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ProtoA New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic Nicholas Zair Faculty of Linguistics, Philology and Phonetics Oxford University nicholas.zair@ling-phil.ox.ac.uk
1. Introduction 1.1 It is generally agreed that inherited *CHC > *CC in Proto-Celtic: PIE *pH2tr > PC *atr > OIr.aithir (T_T) PIE *ptH2no- > PC litano- > OIr. lethan, MW. llydan (T_RV) PIE. *H2erH3tro- > PC. *aratro- > MIr. arathar, MW. aradar (VR_T) (examples from Schumacher 2004: 135-136) 1.2 Is this correct? It will be argued that it is not, and that loss (without reflex) or retention (> *a) of laryngeals in non-initial syllables is environmentally conditioned.
Proto2. An important Proto-Celtic rule 2.1 Josephs rule: *-eRa- > *-aRa- (Joseph 1982; Schrijver 1995: 73-93)
CRlaryngeals: CHR3. Retained laryngeals: *-CHR- > *-CR3.1 OIr. galar (n. o-stem) sickness, disease, MW. galar (m.) mourning, grief, sorrow, MC.
galar grief, sorrow, affliction < *galaro- < *helH2-ro- (Driessen 2003: 301-302; Hitt. kallar- baleful, destructive, ON. galli blemish, fault, Lith. al hurt, damage).
3.2 OIr. samail (f. i-stem) likeness, similarity; like of, such a, MW. hafal, MC. haval, B.
haval like < *samali- < *semH2-li- (Joseph 1982: 38-39, Schrijver 1995: 81; Lat. similis
like, similar, Gk. equal, alike, Skt. sam- same). 3.3 3.3 OIr. talam (m. n-stem) earth, world, ground < *talam < *telH2-mon- (Joseph 1982: 38; Schrijver 1995: 84-85; *telH2- lift, take up: Gk. strap for bearing anything, LIV 622-623) or *(s)telH-mon- (Nussbaum 1997: 192-193; (s)telH- spread out, lie flat: Lat.
CHTCCTC4. Retained Laryngeals: *-CHTC- > *-CTC4.1 4.1 MIr. arathar (n. o-stem) plough, W. aradr, OC. aradar, MB. arazr, B. arar < *aratro< *H2erH3-tro- (Gk. plough, LIV 272-273). 4.2 MIr. tarathar (o-stem) auger, drill, OW. tarater, MW. taradyr (m.), MC. tardar, MB.
tarazr, talazr and (Latinised) Gaul. taratrum < *taratro- < *terH1-tro- (Joseph 1982: 41-42;
*terH1- bore: Gk. borer, gimlet, bored through, LIV 632-633).
5.2 OIr. elc mischievous, bad? < *elko-, apparently from *H1elHk-o- (IEW 307; ON. illr bad, evil, Lith. lkti, Latv. akt, SCr. lkati hunger).
Rasmussen (1999: 199): Baltic and Slavic words from old perfect *H1e-H1olk- > *eolk- > lk-. Should this give Lith. xolkti, Latv. xuokt?
5.3 MIr. ferb (f. -stem) blister < *erb < *erH-b(h) (Lat. uarus pimple, Lith. vras pimple in pork < *H-o-). 5.4 OIr. ferc (f. -stem) anger, wrath < *erg < *erH- (IEW 1169; EWAIA 1. 242243; Chantraine 1968-1990: 3. 815-816; Frisk 1960-1973: 2. 411; Kloekhorst 2008: 963-964; Gk. temper, temperament, disposition; anger, Skt. rj-, rj strength, sustenance, YAv. var z- strength, Hitt. arkanza (adj.) fat.
The connection between ferc and , and rj- dismissed by Szemerenyi (1964: 219-229): a) phonological grounds; problems avoided by assuming *-CHT- > *-CT- in Celtic, and Saussures law in Greek. b) while rj- is potential or actual strength, is an attitude, a disposition to act in a certain way (Szemerenyi 1964: 225). But cf. Gk. might, force, strength; rage, passion; intent, purpose; life.
5.6 MIr. les (m. o-stem) space around houses surrounded by a rampart, MW. llys (m., f.) court, palace, hall, MC. lys (in place names), OB. lis, MB. les, B. lez (f.) court < *lit-to< *ptH2-to- (Irslinger 2002: 283-284; *pletH2- be wide: Skt. pth- wide, broad, Gk. flat stone, LIV 486-487).
But cf. OIr. leth (n. s-stem) side; half < *pletH2-es-, MW. lled breadth, width < *pletH2-o-.
5.7 OIr. st likeness, equivalent < *semtu- < *semH2-tu- (LEIA S-99; *semH2- same: OIr. samail).
DIL (S-202): metaphorical usage of st object of value, chattel; unit of value, but semantics make a connection with samail etc. far more likely. NB *sem- one ani (Gk. , one), so st < *sem-tu- a possibility. But meaning like, similar consistently has a se -stem (Joseph 1982: 38-39).
Note in general the difficulties of etymologising proper nouns and cf. McCones (2006b: 94-95) derivation of Gk. Celts as (Celtic) v ddhi from *-to- hidden because a) according to Caesar the Celts claimed descent from Dis Pater b) the Celtic Dis Pater might have been called the hidden one. If *-RHT- gives *-RT-, one might instead think of *kelH2-to- to the root *kelH2- strike, cf. the Gaulish god Sucellus good-striker < *-kelH2-o-.
7. Conclusion 7.1 Laryngeals lost without reflex in Proto-Celtic in non-initial syllables before a stop:
H /VC_TV H /VC_T#
7.2 Proto-Celtic appears more like Balto-Slavic and Germanic (H /VC_C), and Armenian (H /VC_CV, H a/VC_CC; Beekes 1988: 77), and less like Italic, Greek, Sanskrit (H
V/C_C).
8. PIE *CH.CC > *C.CC? 8.1 Hackstein (2002): *CH.CC > *C.CC in non-initial syllables in Proto-Indo-European a) men-stems: nom-acc. sg. *enH1-m > Skt. jnima, dat. sg. *enH1-mn- > jnmane; Gk. , Lat. termen *terH2-mn-. b) univerbations involving *dhH1-ske/o-: Toch. B. ktk- put down, lay down < *k- dhske/o- < *k dhH1-ske/o-; and *ske/o-verbs to se roots: Toch. B. pltkstep forward < *pletH2-ske/o-. c) nouns/verbs with suffix *-dh- from nominal compounds involving *-dhH1-o-: Lat.
8.4 Possible conclusions: a) some environments did not undergo *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC-, e.g. *-CHTR-, *-CHsR-. b) *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC- applied at some post-PIE stage after PC had split off. c) laryngeals were restored after *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC- in morphologically transparent categories (including in the paradigm of *dhugH-tr, *dhug-tr-) at some stage between PIE and PC. d) the rule *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC- needs to be reconsidered (developments in individual languages after all?).
Post9. Post-script 9. 1 Does the rule proposed here explain forms like: MW. cawr (m.)giant; hero, Gaul. Cavarillos, , MIr. coar hero? < *kaaro< *eH-ro- (Skt. vra- powerful). OIr. rithor (m. o-stem) waterfall, torrent, OW. reatir, W. rhaeadr (f.) < *reatro< *H3reH-tro- (*H3reH-; LIV 305-306). OIr. nia warrior, champion (m. d-stem), archaic gen. sg. Neth, Ogam NETTA-, -NETAS < *ne-t- < *neH-
t-, W. nwyd (m., f.) passionate emotion < *netV- < *neH-tV- (*neH-: MIr. nth fighting, conflict; anger,
LIV 450-451). MIr. craid (i-stem adj.) hard(y), harsh; stern, strict <*kredi- < *kreH-di- (Lat. crdus bleeding; raw; hard, rough, cruel < *kreH-do- or *kruH-do-, Skt. krra- bloody, gruesome, IEW 621).
9.2 Some problems OIr. dan (o-, -stem adj.) swift, rapid, nom. pl. din < *deno- < *deH1-no- (LEIA D-68; *deH1-: Skt.
dyanti (3pl.) fly, Gk. flee, hasten, whirling, rotation, LIV 107).
OIr. ran (m. o-stem), gen. sg. rin Rhine; sea, ocean, Gaul. Rhenus Rhine < *reno- < *H3reH-no-.
References
Beekes, Robert. S. P. (1988). Laryngeal Developments: A Survey in Bammesberger, Alfred (ed.), Die
l'irlandais ancien [a-d, m-u]. Dublin; Paris: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies; Centre national
de la recherche scientifique.
LIV: Rix, Helmut and Kmmel, Martin (2001). Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben2. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert. McCone, Kim (2006a). The Origins and Development of the Insular Celtic Verbal Complex. Maynooth: The Department of Old Irish, National University of Ireland, Maynooth ----- (2006b). Greek and , Latin Gallus Gaul, Die Sprache 46, 94-111 Nussbaum, Alan J. (1997). The 'Saussure Effect' in Latin and Italic' in Lubotsky, Alexander (ed.)
Sound Law and Analogy: Papers in Honor of Robert S. P. Beekes on the Occasion of his 60th Birthday. Amsterdam, Atlanta: Rodopi, 181-203
Rasmussen, Jens E. (1999). Stray Indo-European notes in Selected Papers on Indo-European