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Geographies of food: 'Afters'

Ian Cook, Kersty Hobson, Lucius Hallett IV, Julie Guthman, Andrew Murphy, Alison Hulme, Mimi Sheller, Louise Crewe, David Nally, Emma Roe, Charles Mather, Paul Kingsbury, Rachel Slocum, Shoko Imai, Jean Duruz, Chris Philo, Henry Buller, Mike Goodman, Allison Hayes-Conroy, Jessica Hayes-Conroy, Lisa Tucker, Megan Blake, Richard Le Heron, Heather Putnam, Damian Maye and Heike Henderson Prog Hum Geogr 2011 35: 104 originally published online 29 April 2010 DOI: 10.1177/0309132510369035 The online version of this article can be found at: http://phg.sagepub.com/content/35/1/104

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Progress in Human Geography 35(1) 104120 The Author(s) 2010 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav 10.1177/0309132510369035 phg.sagepub.com

Geographies of food: Afters

Ian Cook
University of Exeter, UK

Jean Duruz
University of South Australia, Australia

Kersty Hobson
Australian National University, Australia

Chris Philo
University of Glasgow, UK

Lucius Hallett IV
Western Michigan University, USA

Henry Buller
University of Exeter, UK

Julie Guthman
University of California, Santa Cruz, USA

Mike Goodman
Kings College London, UK

Andrew Murphy
Massey University, New Zealand

Allison Hayes-Conroy
Bryn Mawr College, USA

Alison Hulme
Goldsmiths, University of London, UK

Jessica Hayes-Conroy
Wheaton College, USA

Mimi Sheller
Drexel University, USA

Lisa Tucker
Interdisciplinary artist, writer and curator, California, USA

Louise Crewe
University of Nottingham, UK

Megan Blake
University of Sheffield, UK

David Nally
University of Cambridge, UK

Richard Le Heron
University of Auckland, New Zealand

Emma Roe
University of Southampton, UK

Heather Putnam
University of Kansas, USA

Charles Mather
University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa

Damian Maye
Countryside and Community Research Institute, UK

Paul Kingsbury
Simon Fraser University, Canada

Heike Henderson
Boise State University, USA

Rachel Slocum
University of Wisconsin La Crosse, USA

Shoko Imai
University of Tokyo, Japan

Corresponding author: Ian Cook, School of Geography, University of Exeter, Exeter EX4 4RJ, UK Email: I.J.Cook@exeter.ac.uk

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Abstract This third and final Geographies of food review is based on an online blog conversation provoked by the first and second reviews in the series (Cook et al., 2006; 2008a). Authors of the work featured in these reviews plus others whose work was not but should have been featured were invited to respond to them, to talk about their own and other peoples work, and to enter into conversations about and in the process review other/new work within and beyond what could be called food geographies. These conversations were coded, edited, arranged, discussed and rearranged to produce a fragmentary, multi-authored text aiming to convey the rich and multi-stranded content, breadth and character of ongoing food studies research within and beyond geography. Keywords following, hunger, mixing, otherness, poverty, race, relating, viscerality

I Introduction
The first two Geographies of food reviews were written by Ian Cook et al.. He chose the themes. Following (Cook et al., 2006) was based on research influenced by Arjun Appadurais (1986) social life of things, David Harveys (1990) getting behind the veil of the commodity fetish, and George Marcus (1995) multi-sited ethnography. Mixing (Cook et al., 2008a) was based on research influenced by bell hooks (1992) eating the other paper. In both, he said he wanted a final Afters1 review to be an experimental, blog-based, collaborative, co-authored affair. In summer 2008, he set up http://food-afters.blogspot.com and invited over 100 people to take part. Most were the authors of the work cited (briefly and in detail) in following and mixing. Others were authors of work that had not but perhaps should have been cited. Also invited were those who had discussed ideas, sent pdfs, and commented on drafts of following and mixing, and people who had got in touch after they were published. Finally, there were a handful of people who had been recommended by others to be invited to take part. He invited them to read and respond to the following and mixing reviews on the blog. Eventually 26 of us did so, talking about our work, each others work, and other work that had (not) featured in the series so far. We were sociologists, artists, geographers and cultural, American and literary studies people.

Not all of us worked on food. We were PhD students, early-, mid- and late-career faculty. We were based in the UK, Canada, USA, New Zealand, South Africa, Australia, and Japan. Few of us had blogged before. Here, what food studies are became an open question. They were being defined and redefined as we each brought to the conversation our own questions and concerns about difference, ethics, materialities, politics and change. Our blogging mirrored the complexity, diversity and fluidity of the work we discussed. But these were discussions with a purpose: to produce this written paper. Following advice from similar onlineto-journal writing experiments (eg, Sakellariadis et al., 2008), Ian coded all 43,000 words of blog content posted before a deadline, put together a first draft, sent it to us for comments and suggestions, posted a Google doc version for us to work on, and then drafted this final version.2 What we received, discussed and worked on was novel for us and for this journals progress reports. The main body of the paper comprised carefully juxtaposed fragments from our blog conversations. This was collective writing that did not assume the ironing-out of all differences, the adoption of a uniform voice or a uniform direction of argument. It showed lines of thought, not all of which related to one another. It was surprisingly coherent and faithful to the blog. Written this way, we hoped, these conversations about food and its geographies could continue.
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II Conversations
I am in the process of reading John Laws (2004) After method: mess in social science research. The book basically explores where the desire and practice of (re)presenting our worlds (in our case, through our research and publications) as singular comes from: and how we might work in and through the multiplicities/slipperiness of things that we all encounter but dont quite know how to put across, and thus end up silencing arguments/experiences I am sure you are all familiar with. So this got me thinking of different ways such approaches might work for this blog/project how we might tell divergent stories, opinions, representations, etc, in one piece. Kersty While it may be said that Marx is dead, capitalism won, it must be noted that the fetish link, or view, the rip-aside the veil (Harvey, 1990), continues to be both used as well as useful. As noted ... earlier ..., it is often (not) caricatured and dismissed and yet is still with us. [Julie] Guthmans (2008a) paper ... as well as my work in Kansas City and ongoing work in Kalamazoo, MIs farmers market point that out in a new and very interesting way. From my field notes comes the quote if a Spanish or black person is in Brookside, they had better be either mowing the lawn, cleaning the pool, or taking care of someones kids! The crux of these studies is that even well-intentioned and what seem on the surface to be anti-racist policies are once again not what they seem. Guthman has done a great job at the I have always wondered whether the trope of tearing aside the veil ever did justice to Marxs notion of the commodity fetish ... with its emphasis on the violence of the abstraction, [this] does much, much more than invoke a ruse that must be exposed for its truth. ... I find it unfortunate that far too much work that employs political economy (and sometimes even other work that analyzes representational practices) does indeed get caricatured as tearing away the veil (see Goodman and DuPuis, 2002). But this begs the question as to whether commodity chain analysis and/or the construction of alternative/ ethical trade networks was ever about defetishization. While that was certainly the call of Harvey (1990) and Hartwick (2000) in terms of commodity chain analysis and has also been applied to ethical trade networks (see Hudson and Hudson, 2003), the defetishized (ethical) commodity feels like a post-hoc read, and probably an oxymoron (Guthman, 2004) ... It seems that much has been read onto these ethical/alternative commodity production and trade networks, but investigations of the real politics3 of these things has revealed so much, well, less. I think Aimee Shreck (2002; 2005) ... does a good job of spelling out the possibilities and limitations of fair trade specifically in terms of its own claims. She seems to say that fair trade is redistributional at best. Shifting where value is produced and appropriated is not tantamount to defetishizing, however. And some more recent work on fair trade sheds doubt even on its practical redistributional qualities (see Tad Mutersbaughs 2002 and 2005 work ...). I have written quite a bit over the last several years addressing the distributional consequences of organic regulation mostly through the analytics of political economy, and specifically rent. My most recent piece in Antipode (2007) is a sort of capstone of this work where I consider several different types of voluntary food labels, which others have posed as resistant to neoliberal globalization. I argue that these labels are in some respects analogs to the very things they are purported to resist, namely property rights that allow these ascribed commodities to be traded in a global market; among other things they also support neoliberal rationalities of rule.

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peeling back to show this. This suggests that the metaphor of the fetish exists and is still relevant. Lucius

Given the way most of these labels are almost always incentivized through intentional barriers to entry, I would say that ethical consumption practices are necessarily for the better off (cf. [Alisons] posting [below]), and that is putting aside how organic, local hails a particular sort of consumer. Julie

Julie, [while] I agree with much of what you add here, [I dont agree with your last sentence] ... While on average consumers of ethically oriented goods and services may be better off, and indeed surveys of organic consumers do indicate this is true (Hughner et al., 2007; Murphy, 2008), it is surely a caricature to imply this is necessarily so. Some not-very-wealthy consumers DO privilege local and/or organic food despite its significant impact on their budget, for two reasons: its better value (in some circumstances lasts longer than supermarket produce thats travelled much further, or been handled more); or because they willingly sacrifice quantity for quality (of food volume and/or nutritional outcomes). For example, low-income consumers of a weekly organic box scheme I have studied in Vancouver welcomed the variety of fresh produce it delivered, because it forced them to be inventive with the foods they cooked and to cook more often from scratch, which often works out cheaper if you discount the time value of labour. This is encouraged by the box scheme operator, with the inclusion of recipes for the unusual items included in that weeks box (such as curly kale). The fact that modern consumers need recipes to know how to cook and serve what was once one of Europes most common vegetables, is a story in its own right. Andrew Isnt that what were trying to do ... ? Get people to think about where things come from? Get them to have the kind of embodied experience Ian mentioned in the Following piece? Get them to feel, and care, and take responsibility? Sure. I guess we are. But how to do this without it being simply a consumer movement, and a rather preachy one at that? Taking responsibility is, in this case, the luxury domain of the well-off. As Louise Crewe says, consumerbased responses can indeed be socially divisive (2001: 631). It is not that I am against fair-trade by any means, it is simply that I recognize it as something that only the betteroff can indulge in. Ethics are inexpensive for middle-class shoppers. And supermarkets know how to make a decent profit out of selling them. [Kerstys] point in the Following piece is a good one the responsibility and behavior change needed to redress inequalities of supply chains is too heavily laid at the door of the consumer, when governments and large corporations should be taken to task (Hobson, 2002). In many ways this question as to who should feel the greater responsibility echoes the concerns of trying to map the whole ANT versus Marxism conundrum. Both attempt I think it would be good if food studies paid more attention to the self-provisioning practices of producers (who are also always of necessity consumers of food). I always think of Haitian anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillots book Peasants and capital (1988), which is a study of banana farmers in Dominica (in the British West Indies). The farmers told him that when times were hard at least they could eat their crop (I can always eat my fig) unlike other crops like sugar or coffee. And that keeps reminding me that we need to think more about the economies and cultures of consumption of people at the production-end of food systems ... when I think of rounded people (and the simultaneity of

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to expose the traversals of products for the same reasons; it is the what is to be done? part that separates them. Which leads us to the thorny question of boundaries, mentioned in the Following piece. What I shall continue to call thing following ... needs badly to give itself some boundaries and a clear raison detre if it is to withstand the criticism leveled at it. By boundaries, I do not mean defining what is followed, how, by whom, where, etc ... I do not even mean that any historical disciplinary colours need be nailed to the mast. Like [Louise] Crewe (2003), I would agree that attempting to combine theoretical traditions is of little interest and may be of little use. No, what I mean, is the why? The key to thing following is in the issues. Alison Lets not forget that it isnt just distant producers that are the dominated and oppressed. We as consumers are also victims in all sorts of ways. In the specific case of fashion ... the excessive attention paid to distant sweated labour practices within the fashion industry has masked a number of other inequalities, asymmetries and connections that begin to scramble many of our trusted assumptions about the taken-forgranted distinctions between production and consumption, near and far, us and them, now and then. As recent press reports have revealed, hyper-thin has become the new industry standard in fashion, where a UK size 10 is seen as too large for the catwalk and emaciated size zero bodies cease to shock ... While fashion has always been notorious for perpetuating abnormally thin bodies (the average model weighed 9% less than the average woman in 1989, she now weighs 23% below the national average) skeletal thinness is increasingly ubiquitous across television, magazines and the screen ... There may be some consumers who dont feel the need to self-justify spending 250 on a pair of jeans, and others who bargain boast ... as they stuff 3.00 Primark jeans into their shopping trolleys without a thought for the conditions that

production and consumption) the image that jumps to mind is children with distended bellies from malnutrition. Shouldnt food studies help us get beyond the feel-good feed-the-world jingles of world food aid programmes? Maybe the problem is not so much eating the other (in the sense of spicing things up with exotic food ...) but eating each other: a.k.a. eating the food right out of other peoples mouths, leaving them with nothing. Mimi

I think you are correct to identify a broader spectrum of victims, although we obviously need to retain some distinction between those who are starving in the midst of plenty or dying of preventable diseases and those who are affected by media projections of hyper-thin as the new bodily norm (for example). In this context it is useful to identify those who produce and are responsible for the injustices you describe. In the Third World this is increasingly difficult, however. Pierre Spitz (1985) suggests that todays extractive forces are ever more slippery and difficult to identify. In contrast, historical mechanisms like tariffs, poll taxes, rent and usurious credit systems are, for example, easily identified as extractive forces that produce dearth and hunger. It is also relatively easy to identify those responsible, ie, tax collectors, money-lenders, large farmers and landlords. But current systems of extraction (the terms of international trade, relative pricing, inflationary processes, etc) are more mysterious and complex ... I agree we need to extend our notion of oppression beyond a simple producer-consumer dichotomy, but in order to fight such injustices we also need to identify actors, scales of violence, sites of power, etc, which will require discretion as much as comparison, I think. David

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enable such pricing structures. These consumers may be one manifestation of commodified contemporary Britain, where consumers know everything about price, but nothing about value. I suspect that a majority ... would dearly like to pay more ... if only they could ..., and who would love to act in caring and/or politically active ways to ensure more equitable systems of provision. If only they could afford to. Shopping can be an ethical, an economic and an embodied nightmare and a citizen consumer may be doing all that he or she realistically can under precarious economic conditions at home and away. Louise

As I have argued in Roe (2006a; 2006b), people do not always do what they say they do and despite a discourse about unhealthy eating, unhealthy food is still eaten. The geographies of food need to develop research agendas that expose how foods are developed that exploit the sensibilities of people whose long-term health interests may not be to eat certain types of food. Everyday consumption practices are strongly shaped by the marketing, advertising and aesthetic might of global food brands; and importantly these brands also have enormous potential to improve where exploitation exists throughout all sites in the food industry. Emma

When I think of food these days the issue of food inflation has taken centre stage. We know from where I live that it is having a really devastating impact on poor people and the working poor. The state has responded by increasing social grants to poor people affected by higher food prices. Civil society organizations have argued that these measures involve tinkering at the margins the real source of the crisis is the structure of the countrys food system, which was liberalized (together with the rest of the economy) after the countrys first democratic election. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and other civil society groups have pointed to the concentration that has occurred in food production, processing and retailing in the last 10 years. This concentration has, they argue, allowed companies in the food sector to secure super profits at the expense of the poor. Their position has been fueled by evidence that these large conglomerates are using their market power to fix prices for food and collude on payment systems for farmers ... So the current debate on food parallels the much broader debate on economic policies in post-apartheid South Africa: although the government has put many policies and structures in place to create jobs and address poverty and inequality, this has not had the desired impact because of the deeper impact of economic liberalization. The politics of food in this part of the world is such that seemingly global processes (eg, food inflation) are articulated in locally specific ways. Charles Sometimes, [eating the other] seems [like] an argument looking for a illustration see Danny Millers (1998a) virtualism argument and I havent seen any major critique of it in print ... So, what happens when ... rather than for me in the content of the mixing review and my own work to date ... [we dont] start I think there is a great deal of alluring Otherness that permeates the social spaces of food cultures: for example, the strange taste of a certain ingredient; the elusive X-factor that makes a certain food exquisite or repellent; the odd way someone prepares a specific dish; the difficulty of putting into words the wonderful or dreadful taste of a food item. ... Perhaps these allures and enigmas of food (that pertain to the senses, especially taste and smell) are one of the reasons why food is a key vehicle for defining, bonding, and mediating peoples experiences of cultural Otherness (see also Zizek,

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in places ... where hooks arguments help to decide what to study, because things sort of fit already? ... Im trying to get myself out of this habit by doing new research on commodities that choose me to study them in a way like prescription medicines [like hydrocortisone] (see Cook et al., 2007). ... Strangely, this relates to Emma and Henrys ... posts [below] about missing animal geographies: as hydrocortisone was initially extracted from cows adrenal glands for human use, then chemically synthesized using yams (and/ or sweet potatoes), and is now biosynthesized using alcohol and yeast cells modified with human and other genes. Then there are the US civil rights issues at the heart of the drugs history, its manufacture helping to fund the struggle in the 60s ... Ian

1993: 20037). Take for example the policies and practices of multiculturalism. And here I write from the perspective of living in Vancouver, BC, Canada. During the past decade or so in Canada, the state, corporations, and settlement agencies have increasingly invested in multicultural events including festivals and parades to promote local ethno-cultural heritage, diversity, and unity through the consumption of food. While these events are structured around the aesthetics of celebration, enjoyment, and revelry, as we know they are also fraught with political struggles over appropriate cultural practices, identities, and beliefs. I believe that much of multiculturalism and its political dimensions are not entirely beyond, food, festival, folklore, and fashion (Meyer and Rhoades, 2006), but also intimately related to such domains insofar as they incarnate the aesthetics of food. I agree with geographers, for example, Cook and Harrison (2003) and Dwyer and Crang (2002), that the commodification (of food) is not a thing that is submitted or done to pre-existing ethnicities and ethnic subjects but a process through which ethnicities are reproduced. I would argue that much of this process of reproducing and defining ethnicities and cultures is intimately related to aesthetics qua the enduring alluring mysteries of food. I also think it is important that we are able to find ways to critically map these aesthetics taking place as both part of AND separate from the social and the political (Kingsbury, 2005; 2010). Paul I think that desire to decolonize the self may be a starting point for some (many?) critical people engaging with questions of race in the USA (Slocum, 2009). Its ... encouraged by antiracist activism and one could argue that its a liberal, individualistic response. But one could also say that efforts at reflexivity are a pathway toward, for instance, where Cook et al. (2008a) suggests Heldke (2003) ended up. For all the criticisms we might level at people trying to change their consumption practices individually or collectively, its important to acknowledge the fraught, fuzzy and fragile nature of these positions and the embodied connections made through food. Ive been trying to do that while admiring the work of those who have been very

About a year ago, Jessica Hayes-Conroy and I were discussing the politics of the school garden project in Berkeley where she did her recent field research. We were talking about the race politics of such programs, specifically the effect of what I have dubbed as whites wanting to teach others, especially African Americans in the case of that program, how to eat (Guthman, 2009). While I was thinking about the lack of resonance, she had found a complex mix of rejection, curiosity, joy, humor, and transformation among the African American youth she had observed, spoken with, and gardened with ... my undergraduate students who are indeed hailed by alternative food (deeply so) and want to spread the gospel

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of the local, seasonal, and organic to others (read: low income African Americans (Guthman, 2008b). During their required six-month field studies ... many experience profound disappointment when they find that their excitement doesnt resonate. It seems this goes right to the questions about mixing ... raise[d] in [the] second review. Do these alternative food networks and/or food explorations evoke a politics of care or do they promote (poverty) tourism? Well, I would say they do both and more. Through these experiences my students see how they are projecting their desires onto others and learn something about an anti-racist praxis, making me a little more sanguine about touristic mixing than I might have been (which is what Rachel ... considers, I think). But I am not sure of the effect they have, although I am pretty sure they reinforce a coding of alternative food space as white. All of this is to say that we should at least pay attention to who is asking for the mixing, for the transparency, for the defetishization. And if such encounters and new knowledges do evoke care, what comes next? Julie I wonder whether this eating the other can be possibly applied to the discussion ... [of] Asian people ... What does it imply when white people eat Asian food, for example ... [or when] black people eat ... Asian food?

critical of the liberal, wealthy whiteness of alternative food and of various politics of consumption. I tend to agree with these critiques but find theres more to say. That was my starting point, at least, when I suggested that the viscous spatiality of alt foods whiteness is less cohesive, more desirous of nonracist connection, more interesting in its gendered female form or less relevant than we think (see Jeans comment [below]). And in highlighting the importance of thinking about the corporeality of race and vegetables (Slocum, 2008), I was proposing (with others) that opening up the concept of race (beyond static formulations like eating the other and beyond its mediation solely by the social) should be useful to anti-racism and our own analyses. Seen this way, race emerges materially through corporeal relationships to food what people gravitate toward, what they touch and taste, what they grow. If race is an event, an open-ended becoming made by ongoing connection rather than only exclusion and erasure (Saldanha, 2006), it suggests the need to look at what possible worlds open up through the connections that both divide groups and draw them together. Rachel

Im an Anglo-celtic Australian woman, virtually monolingual, with England and Singapore the only countries Ive ever lived in at least for any considerable time. With each new research project, it seems I experience afresh the hooks (1992)/Cook et al. (1999)/Heldke (2003)/whoever ... dilemmas of eating the Other, with all their attendant feelings of guilt and ambivalence. To assuage the conscience, I once promised myself that I would only carry out ethnographic work in which I had some legitimate location, some connection, a reason for hanging around ... To allay the usual breast-beating and guilt (though not for a minute denying the seriousness of cultural theft through appropriation and commodification), I turn to the following as sources of comfort. Traditionally, Ive found a kind of solace in the resonances of Ien Angs conception of ambivalence (2001: 200201) ... the element of instability that Angs ambivalence implies can be very useful one is never too comfortable, too complacent, but, at the same time, never so completely unsettled that some kind of cultural exchange becomes impossible. In this way, guilt is transformed into an effective tool for understanding difference rather than

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What kind of ideology would be constructed or destroyed by doing that? Or is it, from the beginning, Asian people should be in the same category with black people or white people, or wouldnt fit in either of them, [or] something else? Shoko

hovering in the wings, always ready to perform a script of self-indulgent selfblame in which the white Anglo-cosmopolitan eating subject (Hage, 1997: 118) is (yet again) positioned centre stage. Comfort is also to be found in Narayans powerful decentring of whiteness as the fulcrum of relationships to others, and her shifting of emphasis to relationships between various others (1997: 184). I have been playing with this idea for some time, and it seems it has also emerged in different forms within the posts. Crudely put, despite my Anglo middle-classness, cultural capital and just plain disposable capital, [in one Ethiopian restaurant in Melbourne] I am not the centre of attention. The focus here, instead, is on the strength of the Ethiopian community (its culture, languages, politics, food, religion, citizenship status) and its complex relationships with various others (refugees, poor people, students, working class Anglo women, academics, travelers, local workers, various ethnic groups African, Asian) who appear at its doors. I am treated kindly, but often ignored, which is salutary (I suppose). At the same time, this is not to deny the circuits of power in which small ethnic food businesses are placed. Jean Confronted with the growing dissociation of food from flesh, one sometimes feels, like Charlton Heston in Soylent Green, like shouting Its animals ! In the UK, we slaughter some 750 million anonymous broiler chickens per year. Where will this lead ... to their total negation as one day, synthesized animal protein will replace the need to raise and kill the real thing[?] Or do we actively seek to revitalize them in our understanding and explanation of the relationality of eating (and of raising and, of course, of killing). Foods might be alternatively seen as ... the contagions and infections that wound the primary narcissism of human exceptionalism (Haraway, 2008: 32). Im with Emma ... on this, and with Derrida (1991) who states One never eats entirely on ones own. Of course, there are a whole series of issues associated with greater acknowledgement of the animal lives in the processes and procedures of human food production (Buller and Morris, 2003; Buller and Cesar, 2007). Nevertheless, it seems to me that this is a necessary further stage of acknowledging the eating of the other (Cook et al., 2008a) yet also of active de-othering. And yet this is something that animal geographies (and also food geographies) have generally avoided. It is paradoxical that both ... have tended to ignore farm animals. Perhaps they are not other enough, being as Callicott

bell hooks eating the other argument ... doesnt work with the way I conceive the human subject, for there is no other but rather different configurations of subjectivity ... [Her] quote Within commodity culture, ethnicity becomes spice, seasoning that can liven up the dull dish that is mainstream white culture (1992: 21) is challenged as we see the ethnicity (if you are happy to call it that) of animals and plants enlivening mainstream white culture dishes. Emma [N]on-human animals eat stuff too, and we humans will tend to call this food ... [So]: (1) what happens if we do a posthuman geography of food, wherein food is everywhere for every being, etc (does this just become ecology by another name?); and (2) what, culturally, is at stake in labeling something as food (something that potentially can be eaten, by what?), and if we radically relativize what we mean by food, what it is, what can be eaten, what can eat it, when, where, with humans involved or maybe

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not, then what does a food geography end up looking like? Chris

(1980) argues as human-made as chairs and tables. Henry

This gets to what Probyn (2000: 32) talks about in terms of the visceral nature of food and eating: [e]ating refracts who we are. Food/body/eating assemblages reveal the ways in which identity has become elementary, and that its composite elements are always in movement. As alimentary assemblages, eating recalls with force the elemental nature of class, gender, sexuality, nation. But beyond these monumental categories, eating places different orders of things and ways of being alongside each other, inside and outside inextricably linked. Beyond the facile celebration of authenticity, sincerity or conversely of the simulacra and artifice, alimentary identities reveal a mix of the primal and the hyperfake. But what is of interest here is the ways in which this extends our understanding and appreciation of the rich complexity of living in the present . . . For some, this means wearing ones stomach on ones sleeve: thinking about where food comes from, or how core identities are now ingested in multicultural ways of being in the world. As such, these alimentary identities are ways of reworking the categories that once defined us. Now, beyond a model of inside and out, we are alimentary assemblages, bodies that eat with vigorous class, ethnic and gendered appetites, mouth machines that ingest and regurgitate, articulating what we are, what we eat and what eats us. ... Thus, food is good to think (Beardsworth and Keil, 1997) especially for those who can buy into this knowledge economy but also very much good to feel and often more-than-representational (Lorimer, 2005) in unconscious and primal ways ... Food can never be fixed given it is so messy and dirty, incomplete and un-orderly. Can we start to talk about food politics as dirty and what might be gained doing this and what might be lost? Mike [Mikes post] resonates with what we have been exploring through empirical work with particular food-based ecosocial projects such as those of the Slow Food movement and school garden and cooking programs. Through this work we have been trying to specify what it means to study the nebulous viscerality of food ... The pressing task for us has been how to actually apprehend these visceralities, how to conduct empirical work on the interpersonal (ever-relational) ways in which bodies feel food. We see this as politically important for a number of interconnected reasons. In the visceral realm, foods link up with ideas, memories, sounds, visions, beliefs, past experiences, moods, worries and so on, all of which combine to become material to become bodily, physical sensation. If we can understand such sensation how it forms, what it does to the body, how it can be shaped then we might be able to understand and utilize foods differential power to affect bodies. We can also use this insight to understand social difference more completely; we can begin to discuss difference not so much in terms of constructed identities but rather in terms of fluid The comments regarding the viscerality of food and following are of interest to me as Ive been contemplating a new project along the Santa Ana River Bike Trail in Southern California, the homeless population who live there, native edible plants, and arts events where I work as an artist and curator in Downtown Riverside, California. How bodies feel food, as mentioned by Allison and Jessica ... among others, make me question the practices of the downtrodden who visit our museum and gallery during art opening receptions. When they

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visceralities. A visceral conception of difference does much to illuminate the inherent complexity to the categories of race, class and gender. In terms of the critiques of whiteness and eliteness within alternative food, with visceral difference we too find that there is [always] more to say ... We see this more-ness as a result of the material realities of bodies themselves; not only do (minded) bodies develop seemingly static habits of being, but bodies are also always changing and changeable in contest with these (socially recognized and labeled) stases. Academic work on these subjects must therefore recognize and make room for such changeability, and must furthermore encourage movement in progressive directions. By understanding how tendencies and latencies towards particular visceral sensations develop via bodily relation with food, we can begin to more fully comprehend the patterns, inequities, habits, preferences, and opportunities that have developed around alternative food. In so doing, we can begin to sense what it would take for all kinds of different people to gain the capacity to feel food (and eat food) in other (ie, alternative/transgressive) ways. This ability for individuals and groups to sense/imagine/taste different bodily futures to develop what we have been terming in shorthand as alternative visceral imaginaries is a critical but heretofore underdiscussed part of feminist empowerment and self-determination (as discussed, for example, by hooks, 2003). Thus, as wary as we are of the oft-noted exclusiveness of alternative food, we are also optimistic about the (admittedly chaotic!) potentials for change that accompany visceral connections to food. We hope that academic work in this domain will lead to increased equity and justice within alternative food. Allison and Jessica [But] what happens when things un-become food (taking off from Roes (2006a) comments about things becoming food)[?] Food waste is a huge proportion of the UK greenhouse emission. The UK government estimates that approximately 40% of all emissions are derived from the activities that we do every day as ordinary people going about ordinary lives. Approximately 20% of all UK emissions are associated with food production, processing, transportation, and storage (Ventour, 2008). Research commissioned by WRAP, a UK government funded organization whose aim is to help reduce carbon emissions in this country, suggests that about one third of all food purchased in the UK is thrown away. Of this

come there are a few who line their pockets with cubes of cheese and other buffet fare. Why would someone who gets free food from community services want squares of cheddar? ... Considering what appear to be elite food fashions ..., I am interested in giving those who live in the riverbed a source of fresh, readily available, novel food that would take the place of art reception refreshments. Native edibles are very trendy at the moment here. California has a variety of native edibles that will grow along the Santa Ana River Trail, close to where the homeless sleep. The gardens I propose will be tended by the cyclists who ride along the trail, with the help of nearby residents. The food following would be a relatively short trip, but interesting to watch as the stories develop in the form of really slow food in a rather tiny geographic region.4 Lisa

How ... we take and mix Barbas (2003), Bost (2003) and Cook et al. (2008a) and others into decisionmaking contexts is a challenging question for afters. Again angles on this have been dealt with in Le Heron (2009). Why are geographers hesitant to engage with bigger actors in the agri-food scene? A rather different food geography I found myself involved in was a co-presentation at the recent New Zealand Geography Conference. Stuart Gray, a senior

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discarded food, about one third is untouched and a significant proportion is still in date. Furthermore, while all types of foods are thrown away, fruit and vegetables account for the largest proportion at about 40% of all food waste, which suggests that while consumers are trying to live healthier lifestyles, much of their good intention is finding itself in the rubbish bin. Finally, the households with the greatest amount of food waste are those with children. What is the impact of food waste in other industrialized countries? Certainly people do not buy food with the intention of wasting it so the question is what happens? WRAP argues that many consumers do not plan appropriately when they purchase food and buy too much. When this is considered against the ways that retailers market foods to consumers (eg, buy one, get one free offers) it becomes clear why cost-conscious shoppers would end up with more food that they need, especially as care is expressed through the savings achieved when goods are purchased (see Miller, 1998b). Megan It is ... [these] moral economies of food and following that make it interesting. I take a quote from Dixon and Jones (2004) referring to Gibson-Graham, that the field site can become an encounter . . . in which one can experience creation rather than mere recognition via the testing or correction of theory (p. 386). I have found myself in a position as an organizer and activist within a national student fair trade organization in the last few years (Putnam, 2007; 2008). This position has been one in which I have power and resources to reflect not only individually and collectively with others on the political economy of fair trade coffee networks, but also to recreate them in ways that selfconsciously attempt to rectify some of the understandings that we collectively have as a result of white guilt and neocolonial dynamics. I have been able to participate in creating spaces of discussion and collaboration at international conferences, at meetings between organizations, and by coordinating long-term exchanges in both directions between north

manager from Fonterra and I followed Fonterras development out of NZ by creating a conceptual space that we both inhabited. Through this we looked at all sorts of mixing/nonmixing as Fonterra has engaged via strategic partnerships in different dairy spaces, so reshaping the globalizing dairy supply chain. Afters? I also find myself wondering if this playful idea is shutting down following, as it could imply the end of a meal, in the sense of a stimulus followed by a response. Where has following been taking me (us), what political/ethical subject positions and subjectivities have I found myself in, through different sorts of interventions (especially beyond text)? Richard

This picks up another, slightly wider point about critical food geographies which Id like to raise in response to the papers in terms of the way we do food research, why we do it and how we disseminate it. I take my lead from two slightly contrasting sources. The first is a commentary published a couple of years ago by David Harvey (2006) in Transactions where he provided a pretty scathing critique of so-called critical human geography in the UK. He was particularly critical of the RAE process (no surprise there then!), the type of research it produced and for whom. He called for what he referred to as more substantive pieces, empirically grounded but also theoretically strong. He basically wants us (if you call yourself a critical geographer) to do more of the stuff (in a methodological sense) he and similar folks did in Baltimore and other places (usually cities) in the 1970s and 1980s. The tone of some of the arguments is a little hard to take in places, but his wider point about the need for substantive work I think is an important message

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and south, all the while talking to all participants men and women producers and cooperative leaders, youth leaders and students, importers and coffee business people, NGO workers, certifiers, baristas, coffee drinkers, and others about their experiences and views in relation to fair trade, coffee and the people surrounding those things. This is what my PhD is about, and it has been a journey of negotiating a commitment to follow the social relations of three different places of coffee production with the constant self-questioning of how my choices are determined by my position as a researcher-activist, while also wondering how this research can contribute to everyone getting to know each other so that they all benefit. So far I am impressed by the extent to which inequities within coffee networks are related to people not knowing the experiences of other people; I am thinking that following the thing, and talking about the moral economies of mixing cultures through food puts the researcher in an incredible position of power to create spaces of interaction. It is the potential of these intentional spaces of mixing that I would like to explore. Heather.

for those of us also operating in the subfields of food geography. In fact I would argue that some of the examples cited in the following and mixing progress reviews are testament to the fact that some of this work is in fact still very much alive and kicking, albeit in a different conceptual guise and writing style. A second recently published paper by Bill Friedland (2008) in the USA makes an equally interesting point about the idea of research and the role of the researcher in developing sustainable agri-food systems, discussing in this case the nature of activism and activist work alongside academic paper writing commitments. The broad message seems to be to think much more seriously about the actual latent impacts that our research has on the ground over and above writing responsibilities and to redress what he sees as a current chasm between the two. In a much less politically motivated tone, the current Rural Economy and Land Use (RELU) programme in the UK is a case where researchers are being encouraged to cross disciplinary boundaries and engage stakeholders and publics in the research process, rather than merely as endusers, or the missing consumer. Damian

III Endings . . . ?
We found [draft ones] conclusion (as in the end of the document where one might expect a conclusion) to be ... satisfying in its non-conformity and complexity (though maybe a little short: one more post with a wrapping up type theme might help) . . . [or] perhaps some sort of subheadings ... might be helpful to guide our readers, or at least to signal that there are various key themes circulating throughout, eg, relating, race, other, hunger, poor, mixing, visceral ... Allison and Jessica Id ... suggest, rather than conclusions, connections that generate further inventiveness (paraphrasing Elizabeth Grosz) or that unsettle ... Rachel Personally, I would like to see this shaping and polishing taken a step further with fragments of subheadings indicating where a new thread of argument gathers force (not too aggressively, mind you, just slipped in (writing together in public . . . borders, fragments, loose ends . . . things that travel . . . veils and fetishes . . . whose organic food, whose food? . . . victims and violent consumption . . . reflexively

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I like the idea of the fragments and snippets. To me, that sounds more in line with the different voices in this blog; it does provide the opportunity to incorporate a wide variety of viewpoints and ideas without trying to force them into one big master narrative. With fragments, you can jump from one part to another, there is less of a hierarchical order, and they usually do form (sometimes unexpected) connections. Heike This question about who we produce these geographies of food for, with, and without, also can be addressed to related concerns brought up in the beginning of this article about what kind of conclusions we produce and how we present them ... [This] allows us to identify a moral common ground justice by which we can measure our research and form conclusions that matter. Heather ... theres no one conclusion here, because what might be more useful is to hold as similarly valid these multiple interpretations of the same problem/object ... [But] the conclusion [could] say something about how the process of this article, which both widened and relaxed the conversation about food, might be used as a model in food movements themselves ... something that refers to how a different sort of process leads to different sorts of places, intellectually and communicatively. Julie

eating the other . . . other animals . . . dirty politics and visceral imaginaries . . . writing across borders or some such). On the other hand, I wouldnt want to be too prescriptive, and perhaps the only thing needed, after all, is my trusty highlighter? Jean

Working across disciplines generates a form of excitement and novelty that leads to exploration. The hurdle now seems to be getting everyone together, which I think this blog addresses. As Ive read the many posts made by social scientists, it is intimidating at first, because the way I do research [as an artist] is so different from yours, but the ideas generated are worth the risk. There is a forum here to share information and hopefully help one another with our projects or, at the very least, find source material to investigate. In a way, I feel like Im looking through a keyhole at a completely different world, but on the other hand we all seem to be interested in similar topics. The way we communicate is just a little different. Art informed by social science or other fields of study are rich not only experientially, but the finished work is more complex and open to a much larger audience. On the flip-side, I can also see how art may be a useful tool for social scientists ... It seems that both disciplines reach a limited audience and have a tough time affecting real change. Perhaps together we can change that? Lisa

Notes
1. The word afters has an important double meaning here: (1) as in eating (eg, British informal: the final course of a meal, as pudding, ice cream, or the like; dessert (Anon, 2010), and (2) as in fighting (eg, from a newspaper report on a football match: With just 10 seconds to go, Deco produced a truly lamentable dive. Carlos Gurpegui kindly helped him up by the neck and Deco retaliated, pulling the Basques hair. As both sets of players piled in, Barca coach Frank Rijkaard had to

come on to the pitch to haul Deco off as referee Teixeira Vitienes waved a red card. Deco ... wait[ed] for his adversary in the tunnel for a bit of afters, where he was held back by coach Rijkaards right-hand man Henk Ten Cate, his chest pumped up and his fists rotating furiously as he screamed, Lemme atim! Lemme atim! Ill pulverize him! (Lowe, 2006)). 2. See Cook et al. (2008b: section 3f) for more on this process. 3. Real not as in revealed/unveiled, but in the realpolitik sense of how these things work in practice. 117

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4. See http://sartfood.blogspot.com for more on this project.

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