Q2. How have categories such as gender, sexuality and race, been discussed and/or essentialised in musical culture?

Examine this question in the context of ONE of these categories, and with reference to a particular artist or genre.

The category of race has been extensively explored in discussions regarding musical culture. One concept that frequently emerges in these discussions is black ethnicity and its relationship to music. In order to examine the concept of ethnicity in music, it is important to realize the vast discussions centering on the concept of identity itself; a central theme of thought in the fields of sociology and cultural studies. Theories such as essentialism take identity as an inherent and unchanging essence that each person possesses. The idea that identity is a fixed and stable state of being has been called into question by other theories, namely social constructivism, which questions essentialist ideals; suggesting that a person s identity is heavily influenced by their circumstances and the environment they inhabit - that identity is a construction rather than something naturally imbedded in a human being. It follows that the musical category, black music , raises important questions in relation to identity and the way that groups of people or genres of music are labeled. Can a music belong/be naturally produced by a specific race? Or is black music just a label imposed on a set of seemingly similar musical conventions? By examining the music of two female artists, Billie Holiday - who was black, and Julie London - who was white, such questions regarding identity and authenticity in relation to the category black music can be explored.

Heidrun Friese looks at notions of identity in his Introduction , in Identities: Time, Difference, and Boundaries. He begins by explaining that the semantic meanings of the word address at the same time the condition and the fact of remaining the same person throughout various phases of existence (Friese, 2002:1). Friese notes that the concept of identity also includes the relationship of an individual with others and that this type of identity can be seen as collective identity . Separate from a personal identity, a collective identity represents the notion of sameness in an envisaged group . Friese later discusses that the origins for the concepts of identity have been used for a long time in the

field of social science and were discussed under terms such as essence , substance , tradition , person , character , civilisation and people . (Friese, 2002:2). Theorists such as Gottfried Herder and Jean-Jacques Rousseau began searching for continuous and common features within cultures that could support a spirit of the people . These theorists were nationalists and believed that a nation was a group of people with a coherent shared language and therefore a shared essence of their nationality cemented by their biographical birthplace. Certain notions from these ideals are known as primordialism, which theorises that ethnic groups have a historical continuity and collective identity.

Gerhard Kubik examines the concept of essential cultural identity in an anthropological sense whilst examining ideas of inherent ethnicity within racial groups. He describes a similar idea to primordialsm that is felt within a particular community of people:

the identity of an ethnic group is experienced by its members in a way that needs no further confirmation. A group of people at a particular time period shares a language, a set of common values, patterns of behavior and institutions, and that is taken for granted. It is not an issue to be discussed.. (Kubik, 1992:20)

Kubik describes that particular communities believe that they are born with a sort of genetically transmitted ethnic character (Kubik, 1992:20)

Over time however, issues have arisen over the notion of essentialism within cultures. Kubik notes that these concepts are contradictory to modern theories such as the process of enculturation . This is where a person learns or absorbs a culture through formal or informal ways whilst growing up. Kubik states that these ethnicities are fictitious, as each person within the group will inevitably hold different life experiences and that no culture can remain completely untouched from another.

The idea that identity can be fictitious has been discussed and supported by many. The belief that identity is definite and pre-determined has been challenged

as being insufficient in explaining the concept of identity fully. Someone that is born into one culture and moves to another for example will have very different cultural experiences than those in the new culture and the old. Modern theories of constructivism believe that people construct their own identities based on their cultural contexts. Martin Stokes writes, acts of identity are understood as underpinning the phenomenon of identity rather than vice versa . (Stokes, 2003:246). The collective identities that primordialst concepts are built around begin to become less absolute as Negus notes,

Do terms such as man, woman, English, Asian, Lesbian, Latin and working class capture the qualities and shred experienced that bind people to a common identity, or are these merely arbitrary imposed labels based on the most superficial of indices (physical features, place of birth, sexual preference or social location) which obscure a diversity of activities and values? (Negus, 1996:99)

When one questions the labels that identities are built around, issues arise in considering those who may fit into one or more identities that exist within a particular society.

Black identity is an example of a group whose essentialism is debatable. The label black is a common label used in western society to describe people of African descent. The term is universally recognized and those who consider themselves black use the term in a fixed and intrinsic way. The use of the word black however, has been deemed improper due to its ambiguous nature and reference to skin tone. In the United States the term has transformed over time from Negro and colored to most recently African-American . On this, Kubik notes that the terminology has changed, but not the referent. (Kubik ,1992:37) the referent being a type of person who is identifiable as black / African-American through some form of African heritage. The term has been questioned by constructivist viewpoints arguing that the label is superficial - based on physical features and that it can be detrimental to individuality within the group. Yet it is still a widely used categorization that is applied not just to a race, but also to music.

Like ethnicity, music is extensively discussed through the use of labels and categories. The category of black music is thought to have a direct correspondence with those belonging to a black ethnic group. This term derives from the music produced by African-Americans in the United States from around the end of the 19th century, which went on to become hugely influential in mainstream popular music across the world.

Theorists such as Frith believed that black music could be easily identified:

black music is a performance rather than a composition music (it) is based on the immediate effects of melody and rhythm rather than on the linear development of theme and harmony it is improvised spontaneously composed the value of black music derives from its emotional impact black music is immediate and democratic the qualities that are valued in spontaneous music making are emotional rather than technical. (Frith, 1983:16-17)

Frith believed that black music was inherent music, produced from the performers bodies. He believed that there was an essence of blackness in the music that was not present in music produced by white musicians and composers. Negus comments that Frith s views on black music combined two essentialisms (Negus, 1996:102). Firstly the belief that, biologically, blacks were more spontaneous and natural . And secondly, that this corresponded directly with specific musicological features.

Frith s essentialist views differ dramatically to those of Philip Tagg who views the label black music with contempt. Tagg completely disagrees with the usage of the term black music stating that it is not valid due to the lack of a definitive cultural definition of black and white .
If we consider music as something to be heard rather than seen - this implying that the music itself possesses neither black , white nor any other colour - then we have no logical grounds for a cultural definition of either black music or white music . (Tagg, 1989:4)

Tagg takes a constructivist stance on the term black music believing the term to be a social issue rather than a musical or biological one as the terms African-

American and black are too ambiguous in the first place to define the people who are thought to generate black music . He finds faults with Frith s theories by pointing out incongruities in the musicological traits thought to be native to black music .

Tagg examines the use of blue notes , which is, for example, a flattened note in the place of a major interval. They are used in singing and are often used expressively rather than conventionally. Tagg disproves the idea that these notes are derivative of black music by noting that they can be found in various singing traditions around the world as in many European folk traditions. Tagg also calls the technique of call and response characteristic in Black music into question. This involves an exchange of dialogue between different singers in an ensemble or audience. Frith noted that this distinguishes music as black as it contrasts to the private style of singing adopted by white singers (Frith, 1983:18). Tagg argues that the tradition of antiphonal singing has been a common trait of religious congregations in the Middle East and Europe for the past 2000 years and therefore cannot be inherently black. Tagg also points to earlier European similarities in regard to syncopated rhythms, polyrhythms and improvisation (Tagg,1989:7-11)

Tagg fights to assert that there is no music that is essentially black and that the subject is often treated with arrogance. According to Tagg, factors of culture and circumstance need to be considered when discussing the category of black music and binary oppositions such as black and white need to be abandoned.

Completely dismissing the category of black music as an illusion however is not entirely helpful when it is still in common use. Negus points out the dilemma faced by artists and audiences who must deal with the aftermath of using these definitions to distinguish black music in the first place. Paul Gilroy offers an alternative where the term black music is retained but in a non-essentialist approach (Negus, 1996:105).

Gilroy disagrees with both essentialist and constructivist views on black music . He disagrees with the romanticism of an ethnic absolutism associated

with black music whilst believing that it is wrong to deny that there is any similarity or shared identity between black people. Gilroy believes the diaspora of the black Atlantic world is still an important contributing factor to black music . I believe it is possible to approach the music as a changing rather than an unchanging same. (Gilroy, 1993:101). Gilroy suggests that cultural traditions have been reproduced by blacks throughout history in a variable sense that allows modification and transformation, rather than in an unchanging, essentialist manner.

Another way in which the category of black music has been analyzed and labeled is in opposition to white music . Whilst stating that black music was essential and inherent of blacks, theorists such as Frith often compared it to white music . Several theorists have criticized this as the term white music is often used carelessly and far less rigidly than the term black music without a specific definition. White music was, and still is describe in ambiguous manner. Frith was often referring to European classical music forms whose rigid forms contrasted to the apparently improvised nature of black music . Many have viewed this stance as arrogant of the social context of black and white musicians. Negus points out that black musicians and composers such as Scott Joplin and Art Tatum were unable to contribute classical music genres due to racism. (Negus, 1996:104), which is another claim that undermines the belief of an essential black or white music.

Looking at the social context surrounding black music it is interesting to consider what happens when a white artist or audience appropriates black music . The racism existing in the United States has led to the exploitation of many black musicians who were not treated equally to white musicians. Frith states that,

Commercial mediation replaced direct emotional experience ; black music s emotional vocal qualities were subordinated to the star system and the soul was marketed as a gimmick. (Frith, 1983:18)

Negus backs this claim that black musician s white counter-parts have often been more commercially successful. He takes the example Eric Clapton who has

capitalized on Blues music in comparison with black artists who have lived and died poor. (Negus, 1996:111).

This raises questions over the authenticity of black music . Is it therefore less authentic for a white musician to sing the blues than a black singer? By focusing on the work of singers Julie London and Billie Holiday I will examine some of the concepts already presented. I have chosen these two artists as their music can be said to be black in different and similar ways. Both employ a similar style of singing derivative from blues, and their songs contain similar lyrical themes, yet they contrast in their ethnicities.

Holiday; born 11 years before London in 1915 began her singing career in small clubs in New York. She was inspired by recordings of Louis Armstrong and Bessie Smith and made her recording debut in 1933 with Your Mother s Son in Law with Benny Goodman. She went on to work with bandleaders Duke Ellington, Count Basie and Artie Shaw and in 1939 recorded her biggest selling record Strange Fruit . Holiday was recognized for her distinct voice. She was untrained musically and her vocal range only spanned an octave, yet she was renowned for her striking ability to convey emotion through her songs.

Julie London was born in 1926 in California. Her parents were a vaudeville song and dance team and London attended the Hollywood Professional school; a school that trained children in show business . She became a popular singer in the Cool Era of the 1950s and her biggest hit was Cry Me a River which was released in 1953. Billboard Magazine named her most popular female vocalist for three years running from 1955-197.

Although the singers were popular in different decades, there are obvious similarities in their styles. Both can be identified as torch singers as their lyrics often lamented unrequited or lost love. Devices such as blue notes and improvisation of melody lines also link both to the blues tradition. Although similarities exist between the singers, the public viewed them in different ways.

For example, Holiday s music has been viewed as a truly authentic form of expression. Her ability to convey emotion to an audience was highlighted as exceptional as this comment from a review of a performance by Holiday exhibits She could still tear at your very heart-strings with her simple directness of expression (Gramophone, 1963:69). This is a quality rooted in the blues tradition, often essentialised as the original form of black musical expression. These sorts of essential views seem to be supported in the reception of artists like Billie Holiday compared to white singers like Julie London who were sometimes deemed as inauthentic. Attempts to embody the greatness of artists like Billie Holiday were often regarded as false or lacking.

Recycled cultural events are rapidly becoming a staple of the media age. First you have an honest-to-god event, with all its spontaneity, variety and density of mood Then months, perhaps a year later, the event recurs The simple fact of repetition at a different time in a different setting is enough to make even the most powerful event seem not only slighter but different.. like the current vogue of Billie Holiday. (Life Magazine, 1962:21)

In an interview with Julie London in Downbeat Magazine she described herself as a blues singer, yet her list of influences including Peggy Lee, June Christy and Beverly Kennedy was largely white (Downbeat Magazine, 1958). London also pointed out her disdain at performing in clubs. London s view of what blues is differs to essential views and from looking at popular depictions of Julie London, the view that she is a somewhat inauthentic blues singer can be supported. There are aspects of London s career that support Frith s earlier claims that; black music s emotional vocal qualities were subordinated to the star system and the soul was marketed as a gimmick (Frith, 1983:18). For example; images of London frequented magazines in the 1950s and 1960s due to her endorsement of the brand Smirnoff . London was also and actress and singing was obviously also not the central focus of her career. London fits the mass-mediated stereotype of white artists commercializing authentic black musical traditions, whereas Holiday fits the profile of an artist who lives and breathes her work.

It seems unfair however, to dismiss London as a completely inauthentic artist. Like Holiday, London was a successful singer in her own right and her articulation of certain black modes of expression in her singing and performance cannot be dismissed purely as a gimmick . As already established, essentialist views of black music are not completely coherent in explaining how an entire form of music exists. It would also be simplistic to deem London authentic by resorting to simplistic constructivist claims there is no such thing as black music in the first place. It can be useful to look again at Gilroy s stance on these matters. It is plausible to regard Julie London as an example of the changing same . The expression of her music evidently draws on traditions found in black music but she has transformed this into something new, which can be identified as authentic to her.

they (processes of musical performance) produce an imaginary effect of an internal racial core or essence by acting on the body through the specific mechanisms of identification and recognition that are produced in the intimate interaction of performer and crowd. This reciprocal relationship can serve as an ideal communicative situation even when the original makers of the music and its eventual consumers are separated in space and time or divided by the technologies of sound reproduction and the commodity form which their art has sought to resist. (Gilroy, :102)

In this way, it can be said that whilst holding different races, Billie Holiday and Julie London both employ aspects of black music in equally authentic ways.

By examining different views on the concepts of essentialism and constructivism, some of the ways that race is essentialised in relation to musical culture have become apparent. From the questioning of original notions of essential racial identity have come new approaches to how identities are formed and mediated in today s societies. These approaches highlight the complicated relationship between music and identity and call for further investigation into the way that artists and audiences identify themselves and each other. From deconstructing ideas of black music it has become clear that the current system of identifying music is limited in regard to race. Yet, at the same time, it is not enough

to simply dismiss this system without providing an alternative. This has become apparent in examining the cultural identities of Billie Holiday and Julie London where a multitude of social and musicological issues arise when viewing each artist in essential and non-essential terms - neither artist can be correctly essentialised as an artist of black music or white music . The category of Black Music in musical culture therefore remains, rightly or wrongly, in the vocabulary of today s society in both essential and non-essential terms.

Bibliography Friese, Heidrun. Introduction . Identities: Time, Difference, and Boundaries. 2002, pp.1 -5. Frith, Simon. Sound Effects: Youth, Leisure & the Politics of Rock'n'Roll. 1983, pp.1618 Gilroy, Paul. The black Atlantic. 1993, pp. 96-103 Kubik, Gerhard. Ethnicity, Cultural Identity and the Psychology of Culture Contact . Music and Black Ethnicity, The Caribbean and South America. 1992, pp.17-46 Negus, Keith. Identities . Popular Music in Theory. 1996, pp.99-135 Stokes, Martin. Identity . The Continuum Encyclopaedia of Popular Music of the World, Vol. 1. 2003, pp. 246-249 Tagg, Phillip. Open Letter about Black Music , Afro-American Music and European Music . Popular Music Vol. 8/3. 1989, pp. 285-298

Magazine Articles Albert Goldman. An epiphany that went flat. Life Magazine. 18 Feb 1972, pp22 Tynan, John, Julie London, Cover Girl . Downbeat magazine. January 23, 1958 Unknown Author. Review: Billie Holiday, Lady Love . Gramophone Magazine. 1963, pp. 69