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Working some phonology problems Previous discussions were on morphophonemic alternations.

. - sound patterns when you add axes to stems Today we'll focus on sound patterns in sets of words on the basis of distributional patterns. - these are allophonic relationships.

Modern Greek [k] [k] [x] and [x] (Odden, p. 62) kano xano xino krima xua kali xeli xeri 'do' 'lose' 'pour' 'shame' 'handful' 'charms' 'eel' 'hand' kori xori kino xrima kufeta xali keri oxi 'daughter' 'dances' 'move' 'money' 'bonbons' 'plight' 'candle' 'no'

Are [k] and [x] contrastive?

Modern Greek [k] [k] [x] and [x] (Odden, p. 62) kano xano xino krima xua kali xeli xeri 'do' 'lose' 'pour' 'shame' 'handful' 'charms' 'eel' 'hand' kori xori kino xrima kufeta xali keri oxi 'daughter' 'dances' 'move' 'money' 'bonbons' 'plight' 'candle' 'no'

Are [k] and [x] contrastive? yes note the minimal pairs.

Modern Greek [k] [k] [x] and [x] (Odden, p. 62) kano xano xino krima xua kali xeli xeri 'do' 'lose' 'pour' 'shame' 'handful' 'charms' 'eel' 'hand' kori xori kino xrima kufeta xali keri oxi 'daughter' 'dances' 'move' 'money' 'bonbons' 'plight' 'candle' 'no'

Are [k] and [x] contrastive? yes note the minimal pairs.

Modern Greek [k] [k] [x] and [x] (Odden, p. 62) kano xano xino krima xua kali xeli xeri 'do' 'lose' 'pour' 'shame' 'handful' 'charms' 'eel' 'hand' kori xori kino xrima kufeta xali keri oxi 'daughter' 'dances' 'move' 'money' 'bonbons' 'plight' 'candle' 'no'

Are [k] and [k] contrastive? no. they aren't in any minimal pairs.

Modern Greek [k] [k] [x] and [x] (Odden, p. 62) kano xano xino krima xua kali xeli xeri 'do' 'lose' 'pour' 'shame' 'handful' 'charms' 'eel' 'hand' kori xori kino xrima kufeta xali keri oxi 'daughter' 'dances' 'move' 'money' 'bonbons' 'plight' 'candle' 'no'

what are the environments of [k] ? before [i] or [e]

Modern Greek [k] [k] [x] and [x] (Odden, p. 62) kano xano xino krima xua kali xeli xeri 'do' 'lose' 'pour' 'shame' 'handful' 'charms' 'eel' 'hand' kori xori kino xrima kufeta xali keri oxi 'daughter' 'dances' 'move' 'money' 'bonbons' 'plight' 'candle' 'no'

what are the environments of [x] ? before [i] or [e]

Modern Greek [k] [k] [x] and [x] (Odden, p. 62) What is the pattern? Analysis 1: velar obstruents become palatalized before ont vowels. note: obstruent = [-sonorant] Analysis 2: palatalized velar obstruents become nonpalatalized before back vowels, or [r] Prefer analysis 1 because the conditioning environment (ont vowels) is a phonetically natural group.

Modern Greek [k] [k] [x] and [x] (Odden, p. 62) Write the analysis in phonological features. +consonantal -sononorant -coronal -anterior +syllabic -back / ____ -back

->

Note that putting the analysis into features captures the idea that this pattern (called palatalization) is an assimilation the consonant becomes like (shares a feature with) the vowel.

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) ka iak ~ diak 'we (inclusive)' 'negative verb' buk ma e:l ~ de:l ik ~ dik oil ea ba ip mei olak 'my stone' 'eye' 'nail 'wedge' 'visit' 'sky' 'stone' 'ant' 'knew' 'put together'

to 'tattoo needle' ios ~ dios 'place to bathe' ku koa rar iel keb uou 'louse' 'visit' 'a village' 'mango' 'short' 'money'

Where do we see []?

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) ka iak ~ diak 'we (inclusive)' 'negative verb' buk ma e:l ~ de:l ik ~ dik oil ea ba ip mei olak 'my stone' 'eye' 'nail 'wedge' 'visit' 'sky' 'stone' 'ant' 'knew' 'put together'

to 'tattoo needle' ios ~ dios 'place to bathe' ku koa rar iel keb uou 'louse' 'visit' 'a village' 'mango' 'short' 'money'

Where do we see []? Only at the ends of words

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) ka iak ~ diak 'we (inclusive)' 'negative verb' buk ma e:l ~ de:l ik ~ dik oil ea ba ip mei olak 'my stone' 'eye' 'nail 'wedge' 'visit' 'sky' 'stone' 'ant' 'knew' 'put together'

to 'tattoo needle' ios ~ dios 'place to bathe' ku koa rar iel keb uou 'louse' 'visit' 'a village' 'mango' 'short' 'money'

Where do we see [d]?

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) ka iak ~ diak 'we (inclusive)' 'negative verb' buk ma e:l ~ de:l ik ~ dik oil ea ba ip mei olak 'my stone' 'eye' 'nail 'wedge' 'visit' 'sky' 'stone' 'ant' 'knew' 'put together'

to 'tattoo needle' ios ~ dios 'place to bathe' ku koa rar iel keb uou 'louse' 'visit' 'a village' 'mango' 'short' 'money'

Where do we see [d]? Only optionally at the start of words

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) ka iak ~ diak 'we (inclusive)' 'negative verb' buk ma e:l ~ de:l ik ~ dik oil ea ba ip mei olak 'my stone' 'eye' 'nail 'wedge' 'visit' 'sky' 'stone' 'ant' 'knew' 'put together'

to 'tattoo needle' ios ~ dios 'place to bathe' ku koa rar iel keb uou 'louse' 'visit' 'a village' 'mango' 'short' 'money'

Where do we see []?

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) ka iak ~ diak 'we (inclusive)' 'negative verb' buk ma e:l ~ de:l ik ~ dik oil ea ba ip mei olak 'my stone' 'eye' 'nail 'wedge' 'visit' 'sky' 'stone' 'ant' 'knew' 'put together'

to 'tattoo needle' ios ~ dios 'place to bathe' ku koa rar iel keb uou 'louse' 'visit' 'a village' 'mango' 'short' 'money'

Where do we see []? Between vowels,

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) ka iak ~ diak 'we (inclusive)' 'negative verb' buk ma e:l ~ de:l ik ~ dik oil ea ba ip mei olak 'my stone' 'eye' 'nail 'wedge' 'visit' 'sky' 'stone' 'ant' 'knew' 'put together'

to 'tattoo needle' ios ~ dios 'place to bathe' ku koa rar iel keb uou 'louse' 'visit' 'a village' 'mango' 'short' 'money'

Where do we see []? Between vowels, optionally at the beginning of a word,

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) ka iak ~ diak 'we (inclusive)' 'negative verb' buk ma e:l ~ de:l ik ~ dik oil ea ba ip mei olak 'my stone' 'eye' 'nail 'wedge' 'visit' 'sky' 'stone' 'ant' 'knew' 'put together'

to 'tattoo needle' ios ~ dios 'place to bathe' ku koa rar iel keb uou 'louse' 'visit' 'a village' 'mango' 'short' 'money'

Where do we see []? Between vowels, optionally at the beginning of a word, and between a vowel and [l].

Palauan [] [d] and [] (Odden, p. 62) [] Only at the ends of words [d] Only optionally at the start of words [] Between vowels, optionally at the start of a word, and between a vowel and [l]. This pattern of distribution suggests an analysis: // becomes [d] optionally at the start of a word // becomes [] at the end of a word ----------------------------------------------// -> [d] /#__ (optional) // -> [] /__#

Kishambaa voiceless nasals and aspirated stops (Odden, p. 63) tagi 'egg' ni 'it is' dodoa 'pick up' ndimi 'tongues' ntumbii 'monkey' kitabu ombe goa goto kuguni 'book' 'cow' 'sleep!' 'heart' 'bedbug' paalika matagi babu mbeu mpeho 'y!' 'eggs' 'skin' 'seed' 'wind'

Is the distribution of voiceless nasals restricted to a limited set of contexts?

Kishambaa voiceless nasals and aspirated stops (Odden, p. 63) tagi 'egg' ni 'it is' dodoa 'pick up' ndimi 'tongues' ntumbii 'monkey' kitabu ombe goa goto kuguni 'book' 'cow' 'sleep!' 'heart' 'bedbug' paalika matagi babu mbeu mpeho 'y!' 'eggs' 'skin' 'seed' 'wind'

Is the distribution of voiceless nasals restricted to a limited set of contexts? yes there is always a voiceless aspirated stop aer the voiceless nasal. we have: #ni, #nd, #o, #g, ug, #ma, #mb, imi, umb but only: nt k mp

Kishambaa voiceless nasals and aspirated stops (Odden, p. 63) tagi 'egg' ni 'it is' dodoa 'pick up' ndimi 'tongues' ntumbii 'monkey' kitabu ombe goa goto kuguni 'book' 'cow' 'sleep!' 'heart' 'bedbug' paalika matagi babu mbeu mpeho 'y!' 'eggs' 'skin' 'seed' 'wind'

Is the distribution of aspirated stops restricted to a limited set of contexts?

Kishambaa voiceless nasals and aspirated stops (Odden, p. 63) tagi 'egg' ni 'it is' dodoa 'pick up' ndimi 'tongues' ntumbii 'monkey' kitabu ombe goa goto kuguni 'book' 'cow' 'sleep!' 'heart' 'bedbug' paalika matagi babu mbeu mpeho 'y!' 'eggs' 'skin' 'seed' 'wind'

Is the distribution of aspirated stops restricted to a limited set of contexts? yes aspirated stops only occur aer voiceless nasals.

Kishambaa voiceless nasals and aspirated stops (Odden, p. 63) tagi 'egg' ni 'it is' dodoa 'pick up' ndimi 'tongues' ntumbii 'monkey' kitabu ombe goa goto kuguni 'book' 'cow' 'sleep!' 'heart' 'bedbug' paalika matagi babu mbeu mpeho 'y!' 'eggs' 'skin' 'seed' 'wind'

Analysis 1: The inventory of contrastive sounds = [ n t t d] rule: nasals become voiceless before aspirated stops If this is right, then why don't we see any words with [t] not preceeded by [n]

Kishambaa voiceless nasals and aspirated stops (Odden, p. 63) tagi 'egg' ni 'it is' dodoa 'pick up' ndimi 'tongues' ntumbii 'monkey' kitabu ombe goa goto kuguni 'book' 'cow' 'sleep!' 'heart' 'bedbug' paalika matagi babu mbeu mpeho 'y!' 'eggs' 'skin' 'seed' 'wind'

Analysis 2: The inventory of contrastive sounds = [ n n t d] rule: voiceless stops become aspirated aer voiceless nasals If this is true, why don't we see [n] not before [t]?

Kishambaa voiceless nasals and aspirated stops (Odden, p. 63) tagi 'egg' ni 'it is' dodoa 'pick up' ndimi 'tongues' ntumbii 'monkey' kitabu ombe goa goto kuguni 'book' 'cow' 'sleep!' 'heart' 'bedbug' paalika matagi babu mbeu mpeho 'y!' 'eggs' 'skin' 'seed' 'wind'

Analysis 3: The inventory of contrastive sounds = [n t d] rule : voiceless stops become aspirated aer nasals (t -> t/ n _) rule : nasals become voiceless before aspirated stops (n->n/_t) For this to work we must apply rule BEFORE rule .

Analysis 3: The inventory of contrastive sounds = [n t d] rule : voiceless stops become aspirated aer nasals (t -> t/ n _) rule : nasals become voiceless before aspirated stops (n->n/_t) See how this analysis looks in features (not full feature sets): rule [-voi] -> [+s.g.] / [+nas]___ rule [+nas] -> [-voi] / ___ [-voi] This ordered rule solution is good because we don't make false predictions (the non-cooccurance of [n] and [t]). However, rule is phonetically odd. What about a nasal would cause aspiration?

Kishambaa voiceless nasals and aspirated stops (Odden, p. 63) tagi 'egg' ni 'it is' dodoa 'pick up' ndimi 'tongues' ntumbii 'monkey' kitabu ombe goa goto kuguni 'book' 'cow' 'sleep!' 'heart' 'bedbug' paalika matagi babu mbeu mpeho 'y!' 'eggs' 'skin' 'seed' 'wind'

Analysis 4: The inventory of contrastive sounds = [n t d] rule : nasals become voiceless before voiceless stops (n->n/_t) rule : voiceless stops become aspirated aer voiceless nasals (t -> t/ n _) For this to work we must apply rule BEFORE rule .

Analysis 4: The inventory of contrastive sounds = [n t d] rule : nasals become voiceless before voiceless stops (n->n/_t) rule : voiceless stops become aspirated aer voiceless nasals (t -> t/ n _) Note how the rules look in features (not writing full feature sets): rule (nasal devoicing): [+nas] -> [-voi]/ __ [-voi] rule (aspiration): [-voi] -> [+s.g.]/ [-voi] __ As with analysis 3, we don't make false predictions (the noncooccurance of [n] and [t]). Also the aspiration rule seems natural, but is a little unsatising because it fails to capture the intuition that [t] is more similar to [n] than [t] is.