Bernard Christian Steiner - History of Slavery in Connecticut (1893)

Class.
i^
-T)
Book.
rSlsi
COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT
IX-X
JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES

'"""'^
IN
HISTOEICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE

HERBERT
B.
ADAMS,
Editor
History
is
History.-Freema?i past Politics and Politics present
ELEVENTH SERIES
IX-X
BERNARD
C.
STEINER, Ph.
D.
baltimore The Johns Hopkins Press

PUBLISHED MONTHtY
September- October, 1893

'"^^SEP
'^^
mi
w!^^
722
I'OPy RIGHT,
1SU3,
BY THE JoHNS HOPKINS FKESS.
THE FKIEDENWALD
CO.,
PKIXTERS,
BALTIMORE.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction
7 9
11
PeriodI. 1636-1774. Indian Slavery

Colonial Legislation on Slaveiy
Trials
Concerning Slaves in Colonial Days
17
Social Condition of Slaves in Colonial
Times
........
20 24
Period II. 1774-1869. Slaves in the Revolution

Opinions of the Forefathers on Slavery
State Legislation on Slavery
28
30
Cases Adjudicated in the Higher Courts with Reference to
Slavery
Miss Prudence Crandall and her School
37
45
52
Nancy Jackson vs. Bulloch The Negroes on the " Amistad " Growth of the Anti-Slavery Spirit
Social Condition of Slaves
56 68
78 83
Appendix
HISTORY OF SLAVERY LN CONNECTICOT.

INTRODUCTION.
Few
questions have been
people than slavery,
more interesting to the American and the number of works which have
appeared upon the subject has been proportional to the The slavery of negroes has been discussed interest aroused.
from almost every point of view, and yet the influence of slavery upon individual States of the Union and its dififerent history and characteristics in the several States have not received the attention they deserve. There have been two able works dealing with this branch of the subject, tracing thoroughly the course of the institution of slavery in the two
As Massachusetts States of Massachusetts and Maryland.'' was the first State of the original number to free her slaves, and as Maryland was a typical Border State, these monographs, apart from their accuracy and completeness, have
been valuable contributions to the study of separate States, but they stand almost alone.
It
slavery- in
the
of slavery^ in his native State
has been the intention of the writer to take up the history Connecticut. The develop-
ment
and the conditions surrounding it there were not greatly dififerent from those existing in the larger State immediately to the north, yet there were certain phases of the " peculiar institution " in Connecticut which yield a
of slavery
^
I allude to Dr. Geo. Moore's "
Notes on Slavery in Massachu-
Tremain's setts " and Dr. J. R. Brackett's ''Negro in Maryland." " Slaveiy in the District of Columbia," in Univ. of Neb. Studies, and
Ingle's
noteworthy-
in the District of Columbia. "in J. H. U. Studies, are See also Morgan's brief account of " Slavery in NewYork " in the Am. Hist. Ass. Papers. I might add Ed. Bettle, " Notices of Negro Slavery as Connected with Pennsylvania," Vol. I., p. 365 ff., Penn. Hist. Soc. Memou-s.
"Negro
Histonj
of
Slavery in Connecticut.
[378
noteworthy return to the student.' Though the formal aboUtion of slavery in Connecticut did not take place until 1848, there had been practically very few slaves in the State since 1800, and the treatment of the slave had been always comparatively mild
and
lenient.
In the history of the opinion of the
people
in
regard to
slaver)^,
we
shall
find
two
fairly
well
marked-ofif periods, under each of which

ately the legal, political,
first
we
shall treat separ-
and
social aspects of slavery.
The
from the settlement of the colony until the passage of the Non-importation Act of 1774, and is characterized by a general acquiescence in the existence of slavery and a somewhat harsh slave code. The second period, extending from 1774 to 1861, is marked by the diminution and extinction of slaven'. It might be divided into two subdivisions. The first subdivision extends from October, 1774, to the rise of the Abolitionists, about 1830, and is characterized by the gradual emancipation of the slaves and amelioration of their condition. In the second subdivision, lasting from about 1830 till the Civil War. we find the formal abolition of slavery and the
of these periods extends
rise of the slavery question as a political issue,
culminating
in
the resistance to the Fugitive Slave Act, and ending in the
Act of 1857.
Fifteenth
The period closes Amendment in 1869.
with the acceptance of the
The author regrets that he was unable to consult Dr. Wm. C. Fowler's "Historical Status of the Negro in Connecticut" until these pages were passing through the press. Any new matter therein contained has been embodied in foot-notes, as far as possible. Tlie labor and research Dr. Fowler bestowed on his paper make it very valuable. It appeared in Dawson's Historical Maga'
zine for 1874. Vol.
XXIH..
pp. 12-18, 81-85, 148-153, 260-266.
PERIOD
I. 1636-1774.
Indian Slavery.
In Connecticut, as in many otlier States, the first slaves were not of African race, but were aborigines, taken in battle and sold as slaves, in the same manner as the Anglo-
Saxon
forefathers of the early settlers had- sold the captives
of their spear, over a millennium before.
After the fierce and
bloody Pequod War, the colonists found on their hands a number of captive Indians, whose disposition formed a pressing question.
It did
not take long to decide
it.
To
the
shame
of the conquerors, "
Ye
prisoners were devided,
some
to those of the River [Connecticut]
and the
the
latter,
rest to lis " of
Massachusetts.'
Of those taken by
they sent " the
male children to Bermudas, by Mr. William Pierce, and the women and maid children are disposed about in the towns. There have now been slain and taken, in all, about 700."
Connecticut's disposition of her share was, doubtless,
the
much
the
same as
in
that described above.
In the same
spirit,
Articles of Confederation of the United

nies,
were which both Connecticut and when drawn up on May 19, 1643, provided that " the whole advantage of the warr (if it please God to bless their Endeavours), whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be proportionally divided among the said Confederates."' The Articles of Confederation also provided " that, if any
included,
New England New Haven
Colo-
servant run
away from
his master into
erated jurisdictions, that, in such case,
magistrate in the jurisdiction of

either to his master or
upon which the
any of these confedcertificate of one

said sei'vant fled,
or upon other due proof, the said servant shall be delivered,
such
certificate
or proof."
any other, that pursues and brings This was the first fugitive slave
law
^
in force in Connecticut.
Mass. Hist. Soc.

Col.
Coll., Series IV., Vol. III., p. 360.
-Plymouth
Rec.
Vol. IX.. p. 4.
10
Since
it
History
of Slaverif in Connecticut.
[380
was found that certain Indian villages harbored on Sept. 5, 1646, decided that such villages might be raided and the inhabitants carried ofif, women and children being spared as much as possible, and added, to its eternal shame, that "because it will be chargeable keeping Indians in prison and, if they should escape, they ai'e liable to prove more insolent and dangerous after, it was thought fit that upon such seizure the magistrates of the jurisdiction deliver up the Indians seized to the party or parties endamaged, either to serve or to be shipped out and exchanged for negroes, as the cause will justly bear.'"
fugitive Indians, the Confederation,
.
The Connecticut Code
of 1646, following this resolve in its
language, recognizes Indian and negro slavery."

ing to
The Confederation, in 1646, took active part in endeavormake Gov. Kieft of New Netherlands return " an
Indian captive liable to publicke punishment fled from her master at Hartford " and " entertained in your house at Hartford and, though required by the magistrate," she
the hands of your agent there denyed, and
been either marryed or abused by one of

a servant," they say, "
is
was was said your men."
"
to "
under have
parte of her master's estate
Such and a
more considerable
longe be secure
if
part than a beast; our cliildren will not

this
be suffered." This
last
sentence clearly
shows the outcropping of the patriarchal idea. Kieft refused to give her up, and said, " as concerns the Barbarian handmade," it is " apprehended by some, that she is no slave, but a freewoman, because she was neither taken in war, nor bought with price, but was in former time placed with me by
her parents for education.'"
in regard to fugitives,
By
the Inter-Colonial Treaty of
Sept. 19, 1650, the provision of the Articles of Confederation,
of the
New
was extended to include the intercourse Englanders and the Dutch.'' King Philip's War
again threw
'
many
Indian captives into the
settlers'
hands and,
Iliizju-d. II., p. G3.
''Hllc " Iiullaiis."
(Vmii.
Hcc.
1..
Tt'M.
Not
in K<.'visioii of 1715.
IMyiiioiith lU'conls. IX.. I'., M, IIM). 'Hiird, " Tjiw of Fn'otloin niul I^)iulap' in the V. S.."
I.,
209.
381]
History of Slavery in Connecticut.
11
on May lo, 1677/ the General Court decreed, "for the prevention of those Indians running away, that are disposed
in service by the Authority, that are of the enemie and have submitted to mercy, such Indians, if they be taken, shall be in the power of his master to dispose of him, as a
captive by transportation out of the country."

of the enactment
is
The syntax
confused,
its
cruelty
is clear.
The number
pation,
of Indian slaves
seems to have gradually de1690, Gov. Leisler of
creased from death, interniarriage with negroes, and emanci-
though as
late as
May
i,
New
York met
with the Commissioners of Massachusetts, Plym-
outh, and Connecticut,
and they
all
all
covenanted that in the

(if
contemplated Indian war, "
plunder and captives
any
happen)
shall
be divided to the ofBcers and soldiers, accord-
ing to the custom of War."'
Though
sell
the colonists entertained
no doubt
of their right to
Indian captives, better Puritan nature revolted against the

find doubts expressed as to the status of the child of
slave.'
idea of perpetual hereditary slavery, and, as early as 1722,
we
an
Indian
Dr. Fowler states that Indian slaves were not considered

as valuable as negroes.
Further remarks as to legislation in regard to Indian

slaves will be found in a subsequent section.
Colonial Legislation on Slavery.

law on any of Connecticut's statute-books in is a quotation from Exodus xxi. 16, placed tenth among the Capital Laws of Connecticut, on Dec. i, 1642, " If any man stealeth a man or mankind, he shall be
earliest
The
regard to slavery
put to death."
This, however,
its
was understood,
of course,
only to include in
protection persons of white race.
When
cut,
or how negro slavery was introduced into Connectiwe have no records to show. " It was never directly
II.,
Conn. Col. Rec,
308.
417.
^N. Y. Doc. Hist, n., pp. 134, 157. ^ Trumbull's "Connecticut," Vol.
I., p.
Fowler,
p. 153.
12
established
State's

by
statute," says the editor of the
in 1821,' "
[382
Revision of the
Laws
but has been indirectly sanctioned
by various
that
it
statutes
and frequently recognized by courts, so
may
be said to have been established by law.""

first,
Few
find
slaves \vere imported at
and, on
May
17, 1660,
we
the
first
reference to negroes in the Connecticut Records.'"
Then
the distrust of
bondmen and
the fear of treachery in
slaves, nearly
is revealed in the General Court's order " that neither Indian nor negar servants
always shown by masters,
shall
The number
two
of
be required to train, watch, or ward in the Colony."' of negroes was " few," not above thirty, only
whom
were christened,
in
1680,''
and not
until
ten
years later had they sufficiently increased so as to call the attention of the legislators to their regxilation.
"
Connecticut began
her black code in October, 1690," by passing several measnegro, mulatto, or Indian servant found wandering out of the bounds of the town to which he belonged, without a ticket or pass from an Assistant, or Justice of the Peace, or his owner, shall be accounted a runaway and may be seized by any one finding him, lirought before the next authority and returned to his master, who must pay the charges. Even a ferr}anan, transporting a slave without a pass, was liable to a penalty of twenty shillings for each ofTense.' A free negro without a pass must pay the costs if stopped and brought before a magistrate. The last two laws were repealed in October, 1797.*
ures,
providing that a
The next
'
statute, save one, referring to slaves
was passed
Probably Swift, author of the well-known " System."

Revision of 1821, Title 93, Sec.
7,
note.
12)
'Dr. Fowler ('"Hist. Stiitus,"
p.
says negro slaves were in
New Haven
''They
Colony in 1()44. M'onu. Col. Hoc, I.. ;yo.
came
("l.
sonicllincs (lircc
111.,
]).
and four
n ye.ir
from Barbadoes.
Cli. I.,
<'onn. Col.
Roc,
2'.>S.
,,.
Answer
to Queries.
Conn.
lu-c. IV..
40.
Revision of 1808. Title CL.,

$,";.,'U.
Sees. 1-4.
"Tliis :iinount
"
was
latt-r chanjriMl lo
lliud.
II.. p. 42.
383]
in
History of Slavery In Connecticut.
13
1703/
the potcstas
This shows clearly the survival in colonial days of of the pater familias coming down from the
absolute dominion of the house-father in ancient times. It prohibits any " licensed innkeeper, victualler, taverner, or
retailer of
strong drink " from " suffering any one's sons,

sit
apprentices, servants, or negroes to
drinking in his house,
or have any
manner
of drink there, without special order
from
parents or masters."
Slaves seem now, for

continually
some
time, to be repressed
by laws
growing harsher.
In May, 1708," the General
Court, taking into consideration that " divers rude and evil-
do receive propand desiring to prevent this and to better govern the slaves, decreed that any one buying or receiving from slaves property without an order from their masters, must return the property and double its value in addition, or, if he
for the sake of filthy lucre,
minded persons,
by
erty stolen
slaves,"
has disposed of the original property, treble

if
its
value, and,
he is to be whipped with not over twenty stripes. The slaves caught in theft were to be whipped with not over thirty stripes, whether the receivers of the goods from them were found or not. Further, " whereas negro and
he
will
this,
not do
mulatto servants or slaves^ are become numerous in some

parts
c
.
this
Colonic and are very apt to be turbulent and

it
often quarrelling with white people to the great disturbance

of
the peace,"
is
enacted that a negro disturbing the

is
peace or offering to strike a white person,

to a penalty of not over thirty stripes.
to be subject
In spite of these harsher laws, emancipation was becoming somewhat common, and the Colony feared that it would have to support negroes whose years of usefulness had been spent in work for their masters, and who were manumitted by them,
' Conn. Col. Rec., IV., 438. A penalty of 10 shillings was to be imposed for a breach of this act. It does not seem to have been included in any of the revisions of the statutes. -Conn. Col. Rec, v., p. 52. This was m force in 1808. Title CL.,
Ch.
3
I.,
Sec. 5.
p. 229.
Revision of 1750,
14
History
of
[384
when
old and helpless.
To
prevent
this, in
legislature provided that slaves, set free
May, 1702/ the and coming to want,
by the owners, their heirs, executors, or this act a second one was added in 171 1, providing that if the owners or their representatives refused to maintain such emancipated slaves, it should be the duty of the selectmen of the various towns to do so, and then to
relieved
must be
administrators.
To
sue the owners, or

incurred.
tiieir
representatives,
for
the expense'
The
large
terrible
war between the South Carolinians and the

latter,
left
Tuscaroras, ending with the overthrow of the
number
of Indian prisoners in the
hands of the Caro-
linians,
who
shipped them as slaves to the other colonies.
This importation of vengeful, warlike savages alarmed the people of Connecticut and led to the first steps towards prohibition of the slave trade.
The Governor and Council met on July 8, 171 5, and considering the fact that several have brought into the colony Carolina Indians, " which have committed many cruel and bloody outrages " there, and may draw off " our Indians," if their importation be continued, and
so "
much
mischief "
may
follow, they decided to prohibit
importation of Indian slaves, until the meeting of the Assembly, and to require each ship entering port ^^dth Indians
on board
colony
fined
in
to give
bond
of
50 to transport them from the

in
twenty days.
" prevented
Further, Indians brought into the

strictest
colony hereafter are to be " kept
custody," con-
from communicating with other Indians," unless owner give the same bond as above to remove them from Connecticut in twenty days.' The next October, the General Court, copying a Massachusetts Act of 1712, made the prohibition of bringing in
and
Indian slaves permanent, since " divers conspiracies, outrages, barbarities, murders, burglaries, thefts, and other no^ Conn. Col. Roc, IV., 375. A similar act to the same piu-pose was passed in May, 1703. Conn. Col. Rec, FV., 408. See p. 32. 'Conn. Col. Rec, V., 233. The whole was in the revision of 1S08,
Title CL., Ch. I., Sec. 11. 3 Conn. Col. Rec, V., 516.
385]
15
torious crimes at sundry times and, especially of
late, have been perpetrated by Indians and other slaves, ... being of a malicious and vengeful spirit, rude and insolent in their behaviour, and very ungovernable, the overgreat number of which, considering the different circumstances in this Colony from the plantations in the islands and our having considermay able numbers of Indians, natives of our countr}^,
.
.
be
of pernicious consequence."^
The
legislature decreed the
forfeiture of all Indians hereafter imported,
of a fine of
and the payment by shipmaster or other persons bringing 50
Indians.
The preamble quoted above shows that this measure was not prompted by afifection for the slaves, but by fear of them but it was the beginning of the end the first law restricting slaveholders' rights in Connecticut, to be followed by one and
another of the same restrictive kind, until

the soil of the State were free.
all
men who
trod
The next law on the records was passed in May, 1 723, and provided that a slave out of doors after 9 P. M., without order from master or mistress, might be secured and brought before a Justice of the Peace by any citizen and, if found
guilty,
should receive not over ten
stripes, unless
the master
were willing to pay a fine of ten shillings' to release him. Any one who should receive such a slave must, on conviction, pay a like fine, half to the town and half to the informer. The black code was completed by the act of May, 1730, declaring that a slave speaking such words as would be actionable in a free person, should be whipped, on conviction, with not over forty stripes and sold for the costs, unless the master were willing to pay them. However, there was a ray of justice in the provision of the law that the slave might make the same pleas and ofifer the same evidence as a free
person.'
^ Conn. Col. Rec, V., 534. Fee of 2s. 6d. for registering slave, which must he done in twenty-four hours after arrival. The slave must be taken away within a month. -Amount to be paid later changed to .$1.67. Conn. Col. Rec, VI., 391. Repealed by Ch. IV., Oct. 1797.
3
Conn. Col. Rec. VII.,
390.
In Revision of 1750,
p. 40.
16
History
of fSlacery
Connecticut.
[386
time on, the more engrossing subjects of the between the French and the colonists, and the growth of material prosperity seem to have thrust aside the For forty-four topic of slavery from the legislative halls. years wê find few more laws/ It is true, however, that at the General Assembly in 1738, "it was inquired whether
this
From
struggle
the infant slaves of Christian masters
may be
of the
ofifer
baptized in
the right of their masters, they solemnly promising to train
them
in the
it is
knowledge and admonition

the duty of such masters to
Lord; and
whether
such children
and thus
tively,
religiously to promise."
To
the great credit of
the colonists, both these questions were answered affimia-
and thus the devout Christians
of Connecticut, pre-
serving the solidarity of the family, unconsciously went back

to the early
Aryan custom, coming

it
that the
God
of the house-father
should be worshiped by
of free ideas,"^ the
all
under his sway.

to the
The growth
poor and "inmixed of
of the Revolution, the increase of
the slaves, " injurious,"
convenient"
good and
law that
"
evil
was thought,
for the best motives are apt to be

led, in
October, 1774, to the f^nactment of the
no Indian, negro, or mulatto slave shall at any time hereafter'^ be brought or imported into this State,* by sea or land, from any place or places whatsoever, to be disposed of, left, or sold wîthin the State," and any offender against this law should pay iioo." So the State set herself as resolutely against the slave trade, as she was destined to do later
against slavery
itself.
' In 1727 it was enacted that masters and mistresses of Indian children were to use their utmost endeavors to teach them to read I'viifilish, aud to instruct them in the Christian faith. Repriut of
Hurd, I., p. 272. Rec, XIV., 155. May, 1773, "Negro's memorial postponed to October." Nothing more of it. 3 Conn. Col. Rec, XIV., 329. ^Note the early use of tlie word. Later the sum was fixed at $334. By act of October, 179S, such prosecutions must be bi^guu in three years. Revision of 1808, Title
\T.M, p. 339.
'Conn.
Col.
f-
CI., Ch. III.
By
Revision of 1821, Title 93, Sec.
5, tine
put at $350.
387]
History
of
17
good review of the legal condition of the slave in these is given by Judge Reeves,^ who, lest the slavery, which prevailed in this State, be forgotten," mentioned " some things that show that slavery here was very far from being The master had no control over of the absolute rigid kind. If he killed him, he was liable to the the life of his slave. same punishment, as if he killed a freeman. The master was as liable to be sued by the slave, in an action for beating, and wounding, or for immoderate chastisement, as he would be if he had thus treated an apprentice. A slave was capadays
'*
ble of holding property in character of devisee or legatee.

If
the master should take

entitled to
would be
ami.
of life
away such property, his slave an action against him by his prochei?i
the whole, we see that slaves had the same right and property as apprentices, and that the difference betwixt them was this, an apprentice is a servant for time and the slave is a ser\'ant for life."'
From
Trials concerning Slaves

I
in
Colonial Days.
in
have been able to obtain but few recorded cases
which
the question of freedom or slavery
came up
in the courts
^ Law of Baron and Femme, pp. 340-1. Eeeves says, " If a slave married a free woman, with the consent of his master, he was emancipated for his master had suffered him to contract a relation inconsistent with a state of slavery." Dane's Abridgment, IL, p. 313, says, ''In Connecticut the slave was, by statute, specially forbidden to contract." Vide Hurd, IL, p. 43. 2 In the Code of 16.50, under the title, " Masters, Sojourners, Servants," the last named are forbidden, under penalty, to trade ^îth;
out permission of their masters, and provision is made for their recapture by pubUe authority if they run away. Refractory servants are to be pimished by extension of their time of service. The lawmakers, probably, had tn mind the class known as indented servants, or redemptioners. formulating this act. (Conn. Rec, I., 539.) In the Revision of 1715, title " Debts," it was provided that a debtor without estate " shall satisfy the debt by service, if the creditor shall require it, iu which case he shall not be disposed in service to any but of the English nation," to prevent the sale of the debtor to the French in Canada. Delinquents under a penal law were, by an act of 1725, to be disposed of at service to any inhabitant of the Colony " to defray the Costs." (Reprint 1737, p.
314.)
18
during
tliis
Bistort/ of Slavery in Connecticut.

first
[388
period.
of 1703, a slave, Abda, belonging to Capt.
In the end of 1702 or beginning Thomas Richards

of Hartford,
was succored by who, on Feb. 12th, 1703, opposed the constable in executing a writ of arrest on Abda. This early fugitive slave case was brought before the Governor and Council on Feb. 25.^ They recommended the County Court to examine the case. Apparently Abda brought an action on the case against Mr. Richards, as a counter suit, claiming damages of 20 from his master, " for his unjust holding and detaining the said Abda in his service as his bondsman, for the space of one year past." The verdict was for ii2 damages, "thereby virtually establishing Abda's right to freedom," which he, a mulatto, seems to have claimed largely on account of his white blood.^ Mr. Richards pressed the case further and, in May, 1704, obtained from the General Court an order to have a hearing before it in October, on his petition concerning Abda.' At that time the case was brought up and the fugitive was returned to his master, as Gov. Saltonstall said, " according to the laws and constant practice of this Colony and all other plantations (as well as by the civil law) such persons as are born of negro bondwomen are themselves in like condition, Nor can there be any precedent in i. e. born in servitude.'' this Government, or any of Her Majesty's plantations, produced to the contrary and, though the law of this Colony doth not say that such persons as are born of negro woman and supposed to be mulattoes shall be slaves (which was needless, because of the constant practice by which tliey are
of Hartford, escaped from his master and
Capt. Joseph
Wadsworth
held as such), yet
it
saith expressly that
no man
shall
put
away or make
free his
negro or mulatto
slave, etc.,
which
Conn. Col. Rec, XV., 548. "Moore's "Notes on Slavery," p. 112, quoting J. H. Trumbull In Conn. Conrant, Nov. 9. 1850. Fowler. " Hist. Status," pp. 14-16. "Conn. Col. Rec, IV., 478. Papers in INIiscollaneous, II., pp. 10-21. * This follovrinp: as a precedent the Roman Law maxim, "Partus sequitur venti-em," at th.is early day in Nmv England is noteworthy.
389]
History
of
19
undeniably shows and declares an approbation of such serand that mulattoes may be held as slaves -within this government."'
vitude,
later
fugitive
slave'
we
find
28,
advertised
1760, and
for
in
the
New York
tisement has
slaves lived
Jl/ercu/y
on July
the
adver-
many little touches which go to show how and were treated. " Run away from Abraham Davenport of Stamford in Conn., the 4th of June instant, a Mulatto Man Slave named Vanhall, aged 31 years, about
5 feet 4 or 5 inches high, very swarthy; has a small Head and Face, a large Mouth, and has an odd Action with his Head, when talking with any Person has very long Arms and large Hands for a Person of his size and has an old Countenance for one of his Age; his Hair, like others of his kind was but lately cut oflf; was brought up to the Farming business, is a lively active Fellow and pretends to understand the Violin. Had on, when he went away, a Felt Hat, a Grey Cut Wig, a light homespun Flannel lappelled Vest, which had been lined with fine old Cotton and Linnen Ticken, Doeskin Breeches, he took several pairs of Stockings and one or two pairs of Shoes, a Violin and a small Hatchet, &c., and 'tis probable he might change his Cloaths. Whoever takes up and secures said Mulatto, so that his Master may have him again, shall receive 5. Reward, and
;
reasonable charges paid."

find Hagar, a New London Governor and Council and pleading that she and her children were lawfully freed by her former master, James Rogers, and so her refusal to yield herself as a slave to James Rogers, Jr., his grandson, was justified. The decision was that she should give bond to prove her freedom at the next County Court and be secured from molestation in the meanwhile.
Late in Colonial times,'
we
negress, appearing before the
' Moore, Notes on Slavery, pp. 24-25, quoting J. H. Trumbull's " Hist. Notes," etc., No. VI. "Am. Hist. Mag., XIH., p. 498. Vide Fowler, " Hist. Status," p. 148. s Conn. Col. Rec, XV., p. 582,
20
History
of
in
[390
Social Condition of Slaves
Colonial Times.
little can be found. Each negro corner in the Meeting House gallery and in the graveyard. In the larger towns, such as Norwich, New Haven, Hartford, and New London, there were several hundred negroes. They were for the most part indulgently treated and admitted, at least in many places, into the local churches as fellow-members with the white population.^ They must, however, occupy their allotted gallery seats, whicli in Torrington were boarded up so that the negroes could see no one and be seen by none. If they attempted to sit elsewhere, or refused to go to church if made to sit there, excommunication was apt to follow.' Among early negro slaves recorded in Connecticut are some belonging to John Pantry of Hartford in 1653, and one Cyrus, belonging to Henry Wolcott, Jr., of Windsor, and rated at 30 in his inventor}\* Miss Caulkins states that early in the eighteenth century slaves were worth from 60 shillings to 30, and that later the best were valued as high as 1 00. She instances the purchase of a negro boy by Rev. William Hart of Saybrook in 1749 for 290, Old Tenor, about equal to 60 in coin.^ In 1708, and probably the same state of things continued later, we learn the negroes mostly came from "neighboring governments, save some times half a dozen a year from the West Indies " but " none ever imported by the Royal African Company or separate traders."'
On
this topic
comparatively
its
large^ village
had
ing negroes.
In 1726 Suffield voted Rev. Mr. Devotion 20 towards purchasTrunibuH's " Hartford Comity," 11., p. 40(. "E. q. Phebe, colored servant of Joel Thrall, joined ToiTington Church, 17.56. Orcutt's " Torrington," p. 211. 'Jacob Prince, a free negro, was so excommunicated in Goshen.
^
Orcutt's " Torrington," p. 218. 1680, slaves sold at 22. Conn. Col. Rec, III., 298. Stiles, "Ancient Windsor," p. 489, notices an early deed of s;ile, dated 1694, from a Bostonian to a Windsor man, for a negro. Twenty-one negi'oes died in South Windsor from 1736 to 1768, of wliich number eleven belonged to the Wolcott family, ' Hist, of Norwich, p. 828. Vide Fowler, " Hist. Status," p. 148.
6
Conn. Col. Roc, XV., 557.
391]
21
part, only one or two negroes were owned by any person. In some parts of the State, as at Waterbury," we find it customary for the clergymen to have two slaves, a man and a woman. Occasionally, however, more were owned by a wealthy man, as in the case of Capt. John Perkins of Hanover Society,^ Norwich, who lefi fifteen slaves by his will in 1761. The slaves were generally kindly treated and were docile, though we hear of the death of a man in 1773 from lockjaw, caused by a bite in the thumb by a young slave he was chastising.' The majority, however, could show
For the most
much
For example, Mingo,* in Waterbury, who, about 1730, when a boy, was hired out by his master to drive a plow, later to work with a team and, 1764, at his master's death, was allowed to choose which son he would live with. He chose to live with the one who kept the old homestead and remained there until he began keeping a tavern, when he left and went to another son's. He had a family, and left considerable property at his death in
miore amicable
relations.
1800.
Indeed, as early as 1707,
we have evidence
for,
of the
possession of property by a negro,
in
October of that
year, Lieut. John Hawley, administrator to the estate of John Negro, was granted power by the General Court to sell iio worth of his land, it appearing from the Fairfield County Probate Records that he owed that amount more than his moveables would pay. Towârds the close of this period, the reasonableness and justice of holding slaves began to be questioned and eman-
Bronson's " Waterbury," 321. CaulMns' " Norwich," p. 328. ^'Caulkins' "Norwich," p. 329. Godfrey Malbone of Brooklyn owned 50 or 60 slaves. Fowler, p. 16. ^The first negro there. Bronson's " Waterbury," p. 321. He also refers to Parson Scovil's Dick, brought from Africa when a boy and sold several times, with the understanding he could return when he pleased. He left some property at his death in 1835, aged 90. Also to I. Woodruff of Westbury, who owned an Indian woman tni her death in 1774. In Wintonbury (Bloomfleld) there were probably not over a dozen slaves in all in colonial times. In Bristol a few of the farms were cultivated by slave labor, and one family owned, three negroes. TrumbuU's " Hartford Coimty," H., pp. 35, 51.
' 5
Conn. Col. Rec, VI.,
35.
22
cipations, "

from a conscientious regard to
in
justice,"
[392
begin to
slaves,
appear.
One man
Norwich not only freed three
compensation for their services, leased them a very valuable farm on very moderate rate,"^ That section of the State seems to have been considerably stirred on
this question,
but, " as a
and
in the
Norwich Packet, July

sufficient
7,
1774,
we
find
an anti-slavery appeal of
vigor to warrant quoof
tation in full:
"
To
all
you who
call
yourselves Sons
in
Liberty
in
America, Greeting:
some good measure the inwe once deprived of her she would then appear much more valuable than she
Friends,
"
My
We
know
estimable value of liberty, But were

appears.
now
ing?
We
is
it
also see her, standing as

for flight.
it
were, tiptoe
on the highest bough ready
Why
is
she depart-
What
disturbs her repose?
Surely,
some
foul
monster of hideous shape and hateful kind, opposite in its nature to hers, with all its frightful appearances and properties, iron hands and leaden feet, formed to gripe and crush, hath intruded itself into her peaceful habitation and ejected her. Surely this must be the case, for we know oppositions can not dwell together. Is it not time, high time to search
for this
Achan?
this disturber of Israel?
High
time, I say,
and gloomy appearances tliat cast a shade over our glor}^, and is not tliis it? Are we not guilty of the same crime we impute to others?
to
examine
for the cause of those dark
Of the same
despotic,
facts, that
we
say are unjust, cruel, arbitrary,

in others?
manner
thyself?
'Thou
and without law

that
Paul argued in this

teachest thou
teachest another,
not
Thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal? Thou that makest thy boast of the law, through breaking "the law dishonorest thou God?' And may we not use the same mode of argument and say We that declare, and that with much warmth and zeal, it is unjust, cruel,
barbarous, unconstitutional, and without law to enslave,
ifo
we
enslave f
Yes, verily
^
we
do!
black cloud witnesscth
Caulkins' " Norwich." p. 329.
393]
against us
tences!
23
prepos-
and our
oivn mouths
!
condemn us!
How
we
terous our conduct
How
vain and hypocritical our preare deter-
Can we expect
to be free, so long as
mined
to enslave?
(Signed) Honesty."^
is
Before
of note
we
turn from Colonial times,' the fact
worthy
that,
though
of
"
redemptioners " were not

often
common
to service
in Connecticut, white
men were
as
in
bound out
colonies.
for
in
term
years,
other
We
find
1670 a
man
sold to the Barbadoes for four years as a

" in
slave, for
"notorious stealing," "breaking up and robbing
of "
two
mills
and living
a renegade
manner
in the wil-
derness."
In 1756, a town pauper in Waterbury,' for stealing, was whipped and bound out to the plaintiff, as a sertill the sum stolen and the costs be paid by his work, the law on the statute-books was that " all single perand
vant,
sons,
who
lived
to service to
an idle and riotous life," might be bound out pay the costs of prosecution.
' The emancipation of slaves is not looked on by Dr. Fowler as greatly contributing to their welfare. He quotes an essay published '' in 1793 by Noah Webster, Jr. Nor does the restoration to freedom correct the depravity of their hearts. Born and bred beneath the frowns of power, neglected and despised in youth, they abandon themselves to ill company and low vicious pleasures, till their habits are formed when manumission, instead of destroying their habits and repressing their corrupt inclinations, serves to afford the more numerous opportunities of indulging both. Thus an act of strict justice to the slave, very often, renders him a more worthless member of society. " ' Hist. Status of the Negro," p. 149. ^ Dr. Fowler; "Hist. Status," pp. 12-13, calls attention to the fact that Louis Berbice, from Dutch Guiana, killed by his master, Gysbert Opdyck, commissary at the Dutch fort in Hartford, in Nov., He gives a list of the 1639, was probably the first negro in Conn. early owners of negroes and notes that in 1717, the Lower House passed a bill prohibiting negroes purchasing land, or living in families of their own, without liberty from the town.
:
Bronson's Waterbury,
p. 321.
PERIOD
Slaves
in
II. 1 774- 1 869.
the Revolution.'
army first came beMay, 1777, when a committee was appointed " to take' into consideration the state and condition of the negro and mulatto slaves in this State, and what may be done for their emancipation." I would hazard a guess that this committee was appointed in consequence of a resolution of the town of Enfield, on March 31, 1777, appointing a committee of three to prefer a memorial to the Assembly, to "pray' that the Negroes in this State be released from tlieir Slavery and Bondage." The Assembly's committee, of which Hon. Matthew Griswold was chairman, reported a recommendation that the effective negro and
subject of using negroes in the
fore the General
The
Assembly
in
mulatto slaves be allowed to enlist with the Continental bat-
Connecticut Committee of Safety. Monday, September 4, 1775. At a meeting of the committee On information, by letter, from Major Latimer, " tbat one of the Vessels lately taken by Captain Wallace, of the Rose, man-of-war, &c.. at Stoningtun, was by stress of weather drove back to New-London, with one white man, a petty officer, and three negroes on board, and were in his custody, and a.sking directions how to dispose of them, &c. And by other information it appears that two of the negroes belong to Deputy Governour Cooke, of Bhode-Mand. and were lately seized and robbed from him, with and on board a vessel, by said Wallace, and tliat the other belonged to one Captain Collins. And, on consideration, Voted and Ordered, That the Major give infomiation to the owner of the vessel, and, on his request, deUver her up to him, and send the white man to the jail at Windham, and the three negroes to the care of. and to be employed for the present by. Captain Niles, at Nor*
unch,
who
is
fixing out
a small
Armed
Vessel, &c.
until the
Gov-
Deputy Govemour Conke of the matter, that they may, on proper notice, be returned to their owners."Am.
shall advise
emour
Arch., IV., III.. ]). 672. Livermore, " Historical Research," p.

'
11.3.
Trumbull's "Hartford County,"
II., p.
151.
395]
talions
lations
25
now
and
raising in this State, under the following regurestrictions

:
viz.,
that
all
such negro and mulatto

hire,
slaves as can procure, either
by bounty,
or in any other
way, such a sum to be paid to their masters, as such negro and mulatto shall be judged to be reasonably worth by the selectman of the to^vn where such negro or mulatto belongs, shall be allowed to enlist into either of said battalions,
and
shall
thereupon be, de facto, free and emancipated
that the master of such negro or mulatto shall be

in case "
and exempted
;
from the support and maintenance of such negro or mulatto, he " shall hereafter become unable to support and
Further,
if
maintain himself."
the war, he
ter
a slave desire to enlist for

half the slave's annual
may be
appraised by the selectmen and his mas-
may
receive the bounty
and
wages
until
the appraised
sum be
equaled.
The Upper House
rejected this report.
At that session, however, an act was passed that any two men, "who should procure an able bodied soldier," should be exempted from the draft, during the continuance of the
substitute's
enlistment.
"
Of
recruits,"
writes
Dr.
J.
H.
Trumbull, "and draughted men thus furnished, neither the selectmen nor commanding officers questioned the color, or the civil status; white and black, bond and free, if able
bodied, went
on the
roll together,
accepted as the represen-
tatives or substitutes of their employers."
In October, 1777,' the Assembly passed an act similar to the one proposed in May. It authorized the selectmen, on application from a master of a slave, to inquire "into the age, abilities, circumstances, and character" of the slave, and, being satisfied " that it was likely to be consistent with his real advantage, and that it was probable that he would
life
be able to support himself, and is of good and peaceable and conversation," they could free the master from all
liability for
support of his freedman.
This offered an addi-
tional
inducement to masters to
free slaves to
make up
Stiles'
the
Revision of 1808, Title CL., Ch. Windsor," I., p. 491.
I.,
Sec. 12.
Vide
"Anc.
26
[396
town's quota of men, and Dr. Trumbull says " some hundreds of black slaves and free
the companies
Liberty,
ersfield,
The rolls of The surnames show no distinction of color. Freeman, Freedom are frequently found.^ In Wethenlisted."
men
on the blank leaves
of the
book
of
town
votes,
among
records of emancipation from motives of humanity,
we find record of John Wright and Luke Fortune freeing their slave Abner Andrew, on May 20, 1777, Other certificates free to be their substitute in the army. slaves on condition of " enlisting in the Continental Army in Col. Wallis' Regiment" and "and after the customary three years service," and, as late as 1780, Caesar was manumitted by David Griswold there, on " condition of enlistment and faithfully serving out the time of enlistment," which was
or for money,
three years.^
David Humphreys commanded a company
entirely
com-
posed of negroes, their roster shovîng fifty-six names,^ first It of which is Jack Arabas, of whom we shall hear again. was said Humphreys nobly volunteered to command the company, when others refused, and continued its captain until peace was declared. The company was in Meigs' (later Butler's) regiment of the Connecticut Line. At Fort Griswold, when Col. Ledyard was murdered, a negro soldier named Lambert avenged his death by thrusting a bayonet through the British officer who slew his superior, and then fell a mart}T, pierced by thirty-three bayonet wounds.*
"
As
J.
to the efficiency of the senace they rendered," says
Dr.
^
H. Trumbull,"
" I
can say nothing from the records,
Livermore's " Historical Research," p. 115. 2Am. Hist. 5ilag., XXI., 422. Trumbull's " Hartford County,"
II.,
475.
Williams' " Hist, of Negi'o Race in America," I., 361. Wilson, " Rise and Fall of tlie Slave Power," I., p. 19. L-ivermoro's " Historical Research," p. 115. Lib Quy, native African, was a ti'usty Continental soldier from Norwich in 1780 and '81 (Caiilkins' " Noi-wich," p. 331). Oliver Mitchell, a nejn'o Revolutionary soldier, died of a fit in his boat, INIarch, 1840. in which he had been to Hartford to draw liis pension (Stiles' "Ancient
^ *
Windsor,"
I.,
p. 489).
397]
save what
as
History
is
of
files.
27
to
be gleaned from scattered
...
So
far
its
my
acquaintance extends, almost every family has
traditions of the
good and faithful service of a black servant or slave, who was killed in battle or served through the war and came home to tell stories of hard fighting and draw his pension. In my own town not a large one I remember
five
such pensioners, three of
whom I
believe had been slaves,
and were
this explains the
day of their death; for (and uniform action of the General Assembly on petitions for emancipation) neither the towns nor the State were inclined to exonerate the master, at a time when slavery was becoming unprofitable, from the obligation to
in fact slaves to the
provide for the old age of his slave."
An
farm
interesting Revolutionary case
is
that of the slaves of
Col. William
in
Browne
of Salem, Mass., a Tory,

It
whose large
for a term
Lyme was
confiscated.
was leased
of years with nine slaves,
through Benjamin
estates.
petitioned for liberty in 1779, Huntington, administrator on confiscated

offered to
who
The
lessee
consent to their freedom
without requiring a diminution in the rent. Mr. Huntington drew up their petition to the Assembly," stating that they,
America, but slaves lately belonging to Col. Wm. Browne," who " fled from his native country to his master, King George, where he now lives like a poor slave," "though they have flat noses, crooked shins, and other
" all friends to
queemess
stealers,
of
race, free-born in
make, peculiar to Africans, are }'et of the human our country, taken from thence by manin this country, as cattle in the market,
and sold
without the least act of our
own
to forfeit liberty; but
we
hope our good mistress, ^/le free State of Connecticut, engaged in a war with tyranny, will not sell honest Whigs and friends of the freedom and independence of America,
as we are, to raise cash to support the war: because the Whigs ought to be free and the Tories should be sold." They ofTer, if set free, to get security to indemnify the State
'
children.
Great Prince, Little Prince, Luke, Caesar, Prue and her three LiveiTQore, " Historical Research," p. 116.
28
ill

case of their
[398
coming
to
want
but,
though the Lower

to grant the
House was
petition.
favorable, the
Upper one refused
Opinions of the Forefathers on Slavery.
One
of the earhest in
Connecticut to come out boldly
against slavery was Rev. Levi Hart of Preston, who, on

Sept. 20, 1774, at Farmington, preached a
sermon
at the
meeting of
" the
Corporation of Freemen," in which he

slave
condemned
holding.^
the
trade and
severely criticized
slave-
Dr. William Gordon of Roxbury, Mass., though living

out of Connecticut, became interested in the abolition of
slavery there and sent a plan for
to the
its
gradual extermination
"Independent Chronicle" of Nov. 14, 1776, which is very severe on slaveholders and paints the deathbed of one
of them."
In the Constitutional Convention' of 1787 we have full expression of the views of Roger Sherman and Oliver Ellsworth, two of Connecticut's three delegates.
said " that the abolition of slavery
in the
The former
States
United States and that would probably by degrees complete
seemed to be going on the good sense of the several

it."*
He
re-
garded the slave trade as iniquitous; but, the point of representation having been settled after much difficulty and deliberation,' he did not think himself bound to make opposition." He objected, however, to the tax on imported slaves, as implying that slaves were property, and that the tax imposed was too small to prevent importation." He thought that, " as the States were now possessed of the right to import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken
Trumbull's " Memorial Histoiy of Hartford Co.," IT., 'Moore, "Notes on Slaveiy in Mass.," p. 177. 3 Connecticut voted for .Jefferson's ordinance of 1784. Livenuore, " Historic Research," p. 51. 'IMadison Tapers, V., 391 (Elliot). Wilson, "Rise and Fall," p. 51.
p. 102.
399]
History
it
of
29
from them, and as
as possible to the proposed
was expedient to have as few objections scheme of government, it would
be best to leave the matter as we tind it.'" He said, when Baldwin of Georgia, a man of Connecticut birth, stated his State would not confederate unless allowed to import, that it was better to let the Southern States import slaves' than
to lose those States,
if
they
made
that a
si/ie
cpia non.
He
would be the duty of the General Government' to exercise the power of prohibiting importation, if it were given it. He preferred not to use the word slaves in the Constitution, and saw no"" more propriety in the public z\zing and surrendering a slave than a horse. Ellsworth said, " Let every State import what it pleases. The morality or
thought
it
wisdom
of slavery are considerations belonging to the States.
What
enriches a part enriches the whole, and the States are
the best judges of their particular interests.

federation had not
meddled with
this point,
The old Conand he did not
new
see any greater necessity for bringing it into the policy of the one." He had^ " never owned a slave and could not
effects of slavery
it
judge of the
ever, that,
if
on character."
in a
He
moral
said,
how-
was
" to
be considered
light,
we
ought to go further and
free those already in the country.
As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia and Maryland, it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in the sickly rice
swamps, foreign supplies are necessary. If we go no furis urged, we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and Georgia. Let us not intermeddle. As population increases, poor laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves
ther than
useless.
Provision
is
already
made
in
Connecticut for abol-
and the abolition has already taken place in Massachusetts. As to the dangers of insurrections from foreign influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of
ishing
it,
the slaves."^
Ldvermore,
p. 56.
Liver more,
p. GO.
^ Elliot, v., pp. 457 461 and 471. the open period from 1800 to 1808.
!
Connecticut voted to extend
Livermore, p. 57. 1787, Connecticut voted in the Constitutional Convention for the three-fifths compromise.
f'ln
30
Mistaken

in
[400
many
respects as these
men
were, tliey un-
doubtedly represented the current opinion of their time.
We
in
find a contrar}^ opinion in the resolves of the Danbur}--
Town Meeting on December

lar pleasure,
we
12, 1774, that, " It is with singunotice the second article of the Association,
which
it is
agreed to import no more Negro slaves, as

it
we
cannot but think

others,
a palpable absurdity, so loudly to com-
plain of attempts to enslave us, while
we
are actually enslaving
and that we have great reason to apprehend the enslaving the Africans is one of the crying sins of our land, for which Heaven is now chastising us. We notice also with pleasure the late Act of our General Assembly, imposing a fine of i 1 00 on any one, who shall import a Negro Slave into We could also wish that something further this Colony. might be done for the relief of such, as are now in a state of slaver}' in the Colony,' and such as may hereafter be born of
parents in that
unhappy condition."
State Legislation on Slavery.
The growth
of free ideas
went on apace,
after tiie State
became independent. In 1780, a bill for gradual emancipation passed the Upper House, was continued until the next session and then, apparently, set aside. It provided that no Indian or colored child, then living and under seven
years of age, nor any
slave
bom
afterwards, should be held as a
beyond the age of twenty-eight.^ In 1784, however, the measure was passed and emancipation was begun. The Legislature enacted that, "Whereas sound public policy requires
tliat
the abolition of slaver}^ should be effected, as
soon as may be consistent with the rights of individuals and the public safety and welfare," no negro or mulatto, bom after March i, 1784, should be held as a slave after reaching the age of twenty-five." This regard for the exist^
Am.
Arch., IV.,
I.,
pp. 1038.
Ilist.," p.
-Jameson, "Essays in Const.
296 (Brackett, " Status of
the Slave, 1775-1789 "). 3 Revision of 1808, Title CL., Ch. Status," p. 85, shows that this really
I.,
made
Fowler, "Hist. Sec. 13. slaves in the same con-
"
401]
History
of
31
ing rights of property was shown by the gradual aboHtion of slavery in Connecticut/ the holding of slaves not being
absolutely forbidden until 1848,
when any one
to be a slave
must
have been sixty-four years old.

bill
In October, 1788, a
tant of Connecticut to receive
was passed, forbidding any inhabion his vessel " any inhabitants
of Africa as slaves," under penalty of $1,667 ôr the use of the
and $167 additional for each slave carried.' Half of was to go to the plaintiff and half to the State but, by the act of October, 1798,' prosecutions must begin in three years. Furthermore, insurance on ships used in the slave We have seen the trade, or on slaves carried, is to be void.
vessel
this fine
;
importation of slaves forbidden in this act: the exportation " of any free negro, Indian, or mulatto, or person entitled to
freedom at twenty-five," inhabitants of Connecticut, was to be punished by a fine of $334 levied on any who should, as principal or accessory,
''
" kidnap, decoy, or forcibly carry away
such persons from the State. "Any friend of the inhabitant carried off may prosecute and receive " fit damages," and must
give bond to use such rightly for " the injured inhabitant,"* or family. This prohibition was not to prevent persons remov-
ing from the State from taking their slaves with them, nor to prevent persons living in Connecticut from sending their
slaves out of the State, on ordinary and necessary business. This sale of slaves out of the State was soon stopped, for, in May, 1792, the law was so changed tliat the taking a slave from the State, or assistance therein, was punishable with a
dition as apprentices, and claims the law was passed partly through economical reasons, as there were more laborers than employment. * In October, 1788, owners must lile certificate of bu-th of each slave within six months thereof, or pay $7 for each month's delay, half to complainant and half to poor of town. October, 1789, the latter half was to go to the State. Revision of 1808, Title CL., Ch.
and Ch. VI. Revision of 1808, Title CL., Ch. V., Sec. 1. Penalty changed to $170 and $1700 by Revision of 1821, Title 93, Sec. 7. Penalty was originally 1000. Root's Reports, I., xxxi. 3 Revision of 1808, Title CI., Ch. in. ^Revision of 1808, Title CL., Ch. V., Sees. 3-4. Penalty changed to $350 Revision of 1821, Sec. 6.
v., Sec. 5,
32
History
of
which should go to
[402
like fine of $334, half of
tlie plaintiff
and
half
to the State.
Notes, bonds, or mortgages given in

as to persons
payment
void.
for slaves thus sold out of the State
The same exemptions
the State or sending their slaves

as in the former law.^
were to be removing from out temporarily, were made
the same session of the Assembly, the age of the slave manumission was limited to the period between twentyfive and forty-five years, and the certificate given at emancipation by the selectmen was ordered to be recorded in the Town Records.^ This somewhat reactionary act, modifying
at
At
the law of 1702, designed to regulate the giving of freedom,
was followed in five years by one still further limiting the bounds of slavery; for in May, 1797, it was enacted that no negro or mulatto bom after August, 1797, should be a slave,
after reaching the
age of twenty-one.^
Here
the laws with regard to slavery remained without
essential change for many years. Not until 1833 do we find another important act passed in regard to slavery, and then,
under the influence of the outcry against Miss Prudence Crandall, the Legislature put on the statute-book the most shameful law we meet in our study .^ It stated that, " whereas attempts have been made to establish literary institutions in this State, for the instruction of colored persons belonging to other States and countries, which would tend to the great increase of the colored population of the State and thereby to the injury of the people," any person establishing such a school without the consent in writing of the selectmen and civil authority of the town, should pay a fine of $100 to the State Treasurer for the first offense and double for each
Revision of 1808, Title CL., Ch. VI., Sees. 1, 2, 8. Revision of 180S, Title CL., Ch. n. Free negroes could vote until the Constitution of 1818 restiicted the suffrage t-o white males. Revision of 1808. Title CL., Ch. III. Sec. 1. Sec. 2 provided that May 24, 1833. Act of 1838, Ch. a colored person not an inhabitant of Connecticut, residing in a town for education, might be removed as any other alien. S(>c. 3 provided tliat the evidence of such colored person is both admissible and compulsory against the teacher.
1
5
403]

in
33
succeeding one, the fines increasing

gression.
geometrical pro-
The law was not
destined to be a blot
upon any
of
the States' codes, but was repealed in 1838 by the Legislature,
under the leadership of Francis Gillette,^ a young representative from Hartford, who was afterwards United States Senator. That same Legislature passed resolutions against the annexation of Texas, the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and in favor of the right of petition. Nay more,
that
same year was passed the "Act

United States
in
for the Fulfilment of
the Obligations of this State imposed by the Constitution

of the
regard to persons held to service or
labor in one State and escaping into another, and to secure

the right of
Prof.
trial by juiy in the cases herein mentioned."' Fowler called this law a " nullification "' of the United States Act of 1793, which provided that the owner or his attorney could take the fugitive slave before any magistrate of the county, city, or town wherein tlie arrest might be made, and, on proof by oral testimony or affidavit, taken before and certified to by a magistrate of any State or Territory, the magistrate must give a certificate, which should be sufficient warrant for removing the slave from the
W.
C.
State.
Let us see
now how
Connecticut
fulfilled
her obligations,
in this early personal liberty law.
Instead of following the
provisions of the United States law, she enacted that the
captured fugitive should be brought before the county or

city court on a writ of liabeas corpus^ and no magistrate not having the power to issue that writ should give the claimant any warrant or certificate, under penalty of $500. When he arrived at court, the claimant must pay all fees in advance and must, "by affidavit, set forth minutely" the ground of
Wilson, " Else and Fall of the Slave Power," I., 372. The Legishowever, by a vote of 165 to 33, rejected a constitutional amendment allowing negroes the suffrage. Niles' Reg., Vol. 54, p. 193. In 1842 the State agam protested against the annexation of Texas. Niles' Reg., Vol. 62, p. 140. Revision of 1838, Title 97, Ch. II. ^ Local Law in Mass. and Conn., p. 98.
^
lature,
34
[404
his claim to the slave's services, the time of the slave's es-
and the place where the slave then was, or was beThe judge was next to allow necessary time for further proof and, meantime, commit the fugitive to the custody of the sheriff. The questions of fact were to be tried by a jury, on which no one was to sit "who believes there
cape,
lieved to be.
is
not, constitutionally or legally, a slave in the land," in
this
showing the early

of costs
distrust of the Abolitionists.

is liable
If
the
claimant does not prove the claim, he
to the payit,
ment
and damages;
if
he does prove
he
may
take the slave from the State, but must, "without unnecessary delay," take
him by the
is
" direct route " to his
home.
In the same
act,
the law against transporting slaves from
the State, save as above,
made
universal and the penalty

to
for its violation fixed at $500, to
go
Any
fugitive arrested, contrary to the act,
any one prosecuting. may have a writ

;
of habeas corpus sued out by his next friend and, as an afterthought, at the very end, we read that nothing in this act
shall
extend to the United States Courts.

the feeling
As
grew more
bitter,
even
this
law was
felt
to
be too
much
of a yielding in principle and, in 1844,' the
Legislature decided that no Judge, Justice of
tlie Peace, or other officer should issue a warrant " for the arrest or de-
tention of any person escaping into this State, claimed to
be fugitive from labor or service as a slave," or grant a

certificate to the claimant.
Such papers,
if
issued, are to
be
void, but, as before, the people soothed their consciences
with the belief they were fulfilling their obligations, by say-
ing " nothing herein shall interfere with United States

cers.""
.
offi-
In 1847,^ ^y ^ great majority, the State rejected a proposal

^
Compilation of 1854, Title 51, Sec. 5. The preamble stated that has been decided by the Supreme Court of the United States since " 1S3S " that both the duty and the poAver of legislation on that svibject pertains exclusively to the National government." -'In 1845 the Legislatui-e of Connecticut protested against the admission of Texas as a Slave State. Niles' Reg., Vol. G9, p. 24G. ^ The vote was, for. 5.353; against, 19.148. Over half the legal voters did not vote. Niles' Reg., Vol. 73, Nov. 6, 1847. Fowler, p. 152.
"
it
"
405]
History
of
it
35
decreed,
to allow colored
men
the ballot, but the next year'
what was already almost accomplished by tlie action of former laws, " that no person shall hereafter be held in slavery in this State," that emancipated slaves must be supported by their masters/ and that no slave shall be brought into Connecticut. Thus Connecticut became in law a Free State, as she long had been in fact. When the fugitive slave law of 1850 was passed, the rising tide of indignation swept over Connecticut. Here and there some resisted the torrent and organized Union Saving Meetings, like the one the famous Rev. N. W. Taylor addressed at New Haven,
deprecating agitation, counseling obedience, declaring
tliat
he had not been able to discover that the

stitution for the rendition of fugitives
article in the
"
Con-
was
contrary to the
law of nature, to the law of nations, or the law of God," and claiming that it was " lawful to deliver up fugitives for the
high, the great, the
States."^
momentous
interests of the
Southern
But the majority sympathized rather with Gov. H.
B. Harrison,
in the
when he introduced his " personal liberty bill Senate of 1854,' and " avowed his belief that it would
C.
render the fugitive slave law inoperative in Connecticut."
The Hon. Henry

though
spirit
it
Deming,
in
opposing the
it
bill,
said,
was
" nicely
drawn," he thought
conflicted in
with the United States Constitution, as it undoubtedly and that "it was not in equity and justice deserved by our Southern brethren, if they behave pretty well." The advocates of the bill used no such mild terms. The Hon. John Boyd, late Secretary of State, said " desperate diseases require desperate remedies." He had " some faith in the homoeopathic remedy that like requires like," and, as he believed " the exigencies of the time " demanded it, he thanked ]\Ir. Harrison for introducing the bill. He added, " if Shydid,
1
Compilation of 1854, Title

355.
51, Sees. 1
and
2.
Vide Conn. Repts.,
II.,
- Remember all such must have been over sixty -four years of age. ^Wilson, " Rise and Fall of the Slave Power," II., 318. ^Fowler, " Local Law in Mass. and Conn.," pp. 98-99. It was introduced about Jime 25.
36
[40G
flesh, he must be careful not to Judge Sanford saw in the bill " new and important principles, which he believed were entirely constitutional and would be so decided by the Supreme Court." Ex-Gov. Wm. S. Miner could not find a " single line, sentence, or word " unconstitutional in the bill. Judge Sanford spoke again and again, using such language as this that he thought the South had driven this matter so fast that it had " driven us back to our reserved rights, if we had any." He would occupy the last inch the Constitution left them, come square up to the line, but not one step over. He would oppose the fugitive slave law by any means in his power within the limits of the Constitution. He said, with great clearness, dignity, and force, that the bill was constitutional, that the emergencies of the times demanded such a law; he portrayed the odious features of the fugitive slave law and said the slave-catcher was the most despicable of men. At the same time a bill was introduced, which, however, did not pass, prohibiting the use of any court-house,
lock claims his pound of
take any of the blood."
jail,
or other public building for the
trial
or confinement
Mr. Boyd proposed an amendment that a building used for such a purpose should " be rased to the foundation and remain a perpetual ruin." Even the excited Senate had good sense enough to vote this frantic proposition down. The law as passed, entitled " An Act for the Defense of Liberty in this State," provided that " any person, who shall falsely and maliciously pretend that any free person is a slave, intending to remove him from Connecticut, shall pay a fine of $5000 and be imprisoned five years in the State Prison." In trials, two credible persons, or equivalent evidence, were required to prove the defendant a slave, and depositions were not to be received as evidence. Witnesses
of fugitive slaves.
this,
To
falsely representing free
persons as slaves are to receive the
punishment mentioned above, and, with the intention to satisfy their consciences that they were not violating United States law, the legislators added that any person hindering
407]
37
an officer from the arrest of a fugitive, or aiding an accused person to escape, was to be imprisoned one year in State's prison. The last section of the bill contained an interesting reminder of colonial customs, in providing that the act
should not cover the case of apprentices.
Though
slavery
is still
1866, the last act
found as a title in the Revision^ of on the subject was passed in 1857, and
with that the statutory history of slavery in Connecticut

well be ended.
may
was enacted that " any person held to service as a slave in any other State or country," and not being a fugitive from another of the United States, " coming into this State, or being therein, shall forthwith become and be free."
that time
it
At
Cases Adjudicated
in the Higher Courts with Reference to Slavery.
The
question as to the manumission of slaves by service
in the Continental
Army
with the master's consent, was deIvers, the
cided in the case of
Jack Arabas versus Ivers^
master, permitted Arabas to enlist in the army.
He
served
through the war and was discharged at its end, when Ivers again claimed him. He fled to the eastward, was overtaken and brought back to New Haven, where he was put in the He sued out a "habeas corpus" and jail for safekeeping. granted it, " upon the ground that he was a free the court man, absolutely manumitted from his master by enlisting and serving in the army." It was a fine idea, that he who
helped to free his country could not be a slave.
The
only other case in the Connecticut reports as to manuis
mission
where the plaintiff from his former mistress, while the defendant claimed that the mistress had told him he should be servant to no one but her and should be free at the age of twenty-five. As he had passed that
Geer versus Huntington^"
bill
claimed a negro as his slave by a
of sale
^
3
Title
LVIIL,
Sees. 1-6.
II.,
'Root's Reports,
I.,
p. 92, 1784.
Root's Reports,
364.
38
[408
freed,
age before he left her service, the court held him to have been by a liberal interpretation of her pr ^mise.
The only
case I have found tried in Connecticut in regard
to the Slave Trade, save the
famous Amistad
case, to
be
treated later,
It
is
that of the United States versus
Jo/m
Smith.'
was an action to recover double the value of Smith's in over one hundred negro slaves, transported in the brig Heroine, of which he was sole owner and master, from Africa to Havana, and there sold, contrary to the Act of Congress of May lo, iSoo. The Heroine was in Africa between Dec. i, 1805 and April i, 1806, and, arriving at Havana before June i, Smith sold the slaves before the end of that month for not less than $10,000, so action was brought for $20,000. One of the crew was offered as a witness by the government; but Smith's attorney objected to this testimony on the ground that it would incriminate the man and subject him to a fine of not over $2000 and two years imprisonment, according to the above-mentioned Act of Congress. The government said they had entered a 7tolle prosequi in his case and it was too late to institute
interest
another proceeding against him.

statute of limitations
The
defense pleaded that
the witness had fled from justice and that in such case the
would not hold. Further, he might be he was unwilling; but the judge ruled that a witness could not plead his wrong-doing as a defense and must testify. However, there was a verdict for the defendant, as the judge charged the jury that the offense was completed when the vessel arrived at Havana, not when die slaves were sold, and the prosecution, though begun within the prescribed period, two years, of the latter date, was not within two years of the former. The most frequent cause of negroes appearing in cases before the Supreme Court was the law of settlement. When negroes became infirm and were penniless, it was an important question who should support them, and from this several
excused from
testifying, as
Day's Reports, IV., p. 121. IT. S. Circuit Court, Hartford, Sept., Fowler's "Hist. Status." pp. 16-18. has interesting facts on slave trade in Conn.
^
1809.
409]
cases arose.
al.,
39
Hinkley
et
The
first
of these/
Wilson
ct al. vs.
Tolland County Court, was a case of an appeal from a judgment of a Justice of the Peace. In this court, Hinkley and others, selectmen of the town of Tolland, sued the
in the
selectmen of the town of Coventry for support of Amy Caesar and her children. This Amy, daughter of an Indian
woman, was bom in Tolland, and lived with a citizen of that town as servant till eighteen years of age. Then she was set at liberty and, after four years more in Tolland, married Timothy Caesar, also a child of an Indian woman and slave to a Thence citizen of Mansfield, where they lived nine months. they removed to Coventry, Timothy being granted pemiission to do so by his master. There they lived eighteen months, since which time Amy and her children had apparently lived Tolland's claim for reimbursement was resisted in Tolland. by Coventry, which said the former masters of Amy and Timothy should support them. The court decided that Timothy, " being born of a free woman, a native of the land, was not a slave," applying apparently the old civil law maxim. " Nor " was he " a servant bound for time, nor an
apprentice under age, nor under disability to gain settlement
by commorancy"; therefore, by residence in Coventry over a year he had gained settlement for himself and wife, and, as she was never a " slave or servant bought for time," Coventry must pay the expense of her support. The next case was also one in which the same town of Tolland was interested; Ebenezer Kingsbury vs. Tolland? Joseph Kingsbury, of Norwich, bought two native Africans, Cufif and Phyllis, as " servants for life," and gave them to his wife. She died, December, 1773, freeing them. In 1776, with the consent of Ebenezer Kingsbury, their former m.istress's sole executor, they removed to Tolland and, after living there nine years, came to want and were supported by the town. The town brought suit against Kingsbury and won in the County Court; but in the Court of Appeals lost its case, on the technicality that he was sued personally and not
^
Kirby Keports,
202.
Root's Reports, February, 1796.
40
[410
as executor. The court, however, in an obiter dictum, intimated the personal representatives and next of kin were liable, if sued as such, for the support of freed slaves, if there were
sufficient assets.
A third
mined
mitted in
as before,
that a slave
was Bolton vs. Haddani^ by which was deterwas domiciled with his master and, if manuany way, continued an inhabitant of the same town unless he became legally settled elsewhere.
case
Twenty years now pass before we find another such case; November, 1817, was decided the case of Windsor vs. Hartford? This rather important case regarded the residence of a negress, Fanny Libbet, and her two illegitimate children, Fanny, herself illegitimate, was born in Hartford in 1785 and, at the age of three, was given by her master to
then,
Ills
son in Wethersfield.
There she
lived until twenty-five
by law expired. Her mother had been sold to a citizen of Windsor in 1795 and was emancipated by him in 1801. Fanny wênt to her mother as soon as she could, and there her two children were born. Windsor supported them for a while and then sued Hartford, on the ground that Fanny, born after March i, 1784, was never a slave and so took her settlement from her birthplace, Hartford. The court so decided, stating that " she is to be considered as a free person and never wâs a slave," an imyears of age,
when her term
of service
portant interpretation of the act of 1784.
Her
residence in
Wethersfield was that of an apprentice, and she had never
gained settlement in Windsor.

slave,
As
she never had been a
her former master was not liable to her support.

after
et
Town of Cohinibia vs. Groton had left a slave, Adam, who had, after his master's decease, removed to Columbia and there became a town charge. The town sued the heirs of Williams, and they claimed that the suit was improperly brought, that Groton ought have been sued, as Adam had a settlement with his master there, which town
Soon
was
tried the case of the
Williams
alium.
citizen of
Hoot's Reports, II., p. 517. Pebniary, 1797. Conn. Reports, II., p. 355. 'Conn. Reports, III., 467, October 28, 1820.
Tolland County.
411]
41
As it was admitted had never been manumitted, the court sustained the claims of the defendants, and the town, on this point, lost its case and a new trial was ordered, which seems never
could then have recovered from them.
that
Adam
to
have come
al. vs.
off.
Flora,^ slave of Elisha Pitkin,
gave
kin et
Pitkin
et al.,
the
first,
rise to two cases. Pitwas brought by the exec-
utors of Elisha Pitkin against certain of his heirs.
He
exe-
cuted a deed of gift of
all
his real estate to the plaintiffs

it
and
defendants in 1816, but kept

death, three years later.
in his possession until his
When he died, he bequeathed his' remaining property by testament to the plaintiffs and certain of the defendants, to be equally divided among them, they
being enjoined to take care of Flora and bear the expense
equally, or to
have the executors reserve
sufficient estate for
her support.
The
executors claimed they paid " large sums "
for her support, supposing there

final settlement,
was
sufficient estate; but, at
found not enough was left outside of the real estate conveyed by deed. This they ask the court to order
provide for Flora's support.
their
sold, sufficiently to
The
defend-
ants demurred,
tiffs
and
demurrer being sustained, the plain-
carry the case to the higher court.

that, "
The
life
plaintiffs
con-
must be support for life," and, therefore, the support of the slave was a charge upon the estate, that Mr. Pitkin's intention was to have her supported, that it was the duty of the executors to support her, and they were consequently not volunteers and had a superior equit)- to that of the defendants, and that the
tended
where there
is
service for
there
court should decide the case according to
its
equities.
The
defendants said Mr. Pitkin did not charge Flora's support on

the real estate, that the executors were volunteers, having
nothing to do with the real estate, and that, if the land should be liable, it should be so decided in a probate, not in a chancery court.
The
court decided in favor of the defendants,

p.
'Conn. Reports, VII.,

1831.
*
315, June, 1829,

this I
and
VIII., 392, Jime,

sui*e.
Probably not
all,
tbough of
am
not absolutely
42
on

this last contention,
[412
and on the ground that it could not be needed for her support, and hence could not determine on the quantity of land to be sold. Having lost their case, the executors seem to have given up trying to support Flora and to have endeavored to throw the expense on the town of East Hartford, which sued them in 1 83 1, alleging that it had supported Flora three years. The defendants demurred that the selectmen were not obliged to support her, and as volunteers the}' cannot recover, for " the duty of support rests on the master alone," and he is only liable to the town for the support of emancipated slaves. " Slavery is not founded in reason and justice, like the relations of husband and wife." Thirdly, as the supplies were
foresee
what sums
mig-h'-
not furnished in
Elisha
Pitkin's
lifetime,
the
defendants
prosecution,
should be sued as owners, not executors.

slave
The
on the other hand, asserted that the relation of master and is recognized by statute law; during the continuance of this relation the master is liable for support of slave, which slave if unemancipated remains part of the estate; that a needy slave must be relieved by the town in which is his settlement, for which relief recovery is to be had at law. Judge Daggett,
in his majority opinion, confined himself to the obligation of
He said the only cases where town would have to support a slave were when both master and slave were paupers, or a slave emancipated in accordance with the act of 1792 should become such. In this suit neither was the fact, and the town was a volunteer and could no more recover than if it had supported a vnie or child
the selectmen for her support.
the
of a
man
of
means.
Chief Justice
Hosmer agreed
The
with this
reasoning, from which Judge Peters dissented, though he
agreed with the decision.
He
said, "
relation of master
and servant, or qualified slaver\', has existed in Connecticut from time immemorial and has been tolerated (not sanctioned) by the legislature. But absolute slavery', where the master has unlimited power over the life of the slave, has
never been permitted in this State."
at
He
continued. Flora
Mr. Pitkin's death, not being
specially devised, vested as a
413]
43
her; they
chattel in the executors.
"They
alone could
sell
and they alone were to maintain her." He thought, however, she ought to be maintained by the town as a vagrant, when the town could recover by implied promise; basing his decision for the defendants, on the technicality that, " when an executor covenants or promises, he binds himself personally and not the
their slave,
became her masters and she
heirs or estate of the testator, therefore they should not have been sued as executors, but as persons." Judge Williams filed a dissenting opinion, in which Judge Bissell concurred. He placed the chief importance on the
implied promise, stating, " that slavery has existed in this

State cannot be denied, and a few solitary cases
attest to the
.
still
exist, to
to
all
melancholy truth The man who had a right the time and services and even offspring of his un.
.
slave, must, of course, be bound to maintain him." Executors are liable for debts arising after death of the testator, " where the demand arises from an obligation existing upon the testator in his life." Such an obligation was the support of this slave, which, as personal property, vested in the executors. He thought that it was not necessary to sue them personally, that the onus probmidi rested on them, that there were no assets. The town was not a volunteer, for " the woman must be relieved by the town where she was, or starve." He quoted a statute providing that "all poor and impotent persons," without estate or relatives, " shall be provided for and supported by the town." The town cannot
happy
wait to hunt up the persons legally

aid.
liable,
before rendering
liable,
"
The owner
of the slave
is
primarily
and
it
is
only his neglect of duty which makes the defendants liable at all, and it is admitted that, in consequence of that neglect, the defendants would be responsible to any individual -who
supplied the necessities of the slave," and the judge then said
he saw no reason why the town also should not recover. His opinion, leaving the interpretation of the statutes and basing itself on abstract considerations, stated that, " by the principles of natural justice they are bound to refund, and I
44
History
of
[414
am
not satisfied that any technical rule of law can be interit."
posed to prevent
The opinions in devote some space

Colchester vs.
this case
seemed important enough to

case'
to
it.
The next
we note
is
that of
Lyme,
for support of Jenny.
She had be-
longed to a citizen of Lyme until fifty-six years of age, when Comshe was emancipated and went to live in Colchester. ing to want, the town sued her old residence for her support, claiming that, as she was over forty-five when emancipated, the liability of her master to support her continued, and, " while the liability of the master to support the slave remains,
the incapacity of the slave to acquire a
new
settlement re-
mains
also."
This the defense denied, and the court decided
in their favor.
The opinion
stated:
" If she
had been white,
or never a slave, she would have had a settlement in Colchester.
Does
the fact she was once a slave alter matters?
in the statute (of 1777) which in the least impaired the right of the master to give entire freedom to his The want of a certificate only continued slave at any time."
There was nothing
the master's liability to support the slave.
"
By
relinquish-
ing
all
claims to service and obedience," he " effectually
emancipated her, and thus she became S7ii Juris and entitled to all the rights and privileges of other free citizens of the State, among which the right of acquiring a new place The town where of settlement was the most important.
. .
the emancipated slave belongs or has a settlement,
is
the
town empowered by statute to recover from the master or his heirs,... and if Colchester is such a town, then Colchester only can recover from the former master or his
representatives."^
The
last case of the
kind
is
decided as late as 1852, in which

settlement of a free
Nezv Haven vs. Huntington, it was adjudged that the

State,
is not superseded nor by his subse-
woman
in
Connecticut
by marriage with a slave of another
quent emancipation, unless the laws of the other State (which

Conn. Reports, Xin., p. 274, July, 1S39. ^(htilford vs. Oxford, Conn. Ileports, EX., 321, support of an illegitimate free mulatto.
'
is
suit for the
415]
in this case
45
was New York) so provide, and her settlement is communicated both to legitimate and illegitimate children
born in Connecticut
after the marriage.'
Considerable attention has been given to these cases, as they illustrate important principles of the laws of the State and
show how the judges
interpreted those laws.
Miss Prudence Crandall and her School.

In the autumn of 1831/ Miss Crandall, a Quakeress, residing in the southern part of Canterbury, opened a girls' school
in that town.
She had taught
at Plainfield successfully,
and
moved
Canterbury, at the request of some prominent Her school was a citizens, buying a house on the Green. success from the outset, until she received as pupil a colored
to
girl,
Sarah Harris, about seventeen years of age, the daughman who owned a small farm near the centre. The girl was a member of the village church, and
ter of a respectable
had been at the district school, in the same class as some of Miss Crandall's pupils. She now wished "to get a little more learning enough to teach colored children." Previous to this admission to the school, Miss Crandall had employed as a servant a "nice colored girl," Marcia, who was afterward married to Charles Harris, the brother of Sarah. Young Harris took Garrison's "Liberator" and loaned it to Marcia, who used frequently to show the paper " Having been taught from early childto Miss Crandall. slavery," as she wrote in 1869, "my sympahood the sin of thies were greatly aroused," and so Miss Crandall agreed to " By this act," she receive Sarah Harris as a day scholar. continued, in the same letter, " I gave great offense. The wife of an Episcopalian clergyman, who lived in the village,
told
me
that,
if
continued that colored
girl in
my
school,
it
Conn. Reports, XXII. The cMef authorities are Lamed's II., Book IX., Chap. III., pp. 491 sq.;
'
>
" Hist.
S. J.
Windham
Co.," Vol.
May, "Recollections of the Anti-slaveiy Conflict," pp. 47-71, which Wilson, "Rise and FaU," I., pp. 240-245, and Wilhams, " Hist. Negro Race," II., pp. 149156, almost entirely followed; Crandall vs. Conn., Conn. Reports.
46
History
of
I replied to
out':
[416
could not be sustained.

then, for
her
I
if
'
that
it
might
sink,
I should
not turn her
veiy soon found that

the colored girl was
some
that,
of
my
school would not return,
made up my mind were possible, I would teach colored girls exclusively." Now, though Miss Crandall was undoubtedly shamefully treated by the people of the town, they nevertheless had just ground of complaint from the course she purBecause some of her patrons were offended at the sued. entrance of one colored girl into her school, she determined to give up teaching white girls entirely, and to bring a
retained.
Under
the circumstances, I
if it
number
of colored children into the
most
aristocratic part of
most kindly and had consented to act as visitors to her school were not regarded. She consulted leading Abolitionists in New York and Boston, but no one in the town, whose interests were most immediately concerned in the opening of such a school. Some irritation might therefore have been expected, but the conduct of the townspeople went beyond all bounds and was thoroughly disgraceful. Miss Crandall's conduct, on the other hand, apart from her initial lack of consideration for the judgment of those around her, was consistent, courageous, and praiseworthy. When she announced her purpose to open a school for young ladies and little misses of color," dismay seized all. A committee of four of the chief men of the village visited her to remonstrate with her, and, on her proving obdurate, a town meeting was called for March 9, 1833, to meet in the Miss Crandall had not Congregational Meeting-house. shown a conciliating spirit. When Esquire Frost had
the town, while the people
who had
received her
labored to convince her of the impropriety of her step " in a
most kind and affecting manner," and "hinted at danger from these leveling opinions " and from intermarriage of whites and blacks. Miss Crandall at once replied, " Moses had a black wife." She asked Rev. Samuel J. INIay, pastor of the Unitarian Church in Brooklyn, George W. Benson, the President, and Arnold Bufifum, Agent of the New England
417]

Society,
to
47
the town
Anti-Slavery
meeting.
present her
cause
at
Judge Rufus Adams offered the following reso"Whereas, it hath been publicly announced that a lutions: school is to be opened in this town on the first Monday of April next, using the language of the advertisement, for young ladies and little misses of color,' or in other words for the people of color, the obvious tendency of which would be to collect, within the town of Canterbury, large numbers of persons from other States, whose characters and habits might be various and unknown to us, thereby rendering insecure the persons, property, and reputations of our citiUnder such circumstances, our silence might be conzens. strued into an approbation of the project. Thereupon:
'
" Resolved, that the locality of a school for the people of
color, at any place within the limits of this town, for the admission of persons of foreign jurisdiction, meets with our unqualified disapprobation, and it is to be understood that
the inhabitants of Canterbury protest against

earnest manner.
"
it
in the
most
Resolved, that a committee be

civil
now
appointed, to be com-
posed of the
authority and selectmen,
who
shall
make
known
to the person contemplating the establishment of said
school, the sentiments and objections entertained by this meeting, in reference to said school, pointing out to her the
injurious effects and incalculable evils resulting from such
an establishment within
this town, and persuade her to abandon the project." The Hon. Andrew T, Judson, a Democratic politician, later Congressman and United States District Judge, who resided next to Miss Crandall, and who had been horrified at the prospect of having a school of negro girls as his neighbor, addressed the meeting "in a tone of bitter and relentless After him. Rev. Mr. May and hostility " to Miss Crandall. presented a letter from Miss Crandall to the Mr. Bufifum Moderator, asking that they might be heard in her behalf. Judson and others at once interposed and prevented their speaking. They had intended to propose that, if the town
48

of her
[418
would repay Miss Crandall the cost

retired part of the
house and give

this
her time to remove, she would open her school in some more
town or
vicinity.
Doubtless
would
not have been satisfactory to the people, but that does not
excuse the lack of courtesy on the part of the people in refusing to hear what Miss Crandall's agents had to propose. The resolutions were passed, but nothing deterred the fear-
She opened her school with from ten to twenty This still more enraged the townspeople, and, at a second town meeting, it was resolved: "That the establisJiment or rendezvous, falsely denominated a school, was designed by its projectors, as the theatre, as the place to promulgate their disgusting doctrines of amalgamation and
less
woman.
girls as pupils.^
their pernicious sentiments of subverting the
Union.
Their
pupils were to have been congregated here from all quarters,
under the
false pretense of
educating them; but really to
SCATTER FIREBRANDS,
and death among brethren of our own blood." committee of ten was appointed to draw up and circulate a petition to the General Assembly, " deprecating the evil consequences of bringing from other States and other towns, people of color for any purpose, and more especially for the purpose of disseminating the principles and doctrines opposed to the benevolent colonizing system." Other towns were asked to prefer "petitions for the same laudable object." The people had completely lost their heads and were mad with rage and fear. As a result of this petition, the shameful act of May 24, 1833, before referred to,
arrotvs,
was passed. was even more They hunted up an obsolete vagrant law, providing that the selectmen might warn any non-inhabitant of the State to depart, demanding $1.67 for each week tliey should thereafter stay, and, if the fine were
of the people of Canterbury
The conduct
indefensible than their words.
not paid, or the person were
still
in the
town
after ten days,
he should be whipped on the bare body, with not over ten

' Pupils came from Philadelphia, Boston, says May.
New
York, Providence, and
419]
stripes.
49
An
endeavor was made to put
this
law in force
against Miss Crandall's pupils, and one of them,
Ann Eliza Hammond, a girl of seventeen, from Providence, was arrested. Rev. Mr. May and other residents of Brooklyn gave bonds
for $10,000, so the attempt
was given up.
The
lawless
treatment of the school and scholars was
worse than the legal one.
The
stage-driver refused to carry
the pupils to the school, the neighbors refused to give Miss
Crandall a pail of water, though they

filled
knew
their sons
had
fol-
her well with stable refuse the night before. lowed the school with homs and hootings on the
Boys
streets,
and
stones and rotten eggs were thrown at Miss Crandall's winsystematic policy of boycotting and intimidation dows.
was carried
school.
out.
Men
were closed against the Miss Crandall's father, a mild and went to
village stores
The
peaceable Quaker living in the southern part of the town, and told him, "when lawyers, courts and jurors are leagued
against you,
it
will
house."
He
was
terrified
be easy to raise a mob and tear down your and wished his daughter to yield,
but she boldly refused.
the passage of the act of
He petitioned the Legislature against May 24, 1833, but in vain. The
sentiment of men from other towns was that they would not want a negro school on their common. After the passage of the act, two leading citizens told him " your daughter will be taken up the same way as for stealing a horse or for burglar}^ Her property will not be taken, but she will be put in jail, not having the liberty of the yard.
There is no mercy to be shown about it." A few days later, Messrs. May and George W. Benson visited Miss Crandall, to advise with her as to the fine and imprisonment provided by the act as penalty for teaching colored children not residing in the State. As Wilson puts it, the result of their conference was a determination to leave her in the hands " of those with whom the hideous act originated."
On June 27, 1833, Miss Crandall was arrested, brought before a Justice of the Peace and committed for trial before
50
the
[420
County Court in August. Mr. May and her friends were was in the sheriff's hands and would be put in They resolved not to do so, jail unless bonds were given. but to force the framers of the statute to give bonds themThe sheriff and jailer saw this selves or commit her to jail. would be a disgrace and lingered but her friends were firm, and Miss Crandall spent the night in a cell which had last been occupied by a condemned murderer. The next morning bonds were given, by whom it does not appear; but the
told that she
;
fact of
her incarceration caused a revulsion of popular
feel-
]\Ir. ing in her favor. May, indorsing his conduct, authorizing him to spare no reasonable cost in defense at his expense and to employ the
Mr. Arthur Tappan wrote
at
once to
ablest counsel.
The Hon. Wm. W. Ellsworth, Calvin Goddard, and Henry Strong were retained and prepared to argue that the laws were unconstitutional. Mr. Tappan took such interest in the case that he left his business to have a personal interview with Miss Crandall and Mr. May. To the latter he said, " The cause of the whole oppressed race of our country is to be much affected by the decision of this question. You are almost helpless without the press. You must issue a paper, publish it largely, send it to all persons whom you know in the country and State, and to all the principal newspapers of
the
country.
its
Many
will
subscribe for
it
and contribute
it
largely to
support, and I will pay whatever
may
cost."
Mr.
May
took the advice and started the
" Unionist,"
with
Charles C. Burleigh, of Plainfield, as editor.

23, the case of T/^c State versus Crandall was Brooklyn, before Judge Joseph Eaton; Messrs. A. T, Judson, Jonathan Welch, Esq,, and J. Bulkley appearing as
tried at
On August
counsel for the State.

citizens
in States
Mr. Judson denied that negroes were where they were not enfranchised, and
educated
asked
why men should be

The defense claimed
who
could not be free-
men.
of
that the law conflicted with the
clause of the United States Constitution allowing to citizens
one State equal rights
in
others.
Tlie judge charged
421]
History
of
51
the jury that the law
was
constitutional, but the jury disa-
greed, standing seven for conviction and five for acquittal.
The prosecution did not wait for a new trial in December, but went before the Connecticut Superior Court. Judge Daggett presided over the October Session. According to
Mr. May, he was known to be an advocate of the new law, and in the course of an elaborate opinion said, " it would be a perversion of the terms and the well known rule of construction to say that slaves, free-blacks, or Indians were citizens within the meaning of the Constitution." The jury gave a verdict against Miss Crandall and her counsel appealed to the Court of Errors. It heard the case on July 22,' 1834, and reversed the previous decision, on the ground of " insufficiency of information," and that there was no allegation that the school was set up without a license, and so left the
constitutional question unsettled.
had been continued, W. H. Burleigh and Miss Crandall's sister Almira assisting in the work." They even had at times a sort of exliibition of the
Meantime
the school
and
his sister
pupils' progress.
The
opposition to the school in Canter-
bury did not diminish; the trustees of the Congregational church refused to let Miss Crandall and her pupils worship there. The Friends Meeting at Black Hill and the Baptist church at Packerville, both a few miles off, received tliem, but were almost the only ones to show kindness. Even the physicians of the place refused to attend Miss Crandall's household. After the opponents failed in the courts, they resorted more than before to violent means. Early in September an attempt was made to bum her house, and her enemies went so far as to arrest a colored man she had employed to do some work for her, and to claim she had the fire started to excite sympathy. A still more dastardly attack was made on the building on September 9, by a body of men, who at night broke all the windows and doers with
'A. T. Judson and 0. F. Cleaveland f or and Calvin Goddard for Miss Crandall.
'
State,
W. W.
Ellsworth
Lamed,
II., p.
499.
52
[422
The house was left nearly uninhabitMiss Crandall's friends all advised her to give up the school, and she did so, sending the twenty girls then composing it to their homes. Mr. May said when he gave the advice to yield, the words blistered his lips and his bosom glowed with indignation. "I felt ashamed of Connecticut," he wrote in his Memoirs, " ashamed of my State, ashamed of
clubs and crowbars.
able.
my
country, ashamed of
my
color."
after
Miss Crandall was soon Philleo and left Canterbury.

justify its conduct,
married to Mr.
its
Calvin
The town,
of the
feeling obliged to
spread upon
records the following
United States, the belong to the white that our appeal to the men, who now possess them, Legislature of our own State, in a case of such peculiar mischief, was not only due to ourselves, but to the obligaTo have tions devolving upon us under the Constitution. been silent would have been participating in the wrongs intended.. .We rejoice that the appeal was not in vain." Here ends the wretched story. But its results were farreaching. As Lamed, the historian of Windham County, well
resolve:
"That
the
Government
.
nation with
all its institutions,
of right
.
.
writes,
girls,
if
Miss Crandall did not succeed
in
educating negro
of the
she did in altering the opinions of that part of Con-
necticut,
State.
which became the strongest anti-slavery part
Nancy Jackson
vs.
Bulloch.
This celebrated case, interpreting the acts of 1774 and 1784 and practically ending slavery in Connecticut, deserves especial notice. In this case, the Supreme Court of the State, by a bare majority, decided that the statutes just mentioned " were designed to terminate slaver)^ in Connecticut and that they are sufficient for that purpose. The act of 1774 aimed a blow at the increase of slaves, that of 1784 struck at the existence of slavery. The former was intended to weaken the system the latter to destroy it. The former lopped ofif a limb from the trunk; the latter struck a deadly blow at the
;
423]
root,
History of Slavery in Connecticut. and ever since

it
53
has withered and decayed, and, with
the exception of here and there a dying Hmb, slavery has
disappeared from our State and will in a short time be
known
only in our history, unless indeed
it is
to revive
and
flourish,
by the construction we shall now give to the statutes. To us it appears as if there was nothing in the intent of the Legislature, or in the words of the act, which requires such a construction.'"
The
facts of the case
were as follows:
a slave,
J.
S.
Bulloch, a
citizen of Georgia,
owned
Georgia in 1813.
In June, 1835,
Nancy Jackson, bom in he came to Connecticut and
settled at Hartford, to live there temporarily while his children
were being educated.

Since that time
Nancy had been
residing with Bulloch's
family in Hartford, while he had only spent the
summer
in
Connecticut, returning to Georgia for the winter.
Nancy,
through her next
friend,
ment against Bulloch, and, a sued out, the case was heard
brought an action for unjust confinewrit of Habeas Corpus being
Chief Justice in June, 1837. Williams, in giving the opinion of the Court, went over tlie whole law of slavery, and this makes the decision more valuable.
He
took the broad ground
" that every
has a right to
liberty, as well as to life
human being and property, and to

is
enjoy the
that
it is
fruit of his
own
labor; that slavery
contrary to
the principles of natural right and to the great law of love;
founded on injustice and fraud and can be supported
only by the provisions of positive law, are positions which it The defendant admitted that is not necessary to prove."
and must be governed by State law, and that neither the fugitive slave clause nor any other clause of the United States Constitution applies to this case; therefore he can have no higher claims than an inhabitant of a " It cannot be denied that in this State we foreign State. A been entirely free from the evil of slavery have not small remnant still remains to remind us of the fact
slavery
was
local
How
or
when
it
was introduced
^
into this State

p. 38.
we
are not
Conn. Reports, XII.,
54
informed..
.
History
.It
of
silently,
[424
probably crept in
sanctioned by custom or usage."
He
if it depended entirely on that fact, whether tlie custom was " reasonable," but for a century slavery has been somewhat recognized by statute and thus has
until it became went on to state tliat it might be enquired
received the implied sanction of the Legislature.
He
then
takes up the claims of the

are freed
that
all
plaintifif's
counsel that the slaves
by the
men
first article of the Bill of Rights, which states are equal in rights " when they form a social
compact."
This, says the Judge, does not apply, as slaves

parties to a social compact,
would not be
as broad as the
of the Bill of
and the article is not famous Massachusetts one. Another article

states,
Rights
their persons, houses, papers,
"the people shall be secure in and possessions from unreason;
able searches and seizures "

the United
States
but the usage of
"
people " in
Constitution proved, according to the
court, tliat the
article in the Bill of
word here need not include slaves. Rights provided that " no person
But was
third
shall
be
arrested, detained, or punished, except in cases clearly war-
ranted by law."
law?
This
is
to be
this detention warranted by the answered by examination of the statutes;
that of 1774 prohibited the importation of slaves into Connecticut, that of 1784 provided that all born "in the State"
after
five.
March
This
of that year should be free at the
age of twenty-
last law.
Swift thought,^ " has laid the foundation
for the gradual abolition of slavery; for, as the children of
slaves are born free, being servants only until twenty-five
years of age, the consequence
is
that as
soon as the slaves

is
now
in
being
is
shall
have become
of slaves
in
extinct, slavery will cease,
as the importation
future
prohibited ...
As
it
slavery
gradually diminishing and will in a short time

in this place, to
be extinguished, there being but few slaves in the State,

will
be unnecessary^,
make any remarks upon

tlie
a subject that has so long engrossed the attention of
humane and benevolent
part of
mankind
in the present age."

is
These words are quoted approvingly and the statement

1
Swift's System,
I.,
220.
425]

that, unless there is
55
made
some
defect in the acts, tliere has
been no real slavery in Connecticut since 1784. The acts were passed, not to interfere with vested rights, but to prevent the increase of evils which would result from the competition of slave labor " with the labor of poor whites, tending to
and
reduce the price of their work and prevent their employment, to bring the free laborer, in some measure, into the
though the law through the State, it did prevent him from keeping her there, and that a slave may be " left," " although the owner does not intend to reside permanently himself, or to. suffer such slave permanently to remain here." On the construction of this word "left," and on the post-nati argument from the act of 1784, the Court declared Nancy free. As to the words " bom within this State," in the act of 1784, the Court held "within
that,
ranks with slaves."
The Court decided
of 1774 did not prevent a master transporting a slave
this State " surplusage, stating, as
a reason, that the Legisla-
ture could not legislate for any other State.

certain
natives,
that
foreigners could
claim no
At any rate it is more rights than

as slaves
and as natives can only hold persons
under
twenty-five years of age, citizens of other States could do
no
more.
The dissenting judges laid stress on the words " in this State" in the act of 1784, and claimed that "left," in the act
of 1774,
that
meant to desert, abandon, withdraw, or depart from, mere length of stay does not matter, as long as the animus
revertcndi remains.
They
state,
however, they are glad their
interpretation does not consign the
woman
to slavery
though
they " maintain that the State of Connecticut, from time
immemorial, has been, and to a certain extent now is, a slaveholding State." This case showed clearly that the judiciary of the State
freedom whenever possible, and a free State by its liberal construction of the laws, though tlie formal removal of the State from the slaveholding column was not to take place for some ten years more.
to the side of virtually
would lean
made Connecticut
56
[4=26
The Negroes on the "Amistad."

In August, 1839/ the people of Connecticut, New York and Rhode Island were excited by tidings of a suspicious It was a long, low, black craft, thought to be a pirate. schooner, manned by negroes, and orders were issued to the United States steamer Fulton and several revenue cutters to chase her. On August 26, 1839, the United States brig Washington was sounding off Culloden Point, lying between Gardner's and Montauk Points. While there, a vessel was noticed lying off the shore and a boat passing between her and the shore, where a number of persons were with carts and Lieut. Gedney, commanding the Washington, sent horses. a boat to investigate, and when the vessel was boarded she proved to be manned by negroes, of whom about twenty were on board, togetlier with two white iiien, who came forward and claimed protection." The story was soon told. The vessel was a slaver, the Amistad, which had brought African slaves kidnapped in April, from Lemboko, in the Mendi country, near Liberia. Jose Ruiz bought forty-nine These they of them and Pedro ]\Iontes took four more. re-embarked on the Amistad at Havana on June 27, 1839, and sailed for Guanajah, Porto Principe. It will be remembered that the slave trade was prohibited by Spain and the Africans so introduced ought still to be free. The trade was, however, carried on surreptitiously to a large extent, and those thus taken to Cuba were called " Bozals," in distincThe ship's tion from the " Ladrinos,"^ or native slaves.
^ This account is chiefly drawn from Wilson, " Rise and Fall of the Slave Power," Vol. I., pp. 45G-466; J. Q. Adams' Diaiy; Niles' Piegister; Williams, " EQst. of Nesro Race," 11., p. 93; Barber, Jno. W., "A History of the Amistad Captives. .with Biographical Sketches of each of the smTivLng Afilcans, also an account of the trials had on their case, etc.," Xew Haven, 1840; S. E. Baldwin, "The Captives of the Amistad.'' N. H. Col. Ilist. Papers. IV..
.
pp. 397-404. = Niles' Reg.. Vol. 57. j.]'- 1- -^î- 293A false translation of this word in a public great trouble. Niles' Reg., Vol. 59, p. 301.
document caused
427]
History
of
" ladrinos," legal
57
slaves.
papers falsely referred to them as
The captain of the ship was Ramon Ferrers, and seems to have consisted of two men and a cook,
negro cabin-boy.
slaves
rose,
the crew
besides a
On
the
fifth
night out from
Havana
the
under the leadership of Joseph Cinquez or Cingue, attacked and slew the captain and cook with knives such as were used to cut sugar-cane, and, according to one The cabin-boy, story, slew the two men in the crew. Antonio, however, said in court that the men lowered a Ruiz and Montes were bound and small boat and escaped. kept alive to navigate the ship. The negroes tried to return to Africa and had the vessel steered eastward by the sun during
the day, while by night the white
west,
men
steered to the north-
hoping to
fall
in with a
man-of-war or to reach some
country.
After boxing for four days in

St.
Bahamas Channel,
they steered for
Andrew
Island, near
New
Providence;
thence to Green Key, where the blacks laid in a supply of water; thence for New Providence, where the negroes would not suffer the vessel to enter port, but anchored off the coast every night. The whites were treated with some severity,
and with the constant fear of death staring them in the face, Montes, too, was their lot must have been most unenviable. suffering from two wounds in the head and arm. The ship was
three days off
Long
Island, to the eastward of
New
Provi-
dence, and then Uvo months on the ocean, during which time
were boarded several times by vessels, once by an American schooner from Kingston, which remained alongside for twenty-four hours and traded with the negroes, finding they had plenty of money. This was the Spaniards' story, to which they added that they were always sent below
tliey
in
such cases.
Our
admiration for Cinquez
rises
when we
consider that, for this long period, he

his
managed
to continue
ascendancy over his comrades, especially considering how were the circumstances of the case. On August 20, near New York harbor, a pilot-boat met the Amistad and furnished the negroes apples, and when, shortly after, a second
difficult
one met them, they suspected the whites had taken them to a
58

let the pilot
tlie
[428
strange land and refused to

for their lives
board
her, while they
exhibited such anger towards
Spaniards that they feared
more than
tide drifted
ever.
On
the 24th, off
Montauk
where
Light, the Spaniards tried to run the vessel aground, but

failed,
and the
it
on, until they anchored
they were found.
After anchoring, about twenty of the
negroes went on shore for water and three of them bought dogs from some of the inliabitants. The news quickly
Capt. Green, who came up, according to his report, induced the negroes to promise to give him the ship. They desired him to take them to Sierra Leone. Just then appeared Lieut. Gedney and took possession of the vessel and
spread.
of the negroes.
Before Cinquez would suffer himself to be
taken he leapt overboard and loosed from his waist into the
The
water 300 doubloons which he had taken from the captain. Africans taken were forty-four in number,^ the rest having died. Of this number, three were girls, the rest men.
Cinquez, the leader, was described as about twenty-five or
twenty-six years of age, five feet eight inches in height, erect
in figure, well built,
and very
active.
His countenance was
unusually intelligent; he possessed
uncommon decision and coolness, and a composure indicative of much courage. Lieut.
Gedney took the Amistad with all on board to New London, where a judicial investigation was held on August 29, on board the Washington, before the United States District Judge A. T. Judson, whom we have already seen in the Crandall trouble. As a result of this examination the Africans were taken to the New Haven jail on Sept. i, and on the 14th were removed to Hartford, save one left behind on account of sickness. The case now became very complicated. Ruiz and Montes claimed the Africans as their slaves and preferred
charges of murder against them.
The
Africans claimed free-
dom
and
and, through their friends, preferred charges of assault

batter}'
and of
false
imprisonment against Ruiz and
* Niles' Reg., Vol. 57, p. 48 and 50. They were shown in Hartford at 121^ cents admission. Wild stories were spread that one of them was a cannibal.
429]

Lieut.
59
cargo and
Montes.
slaves.
Gedney claimed salvage on
vessel,
Capt. Green and the
Long
Islanders had a counter
claim for the same.
The owners
of the cargo in
Havana
claimed
laws,"
it,
and the Spanish
minister, " forgetful of his country's
demanded not only that it, but also that tlie blacks be given up under the treaty of 1795, that the negroes might be tried in Cuba, and maintained that if they should be tried, convicted and executed in Connecticut, the effect
would not be
as
good
as
if
done
in
Cuba,
The
District Attorney, Holabird,
claimed that the Africans should be held subject to the President's orders, to be
taken back to Africa, according to the
Act
of
181 9, and that, as the
Government
of Spain
had
claimed them, they should be kept until the pleasure of the United States be known. Holabird was thoroughly subservient to the slavery interest and wrote to the Secretary of
State asking if there were not treaty stipulations which would authorize " our government " to deliver them up to Spain, and
it would be done before our court sits," as he them tried there. The Secretary of State knew there was no such treaty, and if there were, as Wilson well
if
so, "
whether
did not wish
says, the President could not supersede criminal warrants, but he instructed the District Attorney "to take care that no proceedings of your Circuit Court, or any other judicial
tribunal, place the vessel,
cargo, or slaves
('
a gratuitous
assumption,' remarks Wilson) beyond the control of the Federal Executive."
While the demands

b}'
of Calderon, the
Span-
ish minister,
were supported
in
the pro-slavery press, the
anti-slavery
men
New York
City appointed a committee,
Joshua Leavitt, and Lewis Tappan, to solicit funds, employ counsel, and see that the interests of the Africans were carefully cared for. As a result, Seth P. Staples and Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., of New York, were employed as counsel and wrote to President Van Buren denying that these Africans were slaves, contending that, in rising against the whites, they only obeyed the dictates of
composed
of S. S. Jocelyn,
self-defense, and praying that their case should not be decided "in the recesses of the Cabinet, where these un-
GO
friended
[430
men
can have no counsel and can produce no proof;
but in the halls of Justice, with the safeguards she throws
around the unfriended and oppressed." The letter was turned over to Felix Grundy, the Attorney General, a violent opponent of emancipation, and one who favored surrender to Spain. He replied he could see no " legal principle upon which the government would be justified in going into an investigation for the purpose of ascertaining the facts set forth in the papers clearing the vessel from one Spanish port to another" as evidence as to whether the negroes were slaves or not. He thought, as the Africans were charged with violation of
Spain's laws, they should be surrendered; so that,
"
if
guilty,
they might not escape punishment," and that, to
fulfil
treaty
an order, directing the marshal to deliver the vessel and cargo to such persons as Calderon should designate. This Van Buren could not do, as there was no extradition treaty with Spain, which fact Grundy ought to have known. On Sept. 17th, the United States Circuit Court met in Hartford, Judge Thompson presiding, and on the i8th a writ of Habeas Corpus was applied for by the two lawyers mentioned and Roger S. Baldwin of New Haven, in behalf of the three girls, who were only detained as witnesses. On the 21st instant, the same writ was
obligations, the President should issue
applied for in behalf of the rest of the Africans. Judge

salvage, but refused to grant habeas corpus to any,
Thomp-
son overruled the claim of Lieut. Gedney and Capt. Green for
though ample security were offered, on the ground that the case would first come regularly before the District Court, and the District Court having jurisdiction is bound to provide necessaries for the Africans, until their status
is
detennined.
jMr.
Staples claimed the case should be tried in

ihe judge decided that, as the ship
seas,
New York;
but
was taken on the high
/. c, beyond low water-mark, the suit should be tried where the vessel was first brought to land. He also decided the Africans should not be held for murder on the high seas.' On Oct. 19th, the District Court met, heard testimony, and
'
Full text of decision in Niles' Reg., Vol. 57. pp. 73-75.
431]
History
of
61
adjourned to meet in
26th, 1839,
New
Haven, Jan.
7th,
1840/
On
Nov.
De
Argaiz, the
new Spanish
minister, wrote to the
Secretary of State, denying the right of the United States

courts to take cognizance of the case, and complained that
through their delay, public vengeance had not been satisfied, for Spain " does not demand the delivery of slaves but of assassins." From this high moral tone, he descended in another letter to ask that, on the release of the negroes by the
court, the President should order the transportation of the
negroes to Cuba in a government vessel.

this request
trary,
if
The assurance
of
was not resented by the President.
On the
con-
he ordered such a vessel to be ready to take the negroes, Cuba and deliver them to the Captain General of the island. This vessel, the Grampus, was stationed off New Haven, three days after the court assembled, ostensibly to give the negroes " opportunity to prove their freedom." Before the court even assembled, Lieuts. Gedney and Meade of the Washington were ordered to be ready to go to Cuba with the negroes at the United Stages' expense, " for the purpose of affording their testimony in any proceedings that may be ordered by the authorities of Cuba in the matter." This shameful pre-judgment of the case and eager desire to be subreleased, to
servient to the slavery interest
is
most disgraceful
7th,
to
Van
Buren's administration.
On
Jan.
1840,
the
District
Court met, and the counsel for the Africans offered such conand not Spanish subjects, that Judge Judson said the point was clearly proved. Gedney" claimed one-third of the vessel and cargo as salvage, which was given him by the Court; but his claim for salvage on the negroes was refused by the Court, as the negroes could not be sold, there being no law to permit this to be done. Green said he did not wish salvage on flesh, but, if the negroes were slaves, he wanted his share.
clusive testimony that the negroes were native Africans
text of proceedings in Niles' Reg., Vol. 57, pp. 222. 22.S. Spanisli owners imsuecessfully tried to prevent his getting salvage, on the groimd that, as a United States officer, what he did was in the line of his duty and should have no pay.
^
Fiill
'
The
62

his clainx
[432
The Court speedily dismissed
and decided that only

This decision was
Antonio, the cabin-boy, should be given up to Spain, and that

the rest should be transported to Africa.
made by a strong Democrat and a man in nowise friendly to negroes, as was shown in the Canterbury affair, and is so the more noteworthy/ The District Attcmey, by order of the
Secretary of State, appealed the case and, in his zeal, sent a
messenger
to
Washington
to have a clerical mistake in the
President's warrant corrected, that the negroes
might be
held.
In returning the warrant, Mr. Forsyth, the Secretary of State,

wrote, "
I
have to
state,
by direction
is
of the President, that

is
if
the decision of the court

of
tlie
such as
anticipated, the order
President
is
to be carried into execution, unless an
You are not to be interposed." That is, if the counsel for the Africans did not at once appeal, these were to
appeal shall actually have been interposed.
take
it
for granted that
it
will
be hurried on the Grampus and taken to Cuba.

day''
On
the very
tlie
the court assembled.
Van Buren
sent directions to
Marshal for this purpose, and so " flagitious and barefaced was deemed this order," says Wilson, that some of Van Buren's friends said later that it was issued without his knowledge, by his " sanguine and not over-scrupulous Secretary."
Justice
Thompson
affirmed
the
decision
of
the
Court pro forma, and left the whole matter to be decided by the United States Supreme Court on an appeal. The committee appointed to care for the Africans now prepared for the last appeal, without stint of time or money, and to the four' lawyers already employed added John Quincy Adams, with " his great learning and forensic ability, his commanding position and well-earned reputation." As early as Sept. 23d, 1839, we read in the diar}-- of the "old man eloquent," " Mr. Francis Jackson brought me a letter from Mr. Ellis Gray Loring, requesting my opinion upon the
District
knotty questions involved in the case of the Spanish ship

'
Niles' Reg., Vol. 57, pp. 336, 352, 384. 'April 29, 1840, at Haven. Niles' Reg., Vol. 58, p. 160. ' Mr. Kimberlr^y made the fourth.
Now
433]

1
63
Amistad
desired Mr.
J.
to say that I felt

until
some
deli-
cacy about answering his
letter,
Judge Thompson's
final decision of the
opinion shall be published and until the
Government in the whole case." Meantime he asked Jackson to look up the records. Soon after, on Oct. ist, we read/ " that which now absorbs a great part of my time and all my good feelings is tlie case of fifty-three African negroes, taken at sea off Montauk Point by Lieut. Gedney."' He gives a summary of tlie case up to that date and, on the next day, having thrown himself into the case with all his accustomed zeal and energy-, he writes that he has examined all the " Here is an enormous consumption of time, authorities. only to perplex myself with a multitude of questions upon which I cannot yet make up opinions, for which I am willing to be responsible."^ We hear no more of the case for some
time.
On
Feb. loth, 1840, he offered a resolution calling
upon the President^ for papers concerning the Amistad and, on May 25th, oft'ered a resolution denouncing the detention and imprisonment of the Africans, which was read but not received." His interest in the case continued, and on Oct. 27th, Ellis Gi-ay Loring and Lewis Tappan called on this
dauntless advocate of the right of petition and entreated him*'
to act as assistant counsel for the Africans at the January term of the Supreme Court. He writes " I endeavored to excuse myself upon the plea of my age and inefficiency, of the excessive burden of my duties.. .But they urged me so much and represented the case of those unfortunate men as so critical, it being a case of life and death, that I yielded and told them that, if by the blessing of God my health and strength should permit, I would argue the case before the Supreme Court, and I implore the mercy of Almighty God
:
so to control
my
temper, to enlighten
my
soul,
and
to give
me
utterance, that I
may prove
myself in every respect equal
to the task."'
^
Diary, X., 1.32. ^Diaiy, X., 215. 5 Diary, X., 296.
^Djary, X., 133.
-Diaiy, X., 135.
Mies' Reg., Vol. 58, p. 59. 'Diary, X., 35S. Diary, X., 360. NUes' Keg., Vol. 57, pp. 99, 105, 176.
64
[434
A month later, Nov. 17th, he visited Gov. Baldwin in NewHaven and saw the .prisoners, tliirty-six of whom were conone chamber, in size about 30 by 20 feet. All but one of the men seemed under thirty. Three of them tried to read to him from the New Testament, and one wrote a tolerable hand. The chiefs, Cinquez anS Grabow, had remarkable countenances, he thought. The people of New Haven, and especially the students in the Yale Divinity School, did not neglect the temporal or spiritual interests of the captives; they fed and clothed them, studied their language, taught them to read and write, and instructed them in the truths of
fined in
Christianity.
During the following months' Mr. Adams busily prepared being assisted by Mr. Stephen Fox, the British minister. On Feb. 22d, the Amistad case came up before the august tribunal. On that day, Attorney-General Henry D. Gilpin spoke for tlie government and Gov. Baldwin for the captives, in a " sound and eloquent, but exceedingly mild and moderate argument,"' which he continued on the next
for the case,
day.
On
in
the 24th,
John Quincy Adams
rose^ to
speak before an
audience that
in his diary:
filled,
but did not crowd, the court-room, and
which he remarked there were not many ladies. He wrote "I had been deeply distressed and agitated till the moment when I rose, and then my spirit did not sinkwithin me. With grateful heart for aid from above, though in humiliation for the weakness incident to the limits of my powers, I spoke for four hours and a half. .The stmcture of my argument. .is perfectly simple and compreliensive. .admitting the steady and undeviating pursuit of one fundamental principle." Against him " an immense array of power the Executive Administration, instigated by the minister of a foreign nation, has been brought to bear in
.
'
Diaiy, X., '^m, 399, 401.
Calhoun aniinaclverts on
Brilisli
Nilos' Reg., A'ol. 57. p. 417. Vol. 5S, p. 3. interference on INIarch 1.3. 1840.
Niles' Reg., Vol. 58, p. 140. s Diary. X., 431. 'Diary, X.. 420.
435]

.
65
this case on tlie side of injustice.. .1 did not, I could not answer public expectation; but I have not yet utterly failed. God speed me to the end." On the 25th, he spoke for four and a half hours more, and on March ist, the Court having meantime been in adjournment on account of the sudden death of Mr. Justice Barbour, he spoke four hours more and finished his argument. On the next day Mr. Gilpin closed Mr. Adams, in his argument, the case for the United States. sternly condemned the National Government from tlie President down.' He maintained that these Africans were torn from home and shipped against the laws of the United States and the laws of nations, that their passage on the Amistad was in law and fact a continuance of the original voyage, and that sixteen of the number had perished through the cruelty of Ruiz and Montes, on whose souls the ghosts of these slain must sit heavy through the closing hours of life. He animadverted severely on the conduct of the Secretary of State, saying that he ought instantly to have answered the Spanish minister that his demands were inadmissible and that the President had no power to do what was requested. He should have said that he could not deliver up the ship to the owner, for he was dead that the question depended upon the courts that a declaration to the President that the courts had no power to try the case involved an offensive demand, and that the delivering the negroes by the President and sending
;
;
them beyond the
seas for trial
constable, a catchpole."
"
The
was making the President " a Secretary of State had not
asserted the rights of the nation against these extraordinary
demands.
civilized
He
has degraded the country in the face of the
world, not only by allowing these
demands
to
remain unanswered, but by proceeding, I am obliged to say, throughout the whole transaction, as if the Executive were earnestly desirous to comply with every one of these
demands."
He
said the Spanish minister persisted in his
requests because
"he was not
told instantly, without the
delay of an hour, that this government could never admit

1
Diary, X., 435.
66
[436
such claims, and would be offended if they were repeated, or any portion of them. Yet all these claims, monstrous, absurd, and inadmissible as they are, have been urged and repeated for eighteen months on our government, and an American Secretary of State evades answering them evades it to such an extent that the Spanish minister reproaches him for not answering his arguments." In his scathing and relentless manner he next proceeded to attack Grundy's order, mentioned previously, and asking why it was not acted upon, he cried out, " Why did not the President send an order at once to the marshal to seize these men and ship them beyond the seas, or deliver them to the Spanish minister? I am ashamed I am ashamed of my country, that such an opinion should have been delivered by any public officer, I am especially by the legal counsellor of the Executive. ashamed to stand up before the nations of the earth with such an opinion recorded before us as official, and still more, adopted by a Cabinet which did not dare to do the deed." Such is a brief outline of his forcible address. A week later, March 9, Justice Story gave the opinion of the court' that the Africans were kidnapped and unlawfully transported to Cuba, purchased by Ruiz and Montes with knowledge of the fact that they were free, and did not become pirates and robbers in taking the Amistad and trying to regain their country; that there was nothing in the treaty with Spain which justified a surrender, and that the United States had to respect the Africans' rights as much as those of
the
Spaniards.
"
Our
opinion
is
that
the
decree of the
Circuit Court affirming that of the District Court ought to
be affirmed, except so far as it directs the negroes to be delivered to the President to be transported to Africa, in pursuance
3d of March, 1819, and as to this it ought and that the said negroes be declared to be free and be dismissed from the custody of the court and go withof the
Act
of the
to be reversed,
'
32.
Text of decision in Niles' Reg., Vol. 60, p. 40 ff., vide Vol. 60, p. The influence of Great Britain was continuously thrown on the
Niles' Reg., Vol. 59, p. 402.
side of freedom.
437]
out day."
to
67
The battle was won. John Quincy Adams^ wrote Lewis Tappan, "The captives are free. The part of the decree of the District Court which placed them at the disposal of the President of the United States to be sent to Africa, is removed. They are to be discharged from the
custody of the marshal,
free."
week later," on March 17, Mr. Adams asked Webster, the new Secretary of State, for a public ship to take the Africans home, as the court had taken from them " the vessel
found in
their
possession.
.and her cargo, their lawful

writes in his diary, appeared
prize of war."
Webster,
Adams
Amistad and her cargo were the property of the Africans, but afterwards said he saw no objection to furnish them with a passage in a public ship and would speak of it to the Secretary of the Navy. He, howstartled at the idea that the
ever, finally refused to grant the request.'
Lewis Tappan had been largely instrumental in their He left his business and traveled for weeks in their behalf, counseling with friends, getting money, and making arrangements to send them to Africa. He exhibited them throughout the North for an admission fee to raise money for their passage. After their release,* they were sent to Farmitigton, Connecticut, for instruction, and many of them learned Religious people to speak English and became Christians. throughout the country became interested in them, and when the}^ went back to Africa on November 25, 1841, five missionaries went with the thirty-five that survived." They landed at Sierra Leone on January 15, 1842, whence the
release.
^ Adams wrote on March 17, 1841, strenuously opposing many of the incidental positions taken by the lower courts. Text in full in
Niles' Eeg., Vol. 60, p. 116. London in October, -Diary, X., 446. The vessel was sold at 1840. The cargo was also sold, the whole bringing about $6000.
New
Niles' Reg., Vol. 59, pp. 144, 318, 347. sNUes' Reg., Vol. 62, p. 144. ^Diaiy, X., 450. NUes' Reg., Vol. 60, p. 64; Vol. 62, pp. 17, 128, 311.
6
Niles' Reg., Vol. 62, pp. 96, 224.
68
British
of
[438
Government assisted them home, and from this band negroes in the Amistad sprung the Mendi Mission/
In 1844, C. J. Ingersoll/ Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives, reported a bill to pay $70,000 to the pretended owners of the Africans; but the burning words of Giddings and Adams secured the passage of a motion to lay on the table and prevented that
national disgrace.
As
late as
1847, however, Polk, in his
message, recommended an appropriation to the Spanish Government to be distributed among the claimants/ Of the fiftv'-three Africans on the Amistad when it left
Cuba, nine died on the way, eight at New Haven, and one at Farrhington, while Cinque and thirt\^-four others lived to
return
home/
Growth of the Anti-Slavery

The coming
article in the
Spirit.
to question the
of the Revolution caused
men
rightfulness of holding one's fellow-man in bondage, and the

Norzvicli Packet
and the resolutions
of the
Danbury town meeting, already quoted, clearly show this. The feeling spread. In 1778, the Wethersfield town records show a slave. Prince, manumitted, on his master's " being
convinced'^ of the injustice of the
general practice of the

life,
country in holding negro slaves, during

consent."
without their
Many
other such instances are doubtless hidden
away
in the manuscripts of the
Town
Clerks' offices, but the only

is
other one I have
come
across
that of Abijah
Holbrook,
^ On February 27, 1843, President Tyler recommended Congress, by a special message, to refimd the salvage on the Amistad to the Spanish Government. Niles' Reg., Vol. G4, p. 66. -Adams issued an address to liis constituents on this subject con-
this. The text is in Nilos' Reg., Vol. 6S, p. S5. 'Niles' Reg., Vol. 73, Dec. 11, 1S47. "Niles' Reg., \o\. 60, pp. 206. 208, 400. The cabin-boy Antonio was to have been retmned to Cuba, but escaped. Niles' Reg., Vol.
cerning
60, p. 96.
'Mag. of Am.
Hist..
XXT., 422.
439]
History
of
69
who came from

in
Massachusetts to Torrington in 1787, and 1798 freed his slave, "then about 28 years old" and " desirous of being free, being influenced by motives of humanity and benevolence, believing that all mankind by
. , .
nature are entitled to equal liberty and freedom."

groes, he said, " have served
His nefidelity,
me
with faithfulness and
prime and vigor of life, and appear to be well qualified, as to understanding and economy, to maintain and support themselves by their own industry, and they manifesting a great desire to be delivered from slavery and bondage,"' he grants their desire. Before that, however, an organized anti-slavery sentiment had arisen. In February, 1789, the Rhode Island' Anti-Slavery Society was founded, witli Jonathan Edwards the younger, pastor of a New Haven church, as one of the members. In Connecticut there were less than 3000 slaves, yet " the strong pro-slavery feeling and conservative interest which obtained there opened a wide and important field for an Abolition Society." So, in 1790, the Connecticut Anti-Slavery Society^ was formed, with President Ezra Stiles, of Yale College, as its president, and Simeon Baldwin as its secretary.
tliey
and
being
now
in the
The
7,
1
Society speedily showed great activity.

it
On
January
791,
issued a petition^ to Congress, which was referred
and never more heard of. though " lately established," " become generally extensive through the State, claims it has and we fully believe embraces on this subject the sentiments of
to a special committee
In the
petition,^ the Society,
a large majority of the citizens.
From
a sober conviction of
of our fellow-men
the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long
beheld with grief a considerable

^
^
number
Orcutt's " Hist, of Torrington," p. 212.
" Rise and FaU," I., p. 26. ^Poole, " Anti-SIaveiy Opinions before 1800," p. 50. ^Presented to Congress, Dec. 8, 1791. Wilson, " Rise
WUson,
and
Fall,"
I.,
5
p. 67.
Found
in
'
cieties instituted for
INIemorials presented to Congress by Different Sopromoting tbe Abolition of Slavery." I'liila.,
1792, pp. 7-11.
70
[440
doomed
to perpetual bondage, in a country which boasts of her freedom ... The whole system of African slavery is
unjust in
its nature, impolitic in its principles, and in its consequences ruinous to the industry and enterprise of the
citizens of these States."
They pray
" prevent, as
.
.
that
Congress should,
as possible, the
citizens
.
by constitutional means,
much
horrors of the slave-trade,
prohibit the
of the
United States from carrying on the trade,. .prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels ... in the United States for transporting persons from Africa, and alleviate the sufferings of those who are now in slavery, and check the further progress of this inhuman commerce." The same year^ in which this temperate appeal was written, Jonathan Edwards, Jr., speaking before the Connecticut Society, said, " Every man who cannot show that his negro hath by his voluntary conduct forfeited his liberty, is obliged immediately to manumit him." " To hold a man in a state of slavery who has a right to his liberty, is to be every day guilty of robbing him of his liberty, or of man-stealing, and is a greater sin in the sight of God than concubinage or for. .
.
remarks,^
words, as Wilson truly promulgated the duty of immediate emancipation, as distinctly as it has ever been enunciated.
nication."
In
these
trenchant
"was
clearly
before or since."
Though not
at
so extreme as
this,
when
a proposition for a
duty on slaves was before the Congress of the United States,
about the same time, Roger Sherman objected to this

in the general
being included
import
bill,
saying," "
He
could
not reconcile himself to the insertion of

subject of import,
human
beings as a
among
goods, wares, and merchandise."

later,
On
this
same
subject,
some years
Roger Griswold spoke
' " Injustice nnd Impolicy of the Slave Trade and of tlie Slavery of tlie Africans, illustrated in a sermon before the Connecticut Society for the promotion of freedom and for the relief of persons imlawfully holden in. Bondage, at their annual meeting." By Jonathan Edwards, D. D., New Haven, Sept. 15, 1791. 'Wilson, "Rise and Fall." I., 27.
"
Wilson, ''Rise and Fall,"
I.,
p. 56.
441]
History of Slafvery in Connecticut.
71
was
against laying- a tax on imported slaves,' though he
opposed to the
States raised
slave-trade, lest
it
should seem the United

in
money from commerce
of the citizens of Connecticut at this time

litionists of
slaves. The mass were evidently abo-
the
Republic,
a moderate type, believing, as did the Fathers of that emancipation would come gradually.
Tsleantime the
vv^hen the
movement towards
liberty
was growing, and
Anti-Slavery Societies became strong enough to

first Convention at Philadelphia, on January i, Connecticut Society was represented by Uriah
hold their
1794, the
Tracy.
On
the 8th of
May
of the
same
year,' the
day of the
inauguration of the Governor, the Society was entertained
by an address at the North (now Centre) Meeting House, delivered by Theodore Dwight, its secretary. His address was published, and it was probably from having seen or heard of it that Bishop Gregoire mentioned Dwight in the list
of fifteen to
whom he
may be
dedicated his " Literature of Negroes."
In this
list, it
remarked, were the names of two other
Connecticut men: Joel Barlow and Col. Humphreys. At the time of Dwight's address, there were Committees of
Correspondence at Hartford,' and in New London, Windham and Tolland Counties. When the second Anti-Slavery Convention met at Philadelphia in 1795, Connecticut was represented by Jonathan Edwards, Uriah Tracy, and Zephaniah
Swift.
The
first of
these
was made chainiian
of the
com-
mittee on
lina,*
business,
and prepared an address to South Caro-
appealing for " a numerous class of men, existing among
In 1804. WUson, " Rise and FaU," I., p. 87. 2Poole, "Anti-Slavery Opinions before 1800," pp. 50, 80. " Oi-ation Spoken liefore the Conn. Society for the Promotion of Freedom and the Relief of Persons unlawfully Held in Bondage, Convened at Hartford on the 8th Day of INIay, 1794, by Theodore Dwight." Hai-tford, 1794, pp. 24, Svo. At that time Ohauncey vjoodrich was vice-president and Ezeldel Williams assistant
^
secretary.
=*At Hartford the Committee consisted of Dr. Lemuel Hopkins, Theodore Dwight, Thomas Y. Seymour, and Ezekiel WilUams, Jr. Trumbull's " Memorial Hist, of Hartford Co.," Vol. I.
Poole, "Anti-Slaveiy Opinions," pp. 28, 77.
72
History of Slavery
-in
Connecticut.
[442
you, deprived of their natural rights and forcibly held in bondage."
He
called
on the State to improve
their condition
and
to educate them, and stated that by the slave-trade, of necessity, " the minds of our citizens are debased and their hearts
hardened, by contemplating these people only through the
medium of avarice or prejudice." The early anti-slavery feeling,' however,

away
in Connecticut, as elsewhere,
gradually died
and was succeeded by the
American Colonization which Dr. Leonard Bacon wrote, " It is not a missionary society, nor a society for the suppression of the slave-trade, nor a society for the improvement of the blacks, nor a society for the abolition of slavery it is simply a society
colonization idea, as advanced by the
Societ}', of
;
for the establishment of a colony
on the coast of Africa."

Religious Intel-
In the same line of thought, the

ligencer
New Haven
condemned measures
calculated to bind the colored
people to this country, by seeking to raise them to a level with

the whites, whether by founding colleges or in any other
way, " because

spirit
it
would
the
divert attention
thwart the whole plan of colonization."

that aroused
opposition to
and counteract and It was this same ]Miss Crandall, and
which opposed the attempt
of a convention of free colored
people in Philadelphia in 1831 to establish a collegiate school
on the manual labor plan at New Haven. The idea of this convention was to raise $20,000 for this school, of which they stated $1000 was already offered, provided the rest
should be subscribed.
The
reasons for their selecting

friendly,
New
Haven were
beautiful;
these: the site of the
town was healthy and

pious,
generous, and and protected all without regard to complexion the boarding there was cheap and the provisions good; the situation was as central as any that could be obtained with the same advantages; the extensive West India trade of New Haven might induce many
the
inhabitants
humane; the laws
of Connecticut salutary
;
wealthv colored inhabitants of the West Indies to send

'
tlieir
Wilson, " RLse and FiHl,"
I.,
p. 215.
443]
Eistory
of
lastly,
it
73
and
sons there for an education; and

scientific character of
the literary
New Haven
renders
a desirable place
to locate their college/
The plan was not looked upon with any pleasure in New Haven, and " created the most profound excitement and called forth the most determined resistance." The Mayor called a public meeting " to take into consideration a scheme said to
be in progress for the establishment in this city of a college
for
tlie
education of colored youth."

8,
At
the meeting held
September
1831, resolutions were passed "that
we
will
resist the establishment of the
proposed college
in this place
by every lawful means," and,
in the preamble, the citizens
expressed their conviction that immediate emancipation and

the founding of colleges for colored persons were unwarrantable and dangerous interference with the internal con-
cerns of the State, which ought to be discouraged.
To
these
one man, the Rev. Simeon S. Jocelyn, entered a protest. This opposition of the residents of New Haven rendered any attempt to carry out the convention's scheme futile. The party of the staUis qiio ante was triumphsentiments
only
but, as often when the hour is the was at hand. However, there had never been lack of men to protest against human slaverv% and the halls of Congress had often heard bold sentiments from Connecticut men. In November, 1797, when the Pennsylvania Quakers complained to Congress that slaves emancipated by Friends in North Carolina had again been made slaves, Allen of Connecticut said he trusted the petition v/ou'ld not be rejected, as that would be disrespectful to a society revered by every man who sets value on virtue. In December, 1799, when the Southerners were raging on account of a petition from the negroes of Philadelphia for gradual emancipation, Edmond of Connecticut said they were acting with " inattention that passion
ant throughout the State

darkest, the daylight
alone could dictate."
In the session of 1806-7, when South63. 64.
Williams, " Negro Race, "II., pp.
Fowler. " Hist. Status."
p. 151.
74
History
of
[444
erners sneered at the North's opposition to the slave-trade,
any of his section were conwould thank the South for hanging them.' In January, 1818, when a bill to enforce the fugitive slave law was under debate, Williams of Connecticut opposed a clause permitting freemen to be dragged to another part of the country, saying, " In attempting to guard the rights of property to one class of citizens, it was unjust that the rights of another class should be put in
Moseley
of Connecticut said
if
victed of being- in the slave trade, his constituents
jeopardy."
diate abolition of slavery
In 1833, however, the influence of those in favor of immebegan to be felt in Connecticut, con-
tending with the pro-slavery and colonization influences.

that year, the
In
New Haven
Anti-Slavery Society was founded,
being one of the

diate,
first societies^
based on the principle of immeIt sent its
miconditional abolition.
greetings to the old

it
Pennsylvania Abolition Society, and received from

response.
a cordial
Among
the leading spirits
of
the
Connecticut
Jocelyn, both of
J. May and Simeon S. were prominent at the organization of the American Anti-Slavery Society in December, 1833. The feeling of the learned and powerful city of New Haven was further shown in the public meeting called by the ]\Iayor and Council of the city to consider the report and resolutions of Charleston, S. C, held August 10, 1835, and sent to each incorporated city and town in the United States. Charleston's resolves were concerning " societies and individuals who have circulated incendiary publications through some of the vSouthern States," and were violently against anti-slavery pub-
Society were two clergymen,^ Samuel
whom
lications.
Henr}^ S. Edwards acted as president of the

It
New
as
aboli-
Haven
tionist
meeting, and
publications,
Noah Webster and David Daggett

passed
resolutions
their
vice-presidents.
condemning
denouncing
being sent by mail.
'Wilson, "Rise and Fall," I., pp. 73, 77, 82. 96. nVilson, " Rise and Fall," I., p. 25. ''May was Vice-President. Wilson, " Rise and Fall,"
260.
I.,
250 and
445]
75
body
quoting a report of a committee of Congress in 1790 that that " have no authority to interfere in the emancipation of
slaves, or in the treatment of
them
in the different States,
it
remaining with the several States alone to provide any regulations therein which humane and true policy may require."
To
this utterance of non-interference, they
coupled anotlier
Sr., to his
the same name.
son of wish that Congress would prefer the white people of this country to the black. After they have taken care of the former, they may amuse themselves with the
''
quotation from a letter of Oliver Wolcott,

I
other people."^
v/ith Isaac
Hartford held a similar meeting on Sept. 26, 1835, and, Toucey as president and Elisha Phelps and Joseph
'
Piatt as vice-presidents, affirmed that
certain persons in the
Middle and Eastern States have formed associations for the avowed purpose of effecting the abolition of slaver}^ in the other States, and in pursuance of said design, have established a press from which they issued several ne^vspapers and periodicals devoted to the aforesaid objects and filled with the most inflammatory matter, whereby the confederacy is endangered."
In that same year a negro woman,^ who had fled from her master and lived in Hartford as a servant for several years,
met a nephew
of her former master on the streets of the city.
He spoke
kindly to her and told her his family had ceased to
count her as their property, and tliat he had only friendly He continued that he had some clothing for her at the hotel where he was stopping, which he asked her to
feelings for her.
colonization in Africa. Fowler, text in Niles' Reg., Vol. 49, p. 73. R. S. Baldwin opposed these resolutions. On the same page in NUes' Reg. is a letter copied from the Middletown Advocate, and wiitten by Rev. Wilbur Fisk, first President of Wesleyan University, stating that though he wished " freedom to the slave," he would sign no petitions for abolition of slaveiy, as " the ultraabohtionists, by their imprudent movements and ill-timed and illmanaged system of agitation have, as I think, removed all hope of success in any measure of this kind at the present time."
"
Ânother resolution Local Law," pp. 96,
favored
97.
FuU
^Trumbull's " Hartford County,"
I.,
609.
76
[446
the third floor,
go with him and get. She incautiously went to his room on when he locked the door to hold her prisoner. She rushed to the front window and leapt out, and, falling on an a^^^ling, escaped alive. ^Mr. Elisha Colt, in whose family
she her
servêd, raised
free.
a purse and bought her, that he might set
Another
fugitive slave in Hartford
nington, D.D., who, escaping

at Heidelberg. in Hartford,
He
was Rev. James Penwhen a boy, was educated abroad became pastor of the Talcott St. Church
and being fearful of capture after the passage of the fugitive slave law of 1850, induced Gen. Joseph R. Hawley, then a young lawyer in the office of John Hooker, Esq., Mr. to visit his former owner and buy him for Mr. Hooker. Hooker held the deed for a day, to erjoy the sensation of owning a doctor of divinity, and then emancipated him. In 1836' the Connecticut Society, urged on by the Crandall
case, started the Oiristian
Freeman
at Hartford,
with
Wm.
In 1845, that paper was merged in the Charter Oak, whose office was mobbed by a Democratic
H. Burleigh
as editor.
mob
character of
during the Mexican War, on account of the outspoken its sentiments. The Charter Oak was merged in
3'ears, that in
the Republican in later

that in the well
the
Evening Press, and
known Hartford Conrant^
Under the stimulus of the zeal of the leaders of this new movement, violent discussion and debate sprang up
throughout the
State.^
Amos
A. Phelps, a
brilliant
and
'able
speaker, a native of Farmington, took the matter up in that
town, and the church in the town was nearly rent in twain from the violence of the parties.* What nearly happened in Farmington came to pass in Guilford, where the pastor
' The increased interest in the subject is shown by the mimber of pamphlets Issued upon slaverj^ in Connecticut about this time. 2TrumbuIl's " Hartford County," I., p. 609. 'Niles' Reg., Vol. 56, p. 410, has a lonj? letter from Rojrer M. Sherman, dated .Time 26, 1838, written to the National Anti-Slavery Society, in which, in dignified language, he states his opposition both to slaveiy and the methods of the abolitionists. Ti-umbidl's "Hartford Cc)untj%" 11., p. 102.
*
447]
77
changed from tlie advocacy of colonization to that of aboliand caused such a bitter dissension that, though he eventually resigned and left the town, his followers, who constituted a minority in the old church, left and established another one, which remains separate to this day. In that town the use of the church was refused the local Anti-Slavery Society for its meetings, and in Norwich, which, on Oct. 14, 1800, had directed its selectmen to instruct the town's representatives "to use their influence in obtaining a resolve. prohibiting the migration of negroes from other States into this State," now the inhabitants in town meeting " Resolved that, as it is the duty of every good citizen to discountenance seditious or incendiary doctrines of ever}' sort, we do deny entirely tlie use of the Town Hall, or of any other building belonging to the town, for any purpose connect)ed in any way with the abolition of slavery.'"'" Miss Abbey Kelley,' a Quakeress, who spoke against slavery, was denounced from the pulpits in Litchfield County
tion,
.
. . .
as " that
woman
Jezebel,
who
calleth herself
;
a prophetess to
teach and seduce so

at
my
servants "
but she and others gathered
many
adherents that in January, 1837, a meeting was held
Wolcottville to organize an anti-slaver>' society.
The
gathering had to be in a barn, as churches and other public
Even there a mob broke up the meeting, which adjourned to Torrington Church, where it continued two days. The Litchfield County Sociey" so formed soon began holding monthly meetings in bams, sheds, and groves, and propagating its tenets by lectures, tracts, etc.
places were closed.
Caulkins, " Norwich," p. 568. -Orcutt's "Tonington," pp. 212, 218. For tlie opposition an early anti-slavery advocate received in Washington, Litchfield County, see " The ]Master of the Gunneiy," a memorial volume to F. TV. Gunn. 'Roger S. aiills of New Hailford was made president, Erastus Lyman of Goshen vice-president, with Gan. Daniel B. Brinsmade of Washington, Gen. Uriel Tuttle of Torringford, and Jonathan Coe of Winsted. Rev. R. M. Chipman of Harwinton was made secretary, and Dr. E. D. Hudson of Toningford treasurer. Torrington was the birthplace of John Brown of Ossawattomie and
^
Harper's Feiry fame.
78
[448
From 1840
onward, the progress of anti-slavery sentiments
in Connecticut
was gradual/ In 1840 she cast 174 votes for Birney; in 1844 she gave him 1943; in 1848 Van Buren received 5005; in 1852 Hale obtained 3160. Then under the
influence of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill the State rapidly
moved
towards abolitionism.
for
In 1854 the Anti-Nebraska candidate
Governor polled 19,465 votes; in 1856 Fremont carried the State and received 42,715 votes, and Connecticut was
placed in the ranks of the Republican States for
many
years.
Social Condition of Slaves.
The
slave
showed the usual imitation

balls,
of his white masters.
negro governors, and negro training In religious affairs they, for the most part, were of the days. Congregational faith; few became Baptists or Methodists, as at the South. The annual election of a negro Governor' was a great event, and one, as far as I know, unique to
read of negro
It occurred as recently as 1820, and came off on the Saturday after election day. It was participated in by all the negroes in the capital, and not only a governor, but also minor officers w^re chosen. They borrowed their masters' horses and trappings and had a grand
We
Connecticut.
generally
parade after the election.
" Provisions, decorations,
fruits,
and liquors were
liberally "
given them.
"
Great electioneer-
ing prevailed, parties often ran high, stump harangues were
made, and a vast deal of ceremony expended in counting the votes, proclaiming the result, and inducting the candidate into office, the whole too often terminating in a drunken frolic, if not a free fight," says one writer. Scaeva, in his " Sketches of Hartford in the Olden Time," adds other
^ On Dec. 26, 1843, J. Q. Adams notes in his Diary that he presented a petition from Connecticut for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Colmnbia. Diary, XI.. 461. In 1845 the Abolition or Liberty nominated full State and Congressional ticlcets. Niles' Reg., Vol. 68, p. 23. 1841 is the earUest year
in
which I find an AboUtion State ticket. Niles, Reg., Vol. 02, "Caulkins, "Norwich," pp. 330. Stiles, "Windsor," I., 490.
p. 80.
449]
touches.
History
of
79
The
negroes, " of course,

all
made
. . ,
their election to a
large extent deputatively, as
could not be present, but

of
uniformly yielded to
selected for the office
it
their
assent,
was usually one
The person they much note among
themselves, of imposing presence, strength, firmness, and

to decide, ready to command, and he was inclined to be arbitrary, belonged to a master of distinction, and was ready to pay freely for diverStill it was sions these, were circumstances in his favor. necessary he should be an honest negro, and be, or appear to What his powers were was be, wise above his fellows." probably not well defined, but he most likely " settled all grave
volubility,
who was quick

If
able to flog.
disputes in the last resort, questioned conduct, and imposed
and punishments sometimes for vice and misconSuch an officer is a remarkable instance of the duct." negro's power of mimicry. In his election parade " a troop of blacks, sometimes one hundred in number, marching sometimes two and two on foot, sometimes mounted in true military style and dress on horseback, escorted him through the streets with drums beating, colors flying, and fifes, fiddles, clarionets, and every sonorous metal that could be found, After marching to their content, 'uttering martial sound.' they would retire to some large room, which they would engage for the purpose of refreshments and deliberation." In Norwich," it would seem there was a special Governor
penalties
'
'
for the negroes; for the graveyard contains a stone:
"In
memory
in this
of
Boston Trowtrow, Governor
of the African tribe
Town, who died 1772." After him ruled Sam Huntingdon, slave of the Governor of the same name, and he is
described
as, " after
his election, riding through the Town on one of his master's horses, adorned with painted gear, his aids on each side, a /a mz/iâire, himself puffing and swelling with pomposity, sitting bolt upright and moving with a slowmajestic pace, as if the universe was looking on. When he
mounted or dismounted
'
his aids flew to his assistance, hold-
Caulkins, " Norwich,"
p. 330.
Vide Fowler, "Hist. Status,"
p.
81.
80
History
of
[450
ing his bridle, putting his feet into the stirrup, and bowing to
the
ground before him.
procession never assumed an air of
The Great Mogul in a triumphal more perfect self-importAncient Windsor

in
ance than the negro Governor."
Of negro
trainings, Stiles in his "
" tells
amusing tales, and doubtless such occurred towns w^here there Avere sufficient blacks.
many
other
The Connecticut
negroes,
when
freed, often left the State,
and we have record that, w4ien Massachusetts passed an act on March 26, 1788, that "Africans, not subjects of Morocco or citizens of one of the United States, are to be sent out of the State," there were found nine negroes and twelve mulattoes from Connecticut, though apparently not citizens of that State, as they were ordered to leave Massachusetts by a given
day.^
We
hear but
little
of fugitive slaves.
Occasionally
we
come
across advertisements in the old Connecticut papers
for runaways, but these are but few
years pass by.'
and disappear as the Generally slaves were " most tenderly cared
Emancipations, beginning to be
for" in the families of their masters until death, and were

sold but seldom.''
common
went
on,
just before the Revolution, increased
more
as time
and we frequently find applications on record to the selectmen to free the masters from responsibility in case of emancipating slaves.
It is said that at
Torrington, when three men, joint owners

raised.
of a female slave, in her old age hired her out to be cared for
by a colored man, some indignation was
When
emancipated,
it is
noticeable that the negroes, with
their gregarious tendencies, left the country places
gregated in the larger towns.^
where slaves were found as Roco, Major Pynchon's negroes, hel])ed build the
^
and conFor example, in Suffield, early as 1672, when Harn' and

first
saw-
Moore, " Notes on Slavery in Mass.," pp. 232-235. Mas. of Am. Hist., XV., 614. 3 Mag. of Am. Hist., XV., G14. N. H. Gazette, 1787. 'Maj,'. of Am. Hist.. XXI., 422. Caullcins, " Normch," Truml)iill's " Hartford Coimty," IT., p. 199.
'^Vide
p.
330.
451]
mill,
Ulstorij of Slaveri/ in Connecticut.
81
owned by
and where before 1740 there were but few slaves, mostly magistrates, parsons, and tavern-keepers, the number of negroes was twenty-four in 1 756 thirty-seven in 1 774
;
1782; twenty-eight in 1790; four in 1800. The last of these was manumitted in 181 2, and after a few years
fifty-three in
They had been a social, happy had married there, and all of whom had been well cared for by their masters,'' but when freed they all drifted away to the cities, where they could have the society of others of their race. In the cities, special effort was made for the spiritual welfare of the negroes. In 181 5" the Second Church of Nonvich, under the leadership of Chas. F. Harrington, began a Sunday School for blacks, and later the Yale students in New Haven took up the same work in the Temple Street and Dixwell Avenue Schools, the latter of which is
race,
none were some
left in
the town.
of
whom
still
maintained.
treatment of the negroes.
little to be ashamed of in her She treated them kindly as slaves and freed them gradually, thus avoiding any violent convulsion. Though opposed to abolitionism and interference with
In general, Connecticut has
slavery in another State, until the aggressive character of the
slaveholding power was clearly manifested, she then

into line with the rest of the Northern States to
it
swung
do away with
from the soil of the whole country. There is a steady and progressive development of the conduct of the State towards slavery. Beginning with a survival of the idea that captives in war were slaves, as shown in the conduct towards the Pequods, Connecticut acquiesced thoroughly in the principles of slavery through all the Colonial Her treatment of the slaves was almost always kind period.
and generous.
master, in true patriarchal style, regarded
them
as in truth a part of his family.*
With
the
coming
of the
'Trumbull's "Hartford County,"
II.,
p. 406.
Fowler, "Hist.
Status," p. 149, says in Durham in 1774 there were 44 negroes, in 1868 only 3. -Caulkins, "Norwich," p. 556. Fowler, "Hist. Status," p. 150, speaks of eight negro churches in the State in 1873. 3 Fowler, "Hist. Status," pp. 81-83, gives many interesting instances of this.
82
[452
Revolution and the struggle of the Colonists for freedom, a it was not just to hold other men in bondage, and as a result, importation of slaves was forbidden in
feeling arose that
whites,
Negroes were allowed to fight side by side with the and gradual emancipation was begun in 1784. The claims of the masters were, however, respected by saving their right to those they then held as slaves, and though manumission was encouraged, the law put wise restrictions on the cruelty which would employ a man's best years in labor for another and leave him to be supported by public alms at last The case of Miss Prudence Crandall and of the Amistad proved effective reinforcements to the arguments of the Abolitionists, and the case of Jackson versus Bulloch showed that the courts were inclined towards the support of liberal
1774.
interpretations of the anti-slavery laws.
abolition of slavery
by
its
provisions.
So when the formal came in 1848, it found few to be affected The movement against slavery went on.
its
From
abolishing slavery within
borders, the State went on

its soil,
to fort)id the seizure of a slave
on
and then gladly
joined with the otlier Northern States in the great struggle
which ended in the destruction of slavery throughout the United States.'

In 1865, the question of negro suffrage was submitted to the voters and decided adversely by a vote of 27,217 to 33,489. In May, 1869, the legislature, by a party vote, adopted the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. The vote in the Senate stood 12 to 5, in the House 126 to 104. Fowler, p. 260.
'
APPENDIX.
In addition to the works quoted in the body of the monograph, the following may be mentioned as a part of
the bibliography of this subject:
" Slavery discussed in Occasional
Bacon, Leonard.
Essays
from 1833 to 1846."

Beedier, Catharine E.
New York, 1846. "An Essay on Slavery
and AboliUnited
tionism."
Philadelphia, 1837.
" Picture of Slavery in the
Bozune, Rev. George.

States."
Dicki7ison,
Middletown, 1834.
James
T.
"
Sermon
delivered
in
the Second
Congregational Church, Norwich, July 4, 1834, at the Request of the Anti-Slavery Society of Norwich and
Norwich, 1834. " Substance of an Address delivered before the Middletown Colonization Society at the Annual Meeting, July 4, 1835." Middletown, 1835. " The Well-spent Sou, or Bibles Porter, Jacob, translator. New Haven, 1830. for the Poor Negro." Stuart, Charles. " The West India Question, reprinted from the English Quarterly Magazine and Review of April, 1832." New Haven, 1833. " Slaveholding a Malum in Se or Incurably Tyler, E. R.
Vicinity."
Fisk, Wilbur.
Hartford, 1839. Sinful." (2 editions.) " Fruits of Colonization the Canterbury
Persecution."
1833-
May, SaimLel J.
tion
"
The Right
of Colored People to Educa-
vindicated
in
Letters
to
Andrew
T. Judson, Esq.,
and others her School
Canterbury, relative to Miss Crandall and
for
Vajt Buren, Martin.
Colored Females." 1833. Message, 1840 (Amistad).
Baldwin, Roger S.,2ind Adains, John Q. "Arguments before the United States Supreme Court in the Case of the
African, Cinquez or Jinque."
84
History
of
in
[454
Slaves and Free Negroes

Slaves.
Connecticut.
Free Negroes.
1680, 1715,
30,
(Answers
to
Board of Trade),
1,500, (Niles' Register, vol. 68, p. 310),
1730, 1756, 1762, 1774,

1782,
700, (Answers to Board of Trade), " 3,634, (Fowler, Hist. Status," p. 1 50),
4,590, (Stiles MSS.), 6,562, (Fowler, " Hist. Status," p. 150),
6,281,
2,759, (U- S. Census),
1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, 1830,
2,801
951310,
97,
25,
17,
5,330
6,453
7,844
8,047
8,105
1840, 1850,
i860,
7,693
8,627
1870,
1880,
9,668
11,547
1890,
12,302
N. B.
Negroes on the Amistad not counted
in 1840.
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Bernard Christian Steiner - History of Slavery in Connecticut (1893)

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Class.

JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES

HISTOEICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE

History.-Freema?i past Politics and Politics present

baltimore The Johns Hopkins Press

September- October, 1893

BY THE JoHNS HOPKINS FKESS.

PeriodI. 1636-1774. Indian Slavery

Concerning Slaves in Colonial Days

Social Condition of Slaves in Colonial

Period II. 1774-1869. Slaves in the Revolution

Cases Adjudicated in the Higher Courts with Reference to

HISTORY OF SLAVERY LN CONNECTICOT.

people than slavery,

of slavery^ in his native State

I allude to Dr. Geo. Moore's "

Notes on Slavery in Massachu-

In the history of the opinion of the

marked-ofif periods, under each of which

shall treat separ-

social aspects of slavery.

the resistance to the Fugitive Slave Act, and ending in the

The period closes Amendment in 1869.

with the acceptance of the

zine for 1874. Vol.

pp. 12-18, 81-85, 148-153, 260-266.

forefathers of the early settlers had- sold the captives

of their spear, over a millennium before.

After the fierce and

not take long to decide

of the conquerors, "

prisoners were devided,

to those of the River [Connecticut]

rest to lis " of

they sent " the

that described above.

Articles of Confederation of the United

New England New Haven

his master into

erated jurisdictions, that, in such case,

magistrate in the jurisdiction of

upon which the

any of these confedcertificate of one

or upon other due proof, the said servant shall be delivered,

Mass. Hist. Soc.

Coll., Series IV., Vol. III., p. 360.

The Connecticut Code

of 1646, following this resolve in its

language, recognizes Indian and negro slavery."

the hands of your agent there denyed, and

been either marryed or abused by one of

was was said your men."

parte of her master's estate

part than a beast; our cliildren will not

the Inter-Colonial Treaty of

Sept. 19, 1650, the provision of the Articles of Confederation,

Indian captives into the

Iliizju-d. II., p. G3.

''Hllc " Iiullaiis."

History of Slavery in Connecticut.

captive by transportation out of the country."

seems to have gradually de1690, Gov. Leisler of