American Geographical Society

(Anti)Social Capital in the Production of an (UN)Civil Society in Pakistan Author(s): Daanish Mustafa Reviewed work(s): Source: Geographical Review, Vol. 95, No. 3, New Geographies of the Middle East (Jul., 2005), pp. 328-347 Published by: American Geographical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30034242 . Accessed: 28/12/2011 08:30
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(ANTI)SOCIAL CAPITAL IN THE PRODUCTION OF AN (UN)CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN*

DAANISH MUSTAFA
is admired of ABSTRACT.Pakistan hometo someofthemost examples civil-societywidely has somemuch-maligned and Pakistan alsospawned basedservice-delivery advocacy groups. Thisarticle thesocialcapital civilsociuses actors violent nongovernmental with agendas. / to lens mobilization contribute that capital etyconceptual to viewthemodesof (anti)social The of an theciviland uncivil spacesof Pakistani society. case examples Jamaat-e-Islami, of are and Islamic revivalist Commission Pakistan usedto organization, theHumanRights in It thatthe the of forces Pakistan. is argued understand geography socialand antisocial or multiscalar that, and that socialcapital-whether processes mobilize positive perverse-are for in thePakistani no cultural religious or reason exists theascendance context, compelling the socialcapital be mobilized contribcan to of over other. Positive ofonetype socialcapital civil in the choices. uteto a morecivilsocialdiscourse Pakistan, Keywords: policy given right Islamic socialcapital. human revivalism, Pakistan, society, rights,

of admired emulated and widely examples Pakistan is hometo someofthemost and suchas the service-delivery advocacy groups, nongovernmental-sector-based the and Commission of OrangiPilotProject, EdhiFoundation, theHumanRights free ambuactivism, civil-society legalaid to abusedwomen, positive including lanceservices, muchelse, alsohometo a multiplicityvery and is of visible nongovextremism violence:2 and ernmental actorsespousingreligious some religious Hizbul in seminaries from whichtheTalibanmovement Afghanistan emerged, violent activities around world the andmany others (Zaman Mujahideen, supporting
1998; Rashid 2000).3 These groups challengesome of the fondlyheld notions by Pakistan(Ghafoor1987; UNDP 2000).1 Yetthe same societythathas generatedsuch

sector aboutthedesirability thenongovernmental of practitioners development manof health and environmental thelead in thedelivery education, care, taking and playing advocacy an roleforhumanrights, services, agement amongothers, environmental and desirable women's goals(Farrington justice, other socially rights, the whichto examine as lensthrough literature a conceptual civil-society-based of relative and and/or forces, developmentalist strength, impact, interplay democratic Two violent forces Pakistani in and antidemocratic and/or society. nongovernmenan Islamic tal organizations/movements-Jamaat-e-Islami, revivalist organization, as to and theHumanRights Commission Pakistan-serve examples investigate of in mobilization Pakistan. of theprocess (anti)social capital Theliterature nongovernmental on (NGos)andsocialmovements organizations "Socialcapital" ofsocialcapital civil and is often linked thetwin to concepts society.
*Thearticle benefited reviews Chris from I thank Sharon andtwo reviewers. Dona Meindle, Lash, by anonymous Stewart her for assistance the through review process.
4'-

and Bebbington1993; GOP 1993;Vetter1995). This articleuses the social-capital/

in of at LondonWC2R University London, DR. MUSTAFA a lecturer geography King's is College,

The GeographicalReview 95 (3): 328-347, July 2005 Copyright c 2006 by the American Geographical Society of New York

2LS,England.

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a "Civil society"is conceptu1988) and constitute buildingblock fora civilsociety. alized as a space occupied by social institutions groupsbetweenthe state, and marand individualhouseholds(McIlwaine1998).This conceptualization-although kets, it assumes civility and positiveinteractions withinthe civil society'-nonetheless allows manytypesof agendas to be subsumed withinthe (un)civil-society/socialsocial justice and empowcapital-baseddiscourse:forexample,wealthgeneration, also and violence. Considerableattention erment, and, technically, discrimination

is defined normsof behavior as and thesocialand functional relations between individuals groups, and which facilitate actions thesocialactors the of (Coleman may

is paid to questions howto create increase of and societies' stocks socialcapital of

research theregion. in Case studies theHumanRights of Commission Pakistan of in thecivil, Jamaat-e-Islamitheuncivil, and in are here spacesofsociety presented toexplain origins, the andreasons their for institutionalization within implications, Pakistani Eachofthese twoorganizations highly is influential Pakistani in society. and better documented thanmostcomparable society, eachis relatively organizationsin Pakistan.
and materialgoods and servicesfromthe restof theworld.Consequently, is imit

civil society(Putnam, Leonardi, and Nanetti 1993; and, consequently, strengthen and Steer1994; Ritchey-Vance Serageldin 1996; Narayan1999; Mohan and Mohan civilsocietyagainst 2002). But the unexploredquestionhas been how to strengthen uncivilsocial forces with(anti)social capital;thatis,social normsand networks that excessivefinancialor social obligationson actorsor further crimiimpose solidify nal and/orviolentforcesin a society(see Portesand Landolt 2000). A substantial of body of literature speaks to the efficacy the nongovernmental sector in service delivery(Lam 1995; Bebbington,Quisbert, and Trujillo 1996; and Bebbington1997; Buckland 1998; Bebbingtonand Perreault1999; Groenfeldt Svendsen2000) and in social mobilizationand voicingthe concernsof the vulnerable and traditionally underrepresented segmentsof a society(Rivera-Cusicanqui Escobar and Alvarez1992; Johnsonand Wilson 2000). Some literature sug1990o; citizengroups,and social movements have fallenshortof expectageststhatNGOS, tionswithrespectto theirexpressedmissionsand functions because of managerial and strategic missteps(Edwards and Hulme 1996; Edwards 1999) or hostilesocial and politicalenvironments (Fox 1996;Booth and Richard1998). But in veryfewof the cases is the balance betweenpositivesocial capital and what Mauricio Rubio social capital"and AlejandroPortesand PatriciaLandolt(2000) (1997)calls"perverse call "negativesocial capital" in a societyempirically and specifically investigated linkedto social contexts. The issue is of particular importancein the case of Pakistan,wherethe rise of religious-and ethnic-basedmilitancy and violence in discretesegmentsof the NGOsectoris threatening veryexistenceof a reasonably the focus on causes of functional, developmentalstate (Abbas 2005). In the post-9/11 in froman investigation of religiousextremism South Asia and WestAsia, insights mobilizationcan have far-reaching forpolicy and (anti)social capital implications

Pakistani like is of society, anyother society, influenced flows ideas, by people,

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certaintypesof soportantto analyzethe discoursesthatpromoteand legitimate cial capital,especially because thosediscoursesare influenced international conby textsand actors, such as thecold war,theIslamic revolution Iran,and agendasof in international donors. International contexts and actorsalso have important material effects social-capital on for international financial formation; example,through and materialaid. This articlewill highlight social-structural discursivecontextof Pakithe and stanthatdetermines The analysisseeksto address of civiland uncivilsociety. spaces threehypotheses: the processesthatproduce and mobilizepositiveand perverse 1) social capital are multiscalar, frominternational local, and are not necessarily to nationalin their 2) ascendancyof one typeof social capital exclusively spatialscope; over anotheris an outcome not necessarily "culture"or religionbut, rather, of of the contingent of and the relations, convergence government policy,international stateof socioeconomic development;and 3) in the Pakistanicontext, nothinginbecause both can be trinsically privilegesone type of social capital over another, or constructed and fostered destroyed, policychoices.A briefreview giventheright of the social capital / civilsocietyliterature withinthe disciplineof geography underscores importanceof retaining focuson social-structural the a factors underto standhow different typesof social capitalare mobilizedand to what effect.
SOCIAL CAPITAL AS NORMS SOCIAL AND VALUES STRUCTURES VERSUS EFFECTS OF

In thelate 199osa floodof literature social capitaland itsimplications develon for This literature be placed withinthenew,post-impasse can opmentpraxisemerged. "agent-centered (Schuurmann1993;Peet analysis" paradigmin development theory and Watts1996; Preston1996). The term"social capital"was popularized in development-policy discourseby RobertPutnam,RobertLeonardi,and Raffaella Nanetti(1993),who defineit as the normsand networks thatcan improvethe [economic?]efficiency soci... of "trust, coordinatedaction"(p. 167).This conceptof social capitalpoints etyby facilitating to thenormsof behavior, and cooperationwithina population thatmaypretrust, and contribute economic to costs,improvegovernance, sumablylowertransaction This conceptof civilsocietyemphasizes"social capital"as a building development. block of the horizontalassociationof individualscalled "civilsocietyinstitutions,' with wealth generationas the main outcome of the functioning such associaof tions.Social capital is an internalattribute societies, virtueof theirhistorical of by and (Putzel1997).Otherscholarsgo a stepfarther attribute development trajectories the developmentof social capital-in a culturally deterministic mode-mainly to and morality within society a culture, (Platteau1994; Fukuyama200ool). religion, of Putnam,Leonardi,and Nanetti'sconceptualization social capital is open to criticismon many counts. It accepts the macrolevelsocioeconomic contextas a closed system 1999;Radcliffe (Bebbingtonand Perreault 2oo4), impliesthatcapital is somehow not inherently social (Fine 200oo2),is silenton issues of power differen-

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tialswithin societies(Harrisand de Renzio1997;Fine1999;Radcliffe and-most 200oo4), the such as terrorism, racism,and miimportant-neglects negativeexternalities, thatmay come fromassociationallife(Levi 1996;Berman 1997). sogyny, JamesColeman gives a parallel,equally influential conceptualizationof social It but capital:"Social capitalis defined itsfunction. is not a singleentity a variety by of different withtwo elementsin common; theyall consistof some aspect entities, of social structures, theyfacilitate and certainactionsof actors-whether personsor actors-withinthe structure" This definition less normais corporate (1988,S98).

tive itsdesignation functions socialcapital, itexplicitly in theconin of to and ties

Coleman's conceptualization,unlike cept of social capital with social structures. and Nanetti's,considerssocial capital as an inherent Putnam,Leonardi, aspect of individualsin societiessubjectto variousstructural constraints and catalysts. folIt lows thatwhatmaterialconsequencesresultfromsocial capitalwillbe mediatedby social structures, which may steerthe use of the social relationsand associations towardmore efficient servicedelivery, reductionof transaction costs,political acor criminally motivatedviolence and/orpromotivism,or conversely, politically

Berman1997),thata militarist statestructure argued(following mayhave promoted mobilizationforespousingreligiousextremism, a social-capital thereby promoting of exclusionand violence. politics In theirreviewof forty-five empiricalstudiesemployingthe concept of social capital,Michael Foley and Bob Edwards (1999) endorsedthe social-structural apof proach to employment the social-capitalconcept in practice.They argue that social capitalneeds to be treated a dependentvariablewherethesocial-structural as context determines utility. its the Bourdieu Theyoffer important insight(following 1986),that"access" to networks may not be enough foreconomic developmentor forfostering democracybut thataccess coupled with"qualityand quantityof resources"thatnetworks can mobilize will decide the qualityand quantityof social capital available to individualsand groups. If the ultimatefunctionof the social versusdestruction, inclusionversusdiscrimination-then capitalmatters-creation the concept needs to be critically reevaluatedand more firmly linkedto theoretiand so callygroundedconcernswithsocial structures, class,conflict, globalization, forth(Fine 1999). This raises the question, If structures continue to be the arbitersof material outcomes,albeit mediated by social capital in a civil society, why do we need to concernourselves withsocial capitalin the first not start withthesocial place?Why structures conflict, thatiswherethecausal explanationlies? and if (Fine1999, 200oo2). Accordingto Anthony Bebbingtonand Thomas Perreault(1999), social capital remains relevant because itsorganizational in manifestations civilsocietyare an emwithvisibleimpactson everyday material as existence, theyand others piricalreality document (Beall 1997;Groenfeldt and Svendsen2oo000; Johnsonand Wilson 2000;

tionof politics exclusion discrimination. thecase of Pakistan can be of and In it

and thatattention socialcapital to Pretty Ward2001). Theyfurther argue complementsthesocial-theoretical outcomes. approachesto understanding developmental

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the Social capital'srelevanceand functionality notwithstanding, issues of how it is of createdand how it can be createdindependently materialconditions,if at all, remainunresolved(Mohan and Mohan 2002). Fox (1996) took a "political-construction" Jonathan approach to explainingthe of distribution positivesocial capitalin ruralMexico. He describedtheapproach as to and an iterative assemblyof threebuildingblocksthatcontribute the emergence consolidationof social capital. The first buildingblock-political opportunity-is whichmay and allianceswithinthe societalelites, the outcome of shifting conflicts or protectscaled-up collectiveaction againstgovernment elitebacklash in a lessthan-democratic political context.The second buildingblock-social energy-refersto the storeof motivatedactivists who may be willingto bear the "irrational start-upcosts of mobilization" (p. 1091). The thirdbuilding block-scaling upinvolvesmoving beyond the "small-is-beautiful" stage and building connections across local, regional,and national scales. The political-construction approach is the one of themain theoretical tools used hereto understand developmental trajectoryof Pakistaniorganizations. and Fox on Whereas (1996) concentrated howsocialcapital emerges is consoliand datedbystateaction,others(includingFarrington Bebbington 1993;Evans1996; between Ostrom1996;WorldBank 1997;Narayan1999) discussedhow interactions the stateand civil societycan lead to positivedevelopmentaloutcomes.All of the between latterexceptElinor Ostrom emphasizedthe functional complementarity and statefunctions whatcivilsocietyactorscan do best;Ostrom(1996) emphasized with civil-society actors "coproduction," wherebyactors withinthe state interact across blurredboundaries to jointlyproduce social servicesand generatewealth. betweenthestateand civilsocietyis premisedupon The notion of complementarity actors can bring theirlocal the belief that,in many instances,nongovernmental leto and greater relative greater adaptability government's efficiency, knowledge, structures ensurebetterdevelto and specializedmanagement resources, gitimacy, and complementarity opmentaloutcomes.The conceptsof politicalconstruction to are particularly pertinent theanalysisof (anti)social capitaland (un)civil society in Pakistan. As presentedin the literature cited above, social capital and civil societyare nested withinan actor-oriented approach that emphasizes agency and primarily more than social structures and necessaryrelationships explaining in contingency of two organizations Pakiin of social capital.The following development analysis but is stan,however, explicitly social-structural, thisemphasison social-structural explanationsdoes not denyagencyto social actorsand hence the use of the social is The concern with social structures not limitedto material capital framework. mode of discourseanalysis, relationsand practicesbut,in a more poststructuralist

ternof desirableversusundesirablesocial capitalin Pakistan. Many social scientists, of have recently called forgreater persuasion, previously theMarxistor structuralist and to into how language,representations, disattention poststructuralist insights

the and is also concerned with discursive constructs legitimate reproduce patthat

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courses contribute our understanding sometimes, to material construction of and, socialreality Escobar1996;Peet1999;Castree Braun2001). and (see Theanalysis thetwoorganizations thecivil uncivil of in and spacesofPakistani seeksto explain how they havebeen constructed and society may politically in a rolewith state. emphasis be notjuston material the The will struccomplementary tures globalization capitalism also on thetension of and but between legitimating discourses participatory of humanrights, national secudevelopment, democracy, and in revivalism thecontext modernity. of rity, identity, religious
THE PAKISTANI HISTORICOGEOGRAPHICAL CONTEXT OF

SOCIAL-CAPITAL

MOBILIZATION

Sinceindependence partition and from British Indiain 1947, Pakistani inpolitical stitutions been dominated themilitary. have Pakistan had a military has by government thirty itsfifty-eight ofindependence. Pakistani for of The is years military a descendent theBritish of IndianArmy has retained institutional and the strucand ethosofitscolonial ture, culture, imperial Cohen (Daechsel1997; predecessor observations be madeaboutthenextmostpowerful can institution 1998). Similar in Pakistan, civilbureaucracy the of 1987). Most analysts thePakistani (Kennedy state politics and havedescribed governance the in structure thecountry an olias between landedfeudal the elites theciviland military and bugarchic relationship Mostaccounts thePakistani andsociety adhered of state have (Malik 1997). reaucracy toa narrative structured around civil military and landedfeudal elites, bureaucracy, and ethnic religious and nationalist forces. traditional The narrative also typihas blamedtheasymmetrical structure the for cally powerof thetripartite oligarchic attenuated of institutions development thecivil-society (Kennedy 1987;Khan2000). I proposethatthehistory geography civilsociety Pakistan be and of in can discursive axes:identity national mappeddifferently, three along politics, security, and developmentalism. interplay thesethree The of discourses produced has the social-structural discursive and context theoperation civilsociety Pakifor of in stan.Theseaxessetup thecontext thediscussion thecivil-society for of actors in Pakistan. The matter identity particularly of has resonance Pakistani in strong society, notonly becauseitis a developing economic socialtransiand society undergoing but and linguistic Pakistan sixmajor has tion, also becauseof itsethnic diversity. and Baloch,Brahvi, Sindhi, recognized ethnolinguistic groups-Pashtun, Punjabi, from Northern Indiawhoform majority theurbanarin a Mohajir(themigrants eas of the southernSindh Province).Many major subgroupings and minor are concentrated themountainous in north the of ethnolinguistic groups largely Each of themajorethnic withitsdistinct and country. groups geography ethnic homeland to state itseffort cobbletogether in to a posesa challenge thePakistani modern national consciousness basedon theEuropean modelofnationalism. The has withsometimes irredentist nationalist movements violent, country beenfaced the and on borders with and internal strife among Pashtuns theBalochs itswestern

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the between Sindhis theMohajirs thesouthern and in Sindh Province. Ethnonationin alistelements Pakistan havegenerally very been vocalabouttheir resentment of thepolitically numerically and dominant Punjabis. Ethnic movements Balochistan Sindh in and have a retained secular charlargely whereas haveincreasingly beacter, amongthePashtuns ethnic-identity politics comereligious character. in Islamic revivalist were the politics traditionally preserve of thelargely urban-based bourgeois, Mohajirs(Nasr1994).As Mohajirpolitics havebecomemoresecular Pashtun ethnic havemovedin the (Malik1997), politics to to of extremism the1990sin Afdirection, be closer theTaliban-style opposite the with traditional (Rashid 2000). Even ghanistan among dominant Punjabis, their nationalist Islamic revivalist movements making are serious inroads. outlook, The national-security discourse another is the partofunderstanding development of in To in trajectory civilsociety Pakistan. mostPakistanis, particularly the and the with the state elite, conflict Indiaover former military civil princely ofJammu is andKashmir atthecoreofPakistan's senseofnationhood itsterritorial and secuthe its ther accentuated country's sense insecurity of larger neighbor, vis-a-vis much Thenational obsession with military's the India. with dominance Kashmir, coupled has thatnational-security of thePakistani discourse structures, ensured political a dominant inthestate's role interactions civil with 1998) society (Inayatullah plays As in the and in defining spacesforcivil-society operations. willbe illustrated the individual studies, case interaction between national-security the discourse idenand has the of politics also spawned specific spacesin tity geographies civiland uncivil Pakistani society. or as is Developmentalism,development modernization,almost universally apto but it someuniqueorgaworld, inPakistan hasgenerated plicable thedeveloping nizational for in the Pilot and Aga experiments; example, Orangi Project Karachi the KhanRuralSupport MostPakistani state and civil-society in Programme. activity therealm socialandeconomic of is in of developmentembedded theunderstanding as modernization. as modernization repliand development Although development cationoftheWestern has criticism development trajectory comeundersustained within (Peet1999; PeetandWatts development geography 2004), thegovernmental in haveuncritically subscribed thelinkand nongovernmental sectors Pakistan to in "TheSenate Pakistani article: Comage,as reflected a recent newspaper Standing on mittee Cabinet, on Establishment Management and Services Thursday observed and attithattheelectronic mediashouldpromote scientific patriotism inculcate for the tudesand socialvaluesamong young" (Dawn 2005). Partofthereason this ofdevelopment modernization be thedominant role uncritical as acceptance might ofurban-based inthedevelopment-related elites sector. nongovernmental Butitmay in alsobe a reaction theexcesses theethnic- religious-based to of and politics Pakistani society. Pakistan a country an undeniable is in state socioeconomic of transition. The can of civil with developmentalism alsobe readas the engagement Pakistani society
has furrity(Mustafaand Murthy2000; Mustafa2004; Abbas 2005). The conflict

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to of transition. Whaites Alan alienating experience that society's response theoften viewof civil-society in (1995), in his relatively optimistic development Pakistan, and used thedensity quality horizontal of associations an indicator thevias of He of civil in that, alongwithchanges thedebrancy Pakistani society. concluded mographicsand economyof the countryfromagrarianto urbanizingand associations bondedlabor, industrial of workwomen, voluntary industrializing, are and business moreindependent effective theface and in ers, groups becoming ofstate power.
SPACES OF CIVIL AND UNCIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN

Each of thethree discourses national of and developmentalism, identity security, havepulledPakistani society conflicting civil in as directions, has thepropolitics cessofmobilizing The twoorganizations socialcapital. discussed here-Jamaat-eIslamiand theHumanRights Commission Pakistan-serve exemplars the of as of tensions within Pakistani and All larger society notas moralopposites. organizaare to unless tions/movementsdeemed be partofcivilsociety or subsidthey their iaries violence A noncombatant civilians. civil and/or espouse practice against society contain rangeof agendas. a a does,and should, by definition Promoting certain or of and is to of state, society inherent thedynamics interpretationvision religion, a vibrant civilsociety. whensupport an agendaleavesthepolitical But of sphere and becomes violent a armedstruggle, can be questions legitimately raisedabout itsplacewithin society. issueofwhat civil The of will a type violence qualify nonstate actorto be excluded from ambit "civil" the of is and society debatable echoesthe contentious debate thedefinition terrorism. on of Without envery contemporary therapidly literature terrorism legitimate on and versus gaging expanding illegitishould noted be if that noncombatant civilians themajor are victims violence of by a nonstate theactor be classified part theuncivil as of Thedebate actor, may society. andambiguity this on issueareinherent thetype discussion in of undertaken being here.
JAMAAT-E-ISLAMI

mate violence (Hewitt1987,2001; Crenshaw1995;Hoffman1998;Mustafa200oo5), it

Jamaat-e-Islami is probably ofthemostinfluential one articulations organizational oftheIslamic revivalist movements Pakistan, in evenin theIslamic world perhaps scionofa prominent Muslim from northern for 1979), India,known itstrafamily dition religious of as wellas associations theMughal with court and learning royal other Muslim housesofIndia.Mawdudi deeply was influenced hisformain ruling tive and movement theangst elites of years theanticolonial by amongtheMuslim Indiaaboutthelossoftheir andpolitical totheBritish. relatively The empire power and status theMuslim of economic, social, political depressed populacein colonial Indiawasa further source resentment reflection thebright studious of and for and Mawdudi(Nasr1996; Moten200oo3). Armed witha classical in young training Islamiclearning, command important of coupledwithhis considerable self-taught
Abu Ala Mawdudi (1903(Nasr 1994; Moten 2003). It was foundedin 1941by Sayyid

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Mawdudi fancied segmentsof Westernand modern social and political thought, himselfto be an intellectualand political leader forthe Muslims of India (Nasr was intendedto be a "holy 1996). Jamaat-e-Islami his brainchildand was initially whose memberscould preparethemselves the leadershiprole in for community" the the reviving lost gloryof Islam in India by following "true"path of Islam-as interpreted Mawdudi. by The Islamicrevivalist messagethatMawdudi promotedwas based on his distillation of the teachingsof the Qur'an, the Sunnah (the way of the ProphetMuhamthosewithhis of mad), and theHadith (the sayings theProphet)and on combining withina deductivelogicalframework. vision of His readingsof Western philosophy Islam was deeplyhostileto theveryrichlegacyof Islamichistoricocultural development and, instead,insistedon a return a "pure" Islam, forwhichthe lifeof the to caliphs (A.D. 632-661)werethe model Prophetand the reignsof the fourrighteous thathe founded,lay(Mawdudi 1980;Nasr 1996). For Mawdudi and the movement needed to be peeled and more than 1,500 yearsof history ers of geography, culture, sharedthisattribute withmanyother awayto revealthepure Islam. Jamaat-e-Islami howIslamic revivalist fundamentalist and movements 2001). Inevitably, (Moghissi Mawdudi's conceptof pure Islam was verydeeplyembeddedin his subjectivity ever, withmodernity. haranguedagainstthe He shareda deeplyambivalent relationship borrowedmodernist influence secularmodernity simultaneously of but corrupting Even for on intellectual frameworks his prolific for everything. writings practically folhis Jamaat, vision was not a politicalmovementin the liberalsense but rather, weapon" in the Bolsheviksense (Nasr 1994). This lowingLenin,an "organizational its notion of Jamaatas an organizationalweapon is key to understanding role in theboundariesbetweencivil and uncivilspaces of Pakistanisociety. straddling concentrated consolidatingand inon During its initialyearsJamaat-e-Islami

and he in India.Hiswritings themovement founded as a Muslim bourgeois colonial

its in rankand file theteachings itsfounder. of the doctrinating limited Although

clearambitions politicalleadership India,itlargely in to groupharboredvery sought to do so by indoctrinating large segmentsof the Muslim population (unlike the populistpoliticsof its bete noire,the Muslim League,the largestMuslim communal party colonialIndia). Soon after in Pakistan was formed 1947, in Jamaat morphed froma religiousmovementinto a politicalparty. But even thistransition was not

without challenges. its had to but Jamaat never aspired beinga populist party was moreinterested infiltrating structures power, order imin the of in to admittedly
pose its conceptof an Islamic orderfromabove (Mawdudi 1984;Nasr 1994;Moten

it its to of despite aversion populist 2oo3).But, politics, virtue itsbasicideology by

could not divorcereligionfrompolitics.Therefore, additionto frequent in demonstrations street of and activepropagationof its ideologyamong the literate power

in cal power.Historically, however, Jamaat's performance electoralpoliticswas genon erallydismal,so itsinfluence Pakistanisocietyhas been out of proportionwith itslimitedvotebank. This influence flowsfromitsconsiderablepublishingactivity,

in to had the classes, Jamaat to engage electoral politics, mostobviousroute politi-

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in (Abbas 2005; ICG 2005). As millions jihad againstthe Sovietinfidels Afghanistan

within civil the and military itsconnections and bureaucracy, itsrolein organizing of from students various to various classes society, professional segments Pakistani a sampling activities theJamaat site,[www.jamaat.org]). of see Web Insofar as (for certain viewsabouttheroleofreligion political itremains in Jamaat life, supports within ambit civilsociety. is whenJamaat itssubsidiaries the of It and enactively in violence that civilsociety its credentials becomesuspect. gage was to of for Jamaat-e-Islami in opposition allthegovernments Pakistan, most ofitsexistence, theonsetofthebrutal until of Ziadictatorship Gen.Muhammad Zia of tendencies Pakistani ul-Haq in 1977. tookthetraditional Islamizing military to in to his He (Daechsel 1997). was governmentsnewlevels order legitimate regime an intellectual of his for and,under government, Jamaat, thefirst disciple Mawdudi time since creation, its backdoor access thecorridors power to of (Nasr1994; gained has beenone of themosthighly and 2005).Jamaat always Abbas organized disciin Its Islami-Jamaat-iplined religiopolitical organizations Pakistan. student wing, Tulaba (IJT), ruledmajor Pakistani in campuses, university mostly the Punjab and was notaverse usingstrong-arm to tactics stu(Figure against left-leaning 1), dentand political forces urbanareasofPakistan. 1979 Zia regime in In the became themainfacilitator theAmericans' of covert against Soviets Afghanistan. war the in Jamaat tappedbytheZia regime provide was to educational training and services forAfghan in to from cadresto wagethe refugee camps, addition manpower IJT ofdollars American Saudimoney of and of pouredintothecoffers Jamaat through Pakistani Jamaat ITTbecamemorestrident their and in Islamservices, intelligence istrhetoric, wellas in perpetrating as violence leftist students Pakistani on against Jamaat historically had financial from the university campuses. enjoyed backing oil-rich Persian Gulfmonarchies, SaudiArabia. Jamaat's involvement in especially theAfghan further solidified connection thosemonarchies its to Jihad (Nasr1994;

Abbas 2005).

the and theSoviet withdrawal Afghanistan from Following deathofZia in 1988 in 1989, Jamaat-e-Islami's intheAfghan and of Jihad itspool ofveterans experience thatwarwerediverted Pakistani to of by agencies fantheflames an intelligence armedinsurgency Indian-administered in Kashmir (Rana 2004). Once again,as switched between opposition thegovernment thepost-Ziaseethe and in Jamaat sawdemocratic ofPakistan, governments with between centhe politics alternating ter-left and MuslimLeague, involvement the its in People'sParty thecenter-right Kashmiri ensured itcontinued openly that to recruit and insurgency personnel solicitfunds itsmilitant for activities there. fact, In HizbulMujahideen, largest the Islamic militant in is Kashmir, a suborganization operating Indian-administered of In to attacks Indiansecurity on Hizbul forces, sidiary Jamaat. addition itsregular is implicated excesses in thecivilian of Mujahideen against population Kashmir and thedestruction theshrine thepatron of of saintof Kashmir Charar at Sharif a theU.S. De(Rana 2004).The grouphas beendeclared terrorist organization by of and continues be active Kashmir, though, to in even under partment State pres-

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FUNADAMENTALIST

TO PROUD BE

FIG. 1i-An Islami-Jamaat-i-Tulaba billboard with at of corporate sponsorship theUniversity Engiand ca. L. Pakistan, 1990o. Jr.; neering Technology campusin Lahore, (Photograph James Wescoat by of reproduced courtesy thephotographer).

in its sure fromtheUnitedStates, 2002 the Pakistangovernment reversed policyof in Kashmir. Hizbul Mujahideen'sparent promoting militancy Indian-administered is organization,Jamaat, at presenta junior partnerin the alliance of opposition Islamistpartiesin the Pakistaniparliament, and it continuesto vocallyoppose the at betweenPakistanand India. ongoingattempts rapprochement in formation was a case of politicalconstruction the waning Jamaat-e-Islami's models werebeing daysof the British Empirein India, when fascist organizational movements India, such as the Hindu miliin liberally copied by religiousrevivalist tantorganizationRashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh. Mawdudi was clearly inspiredby these organizationalmodels, and Jamaat's continuedstrongorganizationalstructureis a testament his attention organizationalaspects of institutionalizing to a to movement.In the contextof the anticolonial nationalistmovepoliticoreligious mentdominatedby the secularist CongressPartyand the Muslim League in colonial India, Jamaat, otherminororganizations, like managed to staybelow the radar until it had maturedenough to usher itselfonto the political scene in Pakistan. Mawdudi and otherfounding fathers bore most of the financial and social start-up costs of the organization.Subsequently, throughan adroit manipulation of allianceswithotherreligious and as organizations foreign governments, wellas through of and business elitesof Pakiideological infiltration the bourgeoisiegovernment itself partof the Pakistanipoliticallandscape. as stan,Jamaat managed to entrench

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The socialcapital thatJamaat its and through myriad cultivated subsidiary youth in the relevant professional paid organizations richdividends making organization to socialdiscourse Pakistan. in of itself thegovernment an Jamaat's to as lending the and was organizational weaponduring Afghan Kashmiri insurgencies a classic case ofperverse When couldnotwagean open complementarity. thegovernment waragainst muchstronger itdrew a socialcapital organizaand foe, uponJamaat's tiontowagewarin itsplace.In fact, and Jamaat thePakistani, and American, Saudi more the and governments or lesscoproduced jihadin Afghanistan Kashmir. aboutthegrowth consolidation Jamaat-e-Islami thePakiand of in Nothing stanibodypolitic was structurally inevitable. one hand,Jamaat On mayhaveinidrawn mostofitsrecruits from socially the conservative in tially petite bourgeoisie thetransitional of the turn But, hand, militant inits economy Pakistan. on theother activities largely function external was a of factors suchas theascencontingent oftheIslamist and theAfghan Kashmiri Zia and wars. Jamaat havehisdancy may catered theidentity to of in Sindh whoclaimed torically politics theMohajirs urban to haveabandonedtheir homeland India in thenameof Pakistan in and Islam. Morerecently, socialpositionality beencloser thenational has to however, Jamaat's and Islamist axes of security Pashtun identity in thediscursive landscape Pakistan, as of with In Zia's of largely a result itsinteraction thestate. fact, recruitmentJamaat in theAfghan openedit up to ideological, war and political, financial possibilities the of has (Nasr2000). Jamaat cometoview beyond domestic sphere Pakistan jihad as a useful with which explicate Islamist to its and itsconcept of paradigm agenda action thePakistani to political public(Nasr2000). Thecivil andthesocialcapital ithavebeenconceptualized an indein in society role the but draws pendent from government, thecaseofJamaat-e-Islami attention to theroleofthestate manipulating strength direction social-capital in the and of mobilization. casestudy The further illustrates although structural factors like that, and the for globalization, capitalism, underdevelopment havecreated context may Jamaat's it of and that operations, wastheagency Jamaat's leadership membership directed socialcapital perverse, its in violent directions.
THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION OF PAKISTAN

in to of and the Partially reaction theexcesses theZia regime itsallies, HumanRights Commission Pakistan of in In (HRCP) was formed 1986 (see [www.hrcp-web.org]). thetwodecades sinceitsinception, HRCP hasbecomethemostinfluential the nonactor in (UNDP 2000). The imgovernmental inthecauseofhuman rights Pakistan mediate for was to of impetus theHRCP'S formation opposition a battery regressive lawspassedby theZia regime, the electorate non-Muslim for including separate minorities Pakistan theHudood ordinance, addition vastly of and in to enhanced of for of and arrests, powers thestate arbitrary censorship thepress, limiting politithemainvictims Zia'sIslamization of the elements thesociety in drives, progressive were for because were deemed be aligned to especially targeted state oppression they
cal dissent(Malik 1997; Abbas 2005)."Although womenand religious minorities were

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withthemain leftist It that opposition,thePeople'sParty. was in thisenvironment a Justice group of prominentcitizens,primarily lawyers, includingAsma Jehangir, Dorab Patel,Malik Qasim, and FakhruddinG. Ibrahimmet and decided to merge weretheMalikGhulamJilani Foundationfor Human Rights Amongtheorganizations and some political-prisoner-release legal-aidcommittees.6 and

and of manyorganizations prodemocracy groupsundertheumbrella theHRCP.

cal partieshad been bludgeoned into oblivion" and, in the opinion of the HRCP "had also lost theirway" in the cause of fighting human rights, the for founders, need fora nonpartisan, but not apolitical,watchdogorganizationto speak up for therights thevictims state of of was (Rahman 2005). The three oppression urgent resolutions adopted atthefirst meetingof theHRCP in1986weretheholdingof free and fairdemocraticelections,abolition of the separateelectorate the religious for in and minorities Pakistanand bringing themintothemainstream, abolitionof the of death penalty. The last was particularly ambitious,giventhatthe popularity the in is deathpenalty Pakistani stateand society perhapsmatchedonlybySaudi Arabia and Texas! The HRCP was an avowed secular organizationin a time when secularismwas In in equated withatheismand antireligion Pakistanisociety. thewordsof one of its the members, HRCP was and continuesto be an organization representing founding in revivalist a "liberal democratic movement" thesociety 2005). Religious (Jehangir

tionto bring aboutmeaningful But in "thepolitichange. in an atmosphere which

The foundingmembersof the HRCP were mindfulof the need forpoliticalac-

and have were hostile theHRCPS secularist to message organizations particularly from beena source harassment theHRCP membership itsinception of to (Jehangir
2005). Althoughthe HRCP is not a directcompetitorin the electoralarena with Islamist movements,its activismagainst instancesof religiotribalist injusticetorankled many Islamists,who tend to equate many ward women has particularly tribalculturaltraditions withIslam.

the Unlikemanyof itsWestern counterpart organizations, HRCP has not limited of human rights, itselfto a legalisticinterpretation althoughthatis an important elementof itsadvocacyagenda. The annual human rights reports publishedby the the arena of HRCP are notable fortheiruniquelypoliticalview of what constitutes close partnerships with trade and worker human rights. The HRCPhas cultivated forsuch diverseissues as unemployment, unions in Pakistanand has highlighted of militarization civilianorganizations, media, health,education,and eign policy, statein youthaffairs its widelydisseminatedannual reportsand council-meeting ments (HRCP 2003, 200oo4a, 2004b). The activist backgroundof some of the HRCP'S membersand theorganization's declaredallegianceto seculardemocracy founding and improving human welfare justicehave induced it to takea verybroad through adin and admittedly politicizedview of human rights Pakistan,despitecontrary vice fromsome of itsWesterndonors (Rahman 2005). electionmonitoring, publitigation, ing seminarsand trainingsessions,research,

its include holdthe Someoftheactivities which HRCP fulfills mission through

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of and and, lishing three regular publications a hostoftopical pamphlets, occasionstreet The members contributed average 1 milan of ally, agitation. HRCP'S founding lionrupees the1986exchange for rate)annually the (approximately u.s.$6o,ooo by in three of Subseoperational expenses thefirst organization's years itsformation. donors from countries Canada havebeenmeeting and of quently, European parts theHRCP'S operational as contributions. organization The costs, havemembership is in theprocess building endowment of an basedon donations AsmaJehangir by and others, who havebeen donating prizemoneyfrom the theirinternational awards.' The HRCP scaledup from humble has its in in beginnings a smalloffice Lahoreto a district-level network 3,500oo of members 78 of the103 districts in in it far a Pakistan, (Rahman although isstill from being grassroots organization 200oo5). In addition scaling domestically, HRCP hasalsobuilt to the valuable up partnerwith Commission Jurists, International of the ships internationally theInternational Federation Human Rights, "ForumAsia," coalition AsianNGOs. The of and a of of itsboardmembers-as retired Courtof Pakistan journalists, lawyers, Supreme and officers-has cushioned impact theopposition the of it justices, retired military has received from varioussegments thepopulation, of exparticularly religious tremists. the individual Although organization haveescaped may beingshutdown, members havebeenarbitrarily and to arrested, threatened, subjected assassination The connections thepress, in the attempts. HRCP'S friendly particularly Pakistani which readbythecountry's is haveserved wellin it elite, press, English-language times stress of under authoritarian the and military elected regimes. The HRCP'S socialcapital retained very has a distinct one is geography, that conwiththeuniqueethnic of in Whereas thepolitically gruent diversity thecountry. dominant Frontier Provinces bulkoftheHRCP's memthe Punjaband North-West comesfrom urbanareas,in Sindhand Balochistan Provinces in the and bership Administered TribalAreasthe membership largely is rural.Similarly, Federally whereas national the Urdupress, which caters theurban to middle lower and classes, is generally indifferent hostile theHRCP'S agenda, regional ifnot to the vernacular Partof thereasonforthis press has been an enthusiastic of theHRCP'S work. ally is distributionthewayinwhich HRCP's unqualified the commitment democracy to and democratization thePakistani of resonates withtheethnic nationalists' polity claims democratic for a Punjabielite. rights vis-a-vis The HRCP is closestto the developmentalist axis discursive of the Pakistani some the axis-becauseof itscomsociety--with gravitational from identity pull mitment democratization thePakistani to of The socialposipolity. organization's canfurther conceptualized being opposition thenational be as in to tionality security in discourse thesociety evident from antiits (Nizamani1998), as is particularly nuclear stanceand aggressive to beattempts promote peace and understanding tween Pakistan itsarchrival, and India. The organization draws intellectual its from suchmodernist as capital concepts individual before law,and secularism. itsinterthe But rights, democracy, equality
at level,coupled withtherelatively highprofile HRCP'S networking theinternational

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basis its edgeto seektheintellectual for various positions. The HRCP'S formation a case of political was in to opportunity opposition an and administrative of civilsociety. thelate In oppressive regime's legal silencing seemed be on an inexorable to march toward and Islamism, urban 1980sPakistan and ethnonationalist secular elements weregenerally demoralized. Withitsrelathe to tively high-profile on thescene, HRCP also meant givea voiceto entry was in secular elements Pakistan and can 2005). The HRCP5S founding success (Jehangir in be attributed large and and partto itsfounders' membership's agency socialenBut factors cold warand Islamicrevivalism of cannot disbe ergy. thestructural countedin creating vacuum forthe HRCPto fill.The global structures a of bilateral donorsand international "development," comprising werealso a NGOS, somebilateral from donoragencies and oped and thefinancial ithas secured help its hostile state action or international hashelped NGOs consolidate position against from moreregressive in backlash elements thesociety.
WHO HOLDS THE BALANCE OF POWER CIVIL BETWEEN THE STATE AND THE SOCIETY?

to suggest thatthe HRCP has looked outsidethe canons of modernWestern knowl-

and of is within Pathe pretation operationalizationthosemodernist concepts still kistani South and Asiancultural political and context. HRCP does notdraw The any distinctions between spheres political, the of and and iscultural, economic rights sues of local,national, international and themall to be partof politics-deeming thepolitical context within whicha broadspectrum humanrights of issuesare and The of for produced, contested. vision developmentalism theHRCP negotiated, is still closer development modernization socialjustice. evidence to as and No exists

factorin the HRCP'S prominence.The international networks HRCP has develthe

As thecase studies theliterature and the of socialillustrate, thrust thedominant literature beenon theindependent ofsocialcapital bringing has role in about capital whereas case studies demonstrate dependent the positive developmental changes, nature thesocial-capital of and of variable thecontingency itsrolein contributing to civil uncivil or From oppositional the mobilization of spacesinPakistani society. socialcapitalin thecase of theHRCP to complementary in mobilization case of the and socialand economic structures modof Jamaat-e-Islami, rolesofthestate and in are the ernization, capitalism, globalgeopolitics pivotal defining parameters forcivil/uncivil-society operations. The social-capital and literature, despiteits conceptual ambiguities political into the pitfalls, provides beyond crudestructural intriguing insights progression of withstructures altodeterminism thepast,butnotto theextent dispensing of and embracing cruder the neoliberal celebration individual collecof and gether All and associations societies havenorms, tive networks, horizontal agency. human The moreimportant the and thatfacilitate agendasof individuals groups. quesand mobilized achieve? to How do certain tionis,Whatarethosenorms networks becomemoreascendant thanother suchas exclusivist violent and norms norms,

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versus tolerant nonviolent and or versus democreligiosity piety, discrimination racy?

in Social-capitalmobilization, the case of both the HRCP and Jamaat-e-Islami, reflects and with and politicalconstruction political opportunity, socialenergy scaling for organizationalgrowthand consolidation.In both cases, up being important the of mobilization was determined social-struchowever, direction social-capital by turalfactors well as contingent as acrosslocal, regional, national,and developments international scales.The cold war mayhave consolidatedZia's dictatorship proand moted his Islamist rhetoricand policies, thus elicitinga response fromthe civil in from ranksof theurbanthe society theformoftheHRCP. But theHRCP emerged based middle and upper class and has had limitedsuccess expandingits social base

its where message democratic its of resonates beyond origins, except development withtheethnic of on Jamaat, theother identity politics Sindhand Balochistan.
and politically fromthe cold war.Althoughit initially hand, benefited financially drewupon theconservative sensibilities itsurban-bourgeoisie of Jamaat supporters, subsequently had to align itselfwith the national-securitydiscourse and the Pakistanfor ethnoreligious identity politics in the Pashtun areas of northwestern consolidation thegainsitmade duringtheZia regime. both cases,policychoices of In and by the Pakistanistate,international governments, civilsocietyplayeda role in deciding the polarityof social-capitalmobilization in the transitionalsocietyof Pakistan. Social capital is a usefulconceptuallens when investigating reasonsforthe rise of religiouslyinspired,violent movements in Southwestand South Asia. How

multiscalar social-structural and discourses concretized spaceis mediforces are in atedbysocialcapital and itsorganizational manifestations. social-capital But mobilization hasa regional itself even scale. various As inflection, atthenational agendas within society a for discursive is thatone compete greater space,thedanger great
ascendant over othersbecause of backing fromthe agenda will become violently stateor international and practically, social capital's powerstructures. Conceptually neutralpolarity lends greater valence to its instrumentality-for good and forevil. and enthusiasts social capitalwould do well to remember of that. Policymakers
NOTES

1. The OrangiPilotProject one of thelargest is in nongovernmental projects Asia employing for of and facilities thehalf-million to participatory techniques theprovision sanitation microcredit residents thelow-income of in The EdhiFoundation a nais OrangiTownneighborhood Karachi. tionwide network ambulance of disaster and for services, relief, shelter abusedand abanvoluntary donedwomenand children Pakistan. in
2. Herethenongovernmental sector understood include litany different ofhoriis to the of types zontal associations individuals groups, of and outside state the or includrelations, apparatus market formal informal and and scales, ingformally registered at various NGOs networks, socialmovements. is 3. HizbulMujahideen a Jamaat-e-Islami-affiliated organization active Indian-adin jihadist ministered Kashmir. is in Lashkar-e-Taiyebaone of themostactive jihadist organizations Indianadministered even it Kashmir, though is basedin Pakistan. Banned thePrevez Musharraf 2002, in by itcontinues exist to under newname"Jamaat-e-Dawa,' the which alsoon theU.S.State is Department's listofterrorist organizations.

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con"civil and have 4. The terms positive "civility," society," "civilinteraction" overwhelmingly with"un" in parentheses, meantto challenge is notations. The use of "(un)civil," thattraditional and connotation these of terms hencetheconcept. positive electorate disenfranchised non-Muslim becausethey could minorities, 5. Theseparate essentially voteonlyfor seatsreserved minorities. for their to role special Consequently, ability playa political in and and the of provincial national regular politics to influence policies thedominant political parties was effectively curtailed. Hudood ordinance, The issuedbytheZia regime, prescribed punishments foradultery. of theperverse One in admissible to provisions thelaw was thattherulesof evidence of convict the of maleMuslim witnesses thetime the at of somebody adultery required presence three actbutthat female victim's a to the was And rape testimony notgoodenough convict rapist. a woman whobecamepregnant a result beingrapedwasdeemed as of of In at cases, the guilty adultery! many behestof their womenwho married without their consent werealso arrested for families, family's Hudoodviolation. to90 percent females of incarceratedPakistan arrested in were under Hudood the Up The in in ordinance. ordinance still force is despite repeated attempts opposition by parliamentarians thePakistani to it. National Assembly amendor revoke the in who 6. Forexample, committee wasinvolved thecaseofJam that Saqi,a political prisoner The of had losthismemory becauseofpolicetorture 1985-1986. pursuit his release themain in was the of rallying pointfor founders theHRCP. of Bar Martin and AsmaJehangir beentherecipient American Association, has Ennals, Ramon 7. of in to a highPakistani Awards thedefense humanrights, addition Sitara-e-Imtiaz, for Magsaysay civilian award.
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