Arranged Marriages in Western Europe: Media Representations and Social Reality

Roger Penn*

ENTROPUCnON There are broadly two main types of marriage systems globally. The first are the "love" marriages that dominate Western nations such as the United States and those in Europe. The second involves "arranged" marriages. These are dominant in many parts of Asia and Africa. As a result of intemational migration to Western Europe, both systems now co-exist in countries such as Britain, France and Germany. This article examines how arranged marriages are covered in the media in these three European countries. It also provides systematic empirical data on the prevalence of arranged marriages in these same countries. ARRANGED MARRIAGES IN A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE Many Western sociologists argue that modernization has involved an expansion of individualism and autonomy. Giddens (1992 and 1999), Bauman (2003) and Evans (2003) have argued that relationships premised on notions of romantic love and mutual emotional support have come to typify the "late modem world." Such ideas represent an extension of earlier convergence theory with its emphasis on the spread of "modern" values such as love, romance and independence (see Kerr, 1960; Inkeles, 1969 and Rudelson, 1997). However, this teleology is contradicted by the fact that arranged marriages remain the norm in many parts of the world, particularly in Asia, North Africa and the Middle East (see Myers et al. 2005; Zang, 2008 and Sam, 2009). An arranged marriage is one where parents (rather than pirospective spouses themselves) choose marital partners for their children (see Penn and Lambert, 2009). Arranged marriages so defined remain typical for around half the world's population. They are pervasive iri China, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, the transUral parts of Russia and Nigeria. Many of these countries are predominantly Moslem or contain sizeable Moslem minorities. Not only are arranged marriages^typical amongst around half the world's population, they will become more pervasive in the future since the> predominate in countries with high rates of population growth (see United Nations, 2001a). The modem world therefore is characterised by the co-existence of two broad types of marriage systems. As a result of intemational migration (see Castles and Miller, 2003) both systems now co-exist within Western Europe and North America. Despite this, the
* Sociology Department, Lancaster University, Bowland North, Lancaster, LAI 4YT United Kingdom

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Journal of Comparative Family Studies

overwhelming majority of family researchers in Europe and the USA ignore this aspect of contemporary marriages (see Drago, 2007 and Cherlin, 2009). Both arranged marriages and love marriages share similar structural properties as value systems. Both strongly advocate the superiority of their own system of marriage and, as a' corollary^ derogate the other. This is illustrated in Diagram A. Diagram A. Arranged Marriage Value System Positive and Negative Elements within Value Systems Associated viith Arranged and Love Marriages Arranged (+) Promotes Strong Families , Maintains Familial links Customary Conserves Property Maintains Strong Discipline Over Children Segregated Gender Roles (worhen not required to undertake paid work outside the home) Love(-) Individualism Love produces bad choice of spouse High Divorce Rates High Proportion of Single Mothers LackofFat|iers Ill-disciplined ChildrenDrugs and Crime amongst Young Women required to undertake paid work: dishonoured. The template for this model was originally derived from a series of open-ended interviews with young Asians and non-Asians in the North West of England undertaken in 2000 and 2001 (see Penn and Lambert, 2009). As these interviews progressed it became clear that young Asians-both male and female-in the main subscribed to an entirely different set of values abotit marriage than that of their non-Asian counterparts. Both Asians and nonAsians saw their ovyn type of marriage as far superior to the respective alternative. Much of their orientation involved equally strong views about the undesirability-indeed the social pathology-of the "Other" form of marriage. Asians, particularly Moslems whose parents tnigrated from the Indian sub-continent, expressed strong preferences for arranged marriages. A high proportion of the young Asian women interviewed stated that their parents would select a prospective husband for them but would not force them to accept their choice. Many also said that they would prefer a spouse who had grown up in Britain and who had been educated in the British school system. Love marriages, on the other hand, were seen as undesirable since they led to divorce, single parenthood and a wide range of social pathologies including criminality and drug addiction amongst the children from such broken homes. Non-Asians saw the situation quite differently. Young White women in particular found the very idea of an arranged marriage anathema. Some said they felt physically sick even discussing it. One young woman said that "there's no way I'd marry one of my cousins, it makes me cringe just to think about it." White women and White men both emphasized the

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639

brutality and coercion itiherent-in their minds-in the arranged marriage system. Many regarded it as akin to rape. Another young woman stated "It's barbaric, that's what it is, and shouldn't be allowed in this day and age...especially here." Clearly the fact that all the respondents interviewed-both Asian and White-were British, bom in England and educated together in English schools (see Penn and Scattergood, 1992 and Penn and Berridge, 2008) had not produced a great deal of mutual understanding of their respective systems of marriage. Although the model is based upon qualitative, interview data collected in Britain, it is plausible that a similar dichotomous structure in attitudes towards arranged and love marriages exists in other Westem European countries where, as a result or post-war intemational migration, the two systems of marriage currently co-exist.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF ARRANGED MARRIAGES

Arranged marriages receive a consistently negative press in Western Europe. This is particularly evident in Britain where they are often conflated with "Islamic marriages," although arranged marriages are normal amongst many non-Islamic groups (Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists for example). In the British press, reports are almost always based upon examples from Pakistan, Indian and Bangladesh, although arranged marriages extend far beyond the borders of the Indian sub-continent (see Todd, 1994). There is also a persistent tendency to equate arranged marriages with "forced marriages" although these are both cpnceptually and legally distinct (see Shaw, 2006 and Enright, 2009). Jason Burke in his article for The Observer (8* October 2000) entitled "Love, honour and obey-or die" claimed that for many young Asian women in Britain an arranged marriage meant abuse or even death to satisfy "family honour"! Sarah Hall's "Life for "honour" killing of pregnant teenager by mother or brother" {The Guardian, 26* May 1999) reported that a mother and her son were jailed for life for murdering her daughter who had contracted an arranged marriage to a husband from Pakistan when she was aged 15. Subsequently she had only seen him twice in four years and had become pregnant to another man. Once again arranged marriage was framed in terms of family honour ("izzet"), violence and betrayal. On the next day Suzanne Goldenberg in the same newspaper wrote a follow-up piece entitled "A question of honour" that compared two "honour" killings, one in Pakistan and the other the killing in Britain reported on by Sarah Hall. Goldenberg's report emphasized that in the UK killers had been brought to justice whilst in Pakistan the police had tumed a blind eye and the state appeared to condone such killings. The general negative picture of the legal and criminal justice systems in the Indian subcontinent evident in such articles was contradicted by Luke Harding-77ie Guardian's New Delhi correspondent-in an article with the heading "Student saved from arranged marriage." (14* March 2000). However, Harding still concluded in pejorative terms: "A British-bom Indian woman rescued by diplomats from an arranged marriage in India to a man she had never met was an "extreme.example" of a practice common across much of Asia, Foreign Office officials said yesterday." Indeed, the issue of not seeing a prospective spouse was a common trope in these reports. Indeed, Georgina Wintersgill wrote a piece in The Mirror (12 October 1999) with the title "I didn't set eyes on my husband until we had wed."

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Many newspaper accounts centre on the persistent claim that individuals are terrorized by their own families. This was evident in an anonymous article in The Express (22"'' May 1999) entitled "When defiance is a death sentence" which claimed that Asian women risked "barbarity" if they "refused an arranged marriage," Nicholas Watt later that week wrote similar piece on the "Terror of couple fleeing a forced marriage" (The Guardian, 27* May 1999) which described a Pakistani woman and her white husband's flight from "bounty hunters" because the woman had dishonoured her family by not marrying the first man that her parents had promised her to. Such negative views about arranged marriages have also permeated the French media and French political discourse, Geesey (1995) described similar "sensationalized reports" of "honour killings and forced marriages among Maghrebian families" in France whilst Flood and Frey (1998) catalogued the hostility of many French commentators to Islamic/Maghrebian marriage practices. However, in recent years the focus of media demonization has shifted to the headscarf, polygamy and latterly the burqa. The situation in Germany is less clear, mainly as a consequence of the general paucity of sound empirical research on itnmigrants there (see Nauck,' 1994, for a discussion of this issue). However, German newspapers regularly feature articles about forced marriages, particularly amongst Turks in Germany, . In order to probe these issues further, a quantitative analysis of the content of all articles dealing with a r r ^ g e d marriages published in the calendar year 2007 was undertaken using the Nexis newspaper data base. The sample included almost 1400 articles from the British national daily press! 4 of the newspapers sampled were broadsheets (The Times, The Guardian, The Telegraph and The Independent) and 4 tabloids (The Sun, The Mail, The . Mirror and The Daily Express). Seventy-four percent of all the articles on arranged marriages were from tabloids and 35% were from only one of these-77ie Mail. The content of the articles was examined using Atlas-ti software. This was used to categorize the articles as a whole and to analyze "strings" of associated concepts in order to reveal the central discursive elements within the text. The general orientation of these articles was overwhelmingly negative (see Table 1), There were very few positive articles and not many more that were neutral. Almost all articles in the tabloid newspapers [which have the highest readerships numerically] were negative. Most articles were also highly sensationalised and focused on issues of violence, Islam and family honour (see Table 2), These correlations were particularly pronounced within the tabloids. Table I, General Orientation of Newspaper Articles on Arranged Marriages Negative Broadsheet Tabloid N=1397 85% 98% Positive 4% 0% Neutral
11%

2%

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641

Table 2.
Concepts Surrounding Arranged Marriages Violence Broadsheet Ikbloid
N=t397

Murder 29% 42%

Family 85% 92%

Islam 52% 88%

Honour 61% 81%

72% 94%

Such media representations strongly affect the way the majority ethnic population see arranged marriages. This is part of a wider process of simultaneously demoijizing and rendering exotic such "oriental" practices (see Said, 1978). It is also an example of how the dominant discourse within the westem media renders certain minority ethnic groups "silent." ARRANGED MARRIAGES IN WESTERN EUROPE This section explores the extent to which arranged marriages persist amongst children of intematiotial tnigrants iti Westem Europe. The data presented were collected as part of the European Union's EFFNATIS (The Effectiveness of National Intgration Strategies of Children of Intemational Migrants iti Westem Europe) project. This ran from 1997 to 2002 and involved the collection of information on 2227 young people aged between 16 and 25 in Britain, France and Germany (see Table 3). The samples were drawn from localities with significant numbers of children of intemational migrants: Blackbum and Rochdale in North West England, Vitry (a suburb of Paris) and Tours in France and Niimberg iti Germany (see Penn and Lambert, 2002 and 2009). Table 3. Ethnic/Nationality Characteristics of the 3 Samples Britain: Autochthonous [White] Pakistani . Indian Autochthonous Portuguese Maghrebian Autochthonous [German] Turkish Former-Yugoslavian 418 178 130 286 212 218 215 285 285

France:

Germany:

TOTAL

2227

In Britain, the two minority ethnic groups contrasted to the autochthonous group were children of parents who were bom in Pakistan and India and who had migrated to Britain. These are currently the two largest minority ethnic groups in contemporary Britain (see, Scott, Pearce and Goldblatt, 2001). In France, the two minority groups were children of Portuguese atid Maghrebian [North African] parents. Once again these are the two largest

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minority ethnic/nationality groups in France (see King, 1993; Geisser and Lorcerie, 1993 and Tribalat, 1995). Nonetheless, almost all the French and British respondents-whatever the national origins of their parents-were French or British citizens. In Germany, on the other hand, (which generally excludes "foreigners" from citizenship), almost all the Turkish and former-Yugoslavian respondents remained without German citizenship (see Penn and Lambert, 2009). Turks and former-Yugoslavs constitute the two largest groups of intemational migrants in contemporary Germany (see Mayer and Riphahn, 2000). Four ofthe ethnic/nationality groups examined were predominantiy Moslem. The parents of Turks in Germany and Maghrebians in France migrated from countries that were and remain overwhehningly Moslem. The Pakistani respondents in Britain were also Moslem as were the Indians, most of whose parents originated from Gujerat in Westem India. The Prevalence of Arranged Marriages in the Six Countries of Parental Origin of the EFFNATIS Respondents Arranged marriages remain common in Turkey, particularly in rural areas. Tekeli (1995) reported that around half of Turkish couples were involved in an arranged marriage: the most widespread form involving an arrangement made after an initial viewing ofthe bride by the groom and his family. Yalsin-Heckmann (1995) also reported that consanguineous, firstcousin marriages were prevalent amongst Kurds from Turkey. Tndeed, many Turkish immigrants to Germany have, in fact, been Kurds from south east Turkey (see Leggewie, 1996). Arranged marriages also remain a feature of some rural areas within the former-Yugoslavia, particularly amongst Moslems in Bosnia and Kosovo (see Vickers, 1998 and Malcolm 1998). However, there is no evidence for their presence amongst various Christian nationalities of the former-Yugoslavia: Slovenes, Croats or Serbs. Arranged marriages also remain common within the Maghreb (see Memissi, 1983; Bousquet, (1966); Lacoste-Dujardin, 1996 and Tribalat, 1995 and, 1996), although there is increasing evidence that they are disappearing amongst children of Maghrebian immigrants who have grown up in France (see Tribalat, 1995 and Flanquart, 1999). This is, in part, a function ofthe distinctive characteristics of Maghrebian immigrants themselves. Mah (1992) has shown that the majority of Maghrebian immigrants to France had above-avera;e educational attaitiment levels and ability in the French language. Such migrants were not a marginal, rural, 'pre-modem' group. Rather they were self-selected to,be the least tradUionalistic in orientation. Arranged marriages are not a feature of traditional Portuguese society (see Levi, 1975). As Todd, ( 1994) has shown, Portugal forms a part of a wider "Mediterranean" social pattem that is associated with strict gender roles but not with arranged marriages per se. There' is general consensus amongst social scientists that arranged marriages remain central to the South Asian populations in Britain. However, arranged marriages are seen as moreflexiblethan previously. Ballard (1979) reported that, amongst Sikhs in Leeds during the 1970s, young Asians were more able to have the chance to meet and talk with prospective

Arranged Marriages in Westem Europe

643

spouses before their engagement was formalized. Brah ( 1992) also confirmed the acceptance of arranged marriages amongst young Asian women in Britain, although many Asian women wanted it to be on a more egalitarian basis with both prospective partners having a say in the decision-makiiig. This view was re-emphasized by Lyon (1995) in a study of Moslem women in Oldham which showed that arranged marriages remained deeply embedded but "almost always" involved consultation between generations. Hylton (1997) found that South Asian women wished to continue with arranged marriages but insisted upon the right to be able to refuse a prospective spouse. Goodwin (1997) revealed the persistence of arranged marriages amongst Gujerati Hindus in Leicester and the growing importance of third-party introductions within the overall process. Beishon et al. (1998) also showed that arranged marriages were powerfully entrenched in their qualitative study of 24 Pakistani and Bangladeshi respondents in their book Ethnic Minority Families. All their married respondents had experienced an arranged marriage where their parents (and often other senior family members) had chosen their marriage partner. Most had not been allowed to meet utitil their wedding, although at least four had married their cousins (whom they already knew). More recently Charsley (2006 and 2007), Shaw (2006) and Williams (2010) have presented a picture of greater participation amongst prospective spouses in the overall process of mate selection amongst Pakistanis in Britain. The major previous quantitative study of arranged marriages in Britain was a study conducted >for the Policy Studies Institute by Modood et al. (1997). It showed that, apart from East African Asians, a majority of South Asians over the age of 35 reported that their parents had selected their spouse. This was most common amongst Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. The report also emphasized that a significant generational shift was taking place: amongst all South Asian groups arranged marriages were less common amongst the younger cohorts. Women were more likely to report that their parents had chosen their spouse, as were those with low educational qualifications. Modood et al. also confirmed that consultation and negotiation between children and parents over prospective spouses were increasingly common amongst South Asian groups in Britain. Overall, previous sociological research has indicated that arranged marriages remain common in Britain amongst groups with familial origins in the Indian sub-continent but were declining slightly amongst the British-bom children of such migrants. Educational attainment was also identified as a powerful mediating factor in the persistence of such arranged marriages. On the basis of existing sociological research, it was clear that not all the intemational migrant groups within the EFFNATIS sample were likely to feature arranged marriages. Such marriages were not a feature of Portuguese society nor were they at all common within the countries of the former-Yugoslavia. However, Indian, Pakistani and Maghrebian societies all shared a strong predilection towards arranged marriages curreiitly. Turkey represented an intermediate case where around half of marriages were still influenced by norms dictating arranged marriage: these were concentrated in rural areas, particularly amongst the Kurdish population living in southeast Turkey. . . .
i I -

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The Results of the EFFNATIS Research Most EFFNATIS respondents were not married (see Table 4). This was not surprising given their age [between 16 and 25]. Table 4. Numbers Married Amongst EFFNATIS Respondents Married German autochthonous IXirkish Former Yugoslavian French autochthonous Portuguese Maghrehian British autochthonous Pakistani India 8 41 27 5 9 7 18 24 16
(%)

Not Married 207 242 257 274 196 206 381 138 106

(3.9) (16.9) (10.5) (1.8) (4.6) (3.4) (4.7) (17.4) (15.1)

However, there was a marked tendency for some ethnic/nationality groups to be more likely to be married: this applied to Turkish and former-Yugoslavian respondents in Germany and Pakistani and Indians in Britain. Nonetheless, overall, the vast majority of respondents in the sample were not married. This contrasted with a high propensity fpr young adults to be married by their mid-twenties in many of the countries of origin of the parents of the EFFNATIS respondents, particularly in India, Pakistan, and Turkey (see Table 5). Thse results suggest that marriage behaviour-as measured in terms of the age of marriages amongst children of intemational migrants in Westem Europe-had converged upon the dominant, autochthonous pattem which nowadays embodies marriage at a relatively late age (see Chesnais, 1992; Kieman, 1996; Livi-Bacci, 1997 and Lewis, 2001). The EFFNATIS research also ascertained whether these marriages had been arranged (see Table 6). It was evident that arranged marriages were not current amongst children of intemational migrants in either Germany or France. Despite the existence of a tradition of arranged marriages in Turkey, parts of the former-Yugoslavia and the Maghreb, this tradition appears to have disappeared amongst children of migrants from those countries in Germany and in France. However, the same did not apply to children of migrants from the Indian sub-continent in Britain. Amongst both Indians and Pakistanis in Britain, arranged marriages were the norm. There was also evidence that level of educational attainment affected this pattem amongst Indians but not amongst Pakistani respondents (see Table 7).

Arranged Marriages in Western Europe Table 5,

645

Percentage Ever Married by Country

Males 15-19 20-24
28,2 14,9 11,1

Females 15-19 15,5 5,2 2,1 1,2

20-24
61,8 44,1 33,9 14,8 47,7 39,8 27,7 38,6 15,2 83,0 60,6 24,9

Turkey
Croatia Slovenia Germany Algeria Morocco

4,3 0,6 0,5 0,1 0,6 0,0 1,2 0,1 05 6,2 0,5

5,2
30,7

9,5
io;5 3,0 5,7 0,6
35,7 21,9

3,7
18,9

Tunisia
Portugal

France
India Pakistan IK

5,6
40,1 24,7 12,0

1,7

Source: United Nations, 2001b Table 6, Arranged Marriages by Ethnic/Nationality Group** Arranged German autochthonous 'nirkish Yugoslavia French autochthonous Portuguese Maghrebian British autochthonous Pakistani Indian **Not all respondents answered this question Not asked Not Arranged Not asked .32 26 2 3 4 17 6 6

6
0 0 0 0 0 17

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Table 7. Proportion of Arranged Marriages by Level of GCSE Results [Higher = Five Grade A-C passes or more]***
Pakistani Lower Arranged Marriage 9/12 Higher 8/11 Lower 8/11
Indian

Higher 1/4

*** Not all respondents provided data on GCSE results.

It is clear that the tradition of arranged marriage remains strong amongst children of intemational migrants from the Indian sub-continent in contemporary Britain. Amongst the young adults in the EFFNATIS sample, well over half of those aged 21 or over from Pakistani and Indian backgrounds were either married or planning to marry soon. Almost half of these respondents reported an arranged marriage. There was also a suggestion that the tendency for arranged marriage varied according to educational level amongst Indian but not amongst Pakistani respondents. It is equally clear that arranged marriages had disappeared amongst Maghrebian respondents in France. This paralleled the findings of Hanquart (1999). Arranged marriages were also uncommon amongst children of Turkish and former-Yugoslavian parents living in Germany. It was also apparent that children of intemational migrants in all three countries were marrying later than their equivalents still living in the countries from where their parents had emigrated. How can these pattems be accounted for? Clearly the present data only capture certain broad features of the situation. There is an urgent need for further empirical research by sociologists into these phenomena. Nonetheless, it is clear that two quite different processes were involved. This first involved a convergence of all ethnic/nationality groups in Britain, France and Germany onto the "Westem" pattem of a relatively late age for marriage. In this respect, all ethnic/nationality groups examined were relatively similar. This is probably a function of values created and sustained within the educational and cultural spheres to which all groups are equally exposed in the three countries. However, there were also inarked differences in the likelihood to which traditional pattems of spouse determination in the ; countries of origin persisted. In Britain, arranged marriages remained central to the social experience of young Indian and Pakistani adults who had grown up in Britain. This can be seen as a function of the multicultural ethos dominant in Britain, whereby social norms about marriage that are seen as essentially religious and private were far more accepted than was evident in either France or Germany (see Penn and Lambert, 2009). In France, there would appear to have been a powerful process of assimilation, as would be expected given the strength of the Republican assimilationist model there (see Schnapper, 1990 and 1994). This involved both a negative and a positive aspect. On the positive side, such a process of assimilation has led to considerable ethnic intermarriage (see Todd, 1994 and Tribalat, 1996). However, on the negative side, it has also involved intense intergenerational conflict within Maghrebian families. This has been widely documented (see Mah, 1992; Nini, 1993;Kessas, 1997 and Benguigui, 1997). It had also led to very high levels

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647

of celibacy amongst Maghrebian women. Indeed, as all these authors have shown, the collapse of arranged marriages has not always led to the emergence of successful "love" relationships amongst Maghrebian young women in France. Amongst the German sub-sample, most Turkish respondents had not entered into an arranged marriage. This almost certainly reflected the fact that a high proportion of Turkish migrants were selected as guest workers from the more secular, Westemized, "non-traditionalistic" elements of Turkish society (Tekeli, 1995 and Leggewie, 1996). This has meant that they were both highly receptive to Westem values and less likely to maintain traditional pattems. of marriage arrangement. Overall, it was clear that, despite an overall process of convergence amongst all ethnic/ nationality groups in France, Britain and Germany onto the westem pattern of relatively late marriage, arranged marriages remained a distinctive feature amongst British Asians whilst they had disappeared completely amongst children of Maghrebian parents in France. Germany represented an intermediate case with a minority of children of Turkish immigrants still participating in artanged marriages.
CONCLUSIONS

Arranged marriages are no longer the norm amongst children of intemational migrants in France and Germany. However, they remain common amongst the children of Pakistani and Indian migrants to Britain. Such arranged marriages are generally seen by the majority ethnic population in Britain as a threat. They form an element within a wider set of values that are broadly Islamophobic. The media strongly reinforce the negative prism through which opinions about arranged marriages are both constituted and amplified in Britain. This is part of a wider conflict at the very heart of British multiculturalism (see Parekh, 2000 and Cantle, 2001). Ethnic difference is tolerated but not greatly appreciated by the majority population. This dilemma will persist in Britain as a result of both inward migration from countries where arranged marriages are the norm and as a consequence of its continuation as a social practice amongst the majority of children of such intemational migrants.
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