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August/September 1990 New York's Community Affairs News Magazine $2.00

T H E M O N S T E R P R O J E C T S : H U N T E R S P O I N T A N D T I M E S S Q U A R E
S U P E R M A R K E T S H O R T A G E D G O O D B Y E S T R E E T N E W S
2 CITY LIMITS
Ciq
Volume XV Number 7
City Limits is published ten times per year.
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Service Society
Mary Martinez. Lead Paint Poisoning Project
Rebecca Reich
Andrew Reicher. UHAB
Richard Rivera. Puerto Rican Legal
Defense and Education Fund (on leave)
Tom Robbins
Jay Small . ANHD
Walter Stafford. New York University
Pete Williams. Center for Law
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Editor: Doug Turetsky
Associate Editor: Lisa Glazer
Contributing Editors: Marguerite Holloway.
Mary Keefe. Peter Marcuse. Jennifer Stern
Production: Chi p Cliffe
Photographers: Adam Anik.
Andrew Lichtenstein
Intern: Madeline Dorval
Copyright 1990. All Rights Reserved. No
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Cover photograph by Teun Voeten/lmpact Visuals.
EDITORIAL
Zoo Story
This year some landlords came dressed as kangaroos. The annual
spring rite, during which the city's Rent Guidelines Board establishes
rent hikes for some 840,000 rent-stabilized apartments, is nothing more
than a kangaroo court, property owners charge. And the guidelines
board's public meetings little more than a zoo. Tenants wouldn't dis-
agree.
It's time to put the zoo story to an end and disband the Rent Guidelines
Board. The board, appointed by the mayor, is a legislative body and
makes its decisions with all the biases and horse trading inherent to such
decision-making groups. Rent hikes, which send too many tenants over
the precipice and into homelessness, shouldn't be relegated to a game of
who's-got-the-votes.
The perfidy of the system was blatantly evident this year in Mayor
David Dinkins' flip-flop on the board's use of a price index to estimate
landlords' operating costs. As borough president, Dinkins described the
index as flawed and voted to stop the city from using it. As mayor, he
changed course and lobbied strenuously for continuing use of the index.
The state legislature, which holds the power to reform the system,
must begin to look at options for replacing the board. One such option is
to have a state agency set rent hikes-or rollbacks. They could do this by
means of an economic formula that takes into account operating and
maintenance costs as well as revenues and profits. Until a rent adjust-
ment system is established based on clearly defined standards, everyone
will remain dissatisfied.
* * *
With much fanfare and back-slapping, the Dinkins administration and
the City Council passed anti-apartheid sanctions that restrict the city's
use of banks doing business in South Africa_ But there's a loophole big
enough to drive a truck through-one laden with about $6 billion the city
plans to float in bonds over the next two years.
Just one month before passing the sanctions, the mayor and comptrol-
ler announced their selection of the five lead underwriters for its
upcoming bond offerings. All five, who will earn million dollar fees,
have troubling connections to the apartheid regime.
In selecting the five, the mayor and comptroller say they attempted to
balance social responsibility with fiscal prudence, and reserved the right
to replace any of the firms if they fail to curb ties to South Africa. But
Merrill Lynch Capital Markets, one of the lead underwriters, recently
went from having no ties to being part of an investment group that
purchased Del Monte foods and Kohlberg, Kravis, firms with extensive
South African business dealings.
Ofthe other four lead underwriters: Shears on Lehman Hutton's parent
company, American Express, has licensing agreements with South Afri-
can firms; Goldman Sachs and Co. has underwriting agreements in South
Africa and is a major shareholder of several South Africa comranies;
Bear Sterns and Co. established a $225 million revolving line 0 credit
through the Union Bank of Switzerland, which conducts business in
South Africa; and The First Boston Corp. is tied through subsidiaries to
Credit Suisse, another bank doing business in South Africa.
If city officials are serious about their South African sanctions, then
the loophole in the new bill needs to be plugged.
* * *
Correction: In the article "Starrett City: Bucking the Rules?" (June/
July, 1990), we incorrectly stated that the Starrett City complex is owned
by the Starrett Housing Corp_ The complex was built and is managed by
Starrett Housing Corp. subsidiaries, but it is owned by a partnership
headed by Disque Deane. 0

INSIDE
FEATURES
Is Bigger Still Better?
A close look at two megaprojects in the pipeline:
Hunters Point and the Times Square redevelopment
effort. 12
Integration: Myth and Reality
Even in neighborhoods where a variety of people live
near each other, integration remains elusive. 16
Starving for Supermarkets
A good supermarket is hard to find in many neigh-
borhoods. 22
DEPARTMENTS
Editorial
Zoo Story .................... .............................. .. ................ 2
Short Term Notes
Youth Build ............................................................... 4
Home for Whom? .............................. ........................ 4
NYC Homeless Count .............................................. .4
Common Concerns .... ... ...... .... ......... ....... .. ................. 5
Racial Steering? ......................................................... 5
Profile
Frances Taylor: Confronting Contradictions .......... 6
Pipeline
Built to Last? .............................................................. 9
City View
Why I Walked Out From Street News ................... 27
Letters ......... .. .... .... ......... ...... .. ... ............................... 28
August/September 1990 3
Bigger/Page 12
Integration/Page 16
Supermarkets/Page 22
4 CITY LIMITS
SHORT TERM NOTES
YOUTH BUILD
More than a decade ago,
teenagers in East Harlem
established the Youth Action
Program, which teaches
young people how to rehabili-
tate abandoned buildings
while also offerin!:t educa-
tional training and job
placement. Now two pieces of
legislation in Congress may
You'" action:
carry this movement much
further across the country.
We've always had the spirit
and the desire, but the
funding hasn't always been
there."
The bill has been endorsed
by 25 members of Congress
and is expected to be voted
on early next year.
Another proposal, the
National Service Act, was
introduced this spring by Rep.
Legislation being proposed in Washington may fund youth
training and construction eHorts across the country.
turn the East Harlem experi-
ence into a national model.
Guy Hawkins (D-California) .
The bill aims to create youth
corps across the country with
funding of more than $150
million dollars. The House
version of the bill allocates
$10 million for youth con-
struction programs, but this
would only pay for youth
training. Project sponsors
would have to find non-
federal funding to cover
actual costs for construction
and rehab work. A Senate
version of the bill does not
include funding for youth
construction training, but
advocates are hopeful that this
will change before a final
version of the bill is voted on
this fall. 0 Erika Mallin
HOME FOR
WHOM?
Carmen, a slight 21 -year-
old, works during the week as
a housekeeper and lives with
friends because she can't
afford her own apartment.
On the weekends, she goes to
975-81 Home Street, a
dilapidated city-owned
building in the South Bronx,
which she is helping to
renovate. "I only want to
leave my friends' apartment
and live here," she says
emphatically.
Carmen and more than 30
other Bronxites who belong to
the Community on the Move
housing group may soon have
to stop working on the
building and turn their hopes
elsewhere. The city's Depart-
ment of Housing Preservation
and Development (HPD) plans
to demolish the 36-unit
structure and replace it with
small homes for middle
income New Yorkers.
Roz Post, a spokesperson
for HPD, says the Department
of Buildings has declared the
structure unsafe. But the city
has not yet served eviction
papers to the squatters who
live in the building. "Most
probably court action is the
next step," says Post.
On a recent Saturday,
more than 50 people were
Introduced by Rep. Major
Owens (D-New York), the
Youth Build Act calls for $200
million per year to be admin-
istered by the Department of
Housing and Urban Develop-
ment through a variety of
community groups. The gov-
ernment would provide up to
90 percent of the costs for
projects while 10 percent
would come from non-federal
sources. Eligible projects
would provide stipends to
high school drop-outs who
would rehabilitate and con-
struct housing while also
receiving job training and
schooling.
NEW YORK CITY HOMELESS COUNT
The legislation is being
backed by the national Youth
Build Coalition, which grew
out of the East Harlem pro-
gram and has helped/romote
youth construction an train-
ing efforts across the country.
David Calvert, who works
with the Youth Action Program
in East Harlem, says, "This
legislation gives us the tools to
Adults Children
Families in hotels 477 739
Special residences 302 0
Congregate Shelters (Tier 1 ) 630 566
Transitional Shelters (Tier II) 2,904 4,376
Totals 4,313 5,681
Source: NYC Human Resources Administration, July 2, 1990
doing renovation work at
the Home Street building,
removing rubble and using
wheelbarrows to bring in
construction materials.
Many of them said they live
doubled up with friends or
in city shelters and do renova-
tion work on the weekend. A
handful live in the building,
which has rotting beams and
stairs and lacks water or gas.
The building on Home
Street is just one of many sites
in the West Farms area of the
South Bronx that are slated for
new construction through the
New York City Housing
Partnership's New Homes
program, which is targeted to
families earning between
$32,000 and $53,000. "The
South Bronx for who?" asks
Matthew Lee, one of the
leaders of Community on the
Move. "Most people in this
building and in the South
Bronx make between $5,000
and $10,000 a year as
vendors and many more are
homeless or doubled up."
The partnership project
will be sponsored by the
Mid-Bronx Desperadoes, the
housing organization that
completed the small homes
on Charlotte Street in the
South Bronx. Lee Chong,
special project director, says
the organization is "not taking
a position for or against the
squatters as the property is
still city-owned."
Based in the South Bronx,
Community on the Move
has organized a number of
squatter buildings. They also
put out a free newspaper,
Inner City Press. 0 Erika
Mallin
Total Total
Individuals Families
1,216 358
302 201
1,196 462
7,280 2,175
9,994 3,196
COMMON
CONCERNS
After a year of planning, a
new group is being formed to
discuss and represent the
common issues and concerns
of nonprofit community
development and manage-
ment organizations in New
York City. The new group,
referred to by some as a trade
association, will be a project
of the Association for Neigh-
borhood and Housin9
Development (ANHD) .
'We will be organizing
over the summer to bring
together the groups that will
set the priorities," explains
Bonnie Brower, executive
director of ANHD. An
advisory committee will be
selected from among the
community groups participat-
ing in the Rroject. The project,
which will function as an
advocacy group for the
participants, is likely to deal
with such issues as contracting
and development fees from
public and private agencies.
Meetings to discuss the
formation of the group, which
eventually became an ANHD
project, were initially con-
vened by the Local Initiatives
Support Corporation, the Fund
for the City of New York and
the New York Community
Trust. Management and
development groups partici-
pating in these meetings
included the Ecumenical
Development Corparation, Los
Sures, Flatbush East Commu-
nity Develop'ment Corparation,
Bonana-Kelly Community
Improvement Association,
Brooklyn Ecumenical Coop-
eratives and St. Nicholas
Neighborhood Preservation
Corparation. O Doug
Turetsky
RACIAL STEERING?
The New York City Housing
Authority has engaged in
systemic and pervasive racial
discrimination, according to
charges in a class action
lawsuit filed recently by the
legal Aid Society.
Scott Rosenberg, an
attorney for the Legal Aid
Society, says that a variety of
housing authority pol icies
steered white families away
from most projects and into a
few predominantly white
developments. "This resulted
in increased segregation," he
sa)l's. "To use taxpayer money
to further segregation is a
breach of the public trust."
Val Coleman, a spokesper-
son for the housing authority,
responds, "This is an out-of-
control, out-of-context bunch
of self-righteous Monday-
morning quarterbocking. The
housing authority is 91.5
percent minority and has for
55 years been involved in the
process of building integrated
communities and neighbor-
hoods."
Officials at the city's
Commission on Human Rights
say they are conducting an
investigation to determine
whether the housing authority
engages in racial steering.
They are also attempting to
mediate the disRute.
The lawsuit claims that the
housing authority has
discriminated in a number of
ways: by using secret codes to
denote projects where only
whites could be sent; by
sometimes requiring people to
live in the neighborhood of
the projects they applied for;
by systematically replacing
white families who left some
projects with other white
families; and by using a quota
system that favored whites at
certain projects.
The lawsuit also charges
that the housing authority
does not disperse homeless
families uniformly through all
public housing projects and
that some predominantly white
projects do not accept
homeless families. Among
other allegations, the suit also
claims that some white
immigrant families are placed
in predominantly white
projects ahead of other
families on the waiting list.
In .a depasition for a
separate lawsuit that charges
discrimination at housing
projects in Williamsburg,
Brooklyn, one housing
August/September 1990 5
Unfair housing'
A I_sui, charges the New York City Housing Authority with
racial discrimination.
authority official conceded
that some projects were
described on internal docu-
ments as "phase II," meaning
vacant apartments were
eClrmarked for white appli-
cants. According to Newsday,
officials at the authority say
they halted any racial steering
practices in 1988, after
federal courts struck down the
use of racial quotas at the
subsidized Starrett City
housing complex in Brooklyn.
When asked about the use
of codes and other practices,
Coleman from the housing
authority says, "As to the
specific charges, I won' t
comment. Our legal brief is
being prepared and we' ll
respond adequately to
everything they charge."
The lawsuit was filed May
31 with little fanfare. Insiders
say this was because the
Legal Aid Society hoped to
meet with city and housing
authority officials and remedy
the complaints. However,
Phillip Thompson, director of
housing for Deputy Mayor
Barbara Fife, says Mayor
David Dinkins has not yet
taken a position on the
lawsuit. 'We' re waiting to
hear an opinion from our
lawyers," he says. "The mayor
has said many times that he' s
not in favor of racial steering.
The question is what the
housing authority is doing
now."
As City Limits goes to
press, the mayor has not yet
announced who he will
appoint to replace Joseph
Shuldiner as general manager
of the housing authority or
whether he will retain
Emanuel Popolizio as chair-
man. He also hasn' t an-
nounced who he will appoint
to the housing authority' s
board of directors. "He should
decide sometime this sum-
mer," says Thompson. 0 Lisa
Glazer
6 CITY LIMITS
PROFILE
Frances Taylor:
Confronting Contradictions
BY JEFF BLISS
FRANCES TAYLOR TELLS STORIES
without the distracting "ums" and
illogic of typical conversation,
as if she has gone over the
memories again and again in
her mind before speaking. Not
long ago she sat listening to a
group of gay third world men
and women discussing "the
masses" in the abstract. As a
recovering alcoholic, a woman
who had been on welfare for 27
years and at one time institu-
tionalized, Taylor figured she
had something to contribute to
the topic. "I raised my hand
and I said, 'I'm one of the masses,
and I'd like to tell you what it
feels like.' They thought I was
rude and disruptive.
"People were sitting there
with master's degrees and one
was a poor person who was in
the closet as a poor person. She
said, ' I don't wallow in my
poverty.' My feeling was, if we
can't reach a point where we
can talk about the pain of being
called crazy, the pain of being
poor ... that is part of the raison
d'etre for everything I do to-
day. "
In protest she formed a
group for welfare mothers on
campus and eventually joined the
office of then-council member Ruth
One of a new generation of
welfare-rights organizers, Tay-
Frances Taylor:
One of a new generation of welfare rights activists.
lor has become known for re-
lentlessly confronting govern-
ment officials and activists alike
with the brutal truths of being poor
in this country. By voicing these
truths, she's trying to bridge the
chasm that often exists between the
poor and their advocates, as well as
politicians, bureaucrats and educa-
tors.
So far, her tactics have often paid
off. While a student at Hunter Col-
lege in the mid-1980s, Taylor be-
came romantically involved with a
fellow student who was a welfare
mother of three. One day she was
astounded to find out that her lover
had to quit school because her oldest
child had turned six and the law
required her at this point to take a
government training program.
Messinger as an intern. Partly as a
result of Taylor'S work, rules were
changed and welfare mothers pursu-
ing two-year and four-year degrees
are not forced out of school now as
long as they meet several qualifica-
tions , including maintaining good
academic standing.
Today Taylor is a student at the
City University of New York (CUNY)
law school in Queens. She's a coor-
dinator of the city's Welfare Rights
Organization, the founder ofthe Law
Students Antipoverty Project at
CUNY and a board member of the
National Welfare Rights Union,
which was formed in 1987.
Messinger, now Manhattan bor-
ough president, says, "Frances Tay-
lor is a smart, dedicated activist
whose work has made a real differ-
ence for women on welfare in New
York. She's intense and demanding
but so are most of our best organiz-
ers."
Silent Minorities
Taylor as well as other welfare
rights activists have a broad idea
about what needs to be done.
"We are trying to break the iso-
lation of the poor, " she says.
Despite organizations like the
Coalition for the Homeless-in
fact, because of them-Taylor
feels poor people haven't been
heard on matters that affect them
the most. "It's time to see poor
people on TV, not Robert
Hayes ," she says of the
coalition' s omnipresent presi-
dent. More important, she says,
it's time for poor people to do
their own organizing, with ad-
vocates complementing, not
subordinating, the efforts of the
people they want to help.
For a long time Taylor kept
her impoverished background
to herself. Few people belong
to as many "silent minorities"-
people not heard of or heard
about. As a poor black Jew, she
grew up on welfare in Brooklyn
and later in Queens. The pub-
lic-assistance program provided
medical care but not enough
money for food. As a result,
Taylor and her sister received
their nutrition in a roundabout
way. Because they were so
hungry, the two children would
throw up bile, and their mother
would have to take them to the doc-
tor , who would diagnose their hun-
ger and give them vitamins. Later,
when Taylor was a teenager, her
family would disguise themselves
and furtively pick up surplus food at
the A&P.
Often welfare workers would come
to their apartment and ask if they
were hiding a man. The only man
occasionally home was Taylor's fa-
ther, and the only thing she and her
sister wanted to hide was the fact
that he was a drug addict.
Despite the hardships, "there were
beautiful times," too. Taylor recalls
her rabbi: "If you have never seen a
former black Baptist get up and do a
sermon with Hebrew and English
mixed together, and get the spirit
upon him, you have never seen
anything .. .1 knew it was strange, but
I grew up identifying with that
strangeness. "
Still the "deep despair" proved
overwhelming and Taylor was insti-
tutionalized in her late teens. Soon
after, she decided she was gay. Taylor
waited nine years before coming out
to her mother because "I figured I
didn't need any more trouble."
Eventually she began speaking
out-at civil rights demonstrations
and gay rights groups. At the same
time, she had gotten off welfare and
on to Social Security, and with the
monthly checks was able to afford
college. Through her work at Hunter
she was introduced to the major wel-
fare rights activists in the country,
poor women, for the most part,
women like Marian Kramer (now
president of the National Welfare
Rights Union) whom she had seen
protesting on television 20 years
earlier. Meeting these activists in-
spired Taylor to go to law school. "I
had met these welfare recipients and
they knew so much." Taylor also
wanted to know the ins and outs of
the Rube Goldberg bureaucracy and
become a "lawyer-activist."
Ambitions
To be sure, the women she learned
from had ambitions that were just as
great. Like Taylor, these women had
been stigmatized several times over,
but they had organized, chained
themselves to desks in welfare of-
fices and otherwise defied the bu-
reaucracy. It seemed at the begin-
ning of the 1960s that any chance at
reform was remote at best: The poor
in the northern urban ghettos were
facing the highest unemployment
since the Depression; impoverished
mothers had few, if any, child-care
alternatives; and only one-third of
the people eligible for assistance
received it.
Fortunately for the movement,
President Lyndon Johnson's War on
Poverty and the civil rights rrotests
had liberalized the politica atmos-
phere. With the help of government
money, grassroots welfare-rights
groups, poor-people advocates and
church organizations banded to-
gether in 1966 to form the National
Welfare Rights Organization
(NWRO).
Never before had poor women
organized so publicly on a national
level. Guida West, director of policy
for the Federation of Protestant
Welfare Agencies, has written exten-
sively about the welfare rights effort.
She recalls the newly politicized
women for whom "a big part of the
It's time for
poor people
to do their own
. .
organlzlng,
says Taylor.
movement was an education ... you
had to learn to write, you had to
learn how to speak, you had to learn
how to organize. " In some basic
ways the movement succeeded: By
1969 the number of people on the
welfare rolls had doubled, which
West believes is partially due to the
NWRO. At its peak in the early 1970s,
the group claimed 100,000 members.
But victory seemed to dissipate
the movement's energy rather than
focus it. Members stopped coming
to meetings, satisfied with their small
gains; a fight broke out over control
of the organization and the group
was set back further when Richard
Nixon became president and cut back
on government funds to seed welfare
organizations. What was left of the
NWRO collapsed in 1975.
Unfnished Business
The group has left plenty of un fin-
ished business. Taylor says that the
level of assistance in many welfare
programs has not been regularly
adjusted for cost-of-living increases.
That coupled with high rents, she
feels, has contributed to New York' s
homeless population that could fill
Yankee Stadium. As before, women
and children are first among victims.
Nationally, six out of 10 newborns
will spend some time in single-par-
ent households, most of which are
run by women. Two-thirds of fe-
male-headed families now are on
some type of assistance, so if basic
August/September 1 ~ 7
changes aren't made, a substantial
part of the next generation may be on
welfare at some point. Looking ahead,
activists say continuing attempts at
welfare reform remain piecemeal and
a national tragedy is unfolding out of
an existing tragedy.
Now people like Taylor are again
trying to build up networks of re-
gional organizations and coalitions.
With the Antipoverty Law Project,
Taylor has been involved with three
conferences at CUNY, one of them
sponsored by the group. The meet-
ings included some tense but often
rewarding discussions between a
wide variety of individuals: home-
less men from Tompkins Square Park,
legal advocates, welfare recipients
and academics.
Taylor admits organizing isn't
easy-even on a campus known for
its left-leaning advocacy. Most poor
students "want to get in and get out."
Her lack of diplomacy, too, has also
gotten her into trouble several times
with even close allies. Her problem,
she says, is that when she perceives
" contradictions "-homophobia
among blacks, sexism and classism
in the gay rights movements-she
can't keep her mouth shut. "While
there are voices in my left ear telling
me to be quiet , there are voices in my
right ear telling me what I must speak,
she says, "because you have to speak
about what you see." 0
Jeff Bliss is an assistant editor at the
Staten Island Advance.
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8 CITY LIMITS
LIFE UNDER THE NEW CHARTER:
A COMMUNITY PERSPECTIVE
A conference on how communities will be affected by the new City Charter.
Sponsored by New York Lawyers for the Public Interest, Inc., in association with
The Review of Law and Social Change of the NYU School of Law.
Last November, a slim majority of voters approved the Charter referendum, forever
changing the way New York City is governed. Whether the revised Charter meets the
promises of greater public participation and more responsive government remains to
be seen. Nevertheless New York City's communities must learn how government
processes have changed with respect to such critical issues as land use, zoning and
the provision of City services.
SATURDA Y, SEPTEMBER 15, 1990
New York University School of Law
40 Washington Square South
10:15 a.m. - 6:00 p.m.
$10 Registration Fee:
Scholarships Available for Low Income Individuals
For more information contact:
Sam Sue or Eddie Bautista at
(212) 777-7707
PIPELINE
Built to Last?
BY JEFFREY HOFF
FIFTY YEARS AGO, SUBSIDIZED
housing for working-class families
meant public housing projects. The
sturdy brick buildings then rising on
the Lower East Side and in Brooklyn
offered a haven from the rickety and
dangerous tenements where so many
working-class families lived.
Following World War II, public
policy shifted and young, working
families were lured to new suburban
developments with federally subsi-
dized mortgages. A single-family
home with a back yard and barbecue
became affordable for many moder-
ate income households.
Now, with virtually no federal
dollars for public housing available,
the back yard and barbecue is taking
its place in the city's own 10-year
housing plan. A big chunk of the new
publicly subsidized housing being
developed in the city for moderate
and middle income families is small
homes. The New York City Partner-
ship has completed about 2,000 one,
two- and three-family homes and may
ultimately build a total of 22,000
units. The sponsors of Nehemiah-
plan single-family homes have built
1,150 in East New York, 750 in
Brownsville and 400 more are under
construction. Some housing advo-
cates argue that the move towards
small, owner-occupied homes in the
city offers an array of advantages:
human scale development , the pride
of homeownership, and quick and
cheap construction.
Anybody Watching?
Even as these new home are rising
in neighborhoods from East New York
in Brooklyn to Sound view in the
Bronx, critics are questioning
whether suburban-style housing
really is best for the city and whether
these new homes are built to last.
The latter question is of particular
importance to the families plunking
down their life savings to buy one of
these homes. By one measure, there
doesn't appear to be any serious
problems.
A 1989 state law established a
warranty on the sale of all new homes ,
providing the homeowner with lev-
August/September 1990 9
How-to lor homeowners:
Willie Morris outside the Nehemiah houses in East Brooklyn. Morris videotapes repair
techniques and show the tapes to homeowners.
erage to demand repairs from build-
ers. The warranty automatically
covers claims against con,struction
defects for one year; heating, plumb-
ing, ventilation, cooling and electri-
cal systems for two years; and other
materials for six years. According to
the state attorney general's office,
there have been no claims mediated
by state attorneys under this law
against the builders of Nehemiah or
partnership homes.
Conversations with homeowners
in both Nehemiah and partnership
developments reveal general satis-
faction. However, a recent article
called East Brooklyn Congregations '
Nehemiah homes "a dream turned
nightmare." But the article pointed
to a relatively modest 29 complaints,
the most serious of which were wa-
ter seeping into basements, sewage
backups and foundation cracks that
need patching-nothing particularly
unusual in the world of homebuild-
ing. Still. these and other problems
exist. And although the two biggest
new home programs have been
around for some time, no in-depth
study of construction quality exists.
Basically all that is available is anec-
dotal information.
A special concern with both Ne-
hemiah homes. which sell to fami-
lies earning an average of $31,000,
and at the partnership. which sells
houses with greater subsidies to
families of somewhat higher incomes,
is that most purchasers have no
experience in homeownership. Wil-
lie Morris, who heads the Action
Maintenance Team of the Nehemiah
homeowners association. notes that
he often gets calls from new home-
owners who don't know how to drain
their water heaters, which must be
done every few months.
Kathy Wylde, vice president of
the partnership, agrees that her or-
ganization must also become more
involved in assisting the new home-
owners. "We have to make people
more informed buyers and then give
them a phone number to call as prob-
lems arise. Either the community
development grour or the builder, a
city agency or loca hardware store."
Flash-off
The Nehemiah project is an oasis
of neighborhood warmth surrounded
by ominous blocks of abandoned
shells and run-dpwn public housing
projects. On sunny days the streets
buzz with people tending stretches
of green lawns. washing their cars
and children at play. Nearly every
home has a special flair out front: an
1 0 CITY LIMITS
array of flowers or enlarged entrance-
way-easing the monotony of the
uniformly designed houses.
When the flashing blew off the
roof of Michael Cacerras' home and
that of his neighbors a few years after
moving in, repairs were quickly made
by the builder. "They came by and
put it back in," he says.
Alvino Williams, president of the
Powell Street block association, says
I.D. Robbins, the former private
market developer and City Club
president who conceived Nehemiah,
"is here every day." Williams, who
seems to get a smile and a wave
from everyone on his street, says he
feels very comfortable bringing his
neighbors' complaints directly to
Robbins.
If anyone has a construction prob-
lem homeowner association mem-
ber Willie Morris is their advocate
before the builder. Although he gets
calls from time to time, Morris says,
"I don't have anyone on my list now."
Owners receive a two-year warranty
for $100 at their closing. The war-
ranty insures the homeowners against
defects in their new homes. If repairs
are not needed over the two years the
money had been returned. Some
homeowners have donated their re-
fund to the local public library, but
in the future the funds will not be
returned so that the money may be
used as an insurance fund for future
repairs.
It is difficult to measure the over-
all 'construction quality of partner-
ship projects because each is con-
tracted separately, so there have been
many different builders involved.
Discussions with homeowner asso-
ciation members in a number of
projects reveal some who are rather
pleased with their homes while a
minority say they are suffering se-
vere problems. Kathy Wylde of the
agrees four or
five proJects, compnsmg some 10
percent of all the homes built under
the partnership's supervision, have
construction problems.
Busted Builder
One such project is Leland Gar-
dens, a townhouse development
tucked south of the Bruckner Expres-
sway in the Soundview section of
the Bronx. The reasonably attractive
three-story, two-family homes are
beset by problems-and the builder
of the concrete modular homes, a
partnership of Sidney Engel and Ray
Mariani, is out of business.
Since they began to occupy the
104 units in the first phase of Leland
Gardens in late 1988, homeowners
have encountered severe problems
because of leaks between the roof
and the walls and condensation in
the walls. Puddles collect at the base
of the outside walls damaging sheet-
rock, insulation, carpets and paint-
jobs. In addition, quite a few owners
have complaints outstanding on their
punch lists, which are made at the
time of sale to identify construction
problems the buyer expects the
builder to fix.
"A lot of homeowners are very
negative toward the builder, they feel
they took the money and ran," says
Raoul Lopez, a member of the home-
owners association. It was not until
months ofletter writing to the builder,
the partnership and local politicians
that the homeowners got a meeting
with the builder and the partnership
to discuss the problems. The home-
owners hired an engineer to prepare
a report describing the extent and
cause of damages. Lopez says it is
still not clear how the interior dam-
age caused by the leaks will be re-
paired and who will pay for it.
Wylde says that the builder will
pay all the costs of installing new
roofs and repair the damaged walls.
She contends that the problems at
Leland Gardens are worse than those
at almost all other sites, although she
points to significant problems with
water damage at the Crotona Park
and Tiffany Fox projects in the Bronx
as well as at the New Horizons proj-
ect in Brooklyn.
Wylde attributes the problems to
poor engineering rather than poor
construction and says the needed
corrections have been made.
"We have worked very hard to
deal with builders who have more to
lose by not being responsive and
who have deep enough pockets to
take care of the finishing operations,"
Wylde says, adding that most build-
ers still come back to make repairs
two to three years after a project is
completed.
Still, the picture is not clear. Rex
Curry of the Pratt Institute Center for
Community and Environmental De-
velopment, says housing advocates
and city officials who promote these
programs must take a greater role in
assisting the new owners. "We have
a responsibility to the families we
are subsidizing because we have
created this." He suggests that fol-
low-up studies be required at all of
these projects to determine how well
this new housing will stand over
time. 0
Jeffrey Hoff is a freelance writer.
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August/September 1990 11
12 CITY UMITS
FEATURE
IS
BIGGER
STILL
BETTER?
The 1980s are over,. austerity is in. But splashy public plans like
those for Hunters Point and Times Square are still moving ahead.
BY DOUG TURETSKY
T
hroughout much of the 1980s, New York was a
city on the make. A countless number of deals
went down, and in their wake a seemingly end-
less number of office towers and luxury condos
went up.
Much of this high-priced development activity was
driven by city policies, which offered a panoply of
incentives to developers. Government officials prom-
ised that this frenzied development would reap huge
sums for the city's coffers as well as a wealth of new jobs.
New York was destined for an era of good and plenty.
So what happened? The 1990s have been ushered in
by a wave of austerity as the Dinkins administration and
the City Council have been forced to raise taxes and slash
services. But even as this new reality begins to take hold,
two ofthe largest development projects conceived in the
go-go years of the 1980s are poised to begin construction:
the $2.3 billion Hunters Point waterfront development
in Queens and the $2.5 billion 42nd Street redevelop-
ment project in Manhattan. True to form, both of these
projects, under the tutelage of city and state agencies, are
replete with tax abatements and zoning bonuses in
return for a promised bonanza of jobs and revenues.
To be sure, both property tax revenues and the num-
ber of jobs in the city climbed during the 1980s. And
some of this growth is certainly connected to the surge
of development. Real estate tax revenue grew from $3.2
billion in Fiscal Year 1980 to $6.5 billion in FY90. But
according to New York Uni versity economist Emmanuel
Tobier, much of this growth came from rises in assess-
ments and tax rates, not new development. That's be-
cause most ofthe new condos and office towers received
so many tax abatements that it will be years before they
really contribute to the city's tax revenues, explains
Penelope Pi-Sunyer of Alterbudget.
A recent report by the city's Department of Finance
details just how big a chunk of development revenue the
city is currently foregoing. For example, under the 421a
tax abatement program for new apartment construction,
the city lost out on a possible $176.9 million in the last
fiscal year alone. The city's Industrial and Commercial
Incentives Program (ICIP) racked up tax breaks of $59.3
million in Fiscal Year 1990. A similar program, the
Industrial and Commercial Incentives Board, cost an-
other $48.9 million last year.
While waiting for these tax breaks to expire-a period
sometimes as long as 25 years-the city must pay for the
public services new development often requires and
absorb other impacts like increased pollution or more
crowded streets and subways. In light of such facts, it
may well be time to take another look at the promised
benefits of such mega-development proposals as the
ones for Hunters Point and 42nd Street.
Metropolis Rising
On a scruffy stretch of Queens waterfront boasting a
commanding view of the mid-Manhattan skyline, city
and state officials hope to create one of the largest
developments in New York's history. The Hunters Point
waterfront project would turn some 75 acres into a
mammoth commercial and residential project contain-
ing 6,400 apartments, two million square feet of office
space, a 350-room hotel, parking for 5,600 cars and more
than a mile of public esplanade along the East River.
This glittering new mini-city would sit in stark con-
trast to present-day Hunters Point. An aggressively blue-
collar neighborhood where tractor trailers rumble down
the streets and small manufacturing plants and ware-
houses dominate most blocks, some might consider
Hunters Point a neighborhood in decline.
Nothing could be farther from the truth. For more than
a century, Hunters Point and neighboring Long Island
City have been
thriving manufac-
turing communi-
ties. Even as the
city as a whole has
lost some 200,000
man ufacturing
jobs since 1979,
Hunters Point and
Long Island City
have continued to
flourish. The
1,300 industrial
firms in the area
employ 56,000
people-one-third
of Queens' blue-
collar jobs.
Critics charge
that the waterfront
plan is the catalyst
for changes that
could completely
al ter the neighbor-
hood. Real estate
speculation and conversion of manufacturing space to
office space, which is already occurring on a large scale,
could drive prices beyond the reach ofindustrial compa-
nies, forcing them out of the city.
It's a process that Assemblyman Jerrold Nadler, a
longtime critic of the project, calls "industrial gentrifica-
tion." Similar to residential gentrification in which
African-Americans and Latinos are often the victims,
the loss of blue-collar jobs falls most heavily on minori-
ties for whom industrial work has often been a source of
relatively well-paid employment. "In one case you lose
your home, in another your job," says Nadler.
But some may also lose their homes. Roughly 2,100
households are nestled among the communities facto-
ries and warehouses. Public Development Corporation
president Carl Weisbrod acknowledged at a meeting of
the City Council's waterfront committee that one-third
of these households are at risk of displacement as land-
lords near the project site try to cash in on the gentrifi-
cation of the neighborhood.
Partners
Along with PDC, the Hunters Point waterfront project
is sponsored by the state's Urban Development Corpora-
tion and the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey.
The agencies promise a plan that will open the water-
front to the public, bring $300 million in revenues to the
city over the next 25 years and foster some 9,000 perma-
nent jobs. The plan, which has already received City
Planning Commission approval, is scheduled for a Board
of Estimate vote in August.
Some of the biggest names in real estate development
and finance are angling for rights to a piece of the
waterfront action. One group includes developer Wil-
liam Zeckendorf Jr., real estate management honcho
Martin Raynes, co-op converter Arthur Cohen, former
Federal Reserve chairman Paul Volker and former City
Planning Commission chairman Herbert Sturz.
August/September 1990 13
To lay the
groundwork for
the development,
the Port Authority
is committed to in-
vesting $125 mil-
lion into the proj-
ect and the city,
through the PDC,
another $30 mil-
lion. In addition,
the project in-
cludes substantial
tax abatements
under the city's
421a program and
Industrial and
Commercial In-
centive Program.
But Council
................ ~ Member Walter
~ McCaffrey, a vocif-
~ erous critic of the
~ plan whose dis-
trict includes
Hunters Point, questions how much the project will
really cost public coffers. The new residents, estimated
to number as many as 13,500, will require police and fire
protection and sanitation services. Mass transportation
in the area is already overburdened and requires expan-
sion. And although the plan calls for the developer
building a school, the Board of Education will have to
operate it. All this costs the city.
At a hearing of Council Member Stephen DiBrienza's
waterfront committee, Weisbrod admitted public costs
could exceed the $155 million budgeted. Agency offi-
cials are already anticipating the passage this November
of the state Environmental Quality Bond Act and plan to
request funds for the 19 acres of open space that are part
of the proposal.
Other costs to the city are also not resoived. The plan
calls for the Pepsi Cola Bottling Company and its 600
jobs to move to College Point, but it remains unclear how
much the city will contribute to the relocation. An
article in Newsdayrevealed that the waterfront site may
also suffer from a heavy dose of industrial pollution.
Who'll get the tab for the potential clean-up is also
unclear.
Even "little" costs can creep in. City Limits has learned
that on June 26 PDC agreed to kick in another $150,000.
The money comes from revenues the agency keeps from
its sale of city-owned land.
Despite these costs, the public sponsors of the plan
insist the balance sheet will favor the city. "We're going
to put much more into the city's coffers than we take
out," says PDC vice president Lee Silberstein.
Others are not so sure the Hunters Point waterfront
plan tips the balance sheet as sound public policy. In a
critique of the development's Draft Environmental Impact
Statement, the Hunters Point Community Coalition asks,
"In a time of fiscal constraint and an affordable housing
crisis, why is government spending hundreds of mil-
lions of dollars to stimulate the development essentially
14 CITY LIMITS
of luxury housing?" And the development's toll-along
with such private projects as the mammoth Citicorp
tower on the eastern edge of Hunters Point and other
commercial projects planned or recently completed-
on the area's blue-collar jobs could be heavy.
The city has spent considerable funds to aid the
manufacturing businesses in the area-much ofit through
PDC and its in-place industrial park program-and floated
industrial revenue bonds to help some 80 Long Island
City companies. But the waterfront plan, the city's ear-
lier approval of the Citicorp tower and other public and
private developments under consideration may under-
mine those investments.
City Limits has obtained a draft summary of a 1990
report prepared for PDC by the consulting firm of Abeles
Phillips Preiss & Shapiro that warns of potential threats
to the blue-collar economy from residential and com-
mercial development. According to the report three-
quarters of the companies in the area rent their space,
putting them at risk of development-inspired real estate
speculation. Business owners recognizing the transition
of the neighborhood may decide that "long-term capital
investments in industrial plants [are) not worthwhile
anymore. "
Everyone agrees that the Hunters Point waterfront,
much of it laying fallow, is a sorely underutilized area
crying out for redevelopment. But project opponents
like attorney and
Municipal Art So-
ciety board mem-
ber Phillip How-
ard, who has been
hired to represent
the community
coalition, argue
that it's simply too
big. And it's this
bigness that multi-
plies the costs and
overw helms the
public benefits.
Says McCaffrey,
"This project has
been around for a
long time. It has
aged but it has not
matured."
Times Square
Perhaps no
Troubled woters:
plan calls for bulldozing a huge chunk of a 13-acre
swathe of land stretching from 40th to 43rd streets
between Broadway and Eighth Avenue. On the site are
supposed to rise four mammoth towers containing a
total of 4.1 million square feet of office space, a 20-story
wholesale furniture mart and a 750-room hotel. The
plan, whi ch is sponsored by UDC and PDC, also calls for
the restoration of nine theaters on 42nd Street and some
$127 million in improvements to the Times Square
subway station.
Public officials conceived the project as a means to
"clean-up" 42nd Street, for decades a tawdry strip in the
heart of midtown Manhattan. The new development
would demolish the porn shops and, by the weight ofthe
thousands of new people it would bring to the area, force
the drug dealers, hustlers, prostitutes, and derelicts off
the street. To succeed the project had to be huge and,
proponents argued, all the pieces had to go forward
together.
But plans for the mart and hotel have stumbled, so
public development officials are preparing to let Times
Square Center Associates, a partnership between George
Klein and Prudential Insurance Company of America,
build the office towers without the other pieces of the
project in place. To make way for the towers , some 200
businesses will be displaced. Few of them are porn
shops.
While Peepland,
the largest porno
shop on the block
will continue to
roll its triple X fea-
tures, the plush
building at 1451
Broadway, owned
and occupied by
Rosenthal &
Rosenthal, a finan-
cial institution,
will meet the
wrecking ball.
Also slated for
demolition is
Times Square Stu-
dios at 1481
Broadway, the
largest Hispanic-
owned independ-
ent TV studio in
the country.
project has been
more widely dis-
cussed and hotly
debated than the
A mini-city is planned for this Queens waterfront.
When Rebecca
Robertson, the
president of the
city and state proposal to redevelop 42nd Street. Still,
six years after the Board of Estimate approved the plan
and an avalanche of lawsuits failed to derail it, many
questions about the project remain. Disagreements con-
tinue to rage over how deeply the city is subsidizing the
project as well as the more fundamental issue of whether
the massive redevelopment scheme is even necessary.
The 42nd Street Development Project is the largest
urban renewal effort initiated in the state's history. The
42nd Street Devel-
opment Project, a subsidiary of UDC, talks about the
plan, it's not office towers she envisions. Robertson
speaks animatedly about turning 42nd Street into a
thriving entertainment strip, with bright lights flashing
above newly renovated theaters and tourists and New
Yorkers alike flocking to the area. " It will be like a
constant 24-hour fair," she says.
But Columbia University planning professor Elliot
Sclar argues that for many lower income New Yorkers,
the movie theaters and fast food restaurants in the area
already provide a viable entertainment strip. "She
[Robertson] wants
an entertainment
district for nice
people. Let's put it
that way," says
Sclar, who believes
the idea behind the
plan is to rid the
street of cheap res-
taurants and stores
as much as crime
and porn.
Cleaned Out?
Times Square futures:
August/September 1990 15
Other elements ofthe public benefits from the project
are also dubious. According to Leichter's office, the city
will pay more than
half of the renova-
tion costs of the
Times Square sub-
way station. While
the developers will
spend $49 million,
the city and transit
authority will kick
in more than $80
million and cover
any cost overruns.
What will this
money buy? A mez-
zanine and shop-
ping arcade that
will connect the
four office build-
ings, move the sub-
way entrances in-
side the towers and
change the location
of the shuttle.
Critics like Lori-
jean Saigh, an ac-
ti vist and Hell's
Kitchen resident,
charge that about
the only thing the
construction of the
office towers will
clean out is the
city's coffers. Rob-
ertson insists the
project will eventu-
ally reap $250 mil-
Redevelopment boss Rebecca Robertson and the model lor the new 42nd Street.
Show Time?
Even plans for
lion a year in property taxes.
Nonsense charges West Side State Senator Franz
Leichter, a staunch opponent ofthe project who calls it
a billion dollar giveaway. According to an analysis by
Leichter's staff of the 7,000 page lease agreement be-
tween the public sponsors and the office tower develop-
ers, the city will actually owe the developers more
money after 23 years than the city takes in. The primary
reason: The agreement calls for the developers to pay
$88 million of the acquisition costs for the site and then
lend the city any additional money required. The city
will pay Times Square Center Associates interest on this
loan of one percent above prime rate, even though the
city routinely borrows money itself at below prime rate.
Leichter charges that the loan repayment combined with
other benefits, including a massive zoning bonus for the
towers, amounts to more than a $1.5 billion boon for the
developers.
Asked about the Leichter analysis, Robertson referred
City Limits to a paper prepared for Community Board 5
by former project president Carl Weisbrod (now head of
PDC). The paper, written in February 1989, claims that
Leichter's analysis is based on wildly inflated costs to
purchase the land. Leichter based his analysis on the
city borrowing $100 million from the developers , but
Weisbrod wrote the figure was unlikely to go beyond $73
million.
Time has proven Leichter correct. Last April , the
mayor and governor touted the state court decision
paving the way for UDC to take title to the land. What
they didn't mention was that the judge's decision pegged
the acquisition costs at $241 million-meaning the city
would be repaying a loan of $153 million, substantially
more than even Leichter estimated.
the theater restora-
tion, another of the driving public purposes ofthe proj-
ect, remain unclear. Times Square Center Associates
will pay the acquisition costs for six theaters and fund
the renovation of one. The Neederlander Organization,
the second largest theater operator on Broadway, will
renovate and operate two theaters.
But funding for the renovation of the other theaters
and who will operate them has not yet been decided.
Although the project sponsors have had 44 proposals for
about a year, none have been chosen, leading some
critics to surmise the city will ultimately have to foot the
bill.
Ironically, some of the public benefits from the the
planned redevelopment have occurred before a single
girder has risen on 42nd Street. Office towers and hotels
are springing up on all sides of Times Square, bringing
many of the same people to the area the 42nd Street
planners hoped to attract. The Durst Organization pur-
chased the leases for eight of the theaters on 42nd Street
and pumped $7 million into their renovation as movie
houses, according to Douglas Durst. These theaters,
which the project sponsors intend to condemn, show the
same kind of first-run Hollywood films you're likely to
find in any neighborhood.
Nonetheless, 42nd Street is still an undisputed center
of sleaze, where a woman walking alone is a sure target
for harassment. Less clear is how four highly-subsidized
office towers will effectively change that.
Just three blocks north, the Marriott Hotel towers over
Broadway. Built with millions of dollars of public sub-
sidies, it was supposed to clean up the street. But half a
block from the high-priced hotel, the lights sparkle and
business apparently booms at the New Paris Theater,
which promises "girls, girls, girls." 0
16 CITY UMITS
FEATURE
INTEGRATION
BY LISA GLAZER
N
ew York City
today is home
to 7 million
people from
every corner of
the globe. Dividedinto
the broadest, most
clumsy categories of
race, the ci ty is approxi-
mately 46 percent
white, 24 percent
b l a c ~ , 23 percent His-
pamc and 7 percent
Asian. On the streets,
in subways and at
workplaces, people
from immensely varied
Myth
and
Reality
Hispanics mixed and
the intertwining influ-
ences of race and class
created complex and
ambiguous results. In
general terms, when
whites moved into pre-
dominantly black or
Hispanic neighbor-
hoods, this led to gen-
trification and dis-
placement. When
blacks moved into
white neighborhoods,
unscrupulous real es-
tate agents and block-
busters often followed
close behind, fueling
An enormous variety of New Yorkers
mingle on the streets, in subways
and at work. But New York remains
one of the 10 most segregated
cities in the nation.
backgrounds mingle
freely. And at City Hall, New York's first black mayor,
David Dinkins, has assembled a staff that seems to
mirror the diversity of the city.
Still, for all the talk of unity and harmr;my, New York's
neighborhoods are very divided. Interpretations of cen-
sus statistics for the last two decades show that segrega-
tion levels in New York have barely changed since the
days of legal discrimination. The most recent Housing
and Vacancy Survey divides the city into 54 areas,
which roughl y follow neighborhood lines. N earl y half of
these areas remain very homogeneous, with at least 75
percent of their residents from one racial group. And
New York is one of the 10 most segregated cities in the
nation, according to the academic journal Demography.
Segregation is easy to oppose when it's imposed by
steering from realtors, exclusionary zoning or the brute
force of violence in neighborhoods like Howard Beach
and Bensonhurst. Yet the alternative to segregation-in-
tegration-appears difficult to achieve, maintain or en-
force. And it's hardly a concert that's uniformly em-
braced. After all, generations 0 immigrants have clus-
tered together in neighborhoods, providing each other
with support services and political clout. The National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People
brought legal challenges that led to integration in shops
and schools, but there's also a lengthy tradition of black
nationalism that eschews integration as an attempt to
try to dilute the strength of the black com-
munity.
In the past 20 years, idealistic attempts to promote in-
tegration have tapered off as whites, blacks, Asians and
white flight and disin-
vestment by banks and
declining services from city agencies.
Not surprisingly, many advocates nowadays are openly
cynical about some of the lofty notions that accompany
integration. "In the 1 960s the tone was blacks and whites
living together, isn't it lovely," recalls Phyllis Spiro, as-
sociate director ofthe Open Housing Center. "But in all
my years here, the main reason people have come to us
is because they want better housing, better services and
better schools."
When New York neighborhoods underwent dramatic
changes in the 1 970s, residents from a variety of neigh-
borhoods formed organizations to try and stop their
blocks from being swallowed up by a growing wave of
blight. Particularly in middle-class white neighbor-
hoods , these groups walked a delicate line, attempting to
stem white flight and protect the property values of
existing residents while also welcoming new arrivals,
many of them black and Hispanic. By working together
to ensure the neighborhood had better housing, services
and schools, some of these groups helped establish rela-
tively stable neighborhoods with a mix of races and
classes-and even changed a few attitudes along the
way.
But even in these neighborhoods, integration remains
elusive. Areas that appear integrated may, upon closer
inspection, still have pockets of segregation and the
original residents may still retain local control. Or areas
that appear very mixed may still harbor lingering racism
towards blacks, who remain the most highly segregated
group in American society, regardless of income. When
integration seems to have taken place, it's only through
concerted efforts by individuals as well as institutions:
community groups, schools, churches, synagogues and
mosques. Even then, integration may still be little more
than a transitional phase.
Here' s a closer look at three neighborhoods that are
often described as among the city's most integrated.
Flatbush
With a mix of apartment houses , small homes and
luxurious Victorian mansions on wide, tree-lined streets,
the Flatbush neighborhood nurtured the mythology of
"old Brooklyn:" borough of churches, home of the Dodg-
ers and a solid base for scores of Irish, German and
Italian immigrants scrabbling to establish themselves in
the city's middle class.
These days, most of Flatbush's white population ap-
pears securely ensconced in the upper reaches of the
middle class. But
there are still legions
of newcomers strug-
gling to get ahead:
mostly Caribbeans,
South Americans and
Southeast Asians .
With sprawling
boundaries that edge
beyond Coney Island,
Foster, Bedford and
Parkside avenues,
Flatbush's population
is very mixed: 46.9
percent white, 39.1
percent black, 5 per-
cent Puerto Rican, 3.5
Asian and 5.6 percent
others, according to
the 1987 Housing and
Vacancy Survey.
Ten.e time.:
August/September 1990 17
Ditmas Park West and Prospect Park South, to name a
few. Some ofthese areas are designated as historic land-
mark districts and include ornately detailed Victorian
and Tudor mansions.
Local residents say that although the mini-communi-
ties remain predominantly white, they're also home to
more than a handful of upper middle-class blacks, Asians
and Hispanics. Among the residents ofDitmas Park West
is Dith Pran, the Cambodian whose life was featured in
the movie "The Killing Fields." He says, "This is a
middle class neighborhood. Many different people live
here. It's very beautiful, with lots of trees, gardens and
green grass. We have our own private security system."
Further east, across Ocean Avenue, the neighborhood
changes and is mostly apartment buildings and small
row houses. Roberto Lozano, 30, lives with his family in
a crowded apartment building at 525 East 21st Street.
"This neighborhood is
better than where I
used to live in East
New York," he says.
"There are some
rowdy young people,
there's a lot of tension,
but that ' s how it is
everywhere. Lozano
lives in a building that
is mostl y Panamanian,
but says his block is
primarily Jamaican.
Alvin Berk, chair-
man of Community
Board 14 and a life-
long resident of the
The boycott 01 0 Korean grocery in F'otbu.h expo.ed .ome 01 the 'otent
ten.ion in the neighborhood
The differences in
the community reflect
broader divisions in
Brooklyn. Flatbush
lies in between the pre-
dominantly black
communities of Cen-
tral Brooklyn-Crown
Heights, Bedford-
Stuyvesant and Ocean
Hill-Brownsville-
and the predomi-
neighborhood, says, "Flatbush is a very complex and
heterogeneous community. I'm not saying it's heaven
here but I truly think people move into Flatbush because
of it's diversity. We're probably more effectively inte-
grated than most places in the city. "
There's no question that Flatbush today is extremely
diverse. But whether the vastly different races, classes
and nationalities are able to traverse their differences re-
mains an open question. The boycotting of a Korean gro-
cery by a coalition of blacks has highlighted some ofthe
latent tension in the area. Upon closer inspection, some
residents say Flatbush is more like two communities
than one. "There's some interaction ... but not a lot. Ac-
tually, I see a sort of gulf," says Edward Powell , a found-
ing member ofUMMA. UMMA operates a neighborhood
patrol as well as youth and senior activities, and is
named after the Arabic word for community.
The dichotomy in Flatbush is partly based on the
differences in housing. Towards the western part of the
neighborhood are a cluster of unique planned communi-
ties from the turn of the century: Beverly Square West ,
nantly white southern neighborhoods of Borough Park,
Midwood and Flatlands.
Fifteen years ago, when much of Brooklyn was in flux,
Flatbush was seen as the front line for stopping the
spread of arson, abandonment, white flight and disin-
vestment. Alarmed by the transformations going on in
their midst, a group of white homeowners formed the
Flatbush Development Corporation (FDC) in 1975.
Started by volunteers, FDC received support from
major institututions. Early funding came from the Ford
Foundation and shortly afterwards Citibank chose the
area for a pilot project in neighborhood stabilization.
The organization also facilitated numerous loans through
the city' s Participation Loan Program for renovation of
apartment houses. Additionally, the organization has
strong political connections: state Assembly speaker
Mel Miller lives in the area and is a founding member of
FDC. Anthony Gliedman, a former city housing commis-
sioner, is also a resident and an FDC supporter.
Over the years, FDC has expanded and today it has a
large staff, providing afterschool and evening programs
1 8 CITY LIMITS
at local schools, adolescent community services and
employment programs and refugee services. They also
work with merchants and develop and rehabilitate low
income housing, among numerous other activities.
The most skeptical observer might note that FDC was
able to grow and flourish because local and city officials
had a vested interest in ensuring the area remained
predominantly white and middle class. But FDC mem-
bers say economic and racial integration was one oftheir
earliest goals. As Ella Weiss, vice president of FDC's
board of directors, puts it, "Our concerns stretched to
cover the private homes and the apartment buildings.
We wanted to have an integrated neighborhood ... and we
have an integrated neighborhood. Some sections are
more integrated than others. There are pockets. But
there's a total sense in the community-in the schools
and the shopping areas-that there's integration."
One easy measure of community integration is the
mix oflocalleadershi p. By that measure, Flatbush
still has a way to go. Most elected officials from
the area are white homeowners. The community
board is only starting to reflect the composition
of the neighborhood. And 13 of FDC's 14 board
members are white homeowners. When asked
about this disparity, Weiss says that in the past
15 years, the board has had 34 white and 11
minority board members, some ofthem tenants.
She adds that FDC's staff is racially mixed.
Still, Gail Smith, the sole tenant and only
black on the board, says, "In the past I've heard
the perception that FDC board members are
homeowners and are not really concerned about
the apartment dwellers." Does this perception
still exist? "Yes," she says. "It's the truth. Those
feelings are still there and they'll be there until
we can get a balance on the board that reflects the
community. This is an issue we have to deal
with."
Basically the people were Irish, German, Italian and
Jewish. Today it's a multi-ethnic community. I use my
block as a guide: it's still predominantly white but we
have an Indian family, three or four Korean families and
some Peruvians. It really is a mini-United Nations."
Statistics from the city's Housing and Vacancy Survey
only give a broadbrush sense of the mix in the commu-
nity: 56.9 percent white, 15.5 percent black, 10.6 per-
cent Puerto Rican, 8.1 percent Asian and 9 percent
others. Local residents say that the new census figures
may show that the white community has continued to
decrease, while the Hispanic and Asian communities
have climbed. When describing the area's residents,
they get down to specifics: Cubans, Colombians, Do-
minicans, Koreans, Indians, Argentinians, Russians-
and that's just the beginning.
Located just south of LaGuardia airport, Jackson
Heights is bounded by Roosevelt Avenue, Junction
Boulevard and 69th
Street. One of the first
planned communities
in the United States,
the neighborhood has
scores of statel y co-ops
as well as small homes
and apartment build-
ings. The housing mix
reflects the area's in-
come range, which
runs the gamut from
very poor immigrants
to well-paid business
executives.
For the broader community, one of the most
difficult issues to deal with recently has been the
boycott on Church Avenue. Although they didn't Cross-cultural communication:
In the 1970s the
neighborhood experi-
enced white flight but
a sizeable number of
residents stayed be-
cause of their ties to
the community and
the quali ty of the hous-
ing. As the area has
become increasingly
diverse, local institu-
tions have been cre-
ated to meet new
get much media attention or lead to resolution,
numerous community groups did try to mediate
After a simmering dispute betw'een the
Jacicson Heights Beautification Group and
Indian merchants on 74th Street, Abraham
Mammen from the Delhi Palace ;oined the
board of the beautification group.
the conflict. UMMA held a town meeting at
Erasmus High School. The Church Avenue
Merchants Block Association held monthly
meetings. Even the community board and local politi-
cians initiated discussions. What about FDC? "We
participated in meetings, but we weren't on the front
line, " says Weiss. "That's not our role. The main thing
we're doing is programmatically reaching out. We have
programs for the disadvantaged, no matter what their
racial make-up."
Jackson Heights
Jackson Heights is home to a dizzying array of races
and nationalities. This diversity is most clearly re-
flected in the range of foods available: everything from
empenadas to bagels to curry to tempurah can be bought
from the mom-and-pop establishments that line the
streets of this northern Queens neighborhood.
Mary Sarro, district manager of the local community
board says, "I live and grew up in Jackson Heights.
needs. The Jackson Heigts-Elmhurst Kehillah, named
after the Hebrew term for community, is a coalition of
synagogues and community groups that was created in
1975 to try and find common ground between the oldtim-
ers and the newcomers. The Colombian Civic Associa-
tion was formed as the Colombian community grew.
Two years ago the Cultural Awareness Council was set
up to hold forums and mediate differences between the
various ethnic groups.
These differences are not easily articulated or re-
solved. For several years, a number of residents were
upset about what they perceived to be a growing prob-
lem with litter and traffic on 74th Street, which has
become a regional center for Indian shops. Concern
escalated and the Jackson Heights Beautification Group
became so upset that they held a rally, which gathered
more than 300 people last fall.
Working together:
August/September 1990 19
a lot of the co-ops
were restricted. If
you weren't a white
Anglo-Saxon Protes-
tant, you couldn't get
in. " Has this policy
been obliterated?
"Yes and no," she
replies. "It was there
and to a degree it's
still there but nobody
talks about it. If
people can find a way
to discriminate, they
will. But it's not
blatant."
Kingshridge Heights
An L-shaped
"Some of the mer-
chants said we
shouldn't let them
march," recalls Abra-
ham Mammen from
the Delhi Palace on
74th Street. "But I
said let them express
themselves and then
we'll deal with it."
In the end, some of
the Indian merchants
joined the march and
now Mammen is on
the board of directors
of the beautification
group. The Indian
merchants have
formed a business
association and are
helping put garbage
cans on the street cor-
Tenants from 2875 Sedgewick Avenue in Kingsbridge Heights. AI Chapman,
president of the local neighborhood association, is third from the right in back.
neighborhood in the
northwest Bronx,
Kingsbridge Heights
is bounded by the ners.
Although some community members still express
concern about the litter created by the distribution of
fliers on 74th Street, some level of trust between the dif-
ferent groups has been established and the channels of
communication are open. On another issue, community
members are more circumspect.
For all its diversity, the black population of Jackson
Heights remains very small. When ask,ed why this is,
Judy Grubin from the Cultural Awareness Council says,
"I really can't tell you." Sarro from the community board
explains that there are middle-class black neighbor-
hoods nearby and blacks might ask realtors to find them
apartments there. "Certainly Jackson Heights has never
been closed to blacks," she says. After a pause she adds,
"Well, the perception may be out there ... after all , Junc-
tion Boulevard is considered the Mason-Dixon line of
north Queens."
Harvey Fisher, director of fair housing for the city's
Commission on Human Rights , says the perception may
be based on reality. "Openness to diversity often stops at
people of color who are black. We see increases in inte-
gration in neighborhoods with a small number of blacks,
where blacks aren't seen as a threat. We' ve definitely
gotten complaints from Jackson Heights."
Last January, the Commission on Human Rights ruled
that the board of an all-white co-op at 35-24 82nd Street
discriminated when they turned down Mary Shoyinka's
application to buy an apartment. Shoyinka is white but
her former husband is Nigerian and she has custody of
their children.
The news about Shoyinka doesn' t shock many resi-
dents, who acknowledge that along with a reputation for
diversity in recent decades , Jackson Heights also has a
quiet history of discrimination. Up until World War II,
they say, Jews were often excluded from co-ops. As
recently as 1960 one man recalls being turned away from
an apartment because he was Puerto Rican. And way
back, Catholics weren't welcome in the neighborhood.
Barbara Kuchuk, executive director of the local com-
munity development corporation, explains, "Years ago
Jerome Park reservoir, Kingsbridge Road and Heath
Avenue. Set back from the local shopping area, it's a
quiet residential neighborhood with tree-lined streets,
tidy apartment buildings and numerous small homes.
Twenty years ago, the area wasn't nearly as peaceful.
Some of the most striking demographic changes in New
York City's history took place in the Bronx in the 1970s,
when economic recession spurred a vicious pattern of
arson, abandonment and widespread white flight.
While the South Bronx burned, residents of the north-
ern half of the borough watched anxiously, wondering
how far the flames would fan. As early as 1972, con-
cerned clergy met with an agenda of enlightened se1-
interest: How could they persuade people to stay? From
this group grew the Northwest Bronx Community and
Clergy Coalition (NWBCCC), which did extensive tenant
organizing while fighting the banks and insurance com-
panies that were pulling their assets out of the borough.
"Most of our neighborhoods are multi-racial," says
Mary Daly, an organizer for the coalition. "Our organiza-
tion could very easily been racist, responding to the
threat of blacks and Hispanics moving north. But it's
always been an internal goal to try and make the organi-
zation multi-racial. Some people call us the original
rainbow coalition."
A few decades ago, most of the residents of Kings-
bridge Heights were Irish Catholics or German Jews.
Today the area is much more diverse: According to the
Housing and Vacancy Survey, it's 40.1 percent white,
28.3 percent Puerto Rican, 19.4 percent black 4.4 per-
cent Asian and 7.8 percent others.
Heidi Guzman, a 10-year resident of 2800 University
Avenue, says her building is typical. "We've got Jamai-
cans, black Americans , Spanish, Irish, Italians and Do-
minicans, " she says, listing the names ofthe families in
her building. "That was one of the reasons I moved in. It
helps the kids have a better attitude."
Attitudes in Kingsbridge Heights seem to be fairly tol-
erant. That may be because the Kingsbridge Heights
Neighborhood Improvement Association (KHNIA),
20 CITY LIMITS
which is part of NWBCCC, does building-by-building
organizing that helps forge links in the community. The
group has been doing this since the early 1970s, when
they set up a neighborhood patrol and fought to turn an
abandoned police station into a community center. "The
neighborhood patrol was critical," recalls Joe Muriana,
who did organizing in the neighborhood for eight years.
"It became a social institution, almost a club." He adds
that most of the buildings he helped organize were
extremely integrated.
Still , analysis of census figures from 1980 show that
even here there are invisible barriers. Kingsbridge Heights
is wedged between predominantly white Riverdale to
the northwest and predominantly Hispanic University
Heights to the southeast. Block-by-block data shows that
the northern section of Kingsbridge Heights remains
predominantly white, while the southern section is
much more mixed.
Bill Bosworth, a professor of political science at
Lehman College, says that many of the whites in the
Voices From the Neighborhood
City Limits posed this question to a number of people from neighborhood groups:
How do you deal with racial tension in the neighborhood you work in?
David Pagan
Los Sures
WIlliamsburg, Brooklyn
We' re involved here with Has-
sidim and Hispanics. I've sat down
with the other side to try and dis-
cuss how we can share services,
but basically there' s very little
communication right now. People
are going after limited resources-
in our neighborhood the most limited resource is
housing. We're trying to provide housing so we can
alleviate some of the tension.
Valerio Orselli
Cooper Square Committee
Lower East Side, Manhattan
Our main goal is building afford-
able and racially integrated hous-
ing. We organize the community
on a multi-ethnic basis, focusing
on issues that are a concern to all.
The Lower East Side is a tradi-
tional home for immigrants and
we've had them all. As long as the different groups
don' t infringe on each other' s rights , there's tolerance.
Yves Vilus
Erasmus Neighborhood Federation
East Flatbush, Brooklyn
The only recent tension was on
Church Avenue. Our organiza-
tion has nothing to do with that,
we weren't involved at all. If an
individual wants to participate in
the protest, that's up to them.
Actually there isn't much racial
tension here. This is mostly a Caribbean neighbor-
hood-there aren't even many African-Americans. But
everyone has fear because of Bensonhurst and Howard
Beach.
Lydia Tom
Asian Americans for Equality
Based In Chinatown, provides assis-
tance to Asians In all boroughs
Asian Americans for Equality was
born through a successful struggle
of the Asian community march-
ing, picketing and advocating side-
by-side with African-Americans,
Hispanics and whites for the hir-
ing of minority construction workers at Confucius
Plaza. Through education within the Asian commu-
nity and outreach to others and in coalition with
others, AAFE is working to break down the walls that
separate communities and build bridges of mutual
understanding.
Vivian Becker
Pratt Area Community Council
Fort Greene and Clinton Hili, Brooklyn
You have to have roots in the
community so the work you do
reflects the needs of the people in
the community. We're a multi-ra-
cial, multi-ethnic organization and
we have monthly meetings which
are a forum for people to discuss
issues. Fort Greene and Clinton Hill are very sensitive
to racial tension because we're going through a lot of
changes with gentrification. A lot of racism is also
classism. My feeling is you have to address the prob-
lems that cause the tension: housing, unemployment
and education.
community are elderly and once they die out the
neighborhood may reflect the rest of the Bronx and
become increasingly Hispanic. Referring to the white
population, he says, "You've got a difference between
here and further south. "It's the difference between a
blowout and a slow leak. But there's no question there's
an evolution going on. This is a neighborhood in tran-
sition."
People in the neighborhood see a different picture-
they say new Irish and Russian immigrants are moving
in. Even so, Al Chapman, president of KHNIA, says
who's moving in doesn't matter as long as the neighbor-
hood remains stable, with good services and strong
institutions. As he puts it, "As long as there's a decent
lifestyle, it doesn't matter who lives here."
Equal Opportunity
In the long run, decent services and strong institu-
tions may be a more important and realistic goal than
perfectly mixed salt-pepper-cumin-and-cayenne com-
munities. Fair housing advocates say people will con-
tinue to live with others like themselves, and that's fine
as long as they have options to live in more varied
communities if they wish. Beyond that, they say, what's
important is fair distribution of services and resources
throughout the city.
"I'm not for integration-I'm for equal opportunity of
August/September 1990 21
choice," says Esmerelda Simmons, director of the
Center for Law and Social Justice in Brooklyn. Born in
the Albany housing project, Simmons moved with her
family to the Brooklyn neighborhood of Prospect-
Lefferts Gardens when she was eight. They were the
first black family on the block. "My father believed in
the concept of integration, that by moving to a white
neighborhood we'd have better opportunities. But for
me going to school was a daily rite of passage. I
encountered daily slurs, people yelling at me to get out
and stay in my own neighborhood."
Over a period of decades, most whites eventually
left Prospect-Lefferts Gardens and now it is predomi-
nantly black. Simmons says, "The truth is that integra-
tion was never achieved except for a fleeting moment.
I'm one of the products of that time."
Today Simmons chooses to live and and work in the
heart of black Brooklyn, Bedford-Stuyvesant. "In ev-
ery single place I've ever moved, I've never been wel-
comed," she says. "But when I moved to Bedford-
Stuyvesant, people who didn't know me came out to
welcome me. It was a surprise and a delight. It was
unique in my experience.
"In reality, integration relies on the collective will
of a variety of people to live peaceably and with
respect," Simmons concludes. For her and many
others, that day is still a long way off. 0
!I
Bankers Trust Company
Community Development Group
A resource for the
development community
Gary Hattem,Vice President
280 Park New York, New York 10017

22 CITY LIMITS
FEATURE
Starving for Supermarkets
When it comes to supermarkets,
many New York neighborhoods are undernourished.
BY EVE HEYN At the same time, food chain owners are indicating a
desire to add city neighborhoods to their menus. Heavy
crowds and light competition now seem appealing in
lower income neighborhoods once abandoned by food
retailers for the more affluent suburbs. But astronomical
city rents and a host of obstacles come with the deal. And
city officials, who have ignored the problem for decades,
. have failed to whet the appetites of supermarket chain
S
outheast Queens has no shortage of small "mom
and pop" food stores. One bodega per commer-
cial block typically beckons families from single
homes and brick row houses with neatly mani-
cured yards. But like many parts of New York
City, the 400,OOO-strong, black, middle-class commu-
nity lacks a large, modern supermarket. owners or satiate the anger of residents.
People make due, but they pay a price.
Hollis resident Annie Smith shops entirely at a nearby West Side Bounty
Met Food stocked with lower quality meat and produce Not every New York neighborhood lacks food stores:
and higher priced goods than the larger supermarkets in In Manhattan's Upper West Side, eight medium-sized
nearby Long Island. supermarkets, mostly Sloan' s and Red Apples, lace
Nola Southerland, an assistant manager at New York Broadway between 95th and 110th Street. Greengrocers,
Telephone, drives to the giant Waldbaums in Long meat and fish markets weave in between.
Island to stock up for her family of five. "I make my "Some ofthe things you see right away are [that] you
of where to shop. All kinds of food are
she says. "Why not spend the money here?" -;4 .. . . staples and fresh produce and meat. And
Southeast Queens residents are not .... '" a natural result of competition" that controls
hungry for supermarkets. Hundreds otf says Liz Krueger, associate director of the Com-
New Yorkers have no convenient place to sh Resource Center, a food, hunger and nutri-
people, who pay car fare out of the on. "People in low income communities
inflated prices in nearby bodegas and th less options for where to shop, less
problem poses not only an inconvenience within the stores they can shop at and higher
hardship. Supermarket-starved communities
lief.
that the absence of supermarkets in
many low income neighborhoods forces the poor to pay
more in frequent runs to corner bodegas and medium-
sized supermarkets, which can't buy in less expensive
bulk quantities from suppliers.
Some shoppers simply refuse. "It irks me that if! want
a can of milk, this can of milk can cost 75 or 85 cents.
You're not just talking pennies off," complains Nola
Southerland. So, she drives to the Long Island Waldbaums
where canned milk recently cost 53 cents and nine food
staples-milk, cheese, cereal, tuna, juice, bread, rice,
butter and eggs-totaled $15.26.
Annie Smith, who is retired and owns no car, walks to
the smaller Met Food
where the same items
August/September 1990 23
Blanca Ramirez, executive director of South Bronx People
for Change.
Chain supermarkets were not always so scarce in the
Bronx, a borough now heavy in supermarket-starved
communities. In 1970, 228 supermarkets operated in the
borough; by 1988, the number plummeted to 99.
It:s a pattern that repeated itself nationwide, as super-
markets bolted their doors and chased middle-class
households to the suburbs. Of the grocery stores that
closed in low income neighborhoods nationwide in
1981, 90 percent did so to relocate in the suburbs,
according to a congressional report.
The suburbs offered
cheaper land, less van-
totaled $16.83. A $14
round trip cab to Wald-
baums seems hardly
worth the trip, and the
city bus line ends short
of the supermarket.
SUPERMARKET SHUFFLE
dalism and other savings.
Unloading a truck, for
example , might take
three to four hours on a
congested city street but
just 15 minutes at a typi-
cal 50,000 square foot
suburban store. "Garbage
costs are outrageous.
Every time you need to
hire a contractor, it's a
problem," says Bett y
Greitzer, a spokesperson
for Supermarkets Gen-
eral Corp., which owns
Pathmark.
Borough # of markets
in 1970*
Brooklyn
Bronx
Manhattan
Queens
Staten Island
360
228
302
330
33
# of markets
in 1988**
139
99
174
148
19
% Decline
61%
5q%
42%
55%
42%
Each month, the
city's Department of
Consumer Affairs con-
ducts a price survey of
more than 100 markets.
An analysis by City Lim-
its of prices during the
months of April and
May, the two most re-
cent surveys available,
revealed that wide dis-
crepancies in prices
from one section of the
city to another some-
* $500,000 or more in annual sales
**$2 million or more in annual sales
Source: I'rogrllSSlve Brocer mBglIZlne
times exist. For example, in May the average price of a
can of Bumble Bee tuna in markets surveyed in the South
Bronx was $1.16; the same can of tuna cost an average of
just 83 cents in markets surveyed in the wealthier Rego
Park/Forest Hills area of Queens. In April , a half-gallon
of whole milk cost an average of 20 cents more in the
South Bronx than in the Queens markets.
But when City Limits averaged the April prices of nine
basic food items, the bill totaled 22 cents less in the
South Bronx than Rego Park/Forest Hills. The very next
month, those same items cost a South Bronx shopper 25
cents more than a Rego Park/Forest Hills shopper.
Getting There
But prices at the markets only tell part of the story. In
the first place, you've got to be able to get to a supermar-
ket. "When food stamps come, everybody will go out of
the community [tol catch the sales," says Joanne Smith-
erman Jones, a community outreach worker with High-
bridge Community Life Center. Everybody, that is, ex-
cept families without cars who cannot afford bus and
taxi fares.
In poorer neighborhoods where supermarkets are often
scarce and many residents don' t own cars, a famil y'S
choice or where to purchase their food may be severely
restricted. In the South Bronx neighborhood of High-
bridge that can mean juggling grocery bags 10 blocks
from pricier, medium-sized markets stocked with vege-
tables that are "not only limp, they're dead, " complains
City rents further boost
costs. Rents of$12 to $14
per square foot "would
be considered expen-
sive" in the suburbs, says Joseph Madenberg, who lo-
cates sites for supermarket chains. In the city, rents can
swell to $50 per square foot in prime locations.
A typical 6,000 square foot city store also misses the
profits a one-stop suburban superstore reaps from delis
and pricier non-food items such as prescriptions, flow-
ers and videos. "These are all encumbrances. This is
why you don't have them rushing into the city," says Bill
Vitulli, an A&P vice president.
Profit-makers?
While they may not be rushing back, more supermar-
ket chain owners are eyeing New York's underserved
neighborhoods as potentially profit-rich. Everybody has
to spend a certain amount every year for food, the theory
goes. And crowded low income neighborhoods with
little supermarket competition offer limitless shoppers ,
if not limitless disposable income, to support a profit.
Shoppers flock to the brand new Waldbaums in the
Bushwick area of Brooklyn and the five-year-old Path-
mark in lower Manhattan 24-hours a day. And a much-
welcomed 50,000 square foot Waldbaums is under
construction near Yankee Stadium in the South Bronx.
Supermarkets "definitely" want to come back, says Bill
Vitulli of A&P. But city costs and inconveniences keep
many away.
Other cities have begun to chip away at the problem.
In Knoxville, Tennessee, the transit authority considers
access to supermarkets when mapping bus routes. Super-
24 CITY LIMITS
Food for People, Not Profit
FOOD COOPERATIVES SPROUTED THROUGHOUT
the 1970s as local residents joined together to create an
alternative to the profit-motivated r e t a i ~ food market.
With membership dues and grants, the co-ops got off
the ground, keeping costs low by purchasing from
wholesalers and relying on the members' own labor.
The following is background and membership in-
formation on a few of the long-standing cooperatives
and food resources here in New York. With the excep-
tion of SHARE, these cooperatives have member-elected
board of directors and members have direct input into
how these co-ops are run. They carry organic and
pesticide-free produce, dry goods, fruits and vege-
tables and in some cases, name brand products, paper
goods, and health and beauty items.
Park Slope
The Park Slope Food Coop was established in 1973
by 10 local residents who wanted to purchase food
from suppliers interested in quality and affordability,
not just profit. The co-op now has more than 2,000
members, who pay cost plus a 16 percent mark-up for
their purchases. Working membership is required as
part of the co-op's philosophy to build and maintain
the cooperative community.
Location: 782 Union Street, Brooklyn, (718) 622-
0560
Membership: Working members only, except for
seniors and disabled)
Member work requirements: Approx. 2-1/2 hours
.every four weeks .
Dues: $10 biannual fee; $30 one-time refundable
deposit
Food stamps: Accepted with one-time $10 deposit
Flatbush
The Flatbush Food Co-op began in 1976 in Barry
Smith's basement. He and his roommates joined to-
gether in search of good food at lowerlrices. They
enrolled in a course on how to start a foo cooperative
and began with prepaid orders and a handful of mem-
bers. Soon after they moved to their present location in
Flatbush and now have more than 500 members.
Location:1318 Cortelyou Road, Brooklyn, (718) 284-
9486
Membership: not required-open to the public; both
working and non-working memberships
Member work requirements: three hours per month
or two hours per week
Discounts: 3 percent for non-working members;
eight percent for members working three hours per
month; 16 percent for members working two hours per
week
Dues: $10 non-refundable annual fee ($15 for fami-
lies); $25 refundable annual deposit
Food stamps: accepted
Good Food Cooperative
With a mandate to provide affordable food to the
East Village community, the Good Food Co-op opened
in 1973. The co-op is sponsored by the Cooper Square
Development Committee and operates out of a city-
owned building managed by the committee. Good
Food originally required membership but has since
opened its doors to anyone from the community who
wants to shop. According to Gregor Jones, the co-op's
manager, Good Food caters to everyone "from yuppies
to squatters. " The co-op has approximately 300 work-
ing and non-working members.
Location: 58. East 4th Street, New York, (212) 260-
4045
Membership: not required-open to the public; both
working and non-working memberships
Member work requirements: four hours per month
Discounts: 10 percent for non-working members; 20
percent for working members; 10 percent for seniors/
disabled
Dues: $10 refundable annual deposit ($15 for fami-
lies) ; $17 non-refundable fee for non-working mem-
bers .
Food stamps : accepted and five percent discount
given
SHARE
While the Self Help and Resource Exchange (SHARE)
is not a storefront cooperative, it does offer similar
benefits. SHARE, which began in San Diego in 1985, is
a nationwide organization of more than 13,000 mem-
bers. Its primary goal, according too Angela Hope-
Weusi , director of SHARE, New York, was to "satisfy
both physical and spiritual hunger." Participants
contribute $13 per month and two hours per month of
community service either through SHARE or affiliated
community services. In return participants receive a
monthly food package worth $30 to $35 filled with
fruits, vegetables, grains, meats and other staples.
SHARE has offices in Manhattan, Brooklyn, the Bronx
and Queens where one can sign up for community
service and make pick-ups of food packages.
Location: 4000 Park Avenue, Bronx, (212) 583-8500
Membership: required
Member work requirements: two hours per month of
community service
Discounts: $30-$35 food package for $13
Dues: $13 per month
Food stamps: accepted
In addition to co-ops, another food purchasing al-
ternative is the city's growing network of green mar-
kets. These markets bring the producers of fruits,
vegetables, cheese, bread and other items directly to
communities-cutting wholesalers and retailers out
of the food chain and therefore often providing prod-
ucts at cheaper-than-store prices. 0 Erika Mallin
markets have cooperated by selling grocery carts at cost
to shoppers using public transportation. A community
group shuttles shoppers, and a mayoral food task force
is examining financial incentives and technical assis-
tance to lure supermarkets into underserved areas. The
task force formed after the city council passed a 1981
resolution to improve the inner-city food supply and
"recognize the availability of food for all citizens as a
matter of public concern." Similar task forces, with the
backing of local mayors , recommend food policies in
Baltimore and Philadelphia.
Small Potatoes
By comparison, New York's efforts pale. Under new
Department of Consumer Affairs commissioner Mark
Green, the issue is beginning to undergo scrutiny. Con-
sumer Affairs officials are comparing the number offood
stores and prices in low, middle and upper income
neighborhoods, as City Limits goes to press, for a report
critics say is long overdue. But the city has no programs
targeted to wooing supermarkets into underserved neigh-
borhoods. Supermarkets merely take advantage of rou-
tine tax reductions and technical assistance available to
eligible retail businesses, says Susan Glickman, a spokes-
person for the city' s Office of Business Development.
But food is not like socks, "it is a necessity of life.
Therefore it should be looked at in a different way," than
furniture stores and other businesses, argues Kathy
Goldman, director of the Community Food Resource
Center. Since 1980, the center has advocated a food
policy office to coordinate the gamut offood issues, from
school lunches to supermarkets, now spread between 20
or so agencies. A food office operates within the Human
Resources Administration, but its role is primarily lim-
ited to agency programs. "There is a department of
August/September 1990 25
housing. There is a department of education. There is no
department of food. There is nobody looking at the issue
in any serious way," Goldman says. "There has to be
some attention paid."
In the absence of city attention, some communities
have taken upon themselves the hunt for affordable
food: The Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration Corporation
brought in a Pathmark through a joint operating agree-
ment where the community group owns two-thirds of
the supermarket. In Southeast Queens, churchgoers
shuttle fellow congregation members to supermarkets
outside the community. In another supermarket-starved
neighborhood, community organizers hope to negotiate
with top city officials for assistance in luring a major
supermarket and the jobs and economic advantages that
come with it.
o But such piecemeal efforts barely feed the citywide
need for more supermarkets. In the mean time, the poor
will often be forced to pay more. 0
Eve Heyn is a freelance journalist.
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26 CITY UMITS
Celebrate With Us
ANHD is celebrating its "Sweet Sixteen," sixteen years of effective housing advocacy, with a
birthday bash on October 27, 1990 (place to be announced).
Hold the date for a cocktail party, hop, prom, blast, bash, good time. Something for every
generation, with music from the fifties, sixties, and onward.
We're publishing a journal with a yearbook theme. Your ads can range from the traditional
plain typeset copy to "class pictures" of your staff, Board, organization, clients, or whatever.
You also can send us a "most likely to ... (succeed, waste time, become a bureaucrat, become
a politician, win a lawsuit, etc.)" photo of yourself or someone else (enclose proper permis-
sion, please). Have fun with the ads - be creative!
To reserve a ticket or a journal ad, clip the coupon below.
Deadline for advertising copy is August 31, 1990.
To: Association for Neighborhood Housing and Development, Inc.
236 West 27th Street, New York, NY 10001
o Please reserve __ Sweet Sixteen Party tickets at $25.00
(includes a complimentary drink)
o Please reserve the following size of advertising space in the ANHD Sweet Sixteen yearbook
o Full page (8 1/2 x 11) ($350)
o Half page (5 1/2 x 8 1/2) ($200)
o Quarter page (5 1/2 x 41/4) ($100)
o Eighth page (2 3/4 x 2) ($50)
o Camera Ready copy or text of ad is enclosed
o Please reserve space for a "most likely to ... " photo (1 x 1 1/4) ($50)
o Photo is enclosed
o Please list my name/the following names on a special page for Friends of ANHD ($25)
Name ____________________________________________________________ __
Organization ______________________________________________________ _
Address __________________________________________________________ __
City ___________________________________ State ___ Zip code __________ __
Telephone Authorizing signature ____________________ _
CITY VIEW
Why I Walked Out From
Street NeW's
BY SHARMILA VOORAKKARA
I'M 22 YEARS OLD AND I WAS
raised in a small town in southern
New Jersey. When I was seven I
lived for a summer in India. It was
the first time I'd ever seen people
who were starving and living on the
streets. When I came to New York
fi ve years ago
to go to col-
lege, it really
upset me to
see homeless-
ness every-
where. It was
like a third
world coun-
try even
though this is
one of the
richest cities
in the world.
I started working at Street News in
March because I believed newspa-
pers sold by the homeless could hel p
make a difference. Hutchinson Per-
sons and Wendy Koltun, the found-
ers, talked up the organization as a
way to help the homeless help them-
selves.
But no more than three days after
I started as Persons' assistant, I found
out that he was opposed to service
and advocacy organizations like the
Coalition for the Homeless, as well
as shelters and even subsidized
housing.
Over the course of the three and a
half months that I worked at Street
News, I learned that the organization
was far from being about empower-
ing the homeless to have a voice of
their own. During weekly sales
meetings, Persons routinely told
salespeople to "shut up" when they
approached him with questions or
complaints about sales policies. They
were told they were disruptive, lazy
and "had problems."
It didn't take long for me to realize
that salespeople worked for less
City View is a forum for opinion
and does not necessarily reflect
the views of City Limits.
money and in worse conditions than
sweatshop workers. Any attempt
they made to unionize themselves
was aborted by Persons. They worked
for 45 cents a paper (with an extra
five cents per paper put in a deposit
fund) and Persons made sure they
were "independent contractors" and
therefore weren't entitled to any
benefits. .
Although Persons said that Street
Aid, the parent organization of Street
News, provided an apartment refer-
ral service, weekly AA meetings, and
"sales/therapy" sessions, those
things were more rhetoric than real-
ity. There was no apartment referral
service whatsoever. The AA meet-
ings were intermittent. And Persons
insisted that the sales meetings be
called "salesltherapy" sessions even
though the meeting had nothing to
do with therapy. But as Persons
confided to me, sales technique was
therapy.
No Support
The longer I worked at Street News,
the more I saw how arbitrary the
rules and policies were. Salespeople,
under penalty of immediate termi-
nation, were not allowed into the
business office without an appoint-
ment with Persons, which was virtu-
ally impossible to get.
At one point a salesperson named
John McClellan was wrongly admit-
ted into the psychiatric ward of
Metropolitan Hosrital after being
mugged. His socia worker told him
that without the release of his de-
posit fund he couldn't be released.
McClellan had saved enough
money in his fund from his sales to
get a room at the YMCA. He called
Persons to ask that it be released, and
Persons refused. Later on, Persons
explained to the staff that what
McClellan really wanted was "just a
hand out." He said, "John just wanted
me to believe that he was too help-
less to go out and get to work. I didn't
give him his money and he's doing
just fine now. He's out selling pa-
pers again."
Until the McClellan event, I
thought there was at least some good
August/September 1990 27
in Street News. I saw that salespeople
relied on the money they made from
selling newspaper to buy food for
meals. But I also became aware of
the terrible price they had to pay for
those meals. It cost them their voice
in how the organization was run,
their dignity and their independ-
ence-the very things Street News
was supposedly founded for.
While my doubts were growing,
the office was usually crazed with
calls from people who wanted to
volunteer or start up Street News
offices in other parts of the country.
We were inundated with free office
equipment and supplies. But around
February, calls from the press be-
came routine in light of persistent
allegations about financial wrong-
doing.
Shortly afterwards, Persons in-
sisted that all of the staff should
write articles for the next issue de-
nouncing the negative press and
supporting Street News. Hardly
anyone wanted to do this-most of
the staff were pleased that the media
was looking into the organization's
questionable finances.
That day was a catalyst for many
of the Street News staffers. I realized
that by going to work I showed sup-
port of Street News policies, even if
deep down I thought they were
wrong. On May 15, I walked out
with seven others. It was the first
time I had ever taken a stand on
anything. I didn't have a job to go to
when I left and I still had a month's
back rent to pay. All those things
still had to be taken care of. But it
wasn't worth it.
When I left Street News , I walked
away with a better understanding of
where I stood when it comes to feed-
ing and housing the poor. I learned
that I don't buy into the standard
American work ethic that if you can't
find work it's all your own fault and
you're useless. I realized that people
without jobs and food deserve assis-
tance so they can truly help them-
selves. Most importantly, I realized
that I have the ability to stand up for
my beliefs. 0
Sharmila Voorakkara is working at
Crossroads, a for-profit alternative
to Street News which is being run
with input by the homeless. The
organization hopes to sell penny
stocks to salespeople.
28 CITY UMITS
LETIERS
Brimming with Innuendo
To the Editor:
Lisa Glazer's "Starrett City: Buck-
ing the Rules?" (June/July 1990)
ignores several critical factors regard-
ing this nation's most successfully
integrated development. This is up-
setting because she had several con-
versations with our public affairs
officer and chose to ignore the facts.
Consequently, the article is brim-
ming with innuendo and little sub-
stance.
Starrett's Affirmative Fair Hous-
ing Plan was designed to ensure an
integrated and stable community.
The marketing program received
approvals from all governing hous-
ing agencies during Starrett's early
rent up. Starrett's population, 55
percent white and 45 percent minor-
ity (which includes Hispanics,
Asians and blacks) live and prosper
together in a community recognized
around the world for its racial and
ethnic harmony at a time when so
much racial strife exists elsewhere
in our city.
The waiting list for Starrett has
been predominantly minority for two
important reasons-Starrett's prox-
imity to East New York, a predomi-
nantly minority community, and
minorities' limited accessibility to
excellent, affordable and decent
housing.
The discrimination case settle-
ment of 1984 provided an increased
number of apartments in Starrett for
minority groups. (It had always been
Starrett's goal to maximize minority
participation.) The settlement also
sought to ease the overwhelming
number of minority applicants who
rushed to find housing in Starrett by
demanding an increase in minority
participation in other Mitchell-Lama
developments throughout New York
City.
The implication that Starrett's "fair
market" campaign is something new
and underhanded is absurd and of-
fensive. Starrett was developed as
an Article II Mitchell-Lama Devel-
opment and is therefore not pre-
cluded from renting to families who
are eligible under the Mitchell-Lama
program. In fact, its "236" contract
specifically allows the owners to
lease 10 percent of the units to fair
market Mitchell-Lama tenants with-
out Department of Housing and Ur-
ban Development (HUD) approval
and we are not close to the number.
This is something we have been doing
since 1973 without objection. The
fact that the majority of the so-called
Mitchell-Lama tenants who have
rented are minorities was not re-
ported by Glazer.
Glazer quoted several federal and
state officials, however she failed to
state the reason it is necessary to rent
some apartments to non-subsidized
tenants: Neither the state nor the
federal government will commit to
providing Starrett with additional
Section 8 subsidy funds necessary to
fund the two rent increases that were
already approved by both the De-
partment of Housing and Commu-
nity Renewal (DHCR) and HUD. Con-
sequently, we do not have sufficient
HOUSIHG HQWI--HOMEl'OWN CVEf\yov\E .DESERVES A HOME!
october 1 to 7. 1990 \ !
... '0 .
J01n commun1t1es around the
country as they "turn up the ./ "HOUSING
heat" on their Congressional I \
and the Bush r ,; 4,
adm1n1strat10n to push for , ,
decent, affordable housing I I
and an end to homelessness. LA
For a week, throughout America,
people will be staging rallies,
teach-ins, interfaith services,
lobbying meetings and more in
their hometowns to demand that
Congress pass:
The Mickey Leland Peace Dividend
Housing Assistance Act or 1990 (HR4621)
Contact: (212) 316-7544 or
(212) 947-3444 or write to:
This bill would restore to federal
housing programs $125 billion over
five years. It needs your support!
Come to a local planning meeting or
call for a calendar of events now.
HOUSING NOW! New York
Cathedral of St. John the Divine
1047 Amsterdam Avenue
New York, N.Y. 10025
Section 8 funds to cover all our Sec-
tion 8 units and are decreasing the
number occupied by attrition to
prevent our running out of subsidy.
In addition, neither HUD nor DHCR
is in a position to discuss the future
of Section 8 tenants when the sub-
sidy contract expires in 1996. This
too escaped mention in Glazer's ar-
ticle.
We are currently advertising for
both "236" and Mitchell-Lama ten-
ants to fill vacancies as they occur
except where we have RAP units and
funds available, in which case we fill
the unit from our RAP waiting list.
The "consent order" also specifically
recognized that various programs
coexist at Starrett and merely requires
that we rent by program in chrono-
logical order provided funds exist.
Robert C. Rosenberg
Chairman
Grenadier Realty Corporation
Lisa Glazer replies:
Most of the information in your
second, third and fourth paragraphs
is included in my article.
The contention that it is per-
missible to rent to fair market Mitch-
ell-Lama tenants is being disputed
by state and federal housing offi-
cials.
The Starrett explanation for the
fair market rental policy-that you
don 'tget sufficient government fund-
ing-was mentioned twice in the
article.
Finally, I did not report your
contention about the racial compo-
sition of the fair market tenants
because this information was not
given to me. When I asked your public
affairs officer if the fair market pol-
icy had the effect of favoring whites,
she said, "No matter what their ethnic
background, people can move in. "
August/September 1990 29
Terrific
To the Editor:
I just finished reading Marguerite
Holloway'S article "Bitter-Sweet
Success" (June/July 1990). I thought
it was terrific. You made a very good
point and I think the piece will really
get people thinking. Congratulations.
Eric Goldstein
Staff Attorney
Natural Resources Defense Council
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WORKSHOP
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ASSISTANT DIRECTOR. Director seeks orgnzd self-dscplnd asst for
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EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR. Lutheran affil South Bronx nonprofit neighbd
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"COMMITMENT"
August/September 1990 31
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Must be organized, exp, with good interpersonal skills & unafraid of
learning new things. Resume: URAM, POB 1994, NYC 10011.
SENIOR SOCIAL WORIER/PARALEGAL. Work with project attnys &
organizers providing services to clients in East Side SROs. Evalu-
ate entitlement problems of SRO tenants, interview clients, advo-
cacy before social or govt agencies, rep at admin hearings, tenant
outreach & organizing. MSW prefd. Relevant exp, Spanish lang a
+. Salary from $23,750/collective bargain agrmnt + benefits. Mi-
norities, women, people with disabil encrgd to apply. Contact: O.
Karen Stamm, Managing Attny, East Side SRO Legal Service
Project, 223 Grand St, NYC 10013. (212) 996-7410.
3 HOUSING/SUPPORT SERVICES COORDINATORS. The Partnership for
the Homeless seeks 2 staff to coord the relocation of homeless
families to perm housing, which includes relating to volunteers
assigned to manage community linkages & adjustment. 1 addi-
tional staff to develop & coord transitional & permanent housing
with support services for homeless singles with AIDS. Salary: $20-
26k & exc benefits. Resumes: M. Winkler, The Partnership for the
Homeless, 115 W. 31st St, 4th Fir, NYC 10001-2109.
DIRECTOR. Creative, exp mgr needed by dynamic nonprofit for
citywide program serving volunteer neighborhood groups. Admin
cash grants programs, annual conf & respond to requests for tech
assist. BA + 2-5 yrs training expo Exc benefits. EOE. Resume &
salary req: CCNYC, 3 W 29th St, NYC 10001 Att: Personnel.
COMMUNITY DIRECTOR/TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE DIRECTOR. The RAIN
Community Land Trust, community-based nonprofit housing dev
org seeks people for its Board of Directors. 2 positions: Community
Dir & Tech Assist Dir. Must work in community struggles, have
knowledge of low & mod income housing issues; commit to political
action, land trust concept. Minorities & women enrgd to apply.
Resume, letter: RAIN-CL T, 638 E 6th St, NYC 10009. Deadline
Aug 1. Call Amanda McMurray, (212) 998-8090 if later.
Since 1980 HEAT has provided low cost home heating oil. burner and boiler repair services.
and energy management and conservation services to largely minority low and middle income
neighborhoods in the Bronx. Brooklyn. Manhattan and Queens.
As a proponent of economic empowerment for revitalization of the city's communities. HEAT is
committed to assisting newly emerging managers and owners of buildings with the reduction of
energy costs (long recognized as the single most expensive area of building management).
HEAT has presented tangible opportunities for tenant associations. housing coops. churches.
community organizations. homeowners and small businesses to gain substantial savings and
lower the costs of building operations.
Working collaboratively with other community service organizations with similar goals. and
working to establish its viability as a business entity. HEAT has committed its revenue gener-
ating capacity and potential to providing services that work for. and lead to. stable. productive
communities.
Throulh the primary service of providing low cost home heating oil, various heating
plant services and energy management services, HEAT members have collectively
Mved over $5.1 minion.
HOUSING ENERGY ALLIANCE FOR TENANTS COOP CORP.
853 BROADWAY. SUITE 414. NEW YORK. N.Y. 10003 \2121505-0286
If you are interested in learning more about HEAT,
or if you are interested in becoming a HEAT member,
call or write the HEAT office.
CONGRATULATIONS!
Northern Manhattan Improvement
Corporation
OBUSTYLocal Development Corporation
Park Slope Fifth Avenue Local
Development Corporation
Pratt Area Community Council
Private Sector Resource Center
Progress of Peoples Development
Corporation
Project Reach Youth
Prospect Lefferts Gardens Neighborhood
Association
Pueblo Nuevo Housing and Development
Association
Queens Citizens Organization
Queens Community Civic Corporation
Queens Teen Pregnancy Network
R. A. I.N. Community Land Trust, Inc.
Ridgewood Local Development Corporation
Rockaway Development and Revitalization
Corporation
Roosevelt Assistance Corporation
St. Albans Local Development Corporation
St. Nicholas Neighborhood Preservation
Corporation
Services Now for Adult Persons, Inc.
South Brooklyn Local Development
Corporation
Southeastern Greenpoint Crime Prevention
Program
Southwest Brooklyn Industrial Development
Corporation
Strycker's Bay Neighborhood Council, Inc.
Tenant Takeover Team, Inc.
Tri-Pact, Inc.
Urban Homesteading Assistance Board
Urban Renewal Committee of South
Jamaica, Inc.
Weeksville Community Services, Inc.
West Side Crime Prevention Program
West Harlem Community Organization, Inc.
Woodside on the Move
Youth Dares
Youth Environmental Services, Inc.
The East New York Savings Bank is pleased to announce that the following
community organizations in our service area (Brooklyn, Queens, Manhattan and
Nassau) have been chosen to receive Community Action Assistance Grants from the
Bank for their neighborhood preservation and improvement endeavors:
We salute the achievements of these exemplary grassroots organizations and
appreciate and support their continuing commitment to making our communities a
better place in which to live and conduct business.
Alley Pond Environmental Center
Alliance of Queens Artists, Inc.
Asian Americans for Equality
Atlantic Avenue Association Local
Development Corporation
BECNew Communities HDFC, Inc.
Bensonhurst Redevelopment Corporation
Brighton Neighborhood Association
Broad Channel Civic Association
Brooklyn Arts and Cultural Association
Canarsie Neighborhood Development
Corporation
Carroll Gardens Association, Inc.
Central Astoria Local Development
Coalition
Children's Arts and Sciences Workshops, Inc.
City Limits
Clinton Housing Development Company, Inc.
Conserve, Inc.
Cooper Square Committee
Corona Community Development
Corporation
Council of Neighborhood Organizations, Inc.
Cypress Hills Local Development
Corporation
East Harlem Interfaith
East New York Urban Youth Corps Housing
Development Fund Company, Inc.
East Williamsburg Valley Industrial
Development Corporation
Ecumenical Community Development
Organization
Elmhurst Economic Development
Corporation
Encore Community Center, Inc.
Essex Street and Neighbors Block Association
Fifth Avenue Committee, Inc.
Flatbush Development Corporation
Flatbush East Community Development
Corporation
Flatbush Family Network
Flatbush Tenants' Council
Flushing Council on Culture and the Arts
Gateway Community Restoration, Inc.
Greater Jamaica Development Corporation
Greater Sheepshead Bay Development
Corporation
Greater Woodhaven Development
Corporation
Habitat for Humanity
Hope Community, Inc.
Housing Conservation Coordinators
Hunters Point Community Development
Corporation
Interfaith Adopt-A-Building, Inc.
Jackson Heights Community Development
Corporation
Jewish Community Council of Greater
Coney Island
Jewish Community Council of the
Rockaway Peninsula
Local Development Corporation
Del Barrio, Inc.
Local Development Corporation of
East New York
Long Island Women's Equal Opportunity
Council, Inc.
Los Sures
Lower East Side Coalition Housing
Development, Inc.
Manhattan Borough Development
Corporation
Manhattan Valley Development
Corporation
Meltdown Performing Arts, Inc.
Mid-Brooklyn Community Economic
Development Corporation
Middle Earth Crisis Counseling and Referral
Center
Midwood Development Corporation
Midwood Field Concert Series, Inc.
Nassau Senior Forum
National Federation of Community
Development Credit Unions
Neighborhood Housing Services
of Jamaica, Inc.
New York Hispanic Housing Coalition
North Brooklyn Development Corporation
Northeast Brooklyn Housing Development
Corporation
--p~ /? J Y . P t . ~<-1 < ' 7
Paul B. Murray
President and CEO
~ l!.d.l~;;
.\lwood Colfins , III
Chid Opel alilll! Officl'l-
fAST~EwYOR.K
THE EAST NEW YORK SAVINGS BANK MEMBER FDIC