dorotan, in their own separate context, made major decision before the 1998 elections. At stake were not only their personal political path. There was also the concern of continuity in the local governments they had led. Jesse Robredo was on his third term in office and barred by the constitutional limit from running the mayoralty race. He did not run for any political position in the 1998 election. He could have easily won the congressional seat in the second district of Camarines Sur but he cant afford to displace his family ties while his three daughters are still young. Being a congressman would take much of my time in Manila besides the time that would require me to study legislation. I could not afford to lose the time most important for my daughters at their present age. relates Robredo. As an option, his supporters wanted him to run for governor but Governor Villafuerte had
more resources than Robredo. Besides, Naga City, being an independent component city and Robredos bailiwick is excluded from the gubernatorial election. Robredos supporters wanted his wife, Atty. Maria Leonor Robredo, to run for mayor of the city but the couple declined. Although the Philippine law on political dynasty is not clear, Robredo believes that the practice of family dynasty in politics should not be tolerated. Robredo actively campaigned for Roco and Jacob. Sulpicio Cholo Roco, brother of Senator Raul Roco and a businessman who formerly works with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was the mayoral candidate of Naga City. Jaime James Jacob, a lawyer and was the councilor of Robredo since 1988 ran for the congressional post in the second district of Camarines Sur. Roco and Jacob ran under the ticket of the Aksyon-Demokratiko party. The entry of the Villafuerte family in the electoral race was a threat. Governor Luis Villafuerte, a powerful and traditional anti-reform politician in the province wanted to establish his familys political dynasty. While seeking re-election, Luis Villafuertes eldest son Mariano Luis Bong Villafuerte wanted to take the seat in the 2nd legislative district of the province while the youngest, Luis Raymund L-Ray Villafuerte aimed for the mayoral post of Naga City. If the Villafuertes win, the gains of the Robredo administration and civil society players in governance would all go to nothing. The rivals of Jacob in the congressional race were reelectionist Representative Leopoldo San Buenaventura (Lakas-NUCD), Bong Villafuerte (LAMMP-LDP), former Rep. Celso Baguio, Emilio Delfin and a nuisance candidate fielded by the Villafuertes Jose Jacob to confuse the voters against James Jacob who was the front running candidate. Rocos opponents in Naga City were Vice mayor Lourdes Asence (LP), L-Ray Villafuerte (LAMMP-LDP), and Agapito Tria (Lakas-NUCD). Luis Villafuerte was reelected governor but his sons, Bong and L-Ray, lost their respective race.
ODonnell, Guillermo, Transitions, Continuities, Paradoxes, Issues in Democratic Consolidation, 1992

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Jacob won by huge margins over his opponents in the district race. Bong Villafuerte placed poor third. Cholo Roco and his entire slate won by landslide over L-Ray. Cholos brother, Senator Raul Roco, who ran in the national presidential race garnered the highest votes in Camarines Sur but placed poor third in the national count won by Joseph Estrada. The electoral victories of Jacob and Roco were effected by several factors. One was the Robredo factor. The personality and political network of Robredo were important value-added factors that compensated for the meager campaign resources of Jacob and Roco against the Villafuertes. Another was the Naga factor. With the traditionally oppositionist and thinking stance, the city constituents continued public support to Robredo was crucial in seeing the Jacob and Roco campaigns through obstacles that traditional politicians like the Villafuertes posed. According to Robredo, Jacobs landslide victory in Naga city compensated for his loss in the other municipalities of the second district. In Irosin, Mayor Dorotan could have easily won his third term but instead joined the congressional race in the second district of Sorsogon. The district seat was vacated by Representative Bonifacio Gillego who was a last termer congressman. Dorotan says, Being mayor for two consecutive terms was enough for me. The congressional race was a challenge. It was an uphill battle but I cant afford Gonzales win the seat without a fight. But the more important challenge was that I wanted to test the voters maturity in politics especially in Irosin. Dorotan ran under the banner of Lakas-NUCD. Nathaniel Tanny Balmes, an engineer and Dorotans vice mayor since 1992 was the mayoral candidate in Irosin. The front running candidate in the congressional race was former Customs Collector Atty. Rodolfo Gonzales, who became popular with his monicker Dinugo which stemmed, according to voters, from his fondness for a native dish. Dinugo hailed from a poor family in Irosin, worked his way to college and
was known to have become a multi-millionaire when he worked in the Bureau of Customs. Although the case did not prosper, Dinugos name landed in the newpapers in 1995 when he was involved in the oil tax scam in Limay, Bataan where he was assigned as a customs collector. Its worth noting that Gonzales was also a Lakas-NUCD candidate. The other congressional aspirants were NAMRIA Administrator Joey Solis, Atty. Redentor Guyala, Atty. Beda Fajardo and Atty. Jose Sabater. In Irosin, Balmes opponent in the mayoral race was Melchor Michelena, a councilor and nephew of Irosin political kingpen Jose Michelena. In the gubernatorial race of Sorsogon, reelectionist Governor Juan Frivaldo (Lakas-NUCD) was challenged by Vice governor Atty. Oscar Diri and Sorsogon City Mayor Raul Lee (LAMMP). Dorotan and Balmes aligned with Oscar Diri who also hails from Irosin while Gonzales and Michelena aligned with Governor Frivaldo. Dorotan lost the congressional race to Gonzales. Dorotan placed far second in the overall district vote count. He lost in all of the nine municipalities of the second district by huge margin including Irosin where Gonzales edged him by 495 votes. On the other hand, Balmes defeated Michelena in the mayoral race in Irosin. Raul Lee displaced Frivaldo in the provincial top post. Most people believed that Dorotan lost because of the power of money of Gonzales. There was widespread allegation that Gonzales camp bought votes. Jun, an out-of-school youth, attests, Dinugos campaigner in our barangay gave my mother P500 to ensure that the entire family vote for Dinugo. There are five voters in the house but my sister and I voted for Doc Ed to the anger of my mother.6 A joke spread a few days before election day, ang pinababaryahan ni Doc Ed ay tig-isang daan lang, samantalang si Dinugo ay tig-isang libo.7 But Dorotans defeat was clearly not only because Gonzales had more money to spend, more patronage to dispense with or more utang na loob
6 7
Jun, Baby and Jake, note interview, Nov. 14, 2000, Irosin Johny, a campaigner of Gonzales, note interview, Sept. 18, 2000, Irosin
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to collect. There were other factors/dynamics that worked well for Gonzales. Because, why did Jacob won the district seat over opponents that had more resources than him like Rep. Leopoldo San Buenaventura and Bong Villafuerte, who is alleged to have connections with jueteng operators. Gonzales started his visibility campaign two years before the election and projected himself better than Dorotan. More importantly, Gonzales held the better campaign organization. Dorotan was not able to comply with the basic requirements in the congressional elections. Rosendo, a campaign operator of Doc Ed assesses, Doc Ed had little resources and he only decided to run and started his campaign a couple of months before the campaign period.8 According to Jose Mechelena, a veteran politician, Doc Eds decision to run for congress was a political mistake. He should finished his last term as mayor and built his capital in the second district towards the 2001 elections.9 But a campaigner of Doc Ed defended that Doc Eds decision to run was correct only that there were weaknesses in the campaign conduct.10 Visibility campaign in the current Philippine elections requires a longer period of time especially when there are many candidates gunning for the same strategic position. Most candidates launch their preparatory campaign one or two years before the election period. Unless one already has the advantage of popularity and an established political network transformable into a campaign organization. Dorotan started his campaign, only in January, four months before the election. The pre-campaign environmental scanning of Dorotans campaign group overestimated the assumption that Dorotan has an established projection in the other towns because of the impact of the performance of Irosin in the past six years. Doc Ed relates, what complicated my campaign was that I
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was not able to go directly in most areas because of limited time and reach of my campaign organization. On the other hand, Gonzales monicker Dinugo was widespread. This was the result of two years visibility campaign of Gonzales. The projection of Dinugo even made it difficult for Dorotans campaigners. Nori relates, there were instances when Doc Ed arrives in gatherings we organized, people asked, is that Dinugo?11 Perhaps the major impact that Dinugo established with the people was on the religious side. Gonzales was identified with the construction of various barangay chapels in different towns. Dinugo also stood as the hermano mayor in the reconstruction of the centuries old St. Michael Church of Irosin. He was an able donor to various choir groups in Irosin and other towns. If you look inside the church, there is one big chandelier among the many hanging in the church ceiling. That was donated by Dinugo and it came all the way from Europe. He also gave the church choir a P150,000-music organ when they asked him for one, shares Kuya Peter, a local businessman and an active church member.12 Dorotans campaign message focused on traditional and new politics and expected that this would click among the voters because they had used the same in Dorotans previous mayoral campaign in Irosin. According to Doc Ed, Our message focused against money politics. We expected that our message would cut across the voters. The voters pocket the money from other candidates but they will vote for me. The objective was to contrast Dinugo, who has questionable wealth, and Doc Ed with a recognized track record in public service. The campaign theme of Dorotan popularized the four Gs God, Grassroots, Guts and Good Politics.13 The campaign line against money politics was right but on the wrong premise that the voters were mature enough to make a wise choice. The money politics message didnt sink enough to the language
Gabionsa, Rosendo, Program Officer, LIKAS Local Governance, Oct. 17, 2000, Irosin Michelena, Jose, former mayor of Irosin, note interview, Oct. 18, 2000, Irosin 10 Honasan, Nenet, Secretary General Sandigan ng Magsasaka, taped interview, Oct. 19, 2000, Irosin 11 Ortedi, Nori: Chairman, Sandigan ng Magsasaka, taped interview, Sept. 19, 2000, Irosin 12 Kuya Peter: conversation notes, Sept. 17, 2000, Irosin 13 The four Gs slogan was also used in Dorotans past mayoral campaigns.
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of the voters. According to Rocamora, More often than not, losing reform candidates blame their opponents vote-buying and come bitter at voters who should know better than to sell their votes. But to most voters in rural areas and urban poor communities, getting a little bit of money during elections is not something to be embarrassed about. It is an expression of a personalized relationship with politicians that is perceived as being no different from asking a politician for funeral expenses or hospital bills.14 On the other hand, the Gonzales camp bannered Dinugo as the dehadista ng Irosin (the underdog of Irosin). The propaganda line explained Dinugos rugs-to-riches story. A video on the life story was shown in the farm villages portraying how he started as a baggage boy, jeepney barker, carinderia narratives how he earned the monicker Dinugo, and how he earned his law degree as a working student. It also explained that his efforts and donations to the churches and other groups was to share the blessings he has in life. James Jacob was a late campaigner but he had an established network in the district. The family name Jacob is also link to the heroic history of the Bicolanos and James himself was a popular councilor. Unlike Doc Ed, Jacob was able to maximize his limited campaign time. The party structure of Aksyon Demokratiko, the network of Robredo and the NGOs and POs15 provided Jacob the organizational reach for visibility, vote-gathering and vote delivery and protection on election day. What was unfavorable for Dorotan favored Jacob the Lakas-NUCD machinery and resources. The Lakas-NUCD in Camarines Sur was divided. In the district race, the party support was divided between the party candidate Rep. San Buenaventura and Jacob, himself the Aksyon Demokratiko candidate. The same in Naga City where the party candidate was Agapito Tria but other party campaigners carried Roco. How did this happen?
Partly because Jacob and Roco were the strongest candidates and anyone interested were enticed to invest in them. Partly, because of Robredo. He was the deputy secretary-general of Lakas-NUCD at that time but he campaigned for Jacob and Roco. Dorotan started his campaign in January after he was officially proclaimed the official candidate of Lakas-NUCD. But Gonzales was also the party candidate. Doc Ed admits, the factor that prompted me to run for congress was party support. My limited campaign time would be compensated by the reach of the party organization. But this did not matter at all. The Lakas-NUCD in the second district was divided between Dorotan and Gonzales. Gov. Frivaldo, the party provincial chair aligned with Gonzales while Rep. Gillego, the party district chair supported Dorotan. Because Frivaldo was the incumbent party official, he therefore held the party resources and command than Gillego who was an outgoing official. As a result, Dorotans campaign was left with no solid machinery except the POs and NGOs. What complicated Dorotans organization was that his campaign machinery and that of his mayoral bets were one and the same. According to Michelena, Dinugo had his own personal campaign organization down to the barangay level. His mayoral bets had their own organization that Dinugo supported. The POs and NGOs that campaigned Doc Ed, Michelena adds, were issue-based machineries and not automatically translatable to him personally. Gonzales camp was also able to break Dorotans organization. Dinugo got the support of some of the key leaders of Dorotans mayoral bets in other town. The leaders campaigned for the mayor identified with Doc Ed but their congressional bet was Dinugo. An example was in Bulan town, says Doc Ed, I have a mayoral bet there, but his brother campaigned for Dinugo within the mayors organization. Dinugo was also able to recruit supporters of Dorotan, including some of his relatives. Frivaldo
14
Rocamora, Joel: Introduction: Boss. Five Case Studies of Local Politics in the Philippines. Phil. Center for Investigative Journalism and Institute for Popular Democracy, 1995 15 Even peoples organizations and development NGOs outside of Naga City campaigned for Jacob.
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shares, the Gabitos (Doc Eds relatives) have to campaign for Dinugo because when the church was reconstructed, they were hired by Dinugo as engineers, foremen and workers. 16 A former supporter of Doc Ed adds, when my house was threatened by the bank because of unpaid loans, Dinugo helped me with the money. Before the campaign started, Dinugo told me, Doc Ed and I are your kumpadre and you have helped him before. But Doc Ed is only your kumpadre. The two of us were also classmates and barkada during our younger days, cant you help me now?17 Doc Ed also failed to talk to influential people in Irosin for vote support. A restaurant owner and small landlord who has around 70 relatives and workers said that Doc Ed never bothered to talk to him while Gonzales did. I could have divided 70 votes between him and Dinugo which I did for Tanny and Michelena who both approached me for support. We made it sure that James wins by landslide in Naga City and minimize his losing margins in the other municipalities, says Robredo. Jacob was able to narrow his losing margins in the towns of Pili and Bombon. Pili is second to Naga in voter population and the bailiwick of the Villafuertes. The mayoral bets of Aksyon Demokratiko in Pili and Bombon, won their race and delivered well for Jacob. A few days before the election, the power of money sealed the final nail in Doc Eds defeat. Money from the Gonzales camp flowed especially in the remote areas and urban poor. Dante, one of the operator of Gonzales gave a hint to this author to how much budget they allotted for the campaign in Irosin alone P500 each for the estimated 12,000 winning votes. Dante relates, For an undecided head of the family, we gave a minimum of P1,000.00 depending on the number of voters in the household, while those we are sure of voting our candidate we shell P500.00.18
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But if the Gonzales camp bought votes in Irosin, why did Doc Ed lost by a margin of only 495 votes unlike in the other towns where he was swept by Dinugo? We expected that Doc Ed will win in Irosin by a margin of around 500. We assumed that those who voted Ed in the past elections would be his base votes at the minimum. The losing margin came from the Iglesia ni Kristo which we estimate had 400 to 600 voting members in Irosin. In the past, INK supported Doc Ed. In 1998, the INK for Dinugo in the entire district.19 The Tale of Two Places THE ENACTMENT OF the Local Government Code of 1991 opened new arenas and opportunities for civil society organizations in engaging the government and community affairs. From issuebased movements and development work, civil society organizations were challenged by the opportunities provided by LGC 1991 to engage in the politics of governance as a venue to push forward social issues, policy advocacies and accumulate power. Although civil society organizations remain apprehensive in the new terrain of engagement, a growing section of NGOs, POs, and certain sectoral formations (i.e. environmentalists, womens groups, peasant organizations) is pushing the limits of democratized spaces to influence executive and legislative agenda towards adoption of progressive policies.20 At the same time, a new breed of political leaders is engaging the old or traditional political leaders. The new political leaders are mostly young, professional and reform-oriented. They wanted to institute changes in government affairs in order for government make a difference in the daily lives of the people. They have the integrity, stamina, conviction, innovation, charisma and are willing partners to the new social forces in governance affairs.
Frivaldo, Max, political leader: note interview, Oct. 17, 2000, Irosin Mang Ed: He campaigned for Doc Ed in his mayoral stint. In 1998, he campaigned for Dinugo in the congressional race. Note interview. Nov. 14, 2000, Irosin 18 Dante, a campaign operator of Gonzales: note interview, Nov. 15, 2000, Irosin 19 Ubalde, Lorenzo. Municipal Information Officer; taped interview, Oct. 19, 2000, Irosin rd 20 Valte, Maricris: Imagining the Transition: Restoration or Transformation, p. 76 Kasarinlan, Vol 12, No. 1, 3 quarter, 1996
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But the new breed of political leaders, once in government, have to go through the rigors of earning their legitimacy or popular acceptance not necessarily provided by electoral victories. They undergo various factors and events in the environment that influence their leaderships public policy and decisions. How they confronted pressures, threats and opportunities effected by the environment depended on their leaderships legitimacy and vulnerabilities. Factors and events unfold while leadership takes on the consuming chores of governance. It is often said that good governance is good politics. It is easily said than done. Because the question is: how is good governance converted into political gains that is necessary to their legitimacy or popular acceptance to push further reforms and without being subsumed in the traditional legitimacy building of patronage and monopoly of power. USWAG NAGA! WHEN AN OUTSIDER comes to Naga City, one immediately observes the mix of the old and the new. The structures that immediately catch ones eyes are the old city plaza, the old PNB building, and the cathedral. They remind one that the place thrived longer than other places. But these structures are amidst the booming signs of commerce and development of the city. Fastfood chains like Jollibee, McDonalds, and Graceland, bazaars, malls and theaters ring the city plaza. The city is alive. In the afternoon, people from all walks of life pack the sidewalks. Around the city proper, there are various business establishments. The city continues to grow. The first time I set foot in Naga was in 1991 and more than a decade today, the City has developed radically more than one can imagine. The plaza is full of lights and activities during the night unlike before where its life was limited to a few incandescent bulbs and a wide-screen TV for people watching the on-going Gulf War in Kuwait. The
debate at the Jardin in Rizal Park continues but they now have a more organized set-up of tables, the place is well lighted and the structure was designed such that people could have a good look and listen to the debaters. Given the development Naga City is undergoing, it is not difficult to assume that urbanization and development of Naga City transformed the political pattern as it did the socio-economic situation of both the constituency and the political elite. Naga is one of the oldest cities in the Philippines. It is situated right in the heart of Bicolandia about eight hours land trip south of Manila. Naga is the Bicol term for narra tree, which during the days of the Spanish conquistadores, flourished along the banks of what is now the Naga River. History has established Naga as the religious, educational and business center of the Bicol Region and so aptly deserves to be the Heart of Bicol. Since Spanish times, Naga has been the seat of the Archdiocese of Caceres, which oversees the whole region. It is the site of the two of the oldest colleges in the country, The Holy Rosary Minor Seminary founded in 1793, and the Colegio de Sta. Isabel founded in 1868, the first normal school for women in the Orient. Naga is recognized as the religious center of southern Luzon with the establishment of the Metropolitan Cathedral, the seat of Roman Catholicism in Bicol. The peak and last venue of the one-month festivity of Lady of Penafrancia is in Naga City where the statute is returned back to the Cathedral. Naga City was the capital of Camarines Sur until it acquired its charter thru Republic Act 305 and became an independent component city in 1948, politically autonomous from its mother province. Naga City is composed of 27 barangays and has 126,973 residents in 1995. 21 Among the 27 barangays, 22 are classified as urban and the remaining five are called upland barangays, or rural areas. The main industry of Naga is commerce and
21
National Statistics Office, 1995

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being the trading center of Bicolandia. The citys public market is the biggest in the region. As such, Bicol Naga is considered the standard regional dialect. Under the stewardship of Mayor Robredo from 1988 to 1998, Naga evolved from a sleepy city to a hub of economic activity, where marginalized sectors have started to enjoy the gains of economic growth. Three years after Robredo assumed office, Naga, from a third class city in 1988, regained its original status as a first class urban center, its income increasing by an annual average of 30 percent.22 The city is also one of the most well-acclaimed cities in the Philippines for having one of the most responsive local government units and for having developed strong and award winning growth and equity programs over time. Among the awards and recognition that were bestowed to the city government of Naga were Galing Pook Awards in various categories, consistent awardee of Peace and Order Council Award, the Manuel L. Quezon Memorial Award for outstanding achievement in TB Control; Health and Nutrition Award; Clean and Green Award; among others. In 1996, Naga was elevated to the Hall of Fame of the Gantimpalang Panlingkod Pook (Galing Pook), a prestigious award that recognizes the most outstanding local government programs. The United Nations recognized Robredos administration for its excellence and for improving housing. Asiaweek, in its 1999 review of Asias best cities, it named Naga as one of the most improved. But the benchmark that the Naga City government had achieved under Robredos term was the enactment of the Empowerment Ordinance institutionalizing GO-NGO-PO partnership, the first of its kind in the Philippines. One of the mandates of the ordinance is the establishment of the Naga City Peoples Council, where the 13 basic sectors are represented. At least 80 non-government and peoples organizations are active members of the council. This landmark achievement had not only
broadened the process of decision making, planning and implementation of government program and policies but also sustained the active and vibrant NGO-PO community in the city. The more important one was the establishment of mechanisms for transparency and accountability of public officials. The Robredo administration also created multi-level consultative mechanism, which spanned from the barangay to the city level, inform and engage the community residents in governance issues. According to City Councilor James Jacob, proponent of the historic Ordinance, which was enacted on Dec. 20, 1995 said, With the implementation of the Empowerment Ordinance, politics and governance in Naga will never be the same again.23 Yes, Naga City continues to grow. The Roco administration pursued the development path initiated by the previous leadership and formulated its own. The central bus terminal, one of the major infrastructure projects drawn by the Robredo administration, was completed by Mayor Roco. The central market was refurbished. The city government was able to revitalize revenue generation that decreased in 1999 effected by the Asian financial crisis. Investments continue to come in the city. The Roco administration was also able to start-up its Integrated Livelihood Masterplan for the urban poor. On the other hand, Roco has drawn criticism from various sectors for his slow decision-making and style of management. Church groups voiced their concerns for the proliferation of pornography and criminality in the city. Small businesses complained of the administrations conversion of the park into a flea market. There grew a reservation among leaders and member-organizations of the Naga City Peoples Council (NCPC) that partnership between the NCPC and the City government under Mayor Roco had become limited, unlike in the Robredo administration, which was very open.
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Annual City Budgets, 1993-1999 City Budget Office, Naga City The Theory and Practice of Peoples Council: Focus on the Naga City Model; Institute for Politics and Governance (IPG)
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In a dialogue between the NCPC and the Mayor on August 1, 1998, the newly elected city executive declared that NCPCs role in governance is to check what the government is doing and must stay away from direct implementation of programs and projects. Mayor Roco reasoned that, whatever the effects the programs and projects have, it is the city government which is ultimately accountable. The NGO/PO participation in governance should be in advocacy, meaning to tell government what is wrong with its programs and projects. In the same dialogue, the mayor declared, kung kailangan namin kayo (NCPC), saka kayo pumasok.24 BASTA IROSIN, ANG GALING! A DECADE AGO this place had few houses, the road was rough, dusty and total darkness during the night. Matatakot kang maglakad. Kuya Peter reminisces, It was a dead site The site is more than a hundred meters away from the Irosin town hall. Today, the street is lined with small establishments and a public library busied with students doing their studies. There is also a fire station and a ten-room lodging house with a restaurant and videoke bar. Irosin has a well-constructed public market located in the poblacion center and a wellcrafted zoning plan for a trading and commercial center the town is envisioned to be. One wonders how this fourth class municipality despite its meager resources has come to a rapid development from less than ten years ago. The municipality of Irosin is the only land-locked town in Sorsogon, a province located in the southeasternmost part of Luzon. Located right in the center of the province, Irosin is more than four hours land trip from Naga City and thirteen hours away from Manila. Being an inland town and valley, Irosin is surrounded by hills and mountains, most prominent among these is the Bulusan Volcano. The town is endowed with natural wealth because of its geographic advantage and physical attractions. Natural springs, lakes and excellent spots abound in the area and its immediate vicinities.
24
Irosin has a land area of 15,880 hectares where 78 percent is devoted purely to agriculture. Irosin is the rice granary, citrus center and main abaca producer of Sorsogon. Due to its central location, the town virtually serves as the economic center of many barangays from the nearby towns. The fourth class municipality has 28 barangays where 23 are classified as rural. The word Irosin was derived from the local term iros, which means to cut off a part. The word was traced to have come from an old tailors term synonymous with tabas as in irosi an hiniro or cut a part of the cloth. Iros was the image most probably drawn to connote the gush or flow of floodwaters eroding riverbanks and cutting through lands to eventually form another river or river route. Since 1992, after two decades of inertness and underdevelopment, civil society organizations together with a new set of local officials led by Mayor Eddie Dorotan actively labored for a kind of development and governance that is participatory and responsive. These endeavors have netted concrete results that are widely recognized, looked upon and emulated as a community development model. Immediately after the election, the newly elected Mayor Dorotan called for a consultation with the different sectors and groups of Irosin. It did not matter whether you were pro-Dorotan or from the opposition. Doc Ed wanted the consultation to be representative, relates Gabionsa. Included in the workshop were all line agencies, LGU department heads, NGOs and POs. After the three-day MultiSectoral Development Planning Workshop, a vision and development strategy of the municipality was adopted. A mechanism was set for the representation of the different sectors in the various municipal government committees and bodies for peoples participation in the program implementation. The Dorotan administration is characterized as a charismatic and activist leader dominated governance. There were three principles that guided the Dorotan administration: peoples participation; transparency and accountability; and integrative and holistic approach to public management
Minutes of the NCPC General Assembly on August 1, 1998. Mayor Roco was invited for a dialogue.
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The two landmark resolutions the Sangguniang Bayan and the multi-sectoral consultations of Irosin adapted were the ones declaring Irosin as a Zone of Peace being executed through a series of dialogue with the contending parties, complemented with the basic services and village level peace initiatives. The other resolution was declaring the town as a JuetengFree Community by launching alternative economic activities, information campaign and venues for value clarification to sustain the program. This initiative caught the attention of neighboring towns and was consequently replicated. The municipal government of Irosin earned in 1994 the coveted National Galing-Pook Awards for Outstanding Local Government Program. The town was also selected as one of the most cleanest and greenest municipalities in the country. Besides other regional and national recognition, Irosin also gained international recognition with the Medal of Excellence for Better Local Government given by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, a German private foundation. Irosin also received in 1998 Galing-Pook Awards for its Agrarian Reform Program and Inter-Barangay Environment Development Program. These two awards brought Irosin to the Galing-Pook Hall of Fame. Good governance continues under the Balmes administration. The town had been a recipient of two more prestigious national awards. The Consistent Regional Outstanding Winner on Nutrition Award or Crown Award for sustained program on nutrition and the Most Child-friendly Municipality. Agrarian reform coverage of the municipality have generated over 2,100 hectares of land transfers and extended various support services to farmer cooperators. The local government had completed the Comprehensive Land Use Plan that would serve as framework for more detailed planning in land utilization.The local government further strengthened its partnerships with the various stakeholders in the civil society through the Expanded Municipal Development Council, which were instrumental in the implementation of various but integrated programs, projects and activities.25
But critical developments also cropped up that started to affect public perception that do not speak well on the Balmes leadership. Guerilla Jueteng became active in Irosin and illegal logging persisted. Household water that has become a pesky electoral issue remained unresolved. Since 1999, communist insurgents have intensified their activities through killings and barring development workers in working in their areas of operations. While there were farmers who became beneficiaries of the agrarian reform land transfers, others are getting impatient for not benefitting especially those working in lands owned by big landowners. A case here is the landholding of a former politician who has resisted the agrarian reform program. The NPA have taken stock of this issue against the local DAR office and the local government. In December 2000, the rebels killed one of the aides of the landlord and subsequently ambushed a police team sent to the killing site. Despite awards in nutrition programs, tuberculosis and other preventive diseases came back especially in the farming communities. Rise of New Politicians EXCEPT FOR THEIR physical built, Robredo and Dorotan could be easily perceived as brothers. Robredo has bigger built than Dorotans lean physique. They have chinito eyes, straight hair, thin moustache, fair complexion and almost the same height, maybe a couple of inches below six feet. The rise of Mayors Robredo and Dorotan broke the traditional mold of politics in Naga City and Irosin. They came from professions outside of the traditional professional backgrounds of politicians lawyering. Robredo is an engineer and Dorotan a doctor. They have a track record in public service and had worked with civil society organizations before they became mayors. Robredo and Dorotan were fresh bloods in the political arena. The change in the government leadership in Naga City and Irosin was not dependent on wealth and so they came to govern independent on the state influence. The innovation and strong
25
Report to the People, February 17, 2000

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disposition of Robredo and Dorotan enabled them not to rely on ties from political patrons that would bind them but on their own and that of their communitys social capital. Majority of the councilors under the Robredo and Dorotan administrations came from middle class background with no kinship or, at least, political ties with the old political elite. Most of them were even political neophytes, who did not have previous background on government service or electoral politics, when they joined the electoral race. Some of them had an established link with social movement groups and worked with development organizations. Local NGOs and POs considered some of the entrants as close allies capable of lobbying for their constituents interests. It has been observed that there was a changing pattern of political recruitment in Bicol. Since the 1988 local elections, Bicol saw the entry of a number of new political elites contesting the old ones in the political field.26 The tight competition between the old and the new suggested a diversified source of power, thus, widening the range of political choices in the market. It also showed the capacity of the new political elites to bring their old rivals to a heel as early as their first or initial electoral battle. This proposition, however, does not preclude the idea of these new clans playing the same old rules of the game. Neither it is plausible to say that their entry marked the decline of the old political clans. There were supportive social and political context that enhanced the entry of Robredo and Dorotan in politics and meaningful change in the public administration of Naga and Irosin. There was the rise of new democratic and reform forces. The Aquino assassination in 1983, the intensified anti-dictatorship struggle and the 1986 EDSA uprising effected the surge of church-based community service programs, NGO activity, civic initiatives and active citizenship that opened up new social spaces for building democratic and reform forces both at the national and local level. Since the early 80s, progressive groups like the national
democrats and social democrats have been active in Naga and Irosin organizing communities along issues and movement building. The Social Action Center of the Catholic Church have also been active in organizing and development of micro-economic projects. These political forces and religious groups in one way contributed to leading the democratic movements in Naga and Irosin that surged after the Aquino assassination. After EDSA, the new democratic forces continued to engaged in various issues and mobilizations to widen the democratic space under the Aquino dispensation. In the subsequent elections after EDSA, these forces along with progressive groups advocated new politics and vigorously campaigned against traditional politics where a new movement was born the movement for new politics. There were significant events in Naga and Irosin that could largely be attributed to the new democratic forces. In Naga City, a broad multisectoral alliance was able to push its advocacy of declaring Naga City as a Peace Zone. In Irosin, a local alliance was able to stop the Philippine National Oil Company in its plan for geothermal exploration in Irosin. The major change in the political leadership of Naga and Irosin can be attributed to if not ensued from a series of conscious efforts by the new democratic forces in the shaping of significant events in these areas. Robredo and Dorotan had background in the public service before being elected mayors. They had developed their capability in governance to become political leaders. They have unquestionable integrity and wide reputation for being approachable. These are the basic qualities that the constituents endear upon their leaders in government. Mang Honesto related his observations of Robredo: Whenever he goes around the communities, Jess dresses casually. When he is not on official function, Jess wears shorts and shirts. Sometimes you see him play basketball in the plaza with the youth. Natural na sa kanya ito. 27 Adds Shirley, a city hall employee, of Robredo: He comes
26 27
1996 Regional Political Mapping, Institute for Popular Democracy Perez Jr., Honesto: President, Naga City Urban Poor Federation, taped interview, Nov. 28, 1999
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to his office early in the morning. Parang mahihiya kayo tuloy na mga empleyado kung mali-late ka o wala kang ginagawa sa opisina. Kasi si Mayor, parang ang dami laging ginagawa. Wala pa siyang bisyo.28 Most of the time you can see Doc Ed in maong pants and leather sandals, shares Joy of Irosin.29 Mang Ed adds, He is not used to wearing barong. Once in Juban town as an invited guest to crown the winner in a beauty contest, Doc Ed went upstage with only his shirt because he forgot to bring his barong. Doc Ed is very approachable. He also doesnt easily take the word of the person complaining of another. These are symbols that matter in politics, Robredo relates. It is important for people to actually see things than what they hear. I may have less contribution than those people who regularly clean the streets. But in those moments people see me sweep the street, they can see that we (officials) implement what we say On the part of Doc Ed, When people see a person in higher status, there is a wall that sets them apart from a politician. People are easily intimidated. But when you lessen that symbol of authority, it immediately bridges the gap in class status and social standing. Mayor Jesse 30 JESSE ROBREDO, WAS then the youngest city mayor at 29 when elected in 1988. During the 1988 local elections, Luis Villafuerte Jr. has anointed his nephew, Jesse Robredo, to run for mayoralty position against administration candidate, Senator Raul Rocos brother and Land Transportation regional director Ramon Roco. Then Mayor Carlos del Castillo, a Villafuerte henchman, stepped down from the race to support Robredo.
When election result came out, Robredo defeated his five rivals. But he won over Roco by a very small margin. Of the total votes cast, he obtained 27.43 percent against Rocos 25.58 percent.31 The two other mayoralty candidates who come from old political clans, and former mayors themselves, Mariano Sibulo and Virginia Felipe-Perez, only obtained a very small number of votes. Lourdes Asence, Robredos running mate, managed to win the vice-mayoralty post but they lost 80 percent of the slots in the city council to the Roco slate.32 Upon assumption of office, the Robredo administration proceeded to lay down the groundwork for the improvement of the depressed areas of the city. The city government institutionalized organizations of residents by sectors, and incorporate them into the public services and city governance.33 As one example, Mayor Robredo worked with COPE Foundation34 to address concerns of the urban poor residents by providing assistance, especially regarding land acquisition. Robredo established access to more resources to provide livelihood projects and infrastructure building, cleaned the city by initiating a programmed garbage collection, paved the streets, lighted the streets and provided basic needs facilities. The administration was able to do this by improving the tax collection, increasing the city investment and opened venues for participation of NGOs and POs in governance affairs. Robredos leadership made an impact in the peace and order by organizing vice squads to quell jueteng operations and other vices in the city. For the first time in the history of Naga City, Robredos ticket won straight in the 1992 and 1995 elections. In his reelection bid since 1992, Robredo earned the support of POs and NGOs that actively campaigned for his slate. Church and civic
28 29
Shirley, city hall employee, note interview, Naga City, Oct. 19, 2000 Joy, a copier operator, conversation notes, Irosin, Sept. 18, 2000 30 Mayor Robredo as he is popularly called by the people 31 Kawanaka: The Robredo Style: Phil. Local Politics in Transition; Kasarinlan, Third World Studies, 1998 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. 34 Community Organization of Phil. Enterprises (COPE), a non-government organization involved in advocacy and direct organizing of the urban poor sector in the cities of Naga, Legaspi and Iriga.
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organizations including local business associations cast their full support to Robredo. These support were almost non-existent during his bid in 1988. Robredos performance and leadership during his first term in office convinced these organizations to support him. In 1991, Robredo became the recipient of the prestigious Ten Outstanding Young Men (TOYM) of the Philippines and in 1994 was awarded with Ten Outstanding Young Persons (TOYP) of the World. Both awards were in recognition for his government service. In 1995-1998, he was the president of the League of Cities of the Philippines, an organization of cities united and committed to effective local autonomy and development as provided for by the LGC of the Philippines. He was also the chair of the Bicol Regional Development Council, composed of local government officials, regional heads of department and other government offices and representatives from NGOs within the region. In 2000, Robredo was honored with the prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Award for Government Service in recognition of the way he showed that effective city management is compatible with yielding power to the people. Before he was elected mayor, Robredo was the program director for one year of the Bicol River Basin Development Program. The BRBDP, supervised by the National Council for Integrated Area Development, was tasked to implement priority high-impact projects for the Bicol River Basin Area, covering Albay and Camarines Sur. Robredo started as a professor at the College of Engineering of the University of Nueva Caceres. After completing Mechanical Engineering and Industrial Management Engineering courses at the De La Salle University, he joined the San Miguel Corporation as head of the logistics division. Before assuming the directorship of the BRBDP he earned his masters degree in Business Administration from the Univesity of the Philippines. Robredo comes from a family of naturalized Chinese businessmen engaged
in lumber and trading in Naga City. He was born Jesse Manalastas Robredo in Naga City on May 27, 1958 to Marcelina Manalastas and Jose Robredo Sr. His wife is lawyer Maria Leonor G. Robredo. The couple has three daughters. Doc Ed35 DR. EDDIE DOROTAN hailed from a landed elite family long-active in local politics in Irosin. His father was a physician although the family is also involved in the trading business. Doc Eds eldest brother, Roque Dorotan, had been mayor of Irosin from 1981 to 1986. After the EDSA uprising, the government of President Corazon Aquino replaced Roque Dorotan with OIC Mayor Enrique del Monte. Roque did not run again in the 1988 local elections. After he graduated medicine at the University of the Philippines School of Medicine, Doc Ed went back to Irosin to practice his profession. Irosin was a typical underdeveloped rural municipality. Most of the people were under the cloud of grinding poverty and government service was almost non-existent. Malnutrition afflicted 71% of children in 1992. Because of this, Irosin was the hotbed of insurgency in the province of Sorsogon at the same time famous for its jueteng operations. After four years as a private doctor, Doc Ed shifted to public doctor in 1985 where he worked with the Irosin District Hospital from which he became its Chief Director from 1989 to 1992. The Public Hospital is not accessible to the barrio folks so Doc Ed organized volunteer students and medical professionals to organize communities along health related activities. Village residents were trained as para-medics or barefoot doctors. Doc Ed later founded the Kilusan ng Bayan para sa Kalusugan (Kabapa), an organization of barefoot doctors coming from peasant families. Doc Ed also founded the Lingap para sa Kalusugan ng Sambayanan (LIKAS), a local NGO
35
Mayor Dorotan as he is popularly called by the people

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that organized barrio-based support groups for tuberculosis victims while continuing to train barefoot doctors in the rural communities. Although initially limited to Irosin, by 1983, the LIKAS program had expanded into three other municipalities. Because most of its beneficiaries were poor peasant families, LIKAS expanded its mandate to development program organizing peasants along agrarian related issues and livelihood projects. In 1985, LIKAS was the key initiator in the holding of consultations among peasant organizations that led to the birth of the Sandigan ng Magsasaka, which covered the municipalities of Bulan, Bulusan, Irosin and Matnog. Sandigan is currently one of the biggest peasant organization in Sorsogan. Doc Ed had just graduated from Boston Universitys Masteral Program in Public Health when the people of Irosin convinced him to run for mayor. In the 1992 elections, Doc Ed won by a close margin vote against Mayor Jose tio Peping Michelena. Michelena was a former lawyer, a Spanish of Filipino citizenship and a typical landowner who became Irosin mayor in four different terms from 1960 to 1992, and provincial vice-governor from 1980 to 1986. There were several factors that contributed to the victory of Doc Ed. One important factor, relates Doc Ed, was that people of Irosin wanted new face and change. Mayor Michelena has been mayor for almost two decades but nothing substantial happened to Irosin. According to Noli, peoples organizations, church and civic organizations and non-government organizations actively campaign for Doc Ed because they know him and his track record. There were also other contributing factors. The opponents of Michelena in the past elections together with the supporter of former mayor Roque Dorotan all gave their support to Doc Ed. Even the so-called swing votes of the Iglesia ni Kristo also casted their votes to Doc Ed. At the time that the municipal council was debating whether to come out or not with an ordinance
declaring Irosin as Jueteng-free zone, Doc Ed was offered money by the jueteng operators. Mang Ed related to the Mayor that the operators were offering P300,000 monthly contribution to the municipal government on the condition that it was okay for the municipal government to arrest bettors as long as the police dont interfere. At that instance, Doc simply replied to Mang Ed, the amount is too enticing. Why are you telling me this? Are you bothered by your conscience. Doc Ed was reelected in 1995 with 8,460 votes with his slate sweeping the polls except for one councilor. Once again, he defeated Michelena. In six years from 1992 to 1998, Doc Eds administration transformed the depressed, insurgency-ridden, fifth-class municipality into a progressive, peaceful, 4th class municipality. Doc Ed was conferred the Outstanding Young Filipino Award for Community Development in 1995. Doc Ed was born Eddie Dorotan to Dr. Vicente Dorotan and Beata Dorotan. His wife is Florencia Cassanova-Dorotan who is the present Executive Director of LIKAS. Doc Ed and Oyen have twin sons and twin daughters. Winning Elections: Combining Traditional and New Politics THE OLDEST RECORDED name of Bicol region is Ibalon, which translates into the land of plenty. Ironically, in recent times, the name Bicol aptly applies to its twisted situation as a result of centuries-old problems compounded by misfortunes. The name Bicol derived from Bico, meaning twisted that in old days referred to the winding river that runs through the province of Camarines Sur and Albay. The Bicol region is the ninth largest of the countrys 15 regions but it gets the least attention from the national government. In 1995, the proposed national budget allocated only 6.4% of the entire regions budget for the peninsula, equivalent to only P8.8 billion. While neighboring Southern Tagalog Region received 12.2%.36
36
POLITIK, a publication of the Ateneo Center for Social Policy, February 1995
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Bicol Region is one of the poorest regions in the country. As of 1995, 61.3 percent of its population lived below the poverty line. In 1995, its annual per capita poverty threshold of P6,476.00 is the lowest nationwide, even worse than that of Eastern Visayas. Unemployment was 5.8 % while underemployment was 34%.37 There are insufficient farm-to-market roads for the transportation of goods; nor are there enough public utility vehicles. Investors are intimidated by the sheer distance and difficulty of transporting goods to the region from Manila.38 The region registered a literacy rate of 95.3 percent, relatively at par with the more economically developed regions. But this figure mainly constitutes those who have finished or, at least reached, the elementary education. In terms of educational attainment level, 61.4 percent are in the elementary, 22.2 percent in the secondary, 5.2 percent in college. Only 4.2 percent have college degrees.39 Much worse is that many college students opt to leave after graduation. Fr. Eugene Morgan, former Ateneo de Naga president shares, Bicol universities like the Ateneo are conduits for people wanting to escape.40 Despite its natural wealth potentials, performance of the Bicol economy has been erratic. The main produce of the region is coconut, but unfortunately in recent times, coconut products do not demand a very high market price. Even the countrys revenues from the export of coconut oil continue to drop. Its abaca production is also continually affected by numerous typhoons hitting the region. Perhaps because of poverty and gross underdevelopment, Bicol is gaining the stature of the countrys main supplier of women service workers in entertainment clubs. The region also ranks highest in the recruitment of soldiers and priests. In the mid 80s, Bicol was considered by the AFP to be a major base of NPA operations.
Part of the problem can be traced to the problem of culture and Bicolanos propensity to depend on others for their needs. We are too content with our resource, we dont bother developing them ourselves, says Robredo. Former Albay congressman Edcel Lagman said of Bicol politics: The depressed economic situation of the region ensures continuity of patronage politics. Well-entrenched landed families dominate Bicol politics, remain traditional, turf-conscious and parochial jeopardizing the overall development path of the region. Lagman added, Bicolanos are so poor, that election day is always payday, since bribe-taking is a way of life. Political parties are practically irrelevant, since people are not politically mature, personal charisma, patronage loyalties and political machine determines the character of electoral politics. This applies to Naga City and Irosin, where local politics, is traditionally the turf of landed political elite and political actors from the outside. In Camarines Sur, there are the Villafuertes, Rocos, Fuentebella and Alfelors. In Sorsogon, the Escuderos, Gillegos, Frivaldos and Lees. Before Robredo, the Villafuertes and Rocos compete who the local henchman in Naga City will be. In Irosin, the Escuderos, Gillegos and Frivaldos are influentials in local politics. In recent years, Sorsogon Governor Raul Lee and youthful Representative Francis Escudero are the emerging political blocs that would likely influence the political configuration of the province. The political players of the province continue to come into play in the local politics and threaten the political transformation of Naga City and Irosin. On the other hand, the foundations established by the reform-minded politicians and civil society organizations in Naga and Irosin serve as defense from the intervention of outside political blocs. The transparent, participatory and service-oriented
37 38
Factbook on the Philippine Regions, 1995 POLITIK, February 1995 39 Factbook on the Philippine Regions, 1995 40 POLITIK, February 1995
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governance in Naga and Irosin contributed to the change in the socio-economic-political environment of these areas such that change in the nature of relationship between government leaders and constituency happens. From political ties that are determined largely by traditional patterns of deference to established authorities, loyalties are increasingly transformed into a horizontal and functional relationship. The implication for this among political leaders is that appeals for political support are likely to stress policy concerns. The active engagement of civil society organizations in governance and electoral politics also contribute to the change in the character of political organization from machine politics to program/party politics. But much work has yet to be done by representative organizations of civil society particularly the progressive ones especially in the electoral arena. It is in the attempts of progressive and social development organizations to participate in elections that the distance between the language of reform and everyday politics is most stark.41 Progressive and development organizations have yet to effectively engage the day-to-day language and narrative of the local, that is bridging the language of reform to the everyday politics of the people. Taking elections seriously, progressive and social development groups, must also learn elections tediously. Its a transformation in orientation. From basic organizing along issues and movement building, developing micro-economic projects, area development work, building more POs vertically and horizontally to trying to win local power is a move towards taking the local seriously. Rocamora stresses the language of everyday politics that accumulating local power will require the culture of the local. The Naga Campaign LUIS VILLAFUERTE EMERGED as a political kingpin not only in Naga but also of the entire Bicol region during Martial Law. Villafuertes rise was facilitated by President Marcos who took notice of
the then corporate lawyer. With the support of the late strongman, Villafuerte won a seat in the Interim Batasan Pambansa in 1978. In 1979 he was appointed Minister of Trade. Villafuerte tried to build his political clout in local politics, especially in Naga City and Camarines Sur province. In the 1980 local elections, Villafuerte supported his henchman, Carlos del Castillo to the position of Naga mayor. It was widely recognized that the victory of del Castillos ticket with the support of Villafuerte was through massive disenfranchisement and other forms of electoral fraud that were allegedly committed in the elections. In 1981, Luis Villafuerte was displaced from the post of Trade Minister as believed by many that he lost his place in the inner circle of Marcos. Before the 1984 Batasan Pambansa elections, Villafuerte defected to the United Democratic Opposition (UNIDO). His defection strengthened his political position. Winning the congressional post, Villafuerte gained further prominence when the Marcos regime was toppled and Corazon Aquino took over the presidency in 1986. Villafuerte was already a key person at that time. President Aquino appointed him as Chairman of Presidential Commission on Government Reorganization and then Officer-inCharge of Camarines Sur. Villafuerte saw his nephew Jesse as a future Mayor of Naga City. The kingmaker Villafuerte backed Robredo in 1988 to run for Mayor under the ticket of Lakas ng Bansa, which would later merge with other parties to form the LDP. Then Mayor Carlos del Castillo supported Robredo. Robredos opponent then was lawyer Ramon Roco, Sen. Rocos younger brother. Roco was a member of an antiVillafuerte coalition in Camarines Sur and Naga City. The Robredo-Roco battle for Naga Citys highest office was another Luis Villafuerte-Raul Roco confrontation that started in 1987. In 1987, Raul a former delegate to the 1971 Constitutional Convention contested the congressional seat in the 2nd district of Camarines Sur. Villafuerte supported Rocos opponent former Vice Mayor Virginia FelipePerez while former Naga City Mayor Vicente Sibulo
41
Rocamora, Joel. Introduction:Boss: Five Cases of Local Politics in the Philippines.Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism and Institute for Popular Democracy, 1995
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and Villafuertes opponent since Martial Law period supported Raul Roco. Roco won the district race. Robredo secured the mayoral seat with a small margin of 947 votes. Robredos vice-mayor candidate Dr. Lourdes Asence was elected but eight among 10 seats in the city council were occupied by the Roco group. Villafuerte was elected as governor of Camarines Sur. Though the congressional seat was held by Roco, Villafuerte not Robredo, possessed greater influence in Naga City. According to Robredo, the deciding factor in his victory against Roco was his well-prepared development scheme, which he earlier presented during the Public Forum for mayoral candidates before the elections. But others say that it was Villafuertes well-entrenched political machine in Naga City that won for Robredo. The political ties between Robredo and Villafuerte broke when Villafuerte tried to override Robredos own style of management and administration of the city. It all started with Robredos plan to stop the jueteng operations in the city. Robredo relates, Everyone knew who decides and obeyed in Naga City. It all started when Villafuerte wanted the Chief of Police be maintained in the City, which I didnt like. He talked with Gen. Montano to maintain the official. I talked with the Bishop who in turn talked to President Cory Aquino. The Chief of Police was replaced. In hindsight, what happened was positive for us because if he prevailed, we could have not done what we wanted. When the Robredo prevailed, he organized vice squads to arrest the jueteng bettors. That time, Luis Villafuertes son Bong Villafuerte, was highly suspected involved in jueteng operations in the city. In the 1992 elections, Gov. Villafuerte fielded his elder sister, Pura Luisa Magtuto, to challenge Robredo in the mayoralty race. Magtuto ran under the LDP ticket. Because of his collision with Villafuerte, Robredo was ousted from the LDP and joined future President Fidel Ramos Lakas-NUCD as a founding member. Robredo needed a strong political ally because he was confronted by a strong local alliance
the Villafuerte-Roco coalition. Villafuerte sought re-election for governorship while Roco ran for Senate position. The 1992 elections saw Naga City caught in a family war. Calling his nephew an ingrate, Villafuerte launched a cash and smear campaign against Robredo. The Villafuerte camp set up an incorporeal organization Bunyog Banuaan (unity of town), which provided loans on the condition that if Magtuto won, the recipients need not honor their debts.42 Aside from this, massive vote buying was carried out. They hurled what many considered were trumped up charges against Robredo, including reports that he had raped a girl. Against the formidable Villafuerte-Roco alliance and whose pockets were not as deep as Villafuertes, Robredo built his own organizations, mobilized his grassroots network, and relied on the support of civil society organizations. The result was a landslide victory for Robredo and his whole ticket swept the 1992 polls. It also spelled Villafuertes doom. Ramon Mitra, standard-bearer of the LDP of which Villafuerte acted as campaign manager, lost his presidential bid won by Robredos candidate, Fidel Ramos. Villafuerte himself lost his re-election bid to a completely unknown Nationalist Peoples Coalition candidate Jose Bulaong. Robredo places importance on organization, although we do perform well, without a good organization I can not win a straight ticket.43 The mayor organized his local leaders under the Barangay Peoples Foundation, which started as the Barangay Precinct Organization, an organization of election precinct watchers during his 1988 campaign. His wife, Maria Leonor, organized the womens organization Lakas ng Kababaihan. The Barangay Peoples Foundation and the Lakas ng Kababaihan had livelihood projects among their activities. In 1992, the Office of the Mayor created the Lingkod Barangay to provide assistance to these organizations. The NGO and PO community, although most of them took non-partisan position in the local elections but whose members were active campaigners of
42 43
Kawanaka: Robredo Style: Philippine Local Politics in Transition, Kasarinlan 1998; Third World Studies Kawanaka
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Robredo, provided the deepening aspect of the campaign in terms of issues and platform of government and campaign network. The NGOs, POs, and other civic organizations launched expansive voters education campaign and pollwatchers training. Recognizing the needs of the urban poor population of Naga City, which comprises 25 percent of the population, the Robredo administration established the Urban Poor Affairs Office to respond to the needs of the urban poor dwellers. During the Robredo administration, the number of urban poor organizations increased. These organizations and their communities provided solid foundation for the Robredo campaigns during elections. Robredo also formed a propaganda group. The group manages the public perception on the mayor and the city government. The group prepared articles about the awards the city government was getting and the projects of the city administration. It also provides information to the media and the nongovernment sector about the plans and policies of the administration. These were sent both to the local and national media. The group also played important role during elections. They handled the propaganda campaign of Robredo and drew strategies to counter the opponents black propaganda and misinformation campaign. The approachability of Robredo works well with him. In some way, his approachability, organizes people. On the rally stage, his speeches focused on issues and programs. But when he toured the communities, he played with children and exchange banter with people. Robredo admits that he loves talking to anybody. Community meetings and house visits are more on small talks and exchange of stories. People can easily approach him and can tell him anything. Ed relates, But he does not leave the people without having an agenda or plan agreed upon. When he leaves, the people were organized around his campaign.44
In political reality, shares Robredo, you can not do away with the mix of platform, message and the person. In election, voting is not a simple decision that is thought of, it also includes feeling. People vote a person not just because one is capable or good. People vote because they like the person. Liking the person usually prevails in voting than voting because they believe in him. Robredo adds, I think, a good politician is one who has the mix of standpoint and how he carries himself. Many politicians are good and honest but they lost to those who are not capable or corrupt because the latter are what the voters like. In 1995, Robredo ran uncontested and his ticket soundly defeated Villafuertes bets. Robredo says he does not feel beholden to anyone for his successive victories, except the Naga City residents. Says former Rep. Edcel Lagman: Robredos strength comes from mass support. He could run again for mayor with another party and still win, he is that popular. The Irosin Campaign WHEN EDDIE DOROTAN ran for mayor of Irosin in 1992, he was seen as the David trying to challenge Goliath. He was a political neophyte while the incumbent Mayor Jose Michelena had been mayor of Irosin for more than a decade, a former vice governor, and a big landowner. Michelenas son, Jose Marie, became the town vice mayor from 1980 to 1986. Dorotan did not have much financial resources against Michelena but he had social and political capital. He became popular as Doc Ed because of his attendant service to the poor. He was a popular NGO and community leader. He was the recognized leader of LIKAS, which through the years had established expansive network among the different sectors and groups in Irosin. Dorotan also became popular among the rural poor because of his identification with the Sandigan ng Magsasaka. The
44
Perez, Ed: vice president, Naga City Urban Poor Federation, taped interview, Naga City, Nov. 28, 1999
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WORK IN PROGRESS
Dorotan clan is respected in the municipality. His elder brother, Roque, was town mayor from 1980 to 1986. When doc Ed decided to ran for mayor, he told his supporters that he would not spend for the campaign. He would primarily rely on the human and material resources of his supporters and of the peoples organizations that were behind his campaign. His kumpadreng Eddie and campaigner told him, in our politics, there is no politician that do not spend money. How will you win in election if you do not spend. Money is part of our politics but the important thing is how you would spend it. The political environment in Sorsogon in 1992 provided opportunities for Doc Eds campaign. The local elite of Sorsogon hadnt yet recovered from their dispersal after the EDSA revolution. The incumbent Mayor Michelena lost his allies in the congressional and provincial politics. Doc Ed was supported by Congressman Bonifacio Gillego who saw the young man as his potential ally in pushing for reforms. Tio Boning Gillego was a popular politician. He was a former military intelligence officer, who after retiring from the service, antiMarcos and nationalist sentiments propelled him into the Manglapus wing of the elite opposition and in 1970 had been elected as delegate from Sorsogon to the Constitutional Convention. With the imposition of martial law he was forced into hiding and then managed to escape and remained in exile in the US. While in the US his continued involvement in opposing the regime, including helping to expose Marcos fake war medals, later earned him first an appointment as Philippine Commission on Good Government (PCGG) officer there and then as OIC governor of Sorsogon. Once elected as congressman in 1988, he defied local expectations by joining the nationalist bloc in the House of Representatives and becoming the most vigorous supporter in Congress of the peasant-backed agrarian reform proposal that was later vetoed by the landlord bloc.
Gillegos sister, Celerina Gillego Gotladera, was elected mayor of Bulan, the Gillego hometown, in 1992. Celerinas husband, Pantaleon, was former mayor of Bulan. The most prominent among Cong. Gillegos kin is his nephew, military rebel now Senator Gregorio Gringo Honasan, who also hails from Bulan. Doc Ed ran under the Lakas-NUCD. But his primary network were the peoples organizations and other civic groups. He was also actively supported by non-government organizations and religious groups including the Iglesia ni Kristo. His campaign organized a local movement, the Laban para sa Progresibong Irosin (LPI). LPI also stood for Doc Eds platform of government Livelihood promotion; Peoples empowerment; and Improvement of Basic Services. LPI became the organizing and campaign machinery of Doc Ed. Sectoral movements were also organized for the Dorotan campaign. These were the Alyansa ng mga Pesante sa Irosin (API) among the peasantry and the Kaisahan ng mga Kabataan para sa Kapayapaan (Kaisa-Ka) among the youth. These movements provided the visibility campaign of Dorotans ticket among these sectors, which comprise the biggest votes of Irosin. The network of his older brother, former mayor Roque Dorotan, which comprised mainly of traditional politicians, small business and middle income earners, provided resources to the campaign.45 The Dorotan ticket gave a semblance of representation among the sectors of society in Irosin. His vice mayor came from the professional sector. His council slate was composed of representatives from the peasant sector; the social development agency; from the women sector; the rest from the business, youth and small industry sectors and one incumbent ally. The Dorotan ticket effectively responded to the concern of the Irosinon who were looking for new leaders and change in their municipality. His
45
Lim, John, a resident-businessman of Irosin, note interview, Irosin, Nov. 15, 2000
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WORK IN PROGRESS
campaign primarily highlighted on their platform of governance in relations to the issues and concern of the population and specific sectors. The campaign raised the issues on rampant problem of malnutrition, peace and order, lack of basic services, among others. Dorotan won over the incumbent mayor Michelena by a landslide vote. Dorotans vice-mayor Nathaniel Balmes and seven out of eight councilors also swept the local polls. One force that also made important contribution to the Dorotan victory was the neutral position taken by the national democrats in the mayoral elections. Doc Ed was identified with the social democrats by the national democrats. Although the neutral position also favored reelectionist Mayor Michelena, it provided more advantage to Doc Ed. Most members of the peoples organizations identified with the national democrats voted for Doc Ed because of his campaign platform. In 1988, the national democrats participated in the local election through the Partido ng Bayan. A former NPA guerilla commander Chuning Guban ran and won as councilor of Irosin but the PnBs congressional candidate Atty. Ireneo Escandor placed poor seventh to winner Bonifacio Gillego. But in the 1995 elections, the national democrats actively campaigned against Doc Ed and supported Michelena. The natdems accused Mayor Dorotan for collaborating with the military when Irosin was declared a Peace Zone in 1992. The natdems charged that the Peace Zone scheme works favorably for the government military forces than for the NPA guerillas. They also raised that there can never be a peace zone as long as their remains injustice to the people. The change of attitude of the natdems with Doc Ed was not only because of their position against the Peace Zone but because of change of local leadership in the underground movement. One of the key leaders of the NPA in Sorsogon Jemino Balaguiao Jr. was instrumental in working out with the Dorotan administration of making Irosin a Zone of Peace. A
few weeks after Irosin was declared a Peace Zone, Balaquiao was killed in an encounter with the government military forces in Sitio Tungdol, Bulan. The mayor was one of those who retrieved the body of Balaquiao. Dorotan said of Balaquiao, Al was a peacemaker in the real sense of the word.46 In 1995, Doc Ed won his re-election bid against Michelena. Doc Eds ticket also swept the polls except for one councilor. What about the special operations during the campaign? Rosendo admitted that special ops are important especially in the last days of the campaign period. The special operations group (SOG) is created for damage control operations, counter the opponents smear campaign and negotiate for votes. The entry of progressive and reform-minded politicians have not spelled the end of vote-buying practices of candidates. Rosendo shares, you cant do away with using money for it remains a key element that could make or break a candidates campaign in the last hour. In Irosin, everyone knows that a candidate loses if the opponent has the power of the purse. Any well-meaning politician who runs in an environment where money dominates the political culture is under pressure to balance idealism with the realities of electoral politics. Rosendo adds, it is part of the deskarte at least to defend our influence votes before the opposite camp could buy them. It is not only a matter of how much you gave the voters as pakimkim but the timing of connecting with them in the hours when they have to make a choice. But there are voters who wait in the vicinity of the polling place just to offer their votes at the right price. The 2001 Elections NAGA CITY AND Irosin town have different socioeconomic and political environments. Thus, each has its own distinct character and dynamics of electoral politics.
46
Pulang Hamtik; Bicol Agency for Nationalist and Human Initiatives Inc. 1997
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WORK IN PROGRESS
Naga City is a highly urbanized city. A large portion of its voter population are middle income earners, professional and respected opinion makers. By its electoral history, Naga City voters can be characterized as informed and intelligent voters. Although the victories of the mayors of the city before me were tainted with doubt, they have distinguished careers before they became mayor. Naga voters are influence by various factors in making their choice of whom to vote, one factor remains common to them performance.47 Although the D and E classes comprise the bigger population, majority resides in the urban. Out of the 27 barangays of Naga City, only five are considered rural or upland barangays. Almost 50% of the population of Naga City are migrant residents. Urban poor residents comprise 25 percent of the total population.48 Robredo says that vote-buying remains one of the features of electoral politics in Naga but this is limited to the upland barangays and the urban poor communities. To counter vote buying and other electoral fraud and effectively launch votegathering campaign, a mayoral candidate needs a good track record and strong political organization. On the other hand, a big section of voters can be categorized into market votes and these comprise the swing voters and thinking voters, so it is important that vote-gathering campaign focuses on the candidates performance, policies and development program There are big families and influential leaders in Naga who can capture votes for their preferred candidates but their patronage politics transformed into Irosin is a rural municipality. 70.4 percent of the towns population live in rural barangays while 29.6 percent in the poblacion. Agriculture remains the main source of livelihood where 69 percent of Irosins economically active population are employed in the agricultural sector wherein availability of work is seasonal. Mayority of the population in the
poblacion are poor and squatters. Alternative employment sector is construction, which is also seasonal. The commercial sector provides very limited job opportunities. During economic slump, the agricultural workers are usually pushed further into poverty due to increase of the cost of living and the reduction of the purchasing power. Another factor that pushes the farmer to poverty is low agricultural productivity due to climate change particularly the long dry season and natural disasters, the infestation of plant diseases and pests, the high cost of production and high interest payments on production loans.49 Electoral politics of Iroson is strongly characterized by patronage, clan politics, machine politics and vote buying. The present population of Irosin is generally young, ages ranging from 1- 19 comprises 54.76 percent of the population.50 Voting population is also young where ages 18-35 comprises 52 percent of the total voting population.51 Despite the differences of electoral terrain between Naga City and Irosin, they faced the same challenge in the 2001 elections the continuity of reform governance. The same challenge also confronted Robredo and Dorotan. Most of their supporters wanted them to come back as mayors. Mayors Roco and Balmes were losing the confidence of their supporters and there was a sense of dissatisfaction among the people. Mang Honesto of Naga wanted Robredo to come back because he thinks that issues were accumulating against Roco. On the other hand, Jun of Irosin voted Balmes because of Doc Ed, but he sees that Balmes will likely lose against Lilia Gonzales. The two mayors performed. They pursued the visions of their predecessors and introduced their own innovations. But there were critical issues and expectations that were perceived they had not effectively responded. The performance of the Roco and Balmes administration was generally perceived
47 48
Robredo interview Naga City Statistical Profile, 1995. Office of the City Planning and Development Office 49 1998 Municipal Annual Report, Local Government of Irosin 50 Ibid. 51 1998 COMELEC voters profile for Irosin
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WORK IN PROGRESS
to have been poor. There was also no escaping the game of comparison between them and the former mayors who had set standards of performance, style of leadership and public management. There were factors that were not favorable that affected the performance of the Roco and Balmes administrations. One was the financial constraints effected by the national governments slashing of the local government internal revenue allotment in 1998 and 1999 and the 1997 Asian financial crisis that slowed down the local economy decreasing the revenues of Naga and Irosin. These constraints stalled or delayed the implementation of projects like the Integrated Livelihood Plan in Naga City and the Livelihood Promotion Program in Irosin. During Roco and Balmes terms, the partnership of the government and civil society organizations lost vitality. In Naga, there was a disparity in attitude and point of view of the Roco administration on one hand and the NCPC on the other regarding the role of the non-government sector in local governance. While in Irosin, a number of peoples organization became inactive because their leaders were absorbed in the local government activities to the neglect of their organizations and constituents concerns. Tanny and Cholo were also perceived unapproachable. According to Mang Honesto, Mayor Roco doesnt want to dialogue with the urban poor organization unless few people would meet him. This is impossible for our federation because the council of leaders alone comprise 51 leaders. He quotes the mayor, ayoko nang maraming taong kausap, magulo at maingay.52 Mayor Balmes is a good person but para siyang snob. Even in his own house, only few people go there, relates Jun. Despite the accumulating negative perception on the two mayors, there was lack of consistent and conscious effort by their administrations to manage public perception.
Reelectionist Mayor Nathaniel Balmes and his slate except for one councilor lost the 2001 elections. Balmes lost by a margin of 1,572 votes to Lilia Gonzales. Vice-mayor Romeo Gamba was defeated by former mayor Jose Michelina by 1,708 votes. Although there is an electoral protest pending in court filed by the Balmes group, newly elected Mayor Lilia Gonzales and her slate had already taken over the administration of Irosin. Lilia Gonzales, is a retired teacher turned businesswoman. She is the wife of Rep. Rodolfo Gonzales who lost his reelection bid in the 2001 elections.53 In the 1998 elections, Lilia was accused of using the womens organization, KUSOG (Lakas ng Kababaihan) in her husbands congressional bid. The womens organization split after the election when one of its founder and leader, Aurora FortesPantua, after returning from the United States, questioned the partisan engagement of KUSOG. Lilia and her group formed another womens organization, GAHI KA (Gabay sa Hinaharap ng Kababaihan). In just a couple of years, GAHI KA has more than 2,000 members and extended to the towns of Bulusan and Barcelona. Through the Countrywide Development Funds of her representative-husband and funds from the PCSO and DSWD, GAHI KA provided medical services in farm villages, set-up Day Care centers and livelihood projects among women. GAHI-DECO, a cooperative was also organized undertaking garment productions. GAHI KA and GAHI-DECO campaigned for Lilia. Robredo came back and overwhelmingly won the mayoral race in Naga City. Out of the total 45,426 voters turn-out, Robredo garnered 34,986 votes. The total votes of his three opponents was below 7,000. His entire slate under Aksyon Demokratiko swept the polls. Sulpicio Roco stepped down from the mayoral seat but won the congressional race. Rep. James
52 53
Perez Jr., Honesto interview Gonzales lost to Atty. Jose Solis, a former director of NAMRIA. The Gonzales camp had file a disqualification case against Solis to the COMELEC for a falsified application of candidacy.
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WORK IN PROGRESS
Jacob did not seek reelection and was appointed undersecretary at the Department of Education which is headed by former Senator Raul Roco. Robredo has become a formidable political kingmaker of Camarines Sur. His alliance with the Rocos was to ensure that the Villafuertes cant take hold of Naga City. But more importantly to implement his vision of Metropolitan Naga that will also serve the other municipalities of the second district. New Mayor Lilia Gonzales relates, they (Dorotan-Balmes) have been in the administration for nine years, maybe people wanted new faces this time.54 She is right in her perspective that election is a battle of personalities. But her administration will be tested not only on their personalities but on how they will produce results and be measured according to the performance of the previous administration. Gonzales said that they have only recently noticed that the development program her administration is the same that Doc Ed had laid, we will just have to continue what Balmes failed to do.
REFERENCES Factbook on Philippine Regions. 1995 Franco, Jennifer C. Elections and Democratization in the Philippines, Brandeis University. February 1997 Gutierrez, Eric, The Ties That Bind, Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism and Institute for Popular Democracy, 1994 Gutierrez, Torrente, Narca. All in the Family, Institute for Popular Democracy, 1992 Institute for Popular Democracy. Regional Electoral Mapping 1996 IPD PolMap Center: Electoral Data of Camarines Sur and Sorsogon Institute for Politics and Governance. The Theory and Practice of Peoples Council: Focus on the Naga City Model, 1998 Irosin Municipal Annual Report 1998 Kimura, Masataka. Elections and Politics: Philippine Style, A Case in Lipa, De La Salle University Press, Inc. 1997
Lucas, Roselle, The Struggles of Naga City. POLITIK, Ateneo Center for Social Policy, 1998 Mayor Balmes, Nathaniel. Report to the People, Local Government Unit of Irosin, 2000 Naga City Statistical Profile(1995) ODonnell, Guillermo, Transitions, Continuities, Paradoxes, Issues in Democratic Consolidation, Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies, 1995 Pagsanghan, Joel. Irosin Integrated Area Development Program: A Best Practice in Agriculture Development, Ateneo Center for Social Policy and Public Affairs, 1998 Rocamora, Joel. Introduction: Boss: Five Case Studies of Local Politics in the Philippines. Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) and the Institute for Popular Democracy (IPD). 1995 Socio-Economic Profile of Irosin, 1995 Tirol, Jose K, and Ahorro, Eric. Bicol: Torn by Factionalism. POLITIK 1995; Ateneo Center for Social Policy Tirol, Jose K. Jesse Robredo: Nagas Prodigal Nephew. POLITIK, Ateneo Center for Social Policy, 1995
Ubalde, Lorenzo G.Irosin, A Profile of Wealth and Threats. 2000
54
Mayor Lilia Gonzales: note interview, Aug. 2, 2001, Irosin

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WORK IN PROGRESS
ELECTION RESULTS
IROSIN, SORSOGON Number of Precincts Number of Registered Voters Actually Voted 116 21,978 18,281 NAGA CITY, CAMARINES SUR Number of Precincts Number of Registered Voters Actually Voted 425 60,389 45,426 (75%)
MAYOR
Llia B. Gonzales Nathaniel G. Balmes 9,478 7,906
MAYOR
Jesse M. Lobredo Rodolfo Z. Fortun 34,986 7,906
COUNCILORS (top 8)
Teodoro G. Apil Melchor O. Michelena Christina D. Lim Maximo T. Frivaldo Yolanda Balaoro Luz S. Futalan Erwin Nicolas R. Gacias Alfredo B. Cielo Jr. 10,111 9,789 8,661 8,439 8,296 8,085 7,811 7,059
COUNCILORS (top 10)

Jose C. Ranola John G. Bongat Cecilia V. De Asis Gabriel H. Bordado Jr. Lourdes V. Asence William M. Kalaw William G. Del Rosario Mila S. Raquid-Arroyo Simeon F. Adan Jose L. Grageda 25,413 25,036 24,440 22,946 21,782 20,322 20,263 19,904 19,125 18,817
PARTYLIST
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. BAYAN MUNA AARANGKADA BAYAN APEC AKBAYAN BAGONG BAYANI 4,869 2,130 1,182 1,052 242
PARTYLIST
1. AKSYON Demokratiko 2. BAYAN MUNA 3. Ang Lakas ng Bagong Koop 4. MAD 5. CITIZEN DRUGWATCH 6. APEC 7. VACC 8. BINHI 9. AKBAYAN 6,089 2,954 2,191 1,898 1,097 858 835 699 584
VICE MAYOR
Jose G. Michelena Romeo G. Gamba 9,217 7,509
SENATORIAL (top 13)

1. Honasan 2. Arroyo 3. De Castro 4. Villar 5. Pangilinan 6. Estrada 7. Magsaysay 8. Lacson 9. Flavier 10. Recto 11. Pagdanganan 12. Drilon 13. Osmena PnM PPC IND PPC PPC PnM PPC PnM PPC PPC PPC PPC PPC 10,156 8,809 8,741 7,117 6,628 6,500 6,494 5,970 5,914 5,760 5,246 5,230 5,121
VICE MAYOR
Esteban Abonal Jr. Fiel L. Rosales Lina A. General 20,219 14,397 6,540
SENATORIAL (top 13)

1. Arroyo 2. Drilon 3. Flavier 4. Villar 5. Magsaysay 6. Pangilinan 7. Recto 8. LaOsmena 9. De Castro 10. Tanada 11. Chato 12. Monsod 13. Pagdanganan PPC PPC PPC PPC PPC PPC PPC PPC IND PPC PPC PPC PPC 34,292 28,892 28,374 26,035 25,989 25,623 23,558 23,522 22,846 22,617 21,498 19,442 18,605
26

Local Gov Paper IPD Naga Irosin

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WORK IN PROGRESS

Local Politics Transformation and Continuity

INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY

Local Politics Transformation and Continuity

INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY

INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY

ODonnell, Guillermo, Transitions, Continuities, Paradoxes, Issues in Democratic Consolidation, 1992

INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY

INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY

National Statistics Office, 1995

Report to the People, February 17, 2000

INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY

Mayor Dorotan as he is popularly called by the people

Ubalde, Lorenzo G.Irosin, A Profile of Wealth and Threats. 2000

Mayor Lilia Gonzales: note interview, Aug. 2, 2001, Irosin

COUNCILORS (top 10)

SENATORIAL (top 13)

SENATORIAL (top 13)

INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY

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