Narrowing The Gap

Solutions

Community Engagement Pathfinder Programme

REPORT 2

Bob McDonald Yaser Mir Nicole Crompton

International School for Communities, Rights and Inclusion University of Central Lancashire
Commissioned by Metropolitan Police Service

OCTOBER 2008

We need to narrow the gap... get to know each other intimately, break those barriers and build trust and confidence so that we feel comfortable in each others company.
(community respondent, Redbridge)

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
So many people have contributed to the Pathfinder Programme and we welcome the opportunity to acknowledge their support and guidance formally. First, thanks go to all the individuals who must remain anonymous and who gave their time to be interviewed, or participate in focus groups, from communities in Redbridge, Newham, Haringey, Tower Hamlets and Ealing. Second, special thanks to the five community organisations in these Boroughs and their members who took on the roles of community engagement workers in the Programme. Their hard work, talents and persistence have been outstanding. Saiva Munnetta Sangam Soorippillai Balasingam, Soorippillai Balakrishnan, Bavani Perinpanathan, Sothiratnam Niranjan, Seetha Sureshkumar, Sanjeev Yogalingam & Sriveena Naganathar. College of North East London - BRACE Pepi Lopez, Yunus Kemal, Nisar Omer Noori, Volkan Ozkan Kirkali, Roger Walcott, Yilmaz Onen, Onder Karakas, Karlene Sutherland & Howard Jeffrey. Dawatul Islam UK & EIRE Mohammed Siddiquy, Nurul Ullah, Mahbubul Anam & Rafea Khan. Somali Youth Union in UK Mohamed Abdurahman Haji, Abdurahman Haji, Adam Musse, Mohamed Ahmed, Suad Osman Jama, Sadia Aden Mohamed, Hassan Abdillahi and Hassan Jama. League of British Muslims Bashir Chaudhry MBE, Mazhar Saleem, Dr. Qadir Bakhsh, Namreen Battol, Nadeem Ahmed & Samreen Chaudry. Third, our thanks to all the MPS officers from each of the five Boroughs whose liaison support, advice and commitment to the Programme on the ground have been critical throughout. Superintendent Derrick Griffiths, Inspector Erick Monk, PC Tracy Lavelle, Chief Inspector Chris McNamara, Inspector Desmond McCarthy, Inspector Brian Mitchell, Sergeant Philip Gospage, Inspector Colin Wingrove, Chief Inspector Carl Lindley, Chief Inspector Iain Dickson, Chief Inspector Stan Greatrick, Chief Superintendent Dave Grant. Fourth, thanks to the numerous professionals from Local Authorities, the police, Community Safety Partnerships and Crime & Disorder Reduction Partnerships (CDRPs) who supported the Exchange Forums in each of the Boroughs and also to those who additionally provided such valuable insights to the community groups and ourselves in many specialist expert briefings in the community. These were critical components to the Programme and valued immensely. Ealing: Kofi Nyamah, Community Safety Officer, Rey Aziz Anti-Social Behaviour Co-ordinator, PC Haroon Sadiq, Sergeant Gary Bruguier, Detective Inspector Joe Farrell & Janpal Basran (Southall Community Alliance). Redbridge: Kathy Nixon, Gurjit Sahota & Harveil Toor Newham: Gurbax Chana, Sangeeta Bhuhi, Youth Crime Manager & John Talbot, Newham Borough Fire Commander. Tower Hamlets: Jon Underwood, Partnership and Performance Manager & Inspector Steve Reed. Haringey: Dr Tim Clark, Neighbourhood Services Theme Manager & Erol Direkoglou, Community Development Officer. Fifth, thanks to MPS Diversity & Citizen Focus Directorate for their oversight, guidance and continuous help and encouragement. Inspector Dave Mortimer, Superintendent Alaric Bonthron, DAC Alf Hitchcock, Detective Chief Inspector Chris Lundrigan, Sergeant Tom Wingate. Sixth, we also would like to acknowledge the support of other senior officers within MPS who supported the Programme especially in its early days, some of whom moved on to other duties in the service before the Pathfinder was completed. We would also like to thank Andy Hull from the MPA with whom the Programme was discussed in its early stages and for his kind invitations to the Counter Terrorism: The London Debate consultation sessions which were so interesting and thought provoking. Chief Constable Steven House, Chief Superintendent Ed Bateman, Superintendent Sue Williams, Tony Shell

(MPS SCD), Ray Hall (MPS), Assistant Commissioner Tarique Ghaffur, Chief Inspector Paul Gaughan, Chief Inspector Michael OKeefe. We would also like to thank officers from ACPOs National Community Tensions Team for advice and comment and for their practical support in specialist briefings to the community groups. Thanks especially to Commander Richard Gargini and Carl Wonfor. And finally, a big thank you to our many colleagues at UCLan and all their important contributions.

Maroof Shah, Eileen Jackson, Laura Salisbury, Christine Brown, Dr Clare Collins, Christina Marriott. Many other individuals have also helped the Pathfinder Programme but remain un-named; their contributions are nonetheless much valued and acknowledged. Bob McDonald Yaser Mir Nicole Crompton UCLan 2008

INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL FOR COMMUNITIES, RIGHTS AND INCLUSION

The new International School for Communities, Rights and Inclusion (ISCRI) is a new and dynamic body at UCLan and has absorbed the principal functions and expertise of the Centre for Ethnicity & Health (CEH). As such, the new School has taken oversight within the university of the MPS Community Engagement Pathfinder Programme. The School builds on the success and innovation demonstrated by CEH over the last decade in its extensive work with diverse groups who experience discrimination and/or disadvantage1. The guiding ethos that has underpinned CEHs community-based research, now managed within ISCRI, is that the process should benefit those who are being researched. Through this approach, acclaimed models of community engagement and organisational change have been developed. The model of community engagement pioneered by CEH is distinguished by the way it dynamically engages community groups and individuals through their direct collaboration with a wide range of service providers and planners. This model has previously been implemented successfully across a wide variety of communities. These have represented some 35 different ethnic groups and nationalities with programme funding of over 12 million provided by central government, and regional and local agencies for engaging over 350 community groups. 2,500 individuals have been recruited, consulting and engaging over 50,000 community members. These programmes have been commissioned specifically to address recognised gaps in the engagement of marginalised and excluded communities in meaningful and sustained ways in the design, development and delivery of a range of public and voluntary sector services (eg policing, criminal justice, problematic drug use, mental health, regeneration, sexual health and education). CEH now finds a home within the new international school at UCLan which will dynamically develop its work in key areas. The new School combines four existing Centres with a number of subsidiary Institutes and programmes into a cohesive arrangement. These are: CEH - the Community Engagement programme, Equality and Human Rights, the Institute for Philosophy, Diversity and Mental Health, INCLUDE (the Social Inclusion Unit) and INSPIRE (the Institute for Health and Social Care Leadership and Innovation) Centre for Professional Ethics (CPE) Centre for Volunteering and Community Action (CVCA) Islamic Studies. ISCRI has a newly established partnership with the British Muslim Heritage Centre in Manchester bringing important networking opportunities for academic collaboration development in the Gulf and Middle East, in South Asia, and across the world. ISCRIs focus also revolves around community action, social enterprise and with the strengths of CPE and IPDMH will create an international Institute of Mental Health. Initially the School will focus on postgraduate learning, teaching and research, although there is a significant Foundation degree programme and undergraduate teaching, notably in CPE and CVCA. However, the School will have a strong development arm with significant international initiatives enhancing the Universitys national and international reputation.

have included Black and minority ethnic communities; refugees and asylum seekers; offenders; people with disabilities; mental health service users; lesbians, gay men, bisexual and transgendered people; older people; and young people at risk of developing health and social harms.

1 These

CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL FOR COMMUNITIES, RIGHTS & INCLUSION CONTENTS 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2 INTRODUCTION 3 CONTEXT & PROCESS 4 FOCUSED CAPACITY BUILDING 5 TRUST & CONFIDENCE IN POLICING
5.1 Factors in Compromising Trust and Confidence 5.1.1 Police Behaviour and Customer Service 5.1.2 Stop and Search 5.1.3 Over-policing/under-policing 5.1.4 Shifts in Attitude to Muslim Communities 5.2 Safer Neighbourhoods 5.2.1 Positive Views of SNTs and PCSOs 5.2.2 Early Days for Impact 5.2.3 Low Awareness of SNTs and PCSOs 5.2.4 More Powers for SNTs and PCSOs 5.2.5 Operational Targeting for SNTs and PCSOs 5.2.6 Greater Promotion of SNTs and PCSOs 5.2.7 Advertising Police Successes 5.3 Community Safety Partnership Structures 5.3.1 Low Community Awareness 5.3.2 Barriers to Involvement 5.4 Community Solutions 5.4.1 SNTs and PCSOs as a Bridge 5.4.2 Building on Trusted Community Infrastructure 5.5 Conclusion 2 3 4 6 15 17 18 20 21 21 22 22 23 24 24 24 24 25 25 26 26 26 27 27 29 29 30 35 36 37 37 37 38 38 38 39 40 41 41 41 41 42 42 42 42 44 44 46

6 UNDER-REPORTING ISLAMOPHOBIA & HATE CRIME

6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 Awareness of Reporting Methods Use of Internet for Reporting Language Skills Third-party Reporting and Anonymity Publicise Successes Building Reassurance through the Police Conclusion

7 PREVENTING VIOLENT EXTREMISM

7.1 7.2 Introduction Consultation with Muslim Communities 7.2.1 Ealing 7.2.2 Redbridge 7.2.3 Consultation Coverage 7.3 Extent of Violent Extremism as an Issue in Ealing & Redbridge 7.3.1 Ealing 7.3.2 Redbridge 7.4 Causal Factors and Vulnerability 7.4.1 Deprivation and Discrimination 7.4.2 Tools of Recruitment

7.4.3 Warning Signs of Involvement 7.4.4 Places of Recruitment 7.5 7.6 Community Rejection of Violent Extremism Community Solutions 7.6.1 All Community Approach 7.6.2 Community Cohesion, Citizenship and Islam 7.6.3 Space for Discussion, Debate & Education Provision 7.6.4 Diversionary Activities 7.6.5 Faith Based Intervention 7.7 7.8 Links with Policing Conclusion

47 48 49 50 50 52 53 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 62 65 66 67 68 68 69 69 70 71 71 73 74 75 76 77 77 79 79 82 84 84 85 86 88 88 89 89 89 89 90 91 92 94

8 HIDDEN CRIMES
8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 Confirmation of the Problem Family & Community Support the First Resort Factors in Under-reporting Community Solutions Conclusion

9 ORGANISED CRIME YOUNG PEOPLES VULNERABILITY

9.1 9.2 9.3 Climate of Fear & Vulnerability Addressing Under-reporting Vulnerability to Gang Recruitment 9.3.1 Risk Factors 9.3.2 Motivational Factors 9.4 9.5 9.6 Waiting Lists Community Solutions Conclusion

10 YOUTH CRIME AND GANGS

10.1 First-Hand Knowledge of Gangs 10.2 Gang Characteristics 10.3 Girls, Gangs & Age 10.4 Criminal Activity & Impact on the Community 10.5 Vulnerability to Gang Recruitment 10.5.1 Risk Factors 10.5.2 Motivational Factors 10.6 Community Solutions 10.6.1 Police 10.6.2 Parents & Families 10.6.3 Diversionary Activities 10.6.4 Education & Training 10.6.5 Community Infrastructure 10.6.6 Role Models 10.6.7 Counselling & Mediation 10.6.8 Employability 10.6.9 Local Authority 10.7 Conclusion

11 CONCLUSION APPENDIX 1: APPENDIX 2:

DATA COVERAGE UCLans MODEL OF ENGAGEMENT

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1.2 Phases and Reports
The CE Pathfinder Programme has been undertaken in two phases. Phase 1 took place mainly between April and September 2007 and revealed the broad extent of the problems, experienced in the communities. This was comprehensively reported in Report 1 of the Pathfinder: Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes. Phase 2 took place between October 2007 and April 2008 and revealed in-depth learning about a smaller number of problems, considered to be the most pressing and hence priorities for the communities involved. Phase 2 consultation was also solution-focused, deriving communities views about recommendations for action. Report 2, Narrowing the Gap Solutions, is a composite report of this 2nd Phase of engagement on the Pathfinder. Both reports are recommended for a better understanding of the Pathfinder Programme in its entirety,3 drawing together the collective findings across the five participating Boroughs.4

1.1 Introduction & Objectives

The Community Engagement (CE) Pathfinder Programme was commissioned by the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) for delivery by the International School of Communities, Rights & Inclusion (ISCRI), University of Central Lancashire (UCLan). ISCRI modified and applied its proven model of engagement, around which the Programme has been built. The Pathfinder Programme took place on the ground between January 2007 and April 2008, following extensive planning and preparation. The focus of the Pathfinder was an examination of better engagement and understanding around issues of policing, community safety and crime in London and concentrated on five London Boroughs and communities. These were: Newham Tower Hamlets Redbridge Haringey Ealing Tamil Sri Lankan community Bangladeshi community Pakistani community Turkish speaking communities Somali community

In its delivery of the Pathfinder, ISCRI has reported to MPS Diversity and Citizen Focus Directorate. The Pathfinder has two principal objectives around achieving better mutual understanding between communities and police. These were: To increase understanding within the police (and stakeholders in community safety e.g. CDRPs2, Community Safety Partnerships) of the concerns, pressures, priorities, dynamics, needs and perceptions of the selected Pathfinder communities in relation to safety, crime and policing. To increase understanding within the Pathfinder communities of the work, approach, priorities, duties, dilemmas and perceptions of the police (and relevant stakeholders) in relation to safety, crime and policing. Better engagement through the engagement process itself and the learning from it can lead to greater trust and confidence in the police, seen as fundamental to effective service delivery and safer communities. In doing so, it can add value to MPS strategic priorities, especially around Safer Neighbourhoods, Citizen Focus, Protection and Counter Terrorism and Criminal Networks. It also provides valuable learning on prevention work on violent extremism, community cohesion and integration.

1.3 Participating Community Organisations

ISCRIs model of engagement revolves around the active participation and support of five community organisations, one in each of the selected Boroughs. The organisations are: Saiva Munetta Sangam UK (Tamil Sri Lankan community) Newham Dawatul Islam UK and Eire (Bangladeshi community) Tower Hamlets League of British Muslims (Pakistani community) Redbridge BRACE, College of North East London (Turkish speaking communities) Haringey Somali Youth Union in UK (Somali community) Ealing Each of these organisations conducted extensive peer-led consultation in their communities.

2 Crime

and Disorder Reduction Partnerships. Initial Report, available on the UCLan website, provides more background data on the Pathfinders earlier stages of preparation and is useful for further background. further detailed reading, 10 further reports [2 for each Borough] were produced, based on local data gathered for each community/Borough for both phases of the Pathfinder. These are also available on the UCLan website.

3 An

1.4 High Risk-Low Engagement

The participating communities and locations were selected by MPS, following their strategic threat assessment by which they were assigned as high risk/low engagement and hence, priorities for the focus of the Pathfinder.

4 For

1.5 Difficulties and Challenges

This was a challenging and difficult project for the community organisations to undertake. Lack of community trust in the police was a huge obstacle and members of the respective wider communities in the Boroughs were often reluctant to take part in a police project. There was also suspicion and frustration in their perceptions of local partnerships. However, the groups overcame these obstacles. This was undoubtedly the product of their own persistence, access to their communities and commitment to what they saw as vitally important work for their communities. It was also the result of the model of engagement chosen which provided for successful delivery on the ground. This allowed them to reveal what matters to them, rather than being required to respond to a pre-determined stereotype imposed on by an external body. This allowed them to reveal an in-depth understanding of their community dynamics [sic objectives, above]. They stressed that neither the police on their own, nor other authorities, could achieve this themselves. Having an independent academic, experienced intermediary in the form of UCLan had been a critical ingredient to success.

police and other authorities. These are the main subject of this report, based on the community evidence and include: Policing and developing community trust and confidence Islamophobia, hate crime and under-reporting Violent extremism Hidden crimes Organised crime and young peoples vulnerability Gang and youth crime, anti-social behaviour

1.8 Capacity Building Community Groups

The richness of the data has been enhanced by continuous and purposeful capacity-building of the five participating community organisations. This equipped them to conduct peer-led consultations in their communities in an informed and systematic way. Capacity building had four main elements. These were: Validated training on consultation skills and subject knowledge on policing, as part of the UCLan certificate in Public Policy and Participation Ongoing support and guidance from UCLan senior support workers on the ground throughout the Programme Informal, expert briefings by police officers, local authority senior officers from Community Safety Partnerships and others on all subjects for consultation [see 1.7 above] Technical assistance in helping construct consultation tools from these briefings by UCLan researchers Expert briefings were in community settings. In addition, the community organisations attended an information session at New Scotland Yard itself. The capacity-building had four main benefits. First, the community groups were able to conduct their consultation from positions of greater information and this is reflected in the quality of the evidence they obtained. Second, they were able to raise awareness in their wider communities of existing police and partnership activities and initiatives. Third, it built contact between the communities and the police [and other stakeholders] in a constructive environment and cause. Fourth, it introduced communities and police/stakeholders for sustainable relationships in the future. The remainder of the Executive Summary focuses on the specific problems examined in detail by the consultation in Phase 2 of the Pathfinder [1.7].

1.6 Scale of Engagement

The number of community members consulted on the Pathfinder are not the singular proof of successful engagement on the Pathfinder: the Programme used essentially qualitative data collection methods. However, they are an important indicator, especially given the scale of difficulty [see above] and the assessment of the communities as being low engaged in the first place. Testimony gathered was in-depth from individual interviews and focus groups of up to two hours duration. Respondents were drawn deeply from the wider communities, reaching beyond those normally consulted by authorities, the usual suspects. Both Narrowing the Gap reports articulate the views of 1,149 respondents, with 54% male, 46% female and many young people. This is a significant data sample from those conventionally referred to as hard to reach. The average age of respondents in the Pathfinder was under 30 years.

1.7 Priority Problems

Over 1,000 local residents in the five Boroughs gave their in-depth views on the most pressing problems affecting the safety of their communities, crime and how they are policed. They are all issues high on the agendas of the

1.9 Trust and Confidence in Policing

Respondents from all five Pathfinder communities confirmed how trust and confidence in policing was low and this was a priority concern for them. Their testimony was constructive and solution-focused and provides in effect a community-based critique of Safer Neighbourhoods. 1.9.1 Factors Compromising Trust and Confidence A number of factors had a negative impact on how the communities viewed the police in general. First, people were disenchanted in their dealings with the police by impolite behaviour, a lack of courtesy and respect and poor response to problems notified. Second, the practice of stop and search and the way it is applied increases resentment and feelings of unfair treatment. Third, high visibility policing reassures some communities [e.g. Tamil Sri Lankan, Newham] more than others who sometimes complained of heavy handedness and of being over-policed. Fourth, some of the Muslim communities perceived an unfair and disproportionate focus on them as a whole faith community(ies) and this served to fuel their alienation with authority in general; this is examined in more depth in the section on violent extremism. 1.9.2 Safer Neighbourhoods (SN) All five communities made positive comments about SN, speaking about improved feelings of safety and it was clearly valued in theory, as a potential means for better relationships and greater reassurance. They also accepted that it was a relatively new initiative and needed time to make an impact. However, public awareness and understanding of SN Teams [SNTs] was generally low and confused. PCSOs5 tended to be seen as lacking in authority which was felt to reduce their effectiveness as a resource to build confidence. Respondents spoke of the need to provide them with greater powers and additional responsibilities, together with better targeted patrols and times of day. 1.9.3 Community Safety Partnerships Respondents were generally critical about how they felt disengaged from the various local structures and arrangements, established through Community Safety Partnership structures and the police, including ward panels, local area partnerships, community consultation groups et al. Awareness was low and respondents spoke of barriers to their involvement in them. There was a strong sense that structures such as ward panels were not for them and were seen as top down approaches that they lacked the confidence to take part in or were seen as

mechanisms to impose a particular agenda, rather than to understand properly community needs and respond to them. This was felt keenly with Pakistani respondents in Redbridge. Reluctance for involvement by Turkish speaking respondents in Haringey seemed to be based on a stigma attached to attendance for fear of reprisals. 1.9.4 Community Solutions All respondents from the five Pathfinder communities recognised and valued the need for better engagement with the police and stakeholders on matters of crime, community safety and policing itself. Their recommendations called for attention in two main areas. First, on policing specifically, respondents clearly saw SNTs holding further potential but their effectiveness was undermined by: Negative community experiences with the wider police service upon contact with it these outweighed favourable comments about PCSOs friendliness and neighbourhood presence PCSOs being regarded as part of the police side (albeit with inadequate authority) and so not genuine intermediaries for the community Police staff profiles (both regular officers and PCSOs) still significantly unrepresentative of the communities they serve Dispersing or displacing community safety problems, rather than solving them particularly those of youth nuisance of varying degrees of seriousness Second, there was a clear communication deficit between communities and established community safety structures such as ward panels, IAGs et al. They largely seem to fail to connect with communities as a whole and were flawed mechanisms to consult, involve and engage with them. The Pathfinder community organisations themselves had been surprised by how much suspicion there was about agencies and institutions. The testimony of all five communities points in a consistent direction for narrowing the gap between police, stakeholders and communities, and so to build trust and confidence. As the Commissioner himself has commented: We needto move from policing by consent, which is the bedrock of our policing settlement but which is passive, to policing by direct collaboration, which is active. (Blair, 2005)6 Respondents were very clear about the steps needed and can be read in detail in the main body of this report. Their blueprint for better engagement recommends a community-led approach which utilises existing community infrastructure that already enjoys access to and the trust
5 Police

Community Support Officers. Ian, Metropolitan Police Commissioner, cited in Dimbleby Lecture, BBC1, 16 November 2005.

6 Blair, Sir

and confidence of their own communities. Keys are: Build trust by first understanding each community better its pressures, dynamics, problems and perceptions Work through the existing community infrastructure to help build that understanding as organisations and venues for interaction between community members and police and community safety partners, rather than existing arrangements from which people feel disconnected Enable the community organisations to lead and organise arrangements for communication, consultation, community safety events with the police and stakeholders playing a full part as guests, but not organisers Regular community-led sessions with an emphasis on informality and allowing for low key personal interaction Build meaningful mutual understanding between the police and communities and use informal but effective local settings to raise awareness Specific and informal interaction with young people youth clubs, community centres, schools and cultural events PCSOs as bridge builders Use of community media as an ingredient Places of worship, especially Mosques and Temples, for communication 1.9.5 Conclusion There is clearly a significant gap between the police, community safety bodies and the communities where current engagement works ineffectively. Lack of awareness and meaningful understanding of and between the two parties currently occupies that gap, perpetuating a lack of trust and confidence. The community infrastructure is a valuable and powerful resource that is essential for building better engagement, trust and confidence between communities and community safety bodies, including the police. Its neglect will only continue to frustrate attempts by statutory and other bodies to engage with communities they want to serve. In its own way the Pathfinder Programme itself has demonstrated how the gap can be narrowed: the model of engagement used has served not only to foster better mutual understanding; it has served to raise community awareness of the needs and often dilemmas faced by the police and it has been noticeable how community groups confidence has grown during the project and relationships with police and other stakeholders developed. As can be seen from later sections in this report, greater trust and confidence based on more meaningful mutual understanding are pivotal to the resolution of a range of

crime and safety problems raised by the communities.

1.10 Under-reporting Islamophobia & Hate Crime

The consequences of a lack of trust and confidence in the police was seen clearly in the under-reporting of Islamophobic hate crime. The Somali Youth Union in UK [SYUINUK] conducted in-depth consultation in Phase 2 on this specific issue with Somali community members in Ealing.7 Consultations undertaken during both phases of the Pathfinder revealed the significance of Islamophobic attacks and experiences of the Somali community there, felt especially by women and how these are under-reported. SYUINUK gathered community feedback on the issue of under-reporting, awareness of reporting methods and views on making the reporting of hate crime more accessible and feasible. 1.10.1 Third Party Reporting and Anonymity Awareness of third party reporting sites and methods was virtually non-existent. These included the use of local libraries, community centres and the internet. The overwhelming weight of evidence referred to community respondents concerns about anonymity. There was an over-riding worry which bordered on paranoia about the use to which personal information might or would be used by the police and/or authorities. This came through consistently as the greatest obstacle affecting the willingness to report crime. Reluctance to report was unequivocally based on a profound lack of trust and confidence in the police. Much of the testimony pointed to suspicion of authority in general and fears of personal information being on file with the police or government. 1.10.2 Building Reassurance Through the Police Respondents saw the police as the proper authority for dealing with such crime, even though they were generally reluctant to approach them directly. Third party intermediaries and methods were seen as flawed and did not overcome fears about anonymity. PCSOs as intermediaries were seen as limited in authority and therefore ineffective routes [see previous section]. Third party mechanisms were seen as an imperfect antidote to the lack of trust in the police as a whole; this lay at the heart of the problem of under-reporting. Testimony reinforced that described in the previous section: solutions lay in better engagement with the community to instill greater trust and confidence.

- other Pathfinder communities: Under-reporting was also a phenomenon in the Tamil Sri Lankan community in Newham. Though not associated with hate-crime, it was similarly bound up in concerns for personal anonymity, based partly on feelings of intimidation with the police and partly on fears of reprisal. Such factors were also felt by the Turkish speaking communities in Haringey in respect of reporting gang crime, for example.

7 Under-reporting

1.10.3 Conclusion The evidence revealed how third party reporting mechanisms, though laudable in intention, were no substitute for the organisational changes in approach to engagement by the police that were needed to break down barriers and generate greater trust for members of the community to have the confidence to come forward and report. Not only were hate crimes unacceptable in their own right, they also served in the communitys eyes to increase their vulnerability to the overtures of violent extremists, with Islamophobia providing the hunting ground for recruitment.

Deprivation and discrimination were factors mentioned repeatedly that weaken bonds of connection with society. Islamophobia and violent extremism were cited as being two sides of the same coin with the former providing the hunting ground for the latter. Testimony also recognised that the powerful sense of discrimination can cut across economic circumstances, educational attainment and gender. It is not exclusively an issue of poverty. That sense of discrimination is compounded by concerns about a disproportionate focus in the public domain on Muslim communities, increasing feelings of alienation. Concerns about deprivation and discrimination are well known structural and longstanding problems and grievances. There repetition here is still important, given their impact on the resilience of communities. Also, testimony time and again stressed the links between terrorism, perceived injustice of British/Western foreign policy and the promotion of a distortion of the Islamic faith. Respondents cited these as important tools, consistently used by proponents of violent extremism that acted as catalysts for vulnerable individuals. Respondents also commented on the warning signs of involvement. Signs and emotional indicators are subtle, difficult to discern even by close friends and family and reflect the clandestine nature of recruitment and grooming. Indicators included the speed of behaviour change, new and exclusive circles of friends, disinterest in worldly materialism, frequent use of Islamic and Arabic phrases out of context, anger and tendency to proselytise their beliefs. Recruitment itself can occur in a range of locations, publicly, privately, through the internet and in unregulated places. 1.11.3 Community Rejection of Violent Extremism Rejection of violent extremism by communities was unequivocal. Respondents condemned it and terrorism as criminal acts against all people and communities. They rejected the abuse of their faith, stressing the true principles of Islam as a religion of peace and were deeply concerned about how it had been distorted to project intolerance, anger, hatred and violence. Some commented on how they had used those true principles to resist persuasion themselves by violent extremists. 1.11.4 Community Solutions Recommendations reflect the communities understanding of the causes and drivers behind the problem. They promote a partnership approach that includes contributions from a wide range of sources as well as a focus on particular communities or problems where these are seen as priorities.

1.11 Preventing Violent Extremism [PVE]

Two Pathfinder community organisations examined the issue of PVE in depth. These were SYUINUK in Ealing and the League of British Muslims in Redbridge. This section is based on the testimony from 48 Muslim male and female community members between 18 and 60 years old of 10 ethnicities, including Somali, Pakistani, Iranian, East African, Indian, Mauritian, Bangladeshi, Turkish, Iraqi Kurdish and Algerian. 1.11.1 Extent of Violent Extremism [VE] as an Issue in the Boroughs Testimony from respondents in both Boroughs acknowledged the problem and its seriousness. They commented upon how VE occurred both discretely but sometimes also more transparently on the streets. Violent extremism was seen by respondents as a criminal act, both fuelling and fuelled by Islamophobia with Somali women often the most affected and at risk. In Redbridge a consistent theme were the strong feelings of hurt, resentment and almost a sense of despair that treatment of the issue of PVE in the public domain had led to a sweeping victimisation of the whole Muslim community(ies) which was counter-productive, and increased alienation and disaffection. 1.11.2 Causal Factors and Vulnerability The testimony points to a complex syndrome of factors that fuel vulnerability and can trigger involvement in and support for causes of violent extremism. No single factor predominates and there is no simple stereotype; they influence different individuals in different ways but with a similar outcome.

10

First, respondents asserted the need for solutions to embrace an-all community approach, rather than a singular focus on the Muslim community(ies). This is based on the following principles: The issue of VE is one of safety for all communities The need for debate and information across all communities The response to the problems of discrimination require an all-community and strong public sector commitment Tackling deprivation requires a broad all-agency response A singular focus on the Muslim community(ies) is counter-productive and reinforces a sense of isolation and social disconnection Positive values of tolerance, justice and citizenship are shared across communities and cohesion requires a focus on the diversity of groups Islamic faith was seen as a bridge not an obstacle to cohesion and shared values VE can originate from many different backgrounds and there is a need to diffuse the religious element from it Second, the promotion of citizenship and cohesion were recognised by Muslim respondents as very important components in the prevention of violent extremism and strengthening resilience. Based on knowledge of community dynamics, they proposed that this can best be achieved in the context of Islam rather than by their promotion as purely secular, external and in some way divorced from Islamic principles. This needs to be carried out independently from the state with government as funders and enablers, rather than agents of delivery. Third, debate, discussion and more information were seen as powerful tools for prevention. The issues are difficult, confusing and controversial for communities, especially for some young people. There was a clear appetite for information and discussion about VE as outlets and ways of challenging extremist views. There may be a priority need for provision for some communities, but this needs to be balanced by an all-community approach in education, promoting shared values. Fourth, local community infrastructure was seen as the key to the provision of safe and trusted environments for provision of information and discussion. This principle links strongly with recommendations earlier in this report on policing. Respondents gave details on how sessions could be conducted and organised. They echo similar views on addressing youth crime, later in this report.

Fifth, respondents in both Boroughs also recommended faith-based interventions, to better connect with communities. This connects strongly with the value of promoting true Islamic principles to counter extremist messages. Training for Imams were recommended for two main purposes: to have better English language skills to connect with young people and to bring...citizenship training nearer to the teaching of Islam. Sixth, it was interesting that consultation on the issue of VE provoked little response about the role of the police itself. Respondents tended to focus on the need for the police to address crime in general but did not refer to police activity to counter VE with explicit preventative measures. Lack of trust and confidence in the police was clearly a powerful factor. Respondents were keen to see the police involved in contributing to information sessions (in community venues, organised by the community) but saw the need to narrow the gap between them and the police by first building better mutual understanding on the principles previously outlined in this report, and by gradually building trust by addressing community concerns themselves or in partnership with other stakeholders. This was seen as the best way to foster collaborative effort but will be a long term process. 1.11.5 Conclusion Communities clearly welcomed the opportunity to contribute their views on PVE and provided in-depth, and clearly heart-felt testimony about the drivers behind VE and approaches they would recommend for addressing it. There was also a clear sense that some communities felt under siege and needed support in ways that were productive and helpful. An emphasis on cohesion was seen as both relevant, productive, rather than as a soft option. Public sector interventions, whether by police or government, needed to understand current dynamics of communities and support them in ways that enabled effective and better engagement on this difficult issue which all recognised and want to address.

1.12 Hidden Crimes

Understanding and engagement on a category of crimes that include domestic violence, incest, forced-marriage and honour killing are by their very nature difficult to achieve. The League of British Muslims in their second Phase of consultation selected the issue of hidden crimes as an important community concern about which their privileged access to the Pakistani community in Redbridge enabled them to gain further insights.

11

1.12.1 Nature and Confirmation Respondents confirmed the existence of these crimes in their community, commenting on how their impact was often most profoundly felt on women and children but could also impact on the whole family and the wider community. The most frequently recognised crimes and problems were domestic violence, forced marriages, problematic drug use and alcoholism. Their understanding needs to take account of cultural dynamics and inter-generational social structures. 1.12.2 Family and Community the First Resort Respondents stressed the tendency first to seek assistance from within the family and community sources which were seen as positive strengths: their principal virtue lay in their cultural understanding and competence of which official sources were perceived to be largely deficient. 1.12.3 Factors in Under-reporting Four main factors and barriers induced individuals to keep crimes hidden in the family or trusted community circles: To avoid the shame and stigma in the community associated with their admission Lack of trust in official services that were not seen as culturally competent Concerns that the consequences of their reporting would make matters worse Lack of knowledge about services available 1.12.4 Community Solutions There was a gap between services police and other and their appropriateness to be seen as viable solutions. As a result, the over-riding community perception was of poor customer service, insufficiently relevant to their needs for people to seek assistance beyond immediate circles, except in extreme circumstances. To overcome barriers, services needed to be built around five key features: Services with greater cultural competence, framed within faith and cultural perspectives Greater trust in the police, generated by their closer engagement with community infrastructure [see earlier section] Greater family involvement in solutions constructed by services Capacity building for families and communities with information, skills and resourced to generate a viable partnership approach Linguistic provision and confidentiality

It was significant that again in consultation on this issue as with others on the Pathfinder, the recommended solutions are mutually reinforcing and consistent.

1.13 Organised Crime and Drugs Young Peoples Vulnerability

The vulnerability of young people involved in organised drug related crime was a priority concern for Turkish speaking communities in Haringey. In-depth consultation was carried out by BRACE on this issue in Phase 2 of the Pathfinder, especially with young people. 1.13.1 Fear and Under-reporting Strong feelings of vulnerability to crime and a general climate of fear in the community, especially of street gangs, came through powerfully in the testimony. Its under-reporting was a product of lack of confidence in the effectiveness of the police in being able to address problems combined with fears of retaliation and threats to personal safety. Respondents spoke of the need for closer and better relationships in their communities with the police together with witness protection, the need for personal anonymity and the recruitment of Turkish police officers. 1.13.2 Vulnerability Respondents were asked why they thought young people joined organised gangs in Haringey. Their suggestions fall into two main causal areas: risk factors that increase vulnerability; and motivational factors that can be seen as positive benefits to involvement. Risk factors included: Wider social influences, including disadvantage as minority communities, experiences of violence from their countries of origin, exposure to violent films and lack of access to education Gang ties and affiliation strengthened by familial connections Denial or lack of awareness of signs of illegal activity and gang membership Lack of support from the home, fear and peer pressure Motivational factors included: Perceptions of financial reward Protection Status and the perception of cool

12

Contrary to information from expert briefings prior to the consultation, respondents discounted the notion of there being waiting lists to join gangs: gangs were receptive to new members and actively recruited. 1.13.3 Community Solutions Many of the factors and solutions are not unique to this problem: they equally apply to other issues of crime, safety and policing and are consistent with findings elsewhere in this report. There are clear long-term and structural problems that increase the vulnerability: the testimony in Haringey repeatedly points to more efforts in relation to education, training, employability, job opportunities and better social environments to offer alternative lifestyles and opportunity. Diversionary activities were seen as important but not the whole solution. Other key elements included: Recreational opportunities Information on the dangers of gangs Education and jobs Addressing Turkish culture and language by the police and partnership agencies

offences being part of the fabric of everyday life. Although a lack of organised business structures for gangs was the norm, this did not minimise the impact on the community: respondents in Newham spoke of havoc and of protection rackets, intimidation and sophisticated credit card fraud. 1.14.2 Risk and Motivational Factors Lack of family support was seen as the most important risk factor and was commonly expressed by all three communities, commenting on the impact of deprivation, single parent families and even of family breakdown in some communities. Others spoke of the dynamics of young people within a migrant community experience and a focus on greater supervision of girls than boys. Interlinked motivational factors included: Protection Respect and power Cool image Peer pressure Identity and being part of something Financial reward

Testimony also stressed the need for a partnership approach, acknowledging the complexity of the problem.

One respondent in Tower Hamlets spoke of young people turning to gang membership as a type of vigilantism from dissatisfaction with the police service. 1.14.3 Community Solutions Solutions proposed reflect those cited elsewhere in this report and according to community characteristics. Police Tamil Sri Lankan respondents tended towards the need for stronger enforcement, reflecting their lack of confidence being based on the police being feared and revered, rather than disrespected. Both Somali and Bangladeshi communities called for the need for greater trust and interaction with the community. Parents and families the role of parental responsibility was stressed in all areas and for greater training and support. Diversionary activities although not a panacea, there was a unanimous call for much greater and better quality provision Education and training positive roles for schools and colleges Community infrastructure respondents stressed the positive role the community needs and wants to make. There was a need for intervention to mesh with the dynamics of the communities with statutory bodies in enabling roles, more meaningfully involving communities in the design and delivery of services

1.14 Youth Crime and Gangs

Three of the Pathfinder organisations conducted in-depth consultation on the broader problem of youth crime, anti-social behaviour and gangs. These were in Tower Hamlets (Bangladeshi), Ealing (Somali) and Newham (Tamil Sri Lankan). 50 respondents took part, predominantly young people under the ages of 25-28 years. Respondents knowledge and experience of gangs was mainly first-hand. 1.14.1 Characteristics and Impact on Community Respondents referred to dress codes and hairstyles as indicators of gang identity, whilst others were reluctant to generalise. There was evidence of membership by faith/ ethnicity, as well as those of mixed ethnicity. Gangs were seen as being predominantly young males, though some also pointed to involvement of females. Gang members were mainly between 11 and 19 years old and getting younger. All three communities confirmed the serious impact of youth crime and gangs in their area on a scale ranging from low level nuisance to more serious offences, including robbery, damage to property and even murder. In Tower Hamlets there was a sense that residents had grown to accept the unacceptable in their neighbourhoods, with

13

 Role models and ex-gang members Counselling and mediation to challenge behaviour Employability more assistance with careers advice and links with employers Local authority the need to engage more widely in communities As part of the consultation each of the community groups was able to raise awareness about a range of existing schemes and initiatives currently on the table in their areas which communities found interesting and informative. However, there was an underpinning need expressed to narrow the gap between the police and community; and respondents stressed how their communities are critical resources for helping address the problems that above all require a true partnership approach.

services have already started to adapt their engagement practices from the Pathfinder lessons and experience on the ground. All five community groups over the winter helped MPS with participation and advice on various police recruitment workshops across London and we know their constructive input has been valued and appreciated. Again, this carries forward just one of the key findings of the Pathfinder. One community member from the Pathfinder now has a job in MPS as a community cohesion and engagement co-ordinator and we know how important this appointment is seen in her community. Without her Pathfinder experience we know she would not even have considered applying for the post. In all these ways, the gap between communities and police has already been narrowed. It didnt happen overnight. It has required stamina and commitment, not least from local police officers working on the Pathfinder and whose willing support and help has been unstinting. Local relationships have been built gradually, many important learning points for all that hold good prospects for future progress. The Narrowing the Gap reports [Problems and Processes and Solutions] provide the key principles for better engagement that the communities recommend for adoption by police and stakeholders for their respective strategy, planning, delivery, performance structures and arrangements.

1.15 Conclusion
The community solutions are not action plans nor have they been presented as such. They are principles felt by communities to hold some important answers for service development and approaches that they recommend for adoption. Needless to say, they are keen that their work is taken forward practically by stakeholders. The principles or solutions put forward reflect in many ways the model by which they emerged. These include an emphasis on capacity building and sharing information, use of community infrastructure as a pivot for engagement, involvement of stakeholders in the process, gradual relationship building and a clear organised framework to make it happen, facilitated by an independent intermediary with the confidence of communities. The results of the Pathfinder go beyond the production of the two Narrowing the Gap reports and this has always been the intention. The Programme already has a practical legacy locally. The five groups are variously continuing their work in their communities unfunded on issues of policing, crime and community safety. They completed their journey on the Pathfinder itself with more skills and capacity, a desire to continue and do more and their confidence had been built to do this. Some are using their experience to add value to other projects they are doing. Others continue to run local information and consultation/awareness raising events with their communities on policing and community safety. They have invited local police officers to assist and this has been happening, exactly replicating the findings of this report. In some areas we know that some police

14

INTRODUCTION
within the police (and other relevant stakeholders) of the concerns, pressures, dynamics, needs and perceptions of the selected Pathfinder communities in relation to safety, crime and policing within the Pathfinder communities of the work, approach, priorities and perception of the police (and other relevant stakeholders) in relation to safety, crime and policing. From a wide range of issues and concerns raised in Phase 1 those bulleted above were chosen as priorities for further more in-depth engagement work in Phase 2. The MPS selected the chosen Boroughs and communities, following a strategic threat assessment which described them as being high risk/low engagement. The communities, London Boroughs and community organisations around which the Pathfinder worked are described in fuller detail in the Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes report. In summary they are: Community Tamil Sri Lankan Bangladeshi Pakistani Somali Turkish/Kurdish London Borough - Newham - Tower Hamlets - Redbridge - Ealing - Haringey Community organisation - Saiva Munetta Sangam - Dawatul Islam - League of British Muslims - Somali Youth Union in UK - BRACE, College of NE London

The Pathfinder Programme has been undertaken in two phases with Phase 1 reported extensively in Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processess. That report provided comprehensive details of the Programmes origins, objectives, methods, processes and interim findings. This second report, Narrowing the Gap: Solutions, sets out the main findings of the Phase 2 engagement activity of the Pathfinder Programme. It is a composite account of the final phase of focused engagement and consultation carried out by the five participating community organisations leading this work throughout the Pathfinder and is solution-focused. Reading both reports is recommended for a complete understanding of the Pathfinder.8 Data has been distilled from five separate and detailed working reports from engagement activity undertaken in each of the participating London Boroughs in Phase 2. The material is set out thematically by the key issues that each community organisation explored in-depth in Phase 2. These issues were selected as of priority concern by the community groups and in consultation with Exchange Forum members, following their reflection of their initial engagement work in the first phase of the Programme. They are all issues high on the public agendas of government, the police, local authorities and their partners. The issues and themes which form the basis of this Final Report are: Policing and developing community trust and confidence Islamophobia, hate crime and under-reporting Violent extremism Hidden crimes Organised crime and young peoples vulnerability Gang and youth crime, anti-social behaviour Complementing this, the Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes report provides the background and understanding of why these issues were chosen. The first phase revealed a diverse mix of community concerns. By intention the community groups were encouraged to reveal, from their engagement and community consultation, any and all issues that were of community concern in their localities and neighbourhoods around the broad focus of policing, crime and community safety. Beyond these parameters, no specific issue was presumed, directed or imposed on the community groups, thereby enabling them to reveal without influence, prejudice or stereotype, the issues that mattered to their communities. This approach was essential in fulfilling the core objectives of the Pathfinder which were to increase understanding:

Through the intensive year long (+) Pathfinder in both its phases, the participating community organisations not only engaged meaningfully with the police and stakeholders, they also provided in-depth testimony from the heart of their communities about issues that they perceived affected their safety. Absorbing the content, derived from community consultations, of both the Process and Problems and Solutions reports together is recommended for a more complete understanding of the concerns and dynamics of the communities around which the Pathfinder is based. Also, particularly through their work on Phase 2, the community organisations concentrated on drawing out community perspectives on how best to address key issues of greatest concern to them. These consultations were by design solution-focused and demonstrate how their contributions are a valuable resource both in understanding difficult, problematic issues from a community perspective in relation to community safety,

8 Phase

1 activity on the Pathfinder took place in communities between April-September 2007; Phase 2 between October-April 2008.

15

crime and policing, as well as offering practical and evidence-based recommendations for action and change. The solutions proposed and the community rationale behind them form the main body of the Narrowing the Gap: Solutions report.

16

CONTEXT AND PROCESS

Other blogs illustrated the value perceived by community members in the model adopted as a means of enabling them to reveal and express community views and worries about very sensitive and controversial issues: This has been really difficult for usand we want people to know that weve had to overcome some real issues and problems to get this materialbut weve done it, cos it was important. (CEW) If you really want to understand our community, theres no point doing it any other way. We wouldnt have wanted to be involved if it wasnt done like this. (CEW) People want to be heard, and they prefer to interact with community-based organisation with whom they have trust, rather than authorities. (CEW) The adopted model of engagement for the Pathfinder not only succeeded in connecting with communities on difficult and controversial issues for them, the process itself and the way it was constructed also raised community awareness of police and stakeholder policies, dilemmas and responsibilities and improved relationships as the programme developed. From a starting point where some groups had been reluctant to participate in the Pathfinder at allhere they were sitting round a table with police officerssharing concerns from the evidence they had gathered from their community consultation projects, and constructively discussing ways forward. (UCLan team member) In my time I did not know much about the police and how they work but in my research I learn a lot of things and the problem which my community face. (CEW) Details of other observations on the process can be found in the Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes report. These included further reflections on the value of community-led consultation, community confidence, the use of appropriate locations, gathering data, the experience of engagement with the police and authorities, the personal impact on community participants, perceptions of stakeholder behaviour to the community and the value of UCLan as independent facilitator and attitudes.

The Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes report included commentary on the lessons learned from the process itself of undertaking the Pathfinder. These were drawn from anonymised, personal reflections, provided in the form of blogs to UCLan, from community and stakeholder participants in the programme about how the Pathfinder was working, especially details of difficulties and obstacles. Some of the principal points merit repeating here. They usefully demonstrate the degree of difficulty found, particularly for the community groups, in undertaking the project at all. That these were in the main overcome is a testament to the tenacity of the community organisations and the model adopted and put into proper context the findings later in this report. Some of the main points are: Lack of community trust in the police was a huge obstacle with a reluctance to participate in a police project: as soon as the police was mentioned, people didnt want to give their views, full stop (CEW9) There is no doubt that once you are involved with the police, it is difficult to get away, so people dont get involved. (CEW) Suspicion and frustration lay not only with the police: it also was found in perceptions of local partnerships: Its just pseudo citizen participation and not real. Theyve already decided on the issues and priorities its tokenistic. You feel whats the point in getting involved. (CEW) The value of UCLan, seen as an independent academic intermediary to broker engagement was crucial to success: Actually we wouldnt have touched this project reallybut the fact that its UCLan made the difference. (CEW) Our trustees were contacted by community members who questioned why the group was involved in such a projectand asked for it to stop. As a community organisation we had to think about our standing in our community, which weve built up over decades of hard work the trust and confidence in us of our own community was at risk. (CEW)

Engagement Workers: members of the five Pathfinder community organisations who led the consultation work on the programme in their respective communities. Each organisation had at least 5 CEWs working on the programme throughout.

9 Community

17

FOCUSED CAPACITY BUILDING

five community organisations one weekend at New Scotland Yard itself, held over several hours one Saturday. This provided the groups collectively with an overview and MPS central perspectives on Safer Neighbourhoods, gang crime in London, recruitment to the MPS as well as a general question and answer session. These were delivered by senior police and civilian MPS staff. This preparation was valuable and significant in four main ways. First, as indicated above it capacity-built the community organisations so that they were better able to conduct informative consultation. UCLan researchers assisted the groups frame their consultation tools accordingly. In this way it enhanced opportunities for community critiques of specific existing practice by stakeholders and new learning from a community point of view. Second, the groups were able to use their new learning and capacity to raise awareness in their communities of stakeholder perspectives, policies, projects and services on these issues as part of their consultation. Indeed, at some of the subsequently arranged consultation events the community groups invited local police and community safety partnership officers [typically from the local authority] to give brief presentations to community members attending, prior to undertaking their focus groups and one-to-one interviews. Third, the briefings were an important part of building engagement and interaction itself between the communities and stakeholders and were especially valuable not only in the information provided, but also in building relationships, awareness and dispelling myths. This would have been unlikely, if not impossible at the start of the Pathfinder when community group confidence was much lower and suspicion much higher. As one community member commented: Ive been in England for 20 years and I never thought Id be able to go to a place like this [New Scotland Yard]. (Female CEW) Fourth, the briefings helped reinforce the relationship between the community groups and the police/local partnership officers as mutual points of contact, sustainable after the Pathfinder programme. In UCLans model capacity building is important not only for the communities and community organisations. It is also important for the police and stakeholders. The latter is achieved, partly by the interaction and engagement that took place gradually through the Pathfinders duration

Capacity building is a crucial component of UCLans model of engagement. Not only have the participating community groups received validated training from the university on consultation skills, they have been provided with subject knowledge and learning around policing itself as part of the UCLan certificate in Public Policy and Participation, leading to an accredited university qualification. In addition, the groups received further subject-specific briefing in preparation for Phase 2. This has been important. Essentially, it capacity-built and equipped the community groups to conduct their peer-led consultation in an informed and systematic way. From experience and the work of the Pathfinder in Phase 1 and the input from the local Exchange Forums10, it was evident that police and other stakeholders were already providing a range of services, interventions, policies and practice on all the issues identified by the community groups for their Phase 2 consultation. It was important that the community groups were aware of existing practice and approaches so that they were better able to conduct their consultation work from a position of information. As a result UCLan arranged for a series of information briefings by police and local authority/CDRP agency professional staff on each of the issues that were subjects for their consultation in Phase 2. These were informal in nature and took place in community settings. Each of the five community organisations received briefings from their own local BOCU11 Borough Liaison Officers/Partnership Inspectors. Where relevant, they were supplemented by additional informal briefings from their local authority officers who could provide information and insights from their organisations and partners on specific issues. These were especially relevant given the way in which most of the issues [e.g. anti-social behaviour, gang and youth crime, hidden crimes, community safety] are delivered on a partnership basis locally. All five community groups received informal briefings from their local Partnership Inspectors on neighbourhood policing with a special focus on the work of Safer Neighbourhoods, given that all five groups had identified trust and confidence in policing as a priority concern. Similarly, the National Community Tensions Team provided informal sessions to the two community organisations that had identified violent extremism as a priority issue for their Phase 2 consultation. In addition, the MPS arranged an informal briefing for all

10 Exchange

Forums were formed in each of the five Boroughs from local police and officers from community safety teams and CRDPs: they met periodically throughout the Pathfinder to learn of progress and act as critical friends to the work of the community groups. They also provide a route for sustainability into local partnerships after the Pathfinder itself. Operational Command Unit.

11 Borough

18

through the joint meetings between communities and stakeholders in briefings, Exchange Forums etc. It is also achieved by the evidence provided in Narrowing the Gap reports themselves, as the content is key to understanding the communities concerns and recommendations for action12.

This is the essence of the model behind the Pathfinder for the mutual raising of awareness, understanding and engagement between the communities and stakeholders.

section 11 Conclusions for evidence of how the Pathfinder is being sustained.

12 See

19

TRUST AND CONFIDENCE IN POLICING

The content of this section is illustrated diagrammatically in the following conceptual framework.

Factors Compromising Trust and Confidence

Safer Neighbourhoods

Community Safety Partnership Structures

Negative experience of police behaviour Impolite behaviour Poor customer service

Positive community views Reassuring presence Increase feelings of safety Welcome the theory and intention of closer community contact

Awareness and understanding of SNTs and PCSOs Low, confused or non-existent

Low community awareness and involvement

Barriers to involvement

Resentment at Stop and Search Feelings of unfair treatment

Over-policing Under-policing Impact on reassurance variable

Better and more focused operational targeting of SNTs Locations and times of day

Greater respect and trust by PCSOs invested with more powers and authority

Regarded as top down structures

Advertise police successes Greater public promotion of SNTs and PCSOs roles Address uncertainty about effectiveness of police action

Lack of confidence to participate

Perceptions of disproportionate focus on Muslim communities Early days for impact

Seen as unconnected to community needs and promoting an external government agenda

COMMUNITY BASED SOLUTIONS NARROWING THE GAP

Safer Neighbourhood Teams as Solutions
Recognition of friendliness but seen as police not community intermediaries Better understanding of communities thro trusted infrastructure

Build on and through community infrastructure Community dynamics of trust and access
Develop mutual understanding and dispelling mutual myths Interaction with young people - clubs, centres, schools, sports and culture - PCSOs as bridge builders

Effectiveness undermined by need for better customer service from wider police service

Greater representation in police employment general and PCSOs

Fair and appropriate conduct by BME police recruits

Build engagement thro trusted infrastructure venues for interaction

Community led as the key to consultation, interaction, information, safety planning Partnership approach Community safety partners and police as guests - not hosts or organisers Format of sessions for interaction set out

Powers and operational routes and patrol times

Conventional media and cultural outlets - but not a substitute

Sensitive recruitment messages

SNTs displace/ dispersal role - not solutions

Places of worship - mosques and temples - views reflect diversity

20

The need for greater trust and confidence in policing was identified in Phase 1 by all five community groups as a priority issue of concern for further examination by them. Fundamental concerns related to lack of trust, concerns about stop and search and unfair treatment, perceptions of sometimes inadequate operational police performance and customer service and effects on the reporting of crime. The Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes report outlined the significance of trust and confidence in policing, being seen as fundamental to effective policing and safer, properly engaged communities in the capital. It is encapsulated in the drive towards Citizen Focused Policing and the Safer Neighbourhoods programme is seen as a fundamental means for its achievement and better community engagement. For Phase 2 of the Pathfinder, each community organisation conducted further focused local consultation on this issue, following their expert briefings described in section 4 Focused Capacity Building. The emphasis of the consultation was solution-focused, rather than merely repeating the concerns already revealed in Phase 1. In effect, Phase 2 has provided a constructive, community-based critique of Safer Neighbourhoods and related policing. Although there were some variations of emphasis and experience between the different communities, important messages and recommendations clearly came through which are consistent across the communities and mutually reinforcing. The content of this section effectively provides a blueprint for making Safer Neighbourhoods work better and improve engagement across the Pathfinder communities. As can be seen from other sections of this report, this and greater trust and confidence in policing are not only crucial for reassurance and engagement. They also provide the key to addressing the other priority issues that have been raised by the communities. Get this right and a range of other benefits flow from it.

seeks to articulate the differences at the same time as demonstrating this common effect on trust and confidence, shared by all. 5.1.1 Police Behaviour and Customer Service Trust and confidence were clearly diminished by community interaction itself with the police in general and perceptions of their experiences. This came through strongly in Phase 1 and was reinforced in Phase 2. Sometimes these experiences are revealed in perceptions of neglect and negative police attitudes and impolite behaviour: Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets In three occasions Ive called the police like for crimes about person and theyre not like interested. (male focus group 18-55 years) Even the police, the police were very rude; they are very rude to young people, youth (male focus group 18-55 years) They could calm their authority down a bit, they could be more polite. (male focus group 18-55 years) Their approach is always negativity. But they really need to change their approach. (male focus group 18-55 years) Pakistani community, Redbridge not only they not turning up on time, they are rude. (female focus group 28 years +) ordinary people are still fearful, due mainly to the treatment by the police (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) Somali community, Ealing If something happens and I call the police, they never show up. (mixed gender focus group 25-52 years) if the police gives respect to people and the community will be more open to talk about crime. (mixed gender focus group 25-52 years) Turkish speaking communities, Haringey The police should be friendly and respect other cultures (female focus group 17-24 years) The police should be trained regularly to improve their basic skills such as being polite in the street. (female focus group 17-24 years)

5.1 Factors in Compromising Trust and Confidence

Testimony from the separate consultations with all five communities revealed a number of factors that underpin their lack of trust and confidence in the police. Some of these varied, reflecting the diversity of communities dynamics and characteristics. However, the negative impact was itself common and consistent. This section

21

Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham For victims of crime, experience of poor police performance was the most cited reason for reduction in trust and confidence. Well, if a police, through experience, Ive seen the police take a lot of time to respond. If someone could do it quicker. (20 year old male) Like I said on numerous occasions, I just think that the police need to have a more positive attitude really. (23 year old female) when people report crimes at police station, I think they should be a bit more sympathetic to people instead of being intimidating to the people. So I think they should be doing themselves a favour by changing the way they do things. (25 year old male) In addition to concerns about police manners, behaviour and prompt responses, some respondents trust and confidence were impaired by a sense that they were treated as suspects themselves when they did or might report a crime. Somali community, Ealing I actually wouldnt report a crime because its simple, I just dont trust the police, because if you report a crime, they will get you involved in the crime, that you will be the first suspect for them within the crime. (mixed gender focus group 25-52 years). One respondent gave the example of how he [a taxi driver] had taken the trouble to report a recent incident in which a Somali male had been shot, after having taken the victim to hospital: his subsequent experience with the police left him feeling that he was being treated as the suspect and perpetrator, rather than as a good citizen, reporting the crime: If you report a crime, youre now worse off...the follow ups, interviews, courts...its all very intense. (female focus group 18-25 years) 5.1.2 Stop and Search As in Phase 1, the perception and pervading atmosphere of mistrust is significantly also a result of resentment at the practice of stop and search, the way it is applied and its impact on individuals feelings of unfair treatment. Somali community, Ealing One of the things that tarnishes the trust is when

they do a stop and searchthere is some people because they are wearing a hood and I think when they arrest and search for no reason. (mixed gender focus group 25-59 years) I dont think we are angelsbut the police make real provocations, sometimes they stop individuals for nothing, sometimes they terrorise the individuals we are talking about. (mixed gender focus group 25-59 years) Some respondents stressed how the hard work done to improve community relations can be damaged: Pakistani community, Redbridge Look, they have worked so hard in arranging and making this presentation [to a local community meeting]Now imagine the following day they stop and search a person and that gets reported all the good work goes down the drain. (male focus group 17-24 years) Turkish speaking communities, Haringey Inappropriate stop and search was cited in each of the 3 focus groups and interviews conducted by BRACE in their Phase 2 consultation. Random stop and search, the attitude of the police in terms of being above the law, racism [reduce trust and confidence]. (female 17-24 years) 5.1.3 Over-policing/under-policing The quality of engagement and relationships between community and police can also be affected by the scale of police presence at times locally. For some communities, larger police presence does not appear to build reassurance; rather, it generates feelings of heavy-handedness and of being over-policed. Pakistani community, Redbridge Yes, if you go to Ilford Lane there are small business community there and all the time you will notice a number of PCs praying and waiting for someone to make a wrong move and they will apprehend. (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) heavy police presenceit does not increase the confidence in the police but strengthens the views about police heavy-handedness. (male focus group 17-24 years) However, for other communities a greater police presence was viewed positively, welcomed and was more reassuring.

22

Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham 20 out of 21 respondents in Phase 2 reported that they felt safer with a visible, uniformed police presence. Some commented on the reassurance of the same officers being seen in the same area and when they were present in areas like tube stations. Comments from Tamil respondents related particularly to comments made about not feeling safe in Newham, linked particularly to the presence of groups on the street. In this respect, the community tended to favour what they perceived as more robust, tougher lines on anti-social behaviour, visible policing and increased security through CCTV cameras and fully working street lighting. Testimony from Turkish speaking respondents in Haringey was mixed: some felt uniformed presence in neighbourhoods was reassuring; others viewed them with suspicion. Turkish speaking communities, Haringey I do believe having more police officers help and the public is more confident than before. (male focus group 17-24 years) Having more police should make you feel safer and not victimised. (female 17-24 years) The police are intimidating in their uniforms (male focus group 17-24 years) Others in interviews and focus groups spoke of how a heavy, uniformed police presence can increase the feeling of victimisation within the community but this was preferable to what respondents termed un-uniformed officers whose identity and purpose aroused suspicions. We do not trust un-uniformed police because they could be false. (male focus group 17-24 years) Similarly, views from the Somali community about high visibility policing [HVP] were mixed. Somali community, Ealing Some respondents welcomed HVP and called for more extensive use of CCTV cameras as deterrents and in the apprehension of offenders; whilst others felt over-policed and victimised by larger police presences, even when the purpose for such measures were explained to them. 5.1.4 Shifts in Attitude to Muslim Communities One of the key factors undermining trust and confidence in some of the Muslim communities in the Pathfinder has been their perception of an unfair and resented focus on

them as a whole segment of the population in respect of counter terrorism activity. This is examined in greater detail later in this report through the findings from the League of British Muslims [Redbridge] and the Somali Youth Union in UK [Ealing] who both conducted specific consultations on the issue of violent extremism. The testimony from community respondents presents an explicit and unequivocal condemnation of terrorist activity and those who plan and commit it and are viewed as the act of criminals which threaten the safety and lives of all communities. However, the testimony also reveals what they perceive to be a public sector drive against violent extremism that seems to have a disproportionate focus on Muslim people as a whole faith community(ies). This exacerbates their experiences of discrimination and alienation with authority. Pakistani community, Redbridge That [terrorist acts] is criminalbut to blame the whole Muslim communityto be terrorists is not acceptable either. (30 year old Pakistani male) like anyone else, we are targets and victims [of terrorist acts] as well. We feel unsafe in the trains and in the neighbourhoods and suspected by the police, politicians and the country. Sorry if I sound bitter, but that is the way it is. (28 year old Pakistani male) Often the perception of community members since 9/11 and 7/7 was that the attitude of the police had changed toward Muslim people and far from engaging with them they imposed their policing through stop and search and raids on homes. The Somali Youth Union in UK also consulted locally in Ealing on the issue of Islamophobia, hate crime and its under-reporting by the community. This also is presented more fully later in this report but it is significant here for better understanding the lack of trust which persists in the police with this community and other communities [see above for example, feelings of suspicion with Turkish speaking communities]. The overwhelming weight of evidence from the testimony on this subject referred to the community respondents concerns about anonymity in reporting crime. There was an over-riding worry about the use to which personal information would be used by the police and/or authorities in general, based on feelings that community members were viewed per se with suspicion. Respondents contended that co-operation with the police needs first to be built on a better understanding of the communities in the first place around their dynamics and

23

problems in order to build better relationships and engagement. Ideas about how best to achieve this are provided later in this report. Somali community, Ealing Thats the best idea because for the police are not really liked in communities. (21-25 year old male)

Pakistani community, Redbridge I think since the PCSO have been out, situations are getting better. (female focus group 28 years +) Yes, I have seen them. I think their presence does make the general community feel safe (male focus group 17-24 years) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Having them around may make things safer (female focus group 18-35 years) To some extent I feel safer know that they are around and in uniform, youngsters are prevented from doing things. (female focus group 18-35 years) Turkish speaking communities, Haringey Its [SNT] really good, they stop fights. Where I live used to be very dangerous but theres more police about now so theres less crime. (male focus group 17-24 years) Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham I do, because like a few of them will be walking around and they look like theyre doing their jobs, patrolling the streets and it makes me feel safer (female focus group 25-34 years) 5.2.2 Early Days for Impact The consultation events themselves served to raise the level of awareness and some community members acknowledged that SNTs were a relatively new initiative and needed time to take effect. In this sense, some saw the potential benefits occurring in the future. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets They are quite new so it will take time to trust them. (female focus group 18-35 years) ..they do community work, but are not actually doing that seems like police officers; maybe gradually they might build trust. (female focus group 18-35 years) Similar views were offered by Somali respondents in Ealing, commenting that PCSOs can indeed help to build trust and confidence but that this would be a long term process to overcome existing obstacles. 5.2.3 Low Awareness of SNTs and PCSOs However, from the consultations and interviews undertaken by the Pathfinder community groups it was

5.2 Safer Neighbourhoods

The Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes Pathfinder report commented on the importance of Safer Neighbourhoods as a major neighbourhood policing programme and means for the successful delivery of a citizen-focused police service. During the Pathfinder senior police officers stressed its importance for MPS as a primary tool for engaging with communities, connecting with them more closely, providing reassurance and improving trust and confidence. Safer Neighbourhoods is a key initiative in the Policing London Strategy that will enable us to deliver our priorities and aims through engaging the support of Londoners and gaining their trust and confidence in policing. (MPA/MPS Policing London Strategy for 2007-10:11)13 All five participating Pathfinder communities found trust and confidence in the police to be low. The previous section outlines some of the factors behind this. As part of their Phase 2 consultation the community organisations asked their respective communities for their views about Safer Neighbourhoods and its effectiveness. 5.2.1 Positive Views of SNTs and PCSOs14 Respondents across all five Pathfinder communities viewed positively the notion of the police getting closer to communities and the theory and objectives of Safer Neighbourhoods. Respondents with some understanding of SNTs made positive comments about their purpose and operation, speaking variously about the safety and reassurance they provided. Somali community, Ealing we need safe neighbourhoodand PC and Somali community to work with each other and to trust each other. (mixed gender focus group 25-59 years) you can stand with them, you can listen to them, what they say and you can take some advice from them. (mixed gender focus group 25-52 years)

13 MPA/MPS

Policing London Strategy for 2007-10 and London Policing Plan for 2007-08. Neighbourhood Teams and Police Community Support Officers.

14 Safer

24

also clear that community awareness and knowledge about SNTs and PCSOs was in fact generally low, confused or sometimes non-existent. In Ealing the Somali community respondents had a very poor awareness of the existence and operation of SNTs and they found it difficult to comment specifically on their role. A few respondents only were able to comment that PCSOs wore different uniforms and that they had limited police powers; others were unable to distinguish them or their role from the police in general. Pakistani respondents awareness in Redbridge was similarly low. Some had no knowledge of PCSOs at all; others had a superficial understanding. But we have never heard of them except PCSOs we do not know what they are. (male Pakistani focus group 17-24 years) We have seen the increase in PCSOs in the area, but do not know about the existence of the SNTs. (male Pakistani focus group 17-24 years) Tamil Sri Lankan respondents in Newham were similarly confused. 13 of 25 respondents at a consultation event had not heard of PCSOs, SNTs or had any awareness of their roles. I wasnt sure thats how it [PCSOs and the police] works. (Tamil female focus group member 25-34 years) Similarly, Turkish-speaking respondents in Haringey assumed that PCSOs were not invested with particular duties and authority which they in fact already had, again reflecting a low or confused understanding. Again, Bangladeshi respondents in Tower Hamlets expressed confusion about the SNTs. Ive heard both those terms [SNTs and PCSOs] but Ive not actually seen any of those people. I think people get confusedto their roles. (male Bangladeshi focus group 18-55 years) 5.2.4 More Powers for SNTs and PCSOs Even though awareness and understanding was at best sporadic, support for the concept of Safer Neighbourhoods was apparent across the Pathfinder communities. For some respondents the greater effectiveness of the concept lay in part in the need for SNTs, and PCSOs in particular, to be given additional powers and authority. This they felt was an important component in winning greater respect

around which the community could engage with more trust and confidence. Pakistani community, Redbridge If they have more authority then there will be more trust. They will have more trust as wellPeople do not take them seriously or serious enough. (male focus group 17-24 years) My terminology is they are taken for a joke that is why they are branded toy cops. (male focus group 17-24 years) We rather protect ourselves if we have problems, rather than depend on the PCSOs they are there for the sake of it, instead of the real police. (male focus group 17-24 years) Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Again some Tamil respondents spoke of the need for PCSOs to be invested with greater powers so that they can take action. This echoes other testimony from the community whose recommendations lay in part in what they perceived as the need for a less tolerant and forgiving legal system as a whole. get the police to be more firmer (23 year old female) Turkish speaking communities, Haringey The PCSOs must have more powers to arrest. (male focus group 17-24 years) PCSOs dont have as much powers as other police officers so by the time they get their back up, its too late. (female focus group 17-24 years) Reinforcing the positive but unrealised potential for SNTs and PCSOs, some community respondents saw them as something as a panacea and should be invested with greater powers and/or take on additional responsibilities. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets [need to] increase the powers of [PCSOs] and police to do what theyre doing. (male focus group 18-55 years) They are doing that but I think they could do that a lot more often than what theyre doing right now. (male focus group 18-55 years) 5.2.5 Operational Targeting by SNTs and PCSOs For some, better operational targeting and presence at

25

times and in locations of need was another component that would enhance effectiveness of SNTs and the confidence that communities would then have in them. Pakistani community, Redbridge people would feel at ease if they come out not just during the day when no crime happening, but when they are needed to help the community. (male focus group 17-24 years) Tell you what they can do is that in busy places like the town centre and the Ilford Lane they should publicise themselves and let the community know who they are and what they do. (male focus group 17-24 years) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets All we see them doing is wandering around not doing much, not stopping people, they just look like normal people in uniform. (female focus group 18-35 years) Similarly, the Tamil community respondents called for increased and targeted PCSO presence at night time/ evening patrols, attending local meetings and door-to-door visits with the Tamil community, visiting local businesses, patrolling on random routes and problematic areas. 5.2.6 Greater Public Promotion of SNTs and PCSOs Roles Almost as an automatic corollary to low general awareness of SNTs, respondents from some communities highlighted the need for greater promotion of their roles and functions. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets I saw the adverts everywhere, it was on the radio, on the buses, I saw the adverts yeah? But I did not see the adverts for this is where they are, this is what they doI didnt see none of that. (male focus group 18-55 years) Pakistani community, Redbridge Similarly, the Pakistani respondents in Redbridge also called in their focus groups for more effective promotion and communication of the roles of SNTs to help raise awareness and understanding. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Again, the Tamil Sri Lankan communities in their consultations suggested both the need for better communication and also a range of ways for achieving this through public media outlets. Some of these were

general media outlets, others were focused on relevant Tamil media. Respondents from other communities also highlighted their own communitys media outlets as communications tools. However, although an important component they were not seen as the most important means of communicating effectively and engaging with their respective communities on policing, crime and community safety issues. Before, examining these suggestions it is also important to set out the Pathfinder communities views on local community safety partnership structures as means of engagement on these issues. 5.2.7 Advertising Police Successes Respondents also commented upon how their confidence to report was damaged by uncertainty about the effectiveness of their coming forward to the police with problems and concerns. This was stressed particularly in the testimony in Newham and Haringey. Turkish speaking communities, Haringey The police can give out information regarding how good they are. The people they are saving, the arrests they are making (female focus group17-24 years) Especially backing up their successes with figures and communicating these to the community will improve trust. (female focus group 17-24 years) The police are good with providing the service but not very proud to feed their success of achieving reduced criminal activities to the community. I believe this is a key point to gain local people trust. (female focus group 17-24 years) Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham I need to see more evidencethat there is an impact. I dont want to report a crime and nothing to be done about it because then there wouldnt have been any point. (26 year old male Tamil Sri Lankan)

5.3 Community Safety Partnership Structures

The operation of Safer Neighbourhoods and addressing community safety and crime concerns takes place in the context of broader local planning and decision-making arrangements that involves a range of local agencies and organisations. How these structural arrangements are viewed by local communities also impact on levels of trust and confidence they feel in how their concerns are being addressed.

26

Hence, prior to their Phase 2 consultation work, all five Pathfinder community organisations received briefings from local police and local authority Community Safety managers [and equivalents] about their borough structural arrangements around community safety. This was important so that they were better informed to gather feedback on awareness and effectiveness of these key structures from their own community perspectives. As a result the five community organisations facilitated consultation on local consultation, planning and decision-making arrangements particularly via Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships [CDRPs], community safety partnerships, local area partnerships, ward panels and community consultation groups or local equivalents. These structures have been established in large measure to help build local community engagement around matters of local community safety, policing and crime concerns. The Phase 2 consultation provided important evidence about how the Pathfinder communities assessed their value, appropriateness and their engagement with them. 5.3.1 Low Community Awareness It was clear from the testimony from all five communities that they were largely unaware of local community safety partnership structures; almost by definition they felt their views were unrepresented and inadequately taken into account in relevant local forums. In some cases this was also reflected in low community awareness of local authority initiatives designed to address various aspects of crime and community safety. Pakistani community, Redbridge Respondents were largely unaware of ward panels with some mistaking them for the place to go for planning permission or neighbourhood watch meetings. Even people who were active in the community and felt themselves quite well informed were not aware of them. there is no awarenessLook at a person of my position. I am heavily involved day and night in community affairs. I do not know about the existence of these ward panels let alone ordinary people. (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Many respondents were not familiar with Local Area Partnerships [LAPs] and felt that they had inadequate representation both from young people and those who are genuinely engaged in the community.

I would say that many of those dont have respect for young peopleif its issues relating to youngsters then have them on the board, have them spoken to directly and let them answer. (male focus group 18-55 years) The way I see it, like its a very close-knit network and its only known and informed people that they want to get involved with that are not actually engaged in the community (male focus group 18-55 years) Somali community, Ealing Respondents were largely unaware of ward panels and consultative groups as local structures that had been established to engage the community and help them contribute to crime, safety and policing priorities locally. Respondents were similarly unaware of the work of the local authoritys community safety team, its role and services. Turkish speaking communities, Haringey Again, respondents knowledge of local ward panels was low and any awareness had generally been built only at the consultation events themselves by presentations and the focus group/interview process itself. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Low awareness of structures was also evident in Newham, though the community did gather extensive views about some specific schemes run through the Community Safety Partnership and were generally well received. Awareness of these, however, occurred through the consultation events themselves rather than through prior knowledge by the community. It is clearly of concern that crucial consultation and planning mechanisms operate largely without the knowledge and participation of the community members in the Pathfinder boroughs. 5.3.2 Barriers to Involvement in Local Community Safety Structures It was also clear from the testimony from the Pathfinder communities that better promotion alone of the existing community safety partnership structures was an insufficient solution to achieve their participation and engagement. Other barriers to their involvement were more significant. There was a strong sense that structures such as ward panels were not for them and were viewed as top down approaches that they lacked the confidence to take part in or were seen as mechanisms to impose a

27

particular agenda [e.g. from Government] rather than to properly understand community needs and respond to them. This was felt particularly keenly in the Pakistani community in Redbridge. Pakistani community, Redbridge these systems are not relevant for the needs of BME [Black and minority ethnic] communities or the Muslims of Pakistani origin in the Borough. (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) Some educated and articulate people are at ease with the rest of society, but majority of us have inferiority complex due to language barriers and the way our cultures and religions are portrayed we have not integrated with the civil society, let alone working with complex institutions. (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) Again these panels and committees are for only those who are able to attend and meet and discuss these are the kind of people who would attend any meetings you create. I would not like to join. (male focus group 17-24 years) If you look at the contemporary situation facing Muslims in Britain i.e. accusation and labelling of extremism and terrorism none of these system, sadly, are going to work for us; if anything they work against us. (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) Others commented upon how they saw such structures being attended by those they termed as: some vocal councillors [who] tend to take over the debatethe usual suspectsordinary people do not get their say. (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) Somali community, Ealing For some respondents their ability and willingness to take part in these structures required more than knowledge of their existence and an invitation to serve on them. It was clear that capacity building and bridge building work needed to be undertaken first for some community members to feel they were appropriate mechanisms that they were comfortable and confident to get involved in. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Following presentations given by local stakeholders around community safety, crime and policing, there was a sense from some of the testimony that communication

with the community was seen as tokenistic and its views not truly taken into account: Our views and opinions, its just not being heard of and then put aside (male focus group 18-55 years) they dont listen to us (male focus group 18-55 years) from the council I dont think the people of Tower Hamlets are being addressed. (male focus group 18-55 years) The consultation events did serve to raise awareness of structures and various council/community safety partnership initiatives and some respondents expressed their pleasure in learning that resources were being invested in community safety. However, very few knew of the extent of the Councils role in community safety and they expressed both some frustration at the lack of information but also desire for better communication with the community. The problem lay both in visibility of input by the Council and perceptions of its effectiveness and quality. We should be better informed; we need to be kept informed. (male focus group 18-55 years) The Council, theyre playing a part in the community but to people its not visible. (male focus group 18-55 years) we are actually not complaining about the quantity but we are complaining about quality. (male focus group 18-55 years) Turkish speaking communities, Haringey As stated earlier, community awareness itself of ward panels was low though some respondents viewed their concept positively as a means of community participation. Barriers to involvement that were mentioned included the need for convenient times and locations. However, the most serious barriers from the testimony were the perceived stigma attached to attending events where the police were present and especially respondents reluctance to get involved because of a fear of reprisals. This echoes findings from Phase 1 consultations by BRACE that highlighted high levels from respondents of their direct experience of crime, the relative prevalence of drug-related crime and community participants strong feelings of personal vulnerability and a general feeling of fear in the community.

28

If I went to the meetings, people in the neighbourhood would be surprised, it would be a problem for me: the fear of reprisals is too big. (male, focus group 17-24 years) I would not attend the meetings because of reprisals. (female, focus group 17-24 years) Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Respondents in Saiva Munetta Sangams consultations did not comment specifically on community safety partnerships structures. This reflected very low community awareness of police and related community safety work and a disengagement from the police and low take-up of local schemes and initiatives. The dynamics of the Tamil community differ from other Pathfinder areas in that the police tended to be feared and revered, rather than disrespected.

part of the police and, despite genuine efforts, respondents were not persuaded by their efforts to act as genuine intermediaries for and connect with the community. This view was held particularly in the Somali, Bangladeshi and Pakistani communities. They are the eyes and ears for the police. They can never be there for the community. (male Pakistani focus group 17-24 years) ordinary people on the street cannot differentiate between the regular police officers and the PCSOThey are police first so what is the difference? (male Pakistani focus group 17-24 years) In terms of police there is hardly no engagement. Probably a criminal engagement, but on a general engagement, there is no engagement. (male Bangladeshi focus group 18-55 years) Third, a police service that was more representative of the communities it served was a repeated element that respondents commented was missing. This was true both for PCSOs and the wider police service and was considered an important factor to generate community trust and confidence. so to give these kind of jobs or these kind of opportunities to the local communities who are now arising. (mixed gender Somali focus group 25-52 years) the police officers and PCSOs do not have more ethnics. The police should have officers who speak various languages. (female Turkish speaking focus group 17-24 years) appointing Turkish originated police officers to Green Lane area will be very beneficial to community and improve relationship between police and community. (male Turkish speaking focus group 17-24 years) Maybe more Asian bearded officer, get Asians interested in the police (female Bangladeshi focus group 18-35 years) It would still be better if there was a Tamilthey would understand the persons feelings (19 year old Sri Lankan male/female) Being able to speak to someone who understands your culture would make a difference because some people dont know how Tamil people act;

5.4 Community Solutions

As part of their Phase 2 consultation the five community organisations gathered testimony from their respective communities on how greater trust and confidence in the police could best be generated. 5.4.1 SNTs and PCSOs as a bridge The Pathfinder communities all valued the ideal of closer and better engagement between communities and the police and Safer Neighbourhoods held the potential to be an important part of the solution. However, some important elements were missing, even though it was acknowledged that this initiative was still in its operational infancy. First, however well SNTs and PCSOs interacted with the community, the quality of their engagement [and hence the trust and confidence of people in them] was being undermined by negative community experiences with the wider police service. This was described more fully in section 5.1.1 as testimony from all the Pathfinder communities. This was most important and outweighed respondents favourable comments about PCSOs friendliness and local neighbourhood presence. Indeed, some respondents commented that the wider police service could perhaps learn lessons in how better to communicate from PCSOs themselves. Maybe, if the police takes tips from the PCSOs on how to communicate with communities. (Turkish speaking female 17-24 years) Second, PCSOs as part of SNTs were seen in reality as

29

Tamil people will act in a different way to other persons. (20 year old Sri Lankan male) Related to this recommendation, some respondents stressed the importance of existing Black and minority ethnic police recruits conducting their roles fairly and appropriately. The issue is clearly not one solely of representation in the police service. These BME police officers are more authoritarian than the white. Their attitude to our community is much harderit is our responsibility and wish to bring these issues to the attention of the senior officers[otherwise] they will assume that these BME officers are meeting the needs say of the linguistic minorities and there is no problem. (mixed gender Pakistani focus group 35-60 years) Similarly, the style and content of promotional advertising used for police recruitment needs more sensitive consideration to convey the appropriate messages. Both the Bangladeshi and Pakistani communities highlighted the negative impact on trust and confidence of police recruits being perceived as spies to get information from the community. there was another advertan Asian man behind a wall with a phoneand they gave out the wrong messages like, well be a secret undercover officer. You are not an officer to grass or whatever. You are an officer to help the community and that message was not portrayed I think and thats why we are facing this problem now. (female Bangladeshi focus group 18-35 years) Fourth, SNTs presence was noticed in communities, but some felt they served to disperse or displace problems rather than solve them and still pointed to the need for better engagement with the community to understand needs and solutions. yes, if a young person sees that PCSO walking round it will help, its going to kick them off the street and they can go elsewherebut theyre going to say, alrightwell go to a different area and do crime elsewhere. (male Bangladeshi focus group 18-55 years) it has just shifted, it hasnt reduced, it has gone elsewhere. (male Bangladeshi focus group 18-55 years) In addition, section 5.2 included other community recommendations about the need for greater public

promotion of the roles and purpose of SNTs, suggestions for additional powers for PCSOs to increase their credibility and for better operational targeting at times and in locations of greater need. 5.4.2 Building on Trusted Community Infrastructure There was a clear communication deficit between communities and the established infrastructure of community safety partnerships and local mechanisms such as ward panels, Independent Advisory Groups, community consultative groups and other local equivalents. This is comprehensively described in section 5.3. The testimony from all five Pathfinder communities all points in the same direction: existing structures take inadequate account of, or simply dont understand or recognise how the dynamics of the communities work. As a result they largely fail to connect with communities as a whole and are seriously flawed mechanisms to consult, involve and engage with them. As one Community Engagement Worker who was intensively involved in the Pathfinder throughout the Programme commented in a blog after Phase 2 consultations: We were surprised to note how much suspicion there was about the agencies and institutions. People were reluctant to participate there seems to be no trust in agencies. (CEW blog) All five Pathfinder communities recommended that much greater use be made of existing community infrastructure by community safety partner organisations. The issue is predominantly about three factors: understanding, trust and confidence. Existing community centres, community groups, faith bodies and organisations already understand the dynamics of their own communities and how they think, react and operate. They also enjoy the trust and confidence of their communities for whom they already act as a community resource and well-known source of support and guidance. In this respect the community infrastructure is a valuable and powerful resource that is essential for building better engagement, trust and confidence between communities and community safety bodies, including the police. Its neglect will only continue to frustrate attempts by statutory and others bodies to engage with communities they want to serve. Frustration also lies with the communities themselves who also want to see better engagement between them

30

and the police and their partner agencies on a range of serious local community safety issues and concerns. The evidence both from blogs and respondents testimony demonstrate their appetite for more productive relationships. The police are an important component in our communitybut its just not working the way it needs to. (CEW blog) The reason we are interested to engage with them is that we want to highlight our specific issues and concerns. (mixed gender Pakistani focus group 35-60 years) if they are consulting the community, then we should at least be able to give our views (mixed gender Pakistani focus group 35-60 years) [engagement needs]contact in our people. (mixed gender Somali focus group 25-59 years) Respondents across the Pathfinder communities effectively provided a blueprint for achieving better engagement with many practical, persuasive and consistent solutions. Their starting point was to stress the need to build greater trust, confirming that this was the key for developing consent, co-operation, involvement, confidence, addressing crime and under-reporting. I think the only thing we can gain together is first to trust. If there is no trust, there is not anything we can do together. (mixed gender Somali focus group 25-52 years) This sentiment was pertinent both for Safer Neighbourhoods and wider community safety partnership arrangements. In essence the testimony recommends a community-led bottom up approach rather than current arrangements that are seen as top down and an imposition that local people find difficulty connecting with. First, better understanding of the communities is needed in order to develop trust. They need to get culturedif they work with Muslim they need to get cultured, if they work with the youth they need to get cultured, if youre going to work with the community, you need to be friends theyve got to reach out and get out of their uniform cocoon and this jargon that they speak. (male Bangladeshi focus group 18-55 years) Second, working through existing community infrastructure will help build that understanding. Many suggestions

included the use of community centres, faith institutions and local charitable community groups. They are conduits for their communities, can access and attract many local community members, they are respected and enjoy their confidence. Respondents consistently recommended them as organisations and venues for interaction between community members and the police and community safety partners. Somali community, Ealing if they have good contact with these community centres I think they have a very, very good chance that they will be seen as theyre involved and they are doing something. That would make life easier and people will gain the trust to report a crime. (mixed gender focus group 25-52 years) Some respondents stressed the need for the police and other agencies to work in partnership with communities: you know, the police or the council cannot do it by itself this job. The job needs different aspects of the society to work together. (female focus group 18-25 years) Community centres were seen as a good way of reaching those who wouldnt normally have contact with the police: The community centres can play a big part in order to arrange such kind of meetings. (mixed gender focus group 25-59 years) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Respondents stressed the importance of religion as a fundamental dynamic of the community and of the need for the police and other agencies to engage around this. you have a community where people are all gathering like in the Friday prayers and stuff, people come here and you do this stuff, they can inform people (male focus group 18-55 years) Engage with the community. I mean for example as a Muslim point of view they can go to the mosque, they can, like, we have Eastern life. (male focus group 18-55 years) I know they [police and local agencies] dont want to promote religion; but were not asking them to promote religion. Were asking them to address the culture (male focus group 18-55 years)

31

Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Again, respondents stressed the need for the police to go out into the community and use existing infrastructure and events for engagement purposes. They spoke of tapping into existing local events, including cultural, music, social and sporting events. Temples and community groups were specifically mentioned. Respondents also spoke of their communitys reticence to engage with the police direct and recommended using local heads of community groups, businesses and temples to convey information to seldom heard people in the community, such as women and young people. This seemed significantly born out of feeling intimidated by the police. Because if the police directly involve themselves, its very intimidating for day-to-day people. (male focus group 20-24 years) Yeah, I dont think Sri Lankan people actually can be bothered to go to any police meetings or anything like that. (male focus group 20-34 years) Several respondents commended Saiva Munetta Sangam for the way in which they had brought the police into their community venue in the Pathfinder programme. Consultation events were successfully incorporated into existing Tamil cultural events in the community venues. Community venue like this (22 year old Sri Lankan female) Some suggested that for older Tamil community members information might better be conveyed through community members: for the older generation (of men) I think they might feel threatened by a younger person going up to them and telling them, oh you should do this and this. (female focus group 25-34 years) sometimes its better to give it to somebody thatpeople trust already, like heads of a community or community organisationthey might understand and trust it better. (female focus group 25-34 years) Turkish speaking communities, Haringey The same sentiments about the value of local community groups, events and infrastructure were made by respondents in Haringey. Though they acknowledged that mosques did not necessarily reach all sections of the communities, they were still seen as potential elements for better engagement.

A mosque is a good place to reach young people. (female interviewee 17-24 years) Community organised events (female interviewee 17-24 years) culture events inviting community leaders and local residents in the community. (female interviewee 17-24 years) Third, respondents made specific recommendations about how the local community infrastructure should be used to engage successfully with agencies and communities. Any consultation, communication, advisory or community safety planning event should be led and be seen to be led by the community organisation. The police, local authority or other community safety partner agency should play a full part but as guests rather than as organisers. Somali community, Ealing Respondents stressed that their recommendation went beyond the police simply using and hiring community venues for their engagement and consultation work: it was important that this was led by the [respected] community organising and delivering events with the police as guests, thereby overcoming stigma associated with police-led initiatives. Pakistani community, Redbridge The leaflet I am proposing should not be from the police, but to be issued from the community, Eton Road Community Centre, Albert Road mosque or Barking mosque, or churches and gurdwaras but not directly from the police. (mixed gender focus group 35- 60 years) Some commented about how community venues should be used as a norm for communicating and engagement rather than typically for moments of crisis and by exception. there are good examples where police has addressed the congregations on a Friday prayers but that happens during any crisis it does not happen under normal situations (male focus group 17-24 years) Respondents also stressed the need to open up communication beyond the traditional community gatekeepers and commended the new community surgeries initiated by Redbridge police. this is a good idea this is really going to the communities I know there are many one-man

32

bands, with nobody behind them and they occupy places on these panels and committees and do not have anyone to report back to. (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Respondents in Tower Hamlets spoke of the value both of information workshops and more formal information giving events. They really need to engage the community in terms of workshops identifying who does what and uniforms. (male focus group 18-55 years) an event, a day event or something like that in each area andsome of the police should come and introduce themselves to the community explain what is their role in the community (male focus group 18-55 years) Respondents also suggested other means of communicating with the community but again without the police at the centre of their focus. Suggestions included fun fairs, events in the park, horse-riding; these would attract young people and be opportunities for the police to interact more informally. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham theres lots of community events going on, they should send officers to speak to the peopleyou know they need to build a relationship between them and the people around. (female focus group 25-34 years) Fourth, respondents made specific recommendations about the format of sessions in community venues that work best for their community members. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Respondents stressed the need for creating formats to put local community members at ease. This included the wearing of uniforms, timing and appropriate community events in consultation with local community groups. Yes, but police to be without uniforms may help public approach with ease. (80 year old male) Would best the venue to be in Newham at weekends. As long as the message comes across, I think this would be the ideal place to air out any concerns. (19 year old male) Turkish speaking communities, Haringey It doesnt need to be with the police in uniform.

Informal meetings would be good to build relationships. (female focus group 25-34 years) Pakistani community, Redbridge Respondents recommended sessions with the police should be held on a regular basis, perhaps fortnightly. They were seen as important steps towards building proper understanding between the police and the community. Informal, community-led sessions were seen as the most productive way to build engagement and communication and gave residents the chance to get to know and have a dialogue with police officers in an environment that was not intimidating for them. Community members welcomed the session and presentation given to them by a senior local police officer at their Pathfinder consultation event on local policing. However, they recommended a less formal format in future allowing for round table, focus group style discussion. The key components for a successful session were: Non-uniform police only Keep presentations short Police should introduce themselves individually and community members present Avoid technical jargon and over-emphasis on statistics Make the event interactive Round table discussion formats Informal These sessions should be constructed so that they are vehicles to allow genuine dialogue to take place between the police and community members, so that each can better understand the other and not see as the police talking at the people. That is the only way can engage with themwe need to somehow overcome that hesitation that they are the police and we are ordinary people. We need to narrow the gapget to know each other intimately, break those barriers and build trust and confidence so that we feel comfortable in each others company. These kinds of sessions, not very formal, would help a great deal. (mixed gender focus group 35-60 years) Fifth, the effectiveness of employing community venues on this basis derives also, and importantly, on enabling engagement to take place between police and community safety partners and communities so that they can exchange views more meaningfully. Both parties can articulate their concerns, pressures, dynamics, duties, problems and dilemmas in an environment that may be

33

considered informal but works. The community engagement model adopted for the Pathfinder itself has provided ample evidence for this. One of its important features and key objectives has been to help develop mutual understanding between the parties, providing the foundation from which trust and confidence can then build. Somali community, Ealing The Somali respondents commented on the value of using community resources and venues to deliver presentations to raise awareness about how London is policed, taking the opportunity to dispel policing myths and improve mutual understanding. especially in Ealing if the police sometimes try to make consultancy or conferences between them and the communityabout how to help the policethat might improve the relationship. (mixed gender focus group 25-59 years) Pakistani community, Redbridge when trying to explain the role of the police generally, the way we heard at the Eton Road Community Centre about all these initiatives. (male focus group 17-24 years) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Respondents in Tower Hamlets stressed the importance of developing mutual understanding stating that currently: Its like us against the police, we feel safer in the company of the gangsters than the police. Even after giving statements to the police, they didnt help them, maybe because of lack of understanding between us the head scarf. (female focus group 18-35 years) Sixth, related to the recommendations for using local community infrastructure to greater effect, respondents from the Pathfinder communities variously spoke of the need for more specific and informal interaction between the police and young people. This was especially true of the Bangladeshi respondents in Tower Hamlets, but the principles and suggestions are transferable. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Many respondents spoke of the key to engaging with the community through the younger generation. Mechanisms suggested included youth clubs, community centres, schools themselves and other local social/sporting or cultural events. I think initially they [police] need to go to these clubs or education centres and speak to youths and

young adults and explain what they do and things like that, they need to relate with them what they do. (male focus group 18-55) So really my issue is they need to get the grasp of the kids while they are very young, they need to access the problems with kids are from age of 12 to age of 16. So theyve got to start in the last year of primary school and the beginning of secondary school, to introduce themselves, what their roles are, what they are about and why they are there. They are not there just to catch criminals; they are there to help you, to assist you. (male focus group 18-55) Respondents clearly saw a positive role for PCSOs as bridgebuilders between young people and the wider police. maybe more youth organisations should actively involve them (PCSOs) (female focus group 18-35 years) They (PCSOs) should do workshops in school and give advice - not just there to stop crime but some where where youngsters can approach and get advice from them. They should have media, leaflets, and billboards to help them. (female focus group 18-35 years) Local events, just for children, have fairs with activities in the holidays they feel bored so youngsters go out and cause trouble. PCSOs can go into youth groups - in holidays is a good time to have these events with youngsters and provide alternatives for them. (female focus group 18-35 years) Seventh, Pathfinder respondents also stressed the value of using conventional media outlets for better communication and including those in community languages and for specific communities. These were not seen as substitutes for better face-to-face interaction as outlined previously but are a component through which the police and other stakeholders can also better communicate with communities. Pakistani community, Redbridge Newspaper is also a good wayboth local papers which is usually read by the younger generationbut at the same time for those who can read Urdu or Punjabi, those newspapers should also be used by the police. (male focus group 17-24 years) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Again, respondents mentioned the value of using media accessible to the majority of the population. The Eastern

34

Life newspaper was cited. Others included the use of TV channels (Guru) and use of radio stations (MCR). Turkish speaking communities, Haringey Interestingly, most young people spoke of the value of using text messages and emails and would be happy to provide personal details at some stage when a better community-police relationship existed. Somali community, Ealing Respondents variously suggested a range of outlets that the police could use for communication. These included supermarkets, newspapers, Somali TV and radio and Somali websites. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Respondents spoke extensively about useful media outlets. Posters and leaflets in temples; eye catching to youngsters Posters and leaflets in restaurants and on the high street Posters and leaflets including relevant telephone numbers put through doors Relevant numbers advertised in the Tamil pages Information in Tamil Newspapers: Oru paper, Eelha Naatham, Puthinam Attention to the way information is delivered and avoid advice giving approach which might put off young people There were several advantages cited to this type of promotion including: Because not everybody has the time or is willing to stand around and listen to people. They're more like OK hey take this and then in their own time they can take it home and read it I guess. (21 year old Sri Lankan) Other types of media in this category are television, radio and internet. Suggestions here include: Radio which reaches large portions of the Tamil population e.g. IBC Radio (Tamil radio), First Audio (Local Newham Radio) Television channels which reach large portions of the Tamil population e.g. Deepam TV, CEE ITV, Sun TV or Tamil TV Target Breakfast time radio or TV at weekends or evening Target TV around News programmes, sitcoms or films Internet sites to target young people e.g. Face book

One advantage of these forms of media was targeting people within their comfort zones: it's in the safety of their own home. They would be watching it and it can be more elaborate. And when it is on TV people tend to take more notice rather than a person trying to approach them on the road. (19 year old Sri Lankan male/female) there is only a few people that dont watch Tamil TV as most people do. Young people probably spend more time on the internet but I dont know how you would get it through the internet? (19 year old Sri Lankan male/female) Eighth, as seen earlier respondents also raised the use of places of worship, especially mosques, as community locations for engagement and especially communication between the community and authorities. This is commented upon in greater depth in subsequent sections of this report on violent extremism and under-reporting hate crime.

5.5 Conclusion
The consultation carried out by the Pathfinder community groups on policing has been exhaustive. Their Phase 2 work provides in-depth understanding from community perspectives about how police-community relationships can be improved and how trust and confidence can be built. It is worth repeating the constructive nature of the suggestions made; essentially they are based on the need for police and stakeholders to better understand the communities and their dynamics and to construct policing and police-community partnership structures in ways that enable the communities both to understand policing problems, duties and dilemmas and to connect with them in ways that are appropriate for their wider communities. Trust and confidence starts by achieving better mutual understanding by police of communities, and vice versa. This and organisational change based on the principles and suggestions made in this section can provide the way forward for narrowing the gap and for more effective and appropriate service provision. The remaining sections of this Phase 2 report concentrate on specific issues of crime and community safety: each is both difficult and sensitive. They also demonstrate that better trust and confidence, based on a better understanding of how and why communities are affected by those issues, are key to their resolution.

35

UNDER-REPORTING ISLAMOPHOBIA & HATE CRIME

The content of this section is illustrated diagrammatically in the following conceptual framework.

Ealing - Somali community The significance of the issue

Reluctance to report - e.g. of poor trust and confidence

3rd party reporting - flawed - imperfect antidote to lack of trust

Islamophobia - significant problem - Somali women

Fuels vulnerability to violent extremism

Weaknesses of 3rd Party Reporting Routes

Lack of awareness Libraries, community centres, internet Pathfinder raised community awareness and drew community critique

Language barrier impedes willingness

Paranoia about anonymity

Relative popularity of internet

Mistrust of police, government and authority Confidentiality of personal information

Fears about anonymity and efficiency via community centres and libraries

Safer Neighbourhood Teams - lack of trust and authority - ineffective Not an effective 3rd party route

COMMUNITY BASED SOLUTIONS NARROWING THE GAP

Police need to publicise successes - reporting and effective prosecutions

3rd party mechanisms no substitute for police as proper authority for dealing with hate crime/crime

Police seen as a resort but mainly in extreme cases

Lack of trust and confidence in police in general underpins reluctance to report

Organisational change and need for police to connect and engage better within communities - better relationships

36

The Somali Youth Union in UK (SYUINUK) in Ealing conducted in-depth consultation in Phase 2 of the Pathfinder on this subject and the testimony gathered is significant in four main ways. First, it provided explicit evidence of how poor trust and confidence in the police inhibited the community in reporting incidents Second, it demonstrated the flaws particularly in third-party reporting mechanisms and how these were an imperfect antidote to the lack of trust in the police which lay at the heart of the problem of under-reporting Third, it reinforced evidence from SYUINUKs earlier consultation that Islamophobia was a significant problem for the Somali community and especially for women and; Fourth, not only were these unacceptable crimes in their own right, but they also served in the communitys eyes to increase their vulnerability to the overtures of violent extremists, with Islamophobia providing the hunting ground for potential recruitment now and in the future. In their consultation SYUINUK gathered community feedback on awareness of reporting methods, views on reporting methods and means of making the reporting of hate crime more accessible and feasible. In-depth interviews were held with 14 Somali community members between 19 and 45 years old with a roughly equal split of testimony from males and females. 6.1 Awareness of Reporting Methods Respondents were asked about their awareness of the variety of ways that are available in Ealing to report crimes of which they might be victim or witness. All were evidently aware of conventional routes of informing the police in person at a police station and via 999 telephone. Some were aware of the Crimestoppers helpline. However, virtually none of the respondents were aware of third party reporting sites and methods, including the use of local libraries, community centres and the internet. Some said that they would use a library or community centre, now that they have learned of the service available there. because the more places you have to report crime, the more crime people will report. (Somali male 20-25 year old)

Some preferred community centres to libraries on the basis that the centres could report an incident on their behalf and would be more capable of conversing with them in their mother language, if necessary.

6.2 Use of the Internet for Reporting

CEWs used the consultation to raise awareness of a variety of means of third party reporting and respondents were generally positive about the use of the internet for this purpose. This clearly depended on its availability and the capability of individuals concerned. Some younger respondents also suggested the use of text messages via mobile phone, as an alternative. Thats beautiful [anonymous reporting via the internet] and thats really fantastic idea, because theres a lot of people that always, you know, they get involved in a crime or someone abused them, okay, like a hijab, I think they always feel ashamed. But they will prefer if they do so on the internet particularly in Somali community. Especially women. Theres a lot of crime thats happening to them and they do not report. Daily. Daily. It happens daily. Normally they do not report it if they get robbery or even get abusedif they get encouraged by doing so on the internet, I think they would have done that. (Somali male 20-25 year old) Some, however, still had reservations about the use of the internet. I dont know. It looks a bit dodgy. (Somali female 19 year old)

6.3 Language Skills

Many respondents highlighted language as a barrier that impeded the willingness and ability for some members of the Somali community to report crimes. This was especially true for Somalis of the older generation. I think the most easy thing you can report a hate crime is if you speak your own languageyou can express yourself and easy and clearly. (Somali female 30-40 years) I think it will give more confidence if they know that the policeman can talk Somali. (Somali male 20-25 year old)

37

6.4 Third party reporting and anonymity

However, the overwhelming weight of evidence from the testimony referred to the community respondents concerns about anonymity. This was an over-riding worry which bordered on paranoia about the use to which personal information might or would be used by the police and/or authorities. This came through consistently as the greatest obstacle felt by respondents affecting their willingness to report crime. It explained in good measure the popularity of the internet as a third party reporting device. It is a good idea. Because if you go into a [police] station, you feel like you are a victim or suspect, because you get intimidated by them. (Somali female 20-25 year old) Yes. You will be at your home and then you contact easily. Also, you dont have to go to the police. (Somali female 24 year old) because some people are scared to go to the police. (Somali male 21-25 year old) Its anonymous, so you dont have to be afraid, for example, that theyre going to come after you or something like that. (Somali male 30-44 year old) and they wont be cared that police pressure them after they report it. (Somali male 25 year old) Fears about anonymity were also a barrier for some to report via community centres and libraries. I wouldnt preferably go to a community centre because I wouldnt want other Somali people knowing my business. (Somali female 20-25 year old) How can I trust the librarian? And how can I trust that person in the community centre?...How can I trust that he is not going to tell them [gangs] before he tells the police? (Somali male 35-45 year old) Respondents reluctance to report was unequivocally based on a profound lack of trust and confidence in the police. This was supported by much of the testimony which pointed to community suspicion of authority in general, and fears about the use of personal identities and information being on file with the police or government.

Yes [I would use a community centre or library to report a crime], if the police wont know who I am, yeah. (Somali male 25 year old) everyone wants to be anonymous and they dont want to give their names, because they are scared the police pressures them after they report. (Somali male 25 year old) better to report crimes on the phoneyou feel more secure and the policeman cant arrest you, because this is what people are scared of, I think. Because a police officer arrest them for no reason they may think of them as a suspectI think it plays a big factor, yeah. (Somali male 21-25 year old) I would prefer to report it to someone other than the police. (Somali male 30-45 year old)

6.5 Publicise successes

Respondents reported that their willingness to report crimes would increase if there was more evidence that their cases were taken forward positively and if the community was more aware that their reporting was effective in prosecutions. The police needed to publicise their successes more effectively. That may give them confident to report crime. (Somali male 20-25 year old)

6.6 Building reassurance through the police

Views were mixed about approaching the police directly themselves. There were clear calls for the community to feel more reassured and some saw this in terms of having greater police presence on the streets. Some would approach a PCSO but others would prefer what they termed normal police and were concerned about the limited authority that PCSOs enjoyed, which inhibited their perceived effectiveness and hence their consideration as a useful point of reporting contact. PCSOs for example, I think they have limited authority. So I would sayI really like to inform the police first. (Somali male 30-45 years) Male respondents suggested that they were more likely to report a crime to the police direct but only if they were themselves the victim. They would be very reluctant to report as a witness [see above re anonymity].

38

The same concerns were expressed about other intermediary mechanisms for reporting such as libraries and community centres which were seen by some as slowing the process down and were uncertain about their reports being passed on properly.

6.7 Conclusion
The testimony pointed to the community recognition that the police needed to know of hate [and other] crime incidents and were the proper authority to deal with them. There was a sense that third party intermediaries were flawed and did not overcome concerns about anonymity and that above all the police themselves needed to build trust and confidence by changes in approach themselves to be able to connect better and be more accessible themselves with the community. Solutions lay not in third party mechanisms but in organisational change by the police, as the proper body to deal with incidents and crime reported. Even police officers sometimes [he wouldnt report a crime to]Im worried, thats what Im saying. Between me and my PC [computer] is the safest way to report if I have been a victimI need to trust them First of all, my advice is to build trust between the police and the communitythere is no trust at all. (Somali male 35-45 year old) Because of, well, I think that theyre racist. They dont care about the ethnic minorities and so on. Especially with the Somalis, because we have no police officers from our race. We see sometimes some Indians, some Pakistanis, some Sikhs who wear their turban and they are police officers. But we have not seen none of the Somalis who is being police officer. (Somali male 35-45 year old) The police to come out from their case to the community and to establish meetings, talking to them. Trying to be friendly, trying to speak to them, trying to be reasonable with themThen thats how trust can be built. (Somali male 35-45 year old) In this sense community respondents were feeling that third party reporting mechanisms were an imperfect antidote to the lack of trust in the police which lay at the heart of the problem of under-reporting. The changes sought, as above, reinforce the findings and recommendations earlier in this report about trust and confidence in policing through better engagement which are also relevant and complementing necessary efforts for addressing violent extremism and gang/youth crime.15

- other Pathfinder communities: Under-reporting was also a phenomenon in the Tamil Sri Lankan community in Newham. Though not associated with hate-crime, it was similarly bound up in concerns for personal anonymity, based partly on feelings of intimidation with the police and partly on fears of reprisal. Such factors were also felt by the Turkish speaking communities in Haringey in respect of reporting gang crime, for example.

15 Under-reporting

39

PREVENTING VIOLENT EXTREMISM

The content of this section is illustrated diagrammatically in the following conceptual framework.

Causal Factors and Vulnerability

- syndrome - no single stereotype but similar outcome

Community Rejection of VE
Unequivocal condemnation, misrepresentation of faith, resentment, criminal not religious acts

Extent of VE in the Boroughs

Muslim Communities Redbridge and Ealing

No denial, varying transparency women at risk, hate crime Despair - public sector victimisation as a whole faith community, counter productive, fuels isloation

10 different Muslim ethnicities (Indian sub-continent, Middle Eastern, African) 48 in-depth; 18-60 years 50% male/female

Deprivation and Discrimination - structural and underpin vulnerability, the hunting ground Islamophobic attacks Not exclusively an issue of poverty, discrimination Compounded by disproportionate focus, under siege

Tools of Recruitment Catalysts of Persuasion Perceived injustice of western foreign policy Promotion and distortion of Islamic faith

Places of Recruitment Warning Signs of Involvement Clandestine and discreet, emotional indicators Exclusive friends, materialism, Islam out of context, anger and zeal, speed Public and private - no single place

COMMUNITY BASED SOLUTIONS NARROWING THE GAP

Emphasis - Embrace an all-community Approach

Promotion of Citizenship and Cohesion - in context of

Islam not secular state

Community dynamics Islam to strengthen resilience Independently, state as supporters not agents of delivery

+ VE - safety for all + Debate for all + Deprivation & discrimination - all agency/community response + Singular focus counter-productive + Principles of citizenship and tolerance - focus on diversity of groups + Islam a bridge not an obstacle + VE from different backgrounds - diffuse religious element

Police Intervention and Support

Debate, Discussion and more information

+ Concentration on pursuit + Little mention of prevent + Support information sessions in community led events (see T and C) + Lack of general trust too great + Not seen as a resource but a problem + Build trust slowly by better local contact and understanding + Co-operation needs to be earned + Focus on understanding concerns and addressing them (see T and C) + Not happen overnight

Community Infrastructure - safe and

trusted environment Crucial - community itself has access trusted - partneship with police and government as guests - community led

Controversial and difficult - appetite for information and discussion - priority need for some communities, but shared values in education

Faith-based Interventions

Challenge extremist messages through faith English for Imams Varies between communities and localities - community knowledge

40

7.1 Introduction
From their work in Phase 1 of the Pathfinder two community groups identified violent extremism as an issue of highly significant concern that they wanted to pursue in greater depth in Phase 2. The two organisations were the League of British Muslims in Redbridge and the Somali Youth Union in UK in Ealing. Each organisation conducted separate consultations in their respective Boroughs. For the Somali community, Phase 1 had already shown that the communitys experience of high levels of racial, religious harassment and Islamophobia provided the pre-conditions for disaffection and the hunting ground for extremists to exploit. They felt that violent extremism and Islamophobia were two sides of the same coin and that both needed to be tackled as a priority in terms of crime and community safety. The League of British Muslims felt the vulnerability of community members to grooming and recruitment into violent extremism were significant and the atmosphere of Islamophobia and hostility to the Muslim community were significant and merited further attention by them in Phase 2 of the Pathfinder. Prior to undertaking the second Phase consultation, CEWs16 from both community organisations attended specialist briefing sessions provided by local police, National Community Tensions Team and officers from the local authority on current public policy and programmes on the Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) agenda. The CEWs were able to use this learning to inform their consultation work and test some of the current public sector initiatives and ideas from a community perspective.
16 Community Engagement Workers from the League of British Muslims and Somali Youth Union in UK, trained and supported by UCLan. 17 Redbridge Safer Communities Partnership through the Preventing Violent Extremism Pathfinder Fund commissioned UCLan to manage and support the League of British Muslims in undertaking a needs assessment with Muslim communities. It was entitled Redbridge Understanding Communities and added value to the MPS Pathfinder Phase 2 findings. The findings have also been included in this report to enrich the section on PVE and improve the understanding of Muslim communities.

7.2 Consultation with Muslim Communities

From Phase 1 it was evident that community sensitivities were also compounded by sometimes negative perceptions of the police, security services and public authority in general. From reflection on this earlier phase, during which much of the consultation was carried out in focus group settings, it was decided to carry out second Phase consultation on violent extremism on a one-to-one basis with community participants. This allowed them to contribute their views openly and with the comfort of greater anonymity that this approach provides. 7.2.1 Ealing In Ealing the Somali Youth Union in UK (SYUINUK) conducted in-depth one-to-one interviews with 14 Somali Muslim community members between 19 and 45 years old. This included 6 females and 8 males. 7.2.2 Redbridge In Redbridge the League of British Muslims (LBM) conducted in-depth one-to-one interviews with 16 Pakistani Muslim community members between 18 and 55 years old. This included 7 females and 9 males. In a parallel exercise17 to complement the consultation with Pakistani Muslims, the LBM also conducted further consultation with a further 18 non-Pakistani Muslims in Redbridge between 23 and 60 years old. This included 7 females and 11 males who self identified as Iranian, Somali, East African, Indian, Mauritian, Bangladeshi, Turkish, Iraqi Kurdish and Algerian. The League of British Muslims on the MPS Pathfinder engaged with the Pakistani community, but it is important to understand that the Muslim community is not constrained to any one ethnic group but consists of a diverse make-up of groups (pluralism). It is important to note that although ethnicity may contribute to a persons identity and cultural practices, when talking about Muslim communities or faith communities, it is the religion or in this case, Islamic belief and values that form the core part of the identity, rather than the culture or ethnicity. The concept of the Islamic Ummah is based upon the accommodation of cultural diversity of beliefs and ethnic groups, rather than division based upon race or culture, hence highlighting the universality of the religion Islam which provides a framework for unity, equality and cohesion. In this way the wide ranging consultation with Muslim respondents of many different ethnicities itself enriches understanding of the dynamics, concerns, pressures and views of Muslims across the borough.

PVE and countering the terrorist threat remains high on the public and government agenda. From their consultation work both Pathfinder organisations were able to gather testimony from community members in their Boroughs on what is a highly contentious subject. The evidence gathered includes community perceptions on a range of aspects. These include the scale of the problem, vulnerable groups, causal factors and indicative signs of involvement together with a range solutions, suggestions and recommendations. Central and local government is evidently responding to the threat posed by violent extremism as it rolls out measures and initiatives. This section of the report provides in part a community-based critique of some of these public sector approaches.

41

7.2.3 Consultation Coverage As a result the content of this section of the Pathfinder report is based on in-depth testimony from a total of: 48 Muslim community members in the two Boroughs 20 females; 28 males Between 18 and 60 years of age 10 different ethnicities

Yes. I think theyre kind of recognised widely so. (Somali female 20 year old) Some respondents asserted how the growing experience of Islamophobia since 9/11 had increased community awareness of extremism because of the way they perceived it had been undermining their religion. From Phase 1 it was apparent that Islamophobia was seen as a causal factor behind violent extremism [by fuelling resentment and increasing vulnerability to recruitment]; in Phase 2, some respondents asserted that extremism itself in turn fuelled Islamophobia, creating an extremely un-virtuous circle, with women often the most affected and at risk. It [violent extremism] can lead to Islamophobia because they will get scared of every Muslim they seethey may think that any of them can be a potential bomber and terroristso Somalian people are very aware of that. (Somali male 21-25 year old) women are more targeted than men because they wear hijabthats why they get scared of going out at night or even at day sometimes because they receive threats and verbal threats, you know? (Somali male 21-25 year old) For some, community awareness of the incidence of violent extremist activity was acknowledged but its hidden nature made it difficult to expand on further. they dont come out on the streets, so the community they doesnt know the extremists. (Somali female 24 year old) However, some respondents asserted that sometimes the activities of violent extremists are more transparent in the community. Yes, because its something you see on the streets yes, its not something hidden. (Somali male 35-45 year old) One respondent had direct personal experience of the problem and the involvement of an individual. I know one girl that was recruited in violent extremism but I dont think her group actually went charged by bombing a place or whatever as such. (Somali female 20-25 year old) 7.3.2 Redbridge Views varied on the extent of the problem. However, a consistent theme that emerged pointed to an acceptance of the reality of the problem, but coupled with strong

CEWs from SYUINUK and LBM conducted their interviews in community settings.

7.3 Extent of Violent Extremism as an Issue in Redbridge and Ealing

Both community organisations gathered views on the scale of the problem of violent extremism in their respective Boroughs. The testimony from both areas acknowledges the existence of the problem and communities are far from in denial about its significance, albeit that some respondents spoke about how its covert nature often made it difficult to observe. The Somali respondents in Ealing especially focused on how violent extremism was further fuelling Islamophobia. Respondents in Redbridge linked their acknowledgement of the problem with strong feelings of hurt about how they felt Muslim communities as a whole had become victimised by its treatment in the public domain. Testimony for the two Boroughs is provided separately in this section though they are broadly consistent in their assessment of the extent of the problem. 7.3.1 Ealing The testimony confirmed the need for action to be taken to address the problem of violent extremism. Personal experience of specific extremist groups may have been limited but the testimony shows that the community is very aware of their existence in a general sense. Respondents appreciation that activities of violent extremist groups are largely covert did not impede their willingness to offer their own perceptions about the problem. The communitys awareness is clearly based in part on indirect information from media sources and from general community discussion. However, there was no sense of denial of the problem from the testimony provided. Yeah, there is [violent extremist groups]. Yeah, they [the Somali community] know it. (Somali male 30-45 year old)

42

feelings of hurt, resentment and almost a sense of despair that treatment of the issue in the public domain had led to a sweeping and unproductive victimisation of the whole Muslim community(ies) which damaged cohesion. Some respondents articulated the sense of denial in parts of the community that the League of British Muslims had sensed in the first Phase of their consultation on the Pathfinder: Our community is very inward looking our attitudes are still that of denial no problem here unless we admit and recognise, we cannot find solutions. (45 year old Pakistani female) Some considered that violent extremism was less of a problem locally than gang crime, knife crime and anti-social behaviour, whilst others saw the problem as more relevant to the north of England [33 year old Pakistani female] and as yet not a problem in Redbridge itself. Others were simply categorical that, although violent extremism in general was an issue, locally it was not so in Redbridge: I dont think that there is a problem. (36 year old Pakistani female) However, other respondents testimony indeed provided evidence of community acknowledgement of the problem which is ongoing: The problem is definitely there... (30 year old Pakistani male) It is still a problem. Those who are trying to influence young minds are still active, mainly around Mosque areas. (22 year old, Pakistani male) Yes, it is an issue and a problem. It is well known because of local arrests and involvement of local youth, who had been recruited by those who advocate extremism. (18 year old Pakistani male) The community and community members need to face up to the fact that there are individuals out there that preach this behaviour [promoting violent extremism]. (36 year old Pakistani female) Respondents viewed acts of violent extremism as criminal acts. This recognition of the problem was tempered by an often repeated concern that its scale and pattern of treatment in the public domain was out of proportion and unfairly stigmatised a whole segment of the population:

A very small minority of people are involved. (30 year old Pakistani male) It has been exaggerated in case of Pakistani community and the Muslims, because only a small number of these people is being sucked into. (40 year old Pakistani male) That [terrorist acts] is criminalbut to blame the whole Muslim community living in Britain or in the world to be terrorists is not acceptable either. (30 year old Pakistani male) disproportionate publicity to the act of half a dozen people and blaming the whole Muslim community or the Muslim Ummah. (45 year old Pakistani female) Muslims are under siegeso many negative stories and there is no way you can counter, otherwise you are labelled as extremist and terroristthat is making Muslim community more inward-looking ...they lose trust in everyone and find support only within their own community and families. (28 year old Pakistani male) Sentiments such as those above reinforced concerns by older Pakistani focus group participants, reported in the Phase 1 consultations, fearing that the atmosphere being created was leading some to consider repatriation to their country of origin. Consistent with this thrust of community view, some respondents saw public sector responses which concentrated exclusively on the Muslim community as a flawed analysis that served only to exacerbate the problem: Stop looking at the Muslim community through a microscope, because you have good and bad in all religions and colour. Anyone who follows the religion Islam is generally a peace loving person.the police should try and get to know their communities not just because of violent extremism notion. (36 year old Pakistani female) dont make a mountain out of a molehill, as this is not helping the Muslim community live in the UK, because it causes nothing but backlash. (36 year old Pakistani female) I would say this extremism is being blown out of proportion. For example, when the Soho, Brixton nail bomber or even the IRA were bombing us was there ever consultation carried out with any communities? (36 year old Pakistani female)

43

There are stereotypes which have been created Police and other agencies need to keep their mind open and do not see all the Muslims as extremists and fundamentalists. (28 year old Pakistani male) to blame the whole Muslim community living in Britain or in the world to be terrorists is not acceptable. (30 year old Pakistani male) like anyone else, we are targets and victims [of terrorist acts of violence] as well. We feel unsafe in the trains and in the neighbourhoods and suspected by the police, politicians and the country. Sorry if I sound bitter, but that is the way it is. (28 year old Pakistani male) Indeed, the perception of a flawed focus on the Muslim community(ies) as a whole is seen by some respondents also to exacerbate the problem, serving only to fuel far-right wing extremist activity and racist behaviour which the police are ineffective in tackling: The National Front and BNP have been terrorising the communities for many yearsthey tend to exploit the situationthey incite peopleI do not think police can make much progress in tackling extremism and terrorism, if they have not been able to deal with the racist right wing to date. (28 year old Pakistani male)

were seen by some to be more at risk of involvement in extremist activity than men: Because, you know, women are more into religion than men, I think. 18 (Somali male 21-25 year old) Such observations are consistent with and reinforce the findings of Phase 1 of the Pathfinder where high levels of racial and religious harassment were reported, especially experienced by women and children. SYUINUK saw violent extremism and Islamophobia as two sides of the same coin, with the latter providing the hunting ground for the former. Given this context, it is not surprising that some respondents in Phase 2 highlighted women as a particularly vulnerable group. Similarly, deprivation was consistently cited as a structural factor that underpinned vulnerability. So, you know, extremists they will always hunt for those who are in need, OK. (Somali male 20-25 year old) I think they always look for vulnerable people who really left out of the, err, economic areas, if they dont have a good job or they havent good education, thats where they usually go. (Somali female 24 year old) mostly these are deprived people or people who are drop outs of schools and all this. (Somali female 24 year old) Yeah, I think the extremists target the weak people mostly, people who are in need of something, some of jobs, some of friends, some of confidence. (Somali male 21-25 year old) They are unemployed most of them. (Somali male 30-45 year old) They dont have any future at allso thats why they are more easier target to join extremist people. (Somali female 30-40 year old) Some respondents asserted that the risks of involvement were born predominantly by young people up to 25 years old, the unemployed and included both girls and boys: violent extremism was not seen as an exclusively male risk or issue. Inherent in the testimony that deprivation was seen as an important structural cause behind vulnerability, was the need for concerted effort to continue to address it.
18 See

7.4 Causal Factors and Vulnerability

As suggested in Phase 1, the causal factors are complex, interact and take the form of a syndrome of social symptoms which in various ways can combine, leading to varying degrees of interest, sympathy, support for and involvement in violent extremism. This section highlights key causal factors that were seen by respondents to underpin vulnerability and erode resilience. They all interact in different ways to varying degrees with different individuals. 7.4.1 Deprivation and Discrimination Deprivation and experiences of discrimination were seen in Ealing and Redbridge as longstanding structural weaknesses that both underpinned vulnerability and helped to undermine individuals connection with the state. Ealing Somali community Discrimination and Islamophobic experiences were felt especially keenly by women and as a result, women

comment in section Warning signs of recruitment about potential for misconstruing outward manifestations of religious devotion and unfair profiling.

44

I think all the advice I could give the government or the police is to tackle especially the deprived areas of the communitiesand help the families and the local organisations and the community organisations to tackle themselves in those violent extremism. (Somali female 24 year old) Respondents commented that deprivation was a very significant but not an exclusive risk factor in fuelling recruitment. Support for violent extremism is not exclusively an issue of poverty or deprivation. Factors other than their own personal economic standing could be critical for some individuals. They recognised that some violent extremists had been from professional occupations in medicine as doctors or dentists and causal factors worked in different ways, conceivably moved to commit criminal terrorist acts out of frustration and anger at the plight of others whom they perceived to be victims of deprivation and discrimination: Its about the mind (Somali male 21-25 year old) Unemployed, employed, I think it could be both of them, theres no difference between those to be the violent extremist (Somali male 25 year old) I wouldnt really say you can categorise it in one gender or age groupits different. Because you can have man, woman, young people, older people all being extremist so I wouldnt really target them as a group. (Somali female 20 year old) They could be both, young and middle aged I would say men. (Somali female 20-30 year old) Similarly, the testimony over the Pathfinders two phases points to the powerful sense of discrimination felt within the Somali community that can cut across the economic circumstances of individuals, rich or poor, well-educated or poorly qualified, and so increases vulnerability and potential for exploitation by extremist groups. Redbridge Pakistani and other resident Muslim communities The impact of deprivation and discrimination were extensively reported by Muslim respondents in Redbridge, again stressing how they increased vulnerability and weakened a sense of belonging to the wider society in which they lived. some ethnic minorities resent being racially abused and discriminated and do not seem to belong to Britain. So those who recruit these

vulnerable people play on these circumstances. (40 year old Pakistani male) Both deprivation and discrimination exclude individuals and communities and usually then they do not have an interest and commitment to the society they live in. (45 year old Pakistani male) Yesyou do not have much to fall back on. (18 year old Pakistani male) Similarly, some respondents stressed the importance of better provision and opportunities: Improve prospects to help young Muslims into mainstream education, training for work skills they just hang around the streets up to no good. (35 year old Pakistani female) Such concerns may have been well recognised by public authorities for many years and continue to be so. However, their importance is thrown into even sharper relief when they are seen also to be a significant contributory factor to the vulnerability of individuals to the causes of and support for violent extremism. They are also echoed by respondents to the parallel consultation to the Pathfinder, undertaken by the League of British Muslims, with other non-Pakistani Muslim residents in the Borough. For example, a local female Indian Muslim likened the social disaffection felt by the Muslim community with presumed similar concerns that the IRA had historically felt: With the IRA, they were probably xxxxxed off at the situation in their country. Muslims that join extremist groups have their reasons as well; you can say racism, unfair treatment of Muslims in comparison to other religious groups. (36 year old Indian Muslim female) Bengali and East African respondents also echoed the importance of deprivation and discrimination as causal factors, fuelling violent extremism: I would most likely say racism, deprivation and the way the system is because, lets be honest, the system is not exactly what one would class as being an equality system (25 year old Bengali Muslim female) some children and young people have had rough deal and experienced racism and discrimination (36 year old East African Muslim female)

45

Experiences of discrimination are compounded by what is perceived as a disproportionate and undifferentiated focus of the public sector drive against terrorism on Muslim people as a whole faith community that serves to fuel further their sense of victimisation and alienation, thereby increasing some individuals vulnerability to being pulled or attracted into support for violent extremism whose advocates then propose an hypocrisy of the bonds of association with the British state. 7.4.2 Tools of Recruitment For those who fall prey to the overtures of violent extremism, its proponents use two important tools: an invocation of the perceived injustice and discontent with British/Western foreign policy in Afghanistan and the Middle East; and promotion of a distortion of the Islamic faith. The testimony time and again stressed the links between terrorism and these two factors that can be used to pull the vulnerable into support for violent extremism. For many respondents they were an important part of the explanation and acted as catalysts of persuasion for recruiters. Recruiters to the cause of violent extremism construct a logic and argument for support around these two instruments which some find persuasive and so increases their vulnerability. This construct typically includes the following: The use of Islamic terminologies and Arabic phrases out of context The development of an emotional appeal Stress on the concept of Ummah Suggestions of failure by some Mosques to connect with young people The negative portrayal of western foreign policy and action Intelligent and articulate communication in the English language Ealing Somali community They say such things like, this is a war between Bush and Bin LadenBush is doing twice or ten times what Bin Laden does, they say. (Somali male 20-25 year old) Because they say that the American or English deserve it, because they attacked Iraq, they help Israel (Somali male 21-25 year old) in Muslim country the opinions are really mixed up, because some people admire him [Osama Bin Laden] for what he did, and some people really hate him, because he undermines the Muslims around the world. (Somali male 21-25 year old)

Some respondents alluded to the way in which extremists distorted the true principles of Islam to serve their own personal and selfish motives: and some people about Islam, they use their own way, you know, or to get their personal interests those people who mislead or misuse about the religion of Islam. (Somali male 30-45 year old) Redbridge Pakistani and other resident Muslim communities Respondents reiterated the impact and disquiet felt by the current conduct of Western foreign policy: There are Muslimswho believe that Islam is under threatThere are ordinary people who are brainwashed about the killings and miseries in Muslim countries like Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine. (28 year old Pakistani male) When you have places around the globe that are suffering from this stuff, yes it affects the community here, because it is happening in their native country. (28 year old Pakistani female) things like the Middle East these kinds of issues have an impact on these people. (28 year old Pakistani female) the Wests perceived extremism in terms of their foreign policy or the way they treat Muslims nations can in turn breeds extremism. (40 year old Pakistani male) These sentiments and view of the world are exploited by extremists to persuade the vulnerable of the logic of their cause. Clothing their arguments in misused Islamic references, recruiters also court support by an emotional critique of British and Western foreign policy in the Middle East, Pakistan and Afghanistan. [recruiters] are Mosque goers as wellcan speak very good Englishthey play on your emotions. They use Islamic terminologies frequently and Arabic phrases as well, which Muslims generally respect and pay attention toThey will establish rapport by quoting Quranic verses (22 year old Pakistani male) talk about the plight of the Muslim Ummah around the world and if occasions permit they will show you films and photos of innocent children and women being killed or injured by Western forces and make an emotional appeal for helping Muslim

46

UmmahThey will also create fear in you by saying that the Western powers will take over the holy lands and places of worships. (22 year old Pakistani male) This can be persuasive and difficult to resist, especially if an individual is courted at a time of emotional vulnerability and is being engaged by extremists who speak highly articulately, even charismatically, on issues about which he is already curious: brainwashedyou do not possess any power to think straight and make sense of things. (55 year old Pakistani male) They [violent extremist recruiters] ask you for contact details mobile number etc to invite you to meetings and show you the photos, films of atrocities committed by the West, say in Iraq, Afghanistan or Palestine and try to incite you to put a stop to these acts of violence. (18 year old Pakistani male) Unfortunately our religious leaders and representatives have failed to portray and explain Islam correctly. (30 year old Pakistani male) For many respondents both the cause and solution to the problem of violent extremism and of its traction in the community was at least in part political. The need to address concerns about foreign policy came through strongly in the testimony: change would cut away a significant platform which is currently exploited by extremist groups: They [the government] are seen as someone creating this problem in the first place. (18 year old Pakistani male) The longer these things [current Western foreign policy in Middle East, Afghanistan] go on, it will only escalate the problem rather than solve issues. (28 year old Pakistani female) If the super powers and Britain stop committing violence in Muslims countries, then definitely the individual violent extremism will end. (30 year old Pakistani male) This is true that the British foreign policy is not good for Muslim world and our friendship with America does not help. (22 year old Pakistani male) Non-Pakistani Muslims in Redbridge who took part in the parallel consultation by the League of British Muslims on these issues also reinforced these sentiments. For example:

They are worried about this [Western foreign policy] and think about this. (40 year old Iranian male) Muslims the world over are very angry with the West generallysetting up their bases in Middle Eastnot want their presence and that thinking spills over in Britain as well. (60 year old Indian male) 7.4.3 Warning Signs of Involvement In both Ealing and Redbridge respondents spoke of how the largely discreet nature of recruitment meant that the outward signs are themselves subtle and difficult to discern, often even by close family members. Its very difficult to explain (Somali male 30-45 year old) the kind of activity that takes place very discretelyif someone in the family is involved in discussing or planning or volunteering, it cannot be found easily. (45 year old Pakistani male) Accepting its discreet nature, respondents however were able to point to some of the key warning signs, the frame of mind and its emotional indicators of involvement. you can recognise them if they change, you knowI mean his attitude or change. (Somali male 30-45 year old) That frame of mind is a model of elements that may vary from person to person; it can include experiences of racism, deprivation, frustrated attainment in education and employment and feelings of concern or distress for the Muslim Ummah. They become persuaded of the rectitude of their support for the cause of violent extremism by a version of the Islamic faith that respondents consistently stressed was distorted and unrepresentative. Respondents also spoke of the resentment felt by some in the community at their life experience, combined with a sense of inability to improve their situation. Sometimes you have experienced racism and you feel resentful but feel powerless and by considering to blow and kill others including yourself gives you some sort of power and superiorityand you are willing to show you are not weak or coward. (18 year old Pakistani male) The outward signs of an individual so persuaded are subtle. Some respondents commented that they simply didnt know, or couldnt tell if a person was a supporter of violent extremism. Others spoke of certain changes in

47

behaviour which provide some emotional indicators that a person might be on the threshold of, or more actively involved in a cause supporting violent extremism. Some respondents spoke of changes in social and religious behaviour. These included signs of becoming argumentative, criticising those who do not conform to their own interpretation of Islamic requirements, developing new and exclusive circles of friends and affiliations, disinterest in worldly and materialistic things: they give you impression that they belong to a different world and if they do not have interest in this world, then they do not mind harming it and especially if they are brainwashed that by doing this, they will get better life and reward. (55 year old Pakistani male) they probably become withdrawn from society. (28 year old Pakistani female) They also keep themselves to themselves and only talk with those with whom they have a common religious interest. (45 year old Pakistani male) they stick to themselves, they dont want to socialise a lot (Somali female 19 year old) they start behaving more religiously, and they criticise other family members and friends if they think the others are not so religious and are not doing what they should be doing. (45 year old Pakistani male) Respondents variously spoke of a change in vocabulary, the frequent use of Islam and Arabic phrases out of context and a tendency to coerce or impose their beliefs. For example, one respondent commented that: there is emphasis on over protecting Muslim women and girls. Expecting them to wear the hijabwhenever there is opportunity they will preach and distribute Islamic literature. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Others spoke of character changes, anger, religious zeal and a tendency to proselytise their beliefs: Their attitudes changeeverything about them changes. (38 year old Algerian male) The first thing you notice in their character is anger the second is illogical defence of what they think are Islamic traditionsemotional and zealous approaches to Islamic traditions.then it is all coloured by both internal and external policies that

they are not happy with. (45 year old Iranian male) The way they start to behave. Their behaviour changes and they want to be heard so they start to preach whatever is being taught to them (40 year old Algerian male) I would say they cut themselves off from other people and, yeah, they just get involved with that society themselves. And theyre quite religiousthey get more religious. (Somali female 20 year old) Such indicators should not be misconstrued. As described earlier, respondents consistently reported how they felt that the Muslim community(ies) was being disproportionately victimised and unfairly stigmatised by public sector policy response to violent extremism. Significant experiences of Islamophobia, especially amongst Somali women, had also been reported. There can be a danger that misunderstood and misinterpreted features of those individuals who support violent extremism can lead to the unfair profiling of a whole segment of the population. Respondents were aware of the potential for unfair profiling and asserted how religious devotion and its outward manifestations, such as in dress, should not be confused with sympathy for extremism: If children behave more religiously then it is a good thing grow beard, lead simple life and go to mosques and keep the same type of company and friendships. (28 year old Pakistani male) a lot of Muslim out there that wear the hijab, have beards, dress religiously and are still just normal everyday practising Muslims who would condemn these extreme groups. (36 year old Indian female) What appear to be the critical indicators underpinned by respondents comments are the suddenness in changes of a persons behaviour and the speed of their adoption. 7.4.4 Places of Recruitment Respondents were asked where they thought recruitment by violent extremists took place. Somali respondents in Ealing provided a number of observations. Views varied, reflecting that it may happen both more publicly by leafleting in the street and also more discretely in private, unregulated spaces, as has been suggested in current public sector government thinking. No respondents suggested that grooming and recruitment took place inside mosques themselves.

48

Well, also if you see in Southall there is sometime some men walking with a book and some leaflets and explain to young people, talk to young people for an hour in the street (Somali male 25 year old) I used to see them in front of Southall Mosque, shouting and giving out leaflets and shouting at this government and that government and we have to establish Khilafa [Islamic state] and so on. (Somali male 35-45 year old) Interestingly, many respondents generally resisted the notion that recruitment took place in such places as bookshops, gyms, cafes and other unregulated locations. No, its not possible. (Somali male 30-45 year old) Respondents cited the possible importance of the internet as a means of grooming and recruitment, largely because of its essential privacy. No. Okay, maybe internet chat rooms. (Somali female 19 year old) However, some respondents viewed recruitment as an essentially private activity and so concurred with the likely use of unregulated locations. Yes, definitely. Because I believe these are the places that if people were involved in extremist activities, that they will do stuff because obviously no-one would ever think that a group of friends sitting in a caf would be talking about bombing a twin tower or building or whatever. (Somali female 20-25 year old) Yes [discussion and recruitment taking place in unregulated places]. Because they wont be suspected. (Somali female 20 year old) From the testimony, there was no single location where recruitment was perceived to be taking place, pointing to extremist groups use of a variety of environments. There is no special place where you can recruit people. (Somali male 21-25 year old)

consistently rejected this abuse of their faith. Indeed, respondents commented how they had used the true principles of Islam to resist causes of violent extremism, but also how these are seen as essential to promoting British community cohesion and citizenship in the future. Somali testimony in Ealing stressed both that acts of terrorism were first and foremost criminal acts against all people, irrespective of belief and background and entirely contrary to their faith. I would love to stop such a kind of extremist criminals. I would love to feel safe and for me to feel safe I have to enlighten my good people what I do understand so we can feel safe, my community and other communities as well. (Somali male 20-25 year old) you cant kill yourself in Islamand it is very wrong for Muslims. (Somali male 21-25 year old) tell the right things about Islam, and Islam is not a violent thing, it is a peaceful religion. (Somali male 30-45 year old) Respondents in Redbridge throughout also pointed to Islam as a religion of peace and through their own words, in their own way utterly condemned the use of violence in its name, suggesting profound concern about how it had been used to promote intolerance, anger and hatred: Islam is a religion of peace and violence against other innocent people is not permitted and also that people suicide is haram, taking ones life is not permissible. (18 year old Pakistani male) good and true Islamic message that killing is haram and suicide is not allowed. (28 year old Pakistani male) killing in the name of God is classed as some sort of act of martyrdom but in fact this is all wrong. (28 year old Pakistani female) the true teaching of Islam, not only in terms of preventing violent terrorism and extremism but the character building generally (45 year old Pakistani female) Islam is religion of peace and there is no concept of violence in IslamProphet Mohammads (Peace be upon him) life is a great example and a role model for us alldue to the adverse activities of small minorities the image of Islam has been distorted. (30 year old Pakistani male)

7.5 Community Rejection of Violent Extremism

Whilst recognising how a distorted and unrepresentative version of Islam was an essential tool used by extremists to try and recruit others to their cause, respondents

49

Killing innocent people is wrong and it is against Islam. (28 year old Pakistani male) Islam does not teach violence or hate. (30 year old Pakistani male) these terrorists and suicide bombers only bring bad name for Islam. (55 year old Pakistani male) Concerns about the misrepresentation of Islam were also voiced by non-Pakistani respondents who stressed the non-violence of their faith: [stressing the importance of] educating the youths today about the real Islam and not what the media portrays. (23 year old Somali female) After 7/7 the mosque leaders and the Imams condemned extremism, terrorism and violence and it was publicly declared that there was no place for such acts in Islamic teachings. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Islam does not preach violence. (36 year old East African female) we do discuss the plight of all the Muslims in the worldbut personally and as a community we do not advocate violent means of achieving political goalsteaching of Islam are presented [by advocates of violent extremism] in a distorted way and Quran is misquoted or quoted out of context. (28 year old Mauritian female) the reality is that any kind of violence is forbidden in our religion. (40 year old Algerian male) There was a strong sense from the testimony that respondents resented how their faith had been misrepresented both by the advocates of violence and the media and stressed the need for its true values to be promoted and portrayed within their community(ies) and outside.

7.6.1 All Community Approach Respondents asserted the need for solutions to embrace an all-community approach, rather than with a singular focus on the Muslim community(ies). This came through strongly, and in some cases emotionally, from respondents testimony. As evidenced in an earlier section, there was a clear sense of dismay at how the Muslim community(ies) as a whole segment of the population had been unfairly stereotyped by the violent extreme actions of a small number of individuals and respondents were at pains to stress how their identity, as defined by their Islamic faith, condemned terrorism outright. The need for a focus on the contribution that all communities need to make to the issue rather than a singular concentration on the Muslim community(ies) is based on a number of factors. One, respondents saw the primary importance of the issue as one of the safety of all communities and citizens. The fact that respondents saw the need for regular local information and discussion sessions not only on matters around violent extremism, but also on youth crime, gangs, and anti-social behaviour demonstrated that they saw the incidence of these issues as matters of crime that affected all communities: hence, calls for inclusive local community involvement. Two, respondents spoke of the need for information and debate as important solutions and that these needed to be inclusive. Space for debate and discussion is described in greater detail in a later section. Somali respondents in Ealing stressed the relevance of all-community involvement. Different peopleyou should do the bit with Muslim and non-Muslims to see what they think about it. (Somali male 21-25 year old) and like Asian community, Somalian community, even Chinese community maybe, Indian community, to all communitiesI would like to share my ideas with other people and also learn from them. (Somali male 21-25 year old) local communities, mosques, churches, gurdwaras, whatever it is, should [organise information and discussion forums]. (Somali male 30-45 year old) Three, the vulnerability of the Somali community in Ealing and Pakistani and non-Pakistani Muslim communities in Redbridge is heightened by Islamophobia and discrimination. This requires an all-community response with strong public sector commitment.

7.6 Community Solutions

As part of their second Phase consultation, both the Somali Youth Union in UK and the League of British Muslims asked respondents in their respective Boroughs for their opinions on how best the problem of violent extremism could be tackled. As indicated earlier, a number of different factors impact on the vulnerability of individuals which led respondents to providing a number of different suggestions.

50

I think it could be many issues that may make these groups [violent extremists] form. Racism is probably the main one. How long has racism been going onPeople from BME communities face some kind of prejudice one way or another, be it in schools, the workplace, outside in the street or even on your own doorstop. What gets done about it? (47 year old Algerian male) Four, the continued experience of the Muslim community(ies) of deprivation is a key factor behind their vulnerability and although well-known and understood it highlights the need for an all-agency response and continued effort from both public and private sectors to promote a greater reality in practice of the principles of toleration, justice and equal opportunities. Perceptions of continued failure in these areas heighten the vulnerability of individuals to the proponents of violent extremism who use this to argue that bonds of loyalty to the state are meaningless and hypocritical. This factor is substantial and structural and is discussed at greater length earlier. We need to ensure that everybody has enough and a stake in the community and society and country enough and proper education, housing, jobs and people be grateful to the state for looking after their interest. (28 year old Mauritian female) Five, a singular focus on the Muslim community(ies) is actually counter-productive. Testimony cited earlier pointed how Muslims viewed terrorist acts as criminal but also how they felt under siege, with this making them more inward looking, seeking support from only within their own immediate community circles and families and making them less disposed to be trusting of others. An exclusive focus on the Muslim community(ies) would reinforce this isolation and social disconnection. This was commented upon particularly in Redbridge by Pakistani respondents. Our community is very inward lookingwe have continued to live a very insular lifedo not relate to wider society (45 year old Pakistani female) Six, respondents pointed to the need to build on the good, positive work already being promoted by groups from many different backgrounds who already promote values of tolerance, justice and citizenship which are shared across all communities and help cohesion. These sentiments were reported particularly by respondents in Redbridge. Given that we are living in a multi-cultural society, Muslims should not be left alone to fight for

themselveswe all have a great deal in common as faith communities and we have to lend support to each other...there is need for a bit more humanitarian approach instead of taking Muslims as beast Muslims become insularit would lead to community cohesion. (40 year old Pakistani male) I think there is need to focus on enormous goodwill and the good work which is going on in terms of tolerance on both the sides and respect and getting on with each other Why dont we put our resources and energies in promoting the good work that goes on in our communities and the contributions made by so many individuals in various walks of life and groups and organisations who are working day in and day out to demonstrate that they are integral part of the British society. (45 year old Pakistani female) we should integrate the communities togetherThe training and education should be given to both Muslims and non-Muslims together so that bothunderstand the same message that this [violent extremism] has nothing to do with Islam. And the non-Muslims should know that Pakistanis are British as well and they condemn this. (45 year old Pakistani male) Do they really want a divided society?just look here in London how diverse it is after 7/7 and other attacks, people living in this part of the country still carry on with their lives and get on with other communities. (36 year old Indian female) Try to work in harmony with non-Muslim groups and organisations and make the community aware of Muslims and non-Muslims working together. (25 year old Bengali female) I would tell them [Government] not to just target the Muslims organisations but to target all communities to help find solutions and not just blame one community for all that is happening. Its bad enough that the Muslim community is in limelight but we still have to defend ourselves, just because of a few people that have extreme views. (40 year old Algerian male) Seven, respondents stressed the compatibility of the true principles of their Islamic faith with the secular values of citizenship, tolerance, rule of law. In this way they saw their faith as a bridge not an obstacle to community cohesion and shared values.

51

Islam is a very democratic religion and very liberal it does not want people to be Muslims as such, but to follow certain principles and valueswhat it really wants is for people to be liberatednot oppressed, with fair shares. (45 year old Iranian male) Eight, respondents in Redbridge also commented both on the misrepresentation of Al Qaeda associated terrorism as being in some way Islamic [and therefore inaccurately seen as a Muslim problem] as well as their perception that violent extremism was experienced by and could originate from many different backgrounds. Respondents spoke of terrorist action, historic and recent, in relation to the IRA, Japanese suicide bombing, Buddhist suicide bombing; they contended that the current Al Qaeda inspired terrorism is essentially a political matter, not a religious matter and there was a need to diffuse the Islamic religious element from it. If we diffuse Islam then they are a bunch of terroriststhey are terrorists and not Jihadis. (45 year old Iranian male) While others spoke of the wider incidence of terrorism and extremism for example associated with BNP and spoke of the dangers of stigmatising particular communities. Western media should act with responsibilityit is not fair to blame only the Muslims in the situations of extremist violence. (30 year old Pakistani male) It [the problem of extremism] is everywhere, regardless of ethnicitynot just the Muslims extremism comes in all forms of races (36 year old Indian female) 7.6.2 Community Cohesion, Citizenship and Islam Respondents in Redbridge spoke at length about strengthening resilience specifically through the promotion of cohesion and citizenship and, given the dynamics of their communities, stressed how this can be most persuasively achieved through their Islamic faith. This can be an important component in the prevention of violent extremism. At the same time this needs to be undertaken through community-based provision, funded and supported by but independent of government. Concepts of community cohesion and concepts of citizenship are prominent in Government policy and thinking. For example, the importance is noted in the response by Hazel Blears MP (Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government) in her letter19 to Darra Singh (2007) chair of the Commission on

Integration and Cohesion, responding to its final report Our Shared Future, referring to Government plans for promoting: a new and extended emphasis on cohesionrenewed commitment to Citizenship... Blears, 2007 However, it is significant that respondents saw the need for the promotion of cohesion and citizenship to be undertaken in the context of Islam, rather than as something external, secular or as somehow a separate initiative from the values of Islam itself. They saw Islam as a very positive force through which to achieve effective community cohesion, negate violent extremism in their communities and as a crucial and necessary way to engage Muslim communities with the state, underpinned by proper recognition of their religion as a positive feature. Respondents spoke of the need to use the power of Islam directly to counter the work of extremists. The strength and value of a sound knowledge of true Islamic principles was reinforced by a respondent who had himself been courted by extremists: he stressed the vulnerability of those who are not equipped adequately with this understanding: those who are ignorant about the teachings of Islam and are weak and usually get trapped, and once you start attending these meetings then you are likely to be influencedI feel I am strong and can win the argumentI had to use Islamic teachings as my counter argument. (18 year old Pakistani male) The strength of Islam in this way was seen by respondents as a way for Muslims to recapture their faith from extremists who had distorted and misrepresented it and was seen as a core method for their community and those vulnerable individuals to build their resilience and profess their values as believers and citizens of the state. This is examined further later in this report. Other respondents reinforced the point that cohesion and citizenship are important solutions but need to come from an Islamic theological perspective to properly engage with Muslims to counter violent extremism. In this way Muslims are not faced with a fatuous and fallacious choice of being Muslim or British they are both, based on commonly shared values. This would be an important message for the Muslim community(ies) to hear in the public domain. It also relates to their need to be able to debate and discuss these issues safely: this aspect is discussed later in this report.

19 Blears

MP, Hazel Letter to Darra Singh, Chair, Commission on Integration and Cohesion: London: Department for Communities and Local Government 2007.

52

All of this is good [citizenship training] but we should use the Islamic message that it [terrorism] is an un-Islamic act (45 year old Pakistani male) religious scholars taking responsibility to present the religion Islam in a manner that generates respect and equality for other faiths and be corrective and mindful and sensitive in a multi-cultural and multi-faith contextthey should teach respect for other religions. (28 year old Mauritian female) you cannot have a solution which is disassociated from Islam [or] purely based on British cohesion strategy, if it is not Islam younger generation should be empowered around ideology and Islam provides that ideologyand that is what young people need to be education about so that they can defend Islam from a point of strength and are not defensive demonstrating values of diversity, harmony and so on. (45 year old Iranian male) There is need to bring citizenship training near to the teaching of Islam (30 year old Pakistani male) Linked closely with the contention that true Islamic principles can provide the most effective means of promoting community cohesion with Muslim communities, rather than through a purely secular promotion of values, respondents also commented that this needs to be [and be seen to be] carried out independently from the state. This included the training of Imams, provision of education, promotion of cohesion principles that may be provided in partnership with government, local authorities but not with the latter delivering programmes directly. For some it was crucial that delivery of programmes engaged the active involvement of non-government organisations that had the necessary qualities to engage young people. The role of Government and local councils were seen as funders, rather than delivery agents. Any financial support to the voluntary organisations by the government would be a great help and incentive. (45 year old Pakistani male) Yes, NGOs and voluntary organisations if we are given funds we can organise events for our community and others can do the same Government should fund projects for explanation, creating awareness about the true message of Islam be given to faith communities (55 year old Somali male) Governmentcannot do that directly their motives are suspect and they are not crediblewith those NGOs

who have some theoretical base, who possess some ideology, who has the right skills to engage young peoplewhose motives are not seen with suspicion they should be funded and supported by doing this you encourage innovative programmes and do not impose any ideology based on the policies for which the Government is criticised in the first place. (45 year old Iranian male) This was seen as the most appropriate and effective way to progress the principles and practice of cohesion and citizenship in Muslim communities, and would also be helpful in building connection with democratic processes as an antidote to violent extremism as a tool for change and improvement: Political isolation among the Pakistani community is on the increase. (30 year old Pakistani male) Yes, definitely. People, young and old, should be given information about how the British democracy systems workI was not born in this country, but now I have British passport and I think I am British and would like to know more (18 year old Pakistani male) The youth thus approached should be developed about democratic means to bring about changes the force of goodthat young people should realise that in democratic countries like Britain, it is possible to bring about change through peaceful means. (40 year old Pakistani male) You lobby your M.P. and participate in general political activities. (22 year old Pakistani male) 7.6.3 Space for Discussion, Debate and Education Provision The difficulty of the problem of prevention faced by government and communities was asserted by a Somali respondent in Ealing. No. Like I said before, they cant really preventif a young person wants to get into these organisations, I dont think the government can do anything to prevent thembecause obviously its their personal choice already. (Somali female 20 year old) However, many respondents both in Ealing and Redbridge clearly valued preventative solutions through education, information and the provision of space for the community to discuss and debate issues openly. In government terminology and strategy, this forms part of helping to win the battle of ideas against extremists.

53

A number of components were recommended. Some are linked to the provision of more diversionary activities for young people and this aspect is described in the next section. Open debate and discussion The need for discussion space was stressed, in places where community members felt safe and it allowed them to talk about and explore issues openly, and so be better equipped to challenge extremist arguments and dialogue which they might tend to receive in private or in what have been termed unregulated spaces. Views from Redbridge respondents included: I think we should debate these matters openly we are reluctant to talk about issues, concerns and problems our younger generation is facing these days issues and there is no lack of talent and potential among Pakistan youthopen debate and dialogues are the appropriate way forward (30 year old Pakistani male) work with educational institutes where they can have debates or open days. (38 year old Algerian male) both directed education programme and skills focused to encourage controversial dialogue for youngsters to learn by winning or losing an argument but have faith in the antidote and the good teaching material. (45 year old Iranian male) social skills [training] definitelyinterpersonal skills, political skillshow not to react violently and stay calm and collected. (36 year old East African female) be more open about this stuff and freely express their opinions but not impose those opinions on others. (28 year old Pakistani female) This was also echoed by respondents in Ealing. Id say discussions is the best idea. (Somali female 19 year old) if there is a lot of discussion and a lot of, I mean, forum, then it will open you knowwhatever, you know, I mean that people are feeling. It is a very good idea really. (Somali male 30-45 year old) I think thats probably one of the best ways to do it, because then people will have their views across and theyll talk about it more, theyll be more open and less closed about it. (Somali female 20-25 year old)

For many debate, discussion and information were seen as powerful tools for prevention. The testimony pointed to a real need and appetite for more information and discussion of the issue of violent extremism (and for others such as drugs and gangs) as a way of providing an outlet and way of challenging extremist views. once it is discussed, explain and reason them [community members]. (Somali female 24 year old) Linked to the principles of citizenship, cohesion and democracy, some respondents stressed the importance of freedom of speech to counter the proponents of violent extremism. We need to make sure they do not go underground their defeat is in public debatethe more open and more provocative the betterthe sort of dialogue that gives to other side the opportunity to explain their perspective and be countered and challenge them on the basis of Islamic teaching. (45 year old Iranian male) Education Some respondents stressed the value of education to foster understanding and cohesion through education, by an all community approach. Redbridge respondents commented: Education is fundamental solution to the problemand concentrating on the principle of harmony, the principle of diversityStart with the primary school age and have an intervention programme at 11 plus and then address those who have been influencedcall it whatever you willcitizenship education, training or good Islamic antidote. (45 year old Iranian male) I would recommend community educationlike setting up circles of support community circles - with a variety of people to get involved around the borough. That will create understanding about each other (40 year old Pakistani male) The training and education should be given to both Muslims and non-Muslims together so that bothunderstand the same message that this [violent extremism] has nothing to do with Islam. (45 year old Pakistani male) address these issues [of racism and discrimination] in the citizenship training [in schools] then it would help. If you do not have much to lose [because of deprivation or discrimination] you will get involved youngsters can easily be pushed into such activities [violent extremist causes]. (60 year old Indian male)

54

Some respondents also stressed the important contribution a partnership between local education authorities and community based provision could bring and provide citizenship training. There is a need for a proper structured syllabus coupled with appropriate material suitable for different ages of childrenit should be youth leaders and youth workers type of professional who should take the responsibility for this kind of work government should support communities (45 year old Pakistani female) do a talk when the schools have their assemblies. Maybe start with primary schools, because nowadays kids are starting to do things at a young age. (33 year old Pakistani female) In Ealing respondents also asserted the benefit of relevant education in schools and through community facilities: Give them special programmesthe bad things they [violent extremists] do, how it will affect them in the TV lectures, in the schools lectures, in the community centres. There are a lot of things that can be donewe should give a lot of information to our people. (Somali male 20-25 year old) The important feature was the need for avenues of access to learning and opportunity and in so doing better equip young people to be able to enjoy more fulfilling and responsible lives in society. This would help address vulnerability and build resilience and cohesion. In some cases there were calls for support specifically for Muslim young people, in others the need was for an all community approach. Community led provision Respondents stressed that community organisations are often best placed to provide these services. Again, this reinforces principles set out elsewhere in this final Narrowing the Gap report [e.g. trust and confidence in policing] that stress the need to understand the dynamics of communities: community organisations and centres understand their communities and are seen as respected and well-used sources of support. Somali respondents in Ealing stressed their value. the community can talk to young people about the consequences of extremism. (Somali male 21-25 year old) They should take place in the community centres where everyone can come (Somali male 30-45 year old)

What the community could do is talk to those people, give them what they need, give them trainings, help them in their education, after-classes, after school and then organise events and talk to those people. Thats what the community can do. (Somali female 24 year old) The need for information and discussion in places where people felt comfortable and confident was suggested not only for sessions where community members in numbers could attend, but also for one-to-one advice. I think it [advice centre] would be a good idea if someone is vulnerable and he needs advice or whatever it iswhere he can go and express difficulties and talk to those in his language or in his people. (Somali female 24 year old) Linked to the proposition of a community advice centre, some pointed to the need for young people to be wary of strangers approaching them on the street and trying to engage them in conversation about extremist issues: tell them not to talk with someone who he doesnt know and dont listen to someone whos talking about something you dont really want such as like violent extremists, killing people, all the things. (Somali male 25 year old)] Community-based provision was seen as key. Not only do local community centres and organisations have direct access to their local community, they are able to provide services, information and facilities that are culturally appropriate and comfortable. Working with the local community and for example, in these workshops with the people that have got the knowledge of the religion and culture of those younger people and will help to educate, and thats the way I think it should be set up. (Somali male 30-45 year old) Advertising and community leadership Somali respondents in Ealing offered clear ideas about the organisation of such facilities in terms of their effective advertisement, content and leadership. Community elders and those with appropriate knowledge should lead discussions and be offered alongside some form of entertainment, activities and refreshments. I think the community someone from the community would be best [to chair sessions]. (Somali male 25 year old)

55

Word of mouth was stressed as the most effective mechanism for advertising in the Somali community. there is a difference between the cultures. In my community the most of the things that you can do and advertise is mouth-to-mouth. You can tell the peoplego to the communities and tell them that there will be a meeting and that way they will come. (Somali male 30-45 year old) The need for frequency and regularity of such information and discussion sessions was also stressed, rather than as one-offs. Respondents suggested that these sessions should take place typically 3 or 4 times a year. Some even suggested weekly sessions in the community. It was interesting that some saw the need not just for these sessions on violent extremism but also on gang crime, antisocial behaviour and youth crime. These were seen fundamentally as criminal acts that affected the safety of the Somali community along with all other communities. The perceived centrality of community infrastructure providing the key to unlocking provision for the community was a recurring theme. Community provision supported by government It was not suggested that community organisations work in isolation but that better solutions will emerge by the state (either in the form of the government or the police) providing support and expertise and with the community in the lead. If youve got the local government work closely with the local communities, then they can create a lot of ideas and better ideas than what we have at the moment. (Somali male 30-45 year old) the local government and the communities should organise together, I think. (Somali female 24 year old) Others asserted that a partnership approach was needed between the community and state authorities also as a way of demonstrating that the vulnerable were of concern to them and signalling they were valued members of society. Basically, to show them that they care about the youngsters, yeah. (Somali female 20-30 year old) Again, respondents commented on how community dynamics valued community based, cultural provision whose virtue is derived from its perceived independence

from instruction or control by the state. This too echoes a consistent theme throughout this report of community concerns about authority in general. Build community capacity to deliver The importance of using the resource and capability of communities to tackle the issue of violent extremism came through strongly and repeatedly in the testimony. Respondents offered a formula for success based on better resourced communities, community organisations in the lead but supported by the police and government. they need the resources the community, I think firstly the community should be involved first, you need also the community leaders and work together and to try and get help from the police and from the government. (Somali male 30-45 year old) you cannot do the work with out funding, so need funding from the government. (Somali male 30-45 year old) It [funding for community projects on debating road shows, on how to be proud to be Muslim and British] would be a good idea, an excellent idea if that would happen. (Somali female 30-40 year old) This too was repeated by respondents from Redbridge, recommending greater public investment and effort to promote positive values to young people. try and work with the youths and connect with them in a way that these so-called radical extremists do. (38 year old Algerian male) Governmentfunds projects to educate youth and provide facilities for their recreation so that they are occupied. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Funding should be provided to reach out to young people, the same way as the extremist group reach out and recruit. (40 year old Pakistani male) provide adequate funding to Muslim centres. (35 year old Pakistani female) 7.6.4 Diversionary Activities Many of the respondents in Ealing saw the solutions lying in greater social provision for young people. Linked to education, diversionary activities were seen as important tools for entertainment, enjoyment and providing an identity. Respondents asserted the need for such provision to be sustained rather than temporary.

56

Thats the only way we can prevent them from going into this kind of, either extremism or gang problems. (Somali male 35-45 year old) Its the same as gangsif you create a lot of activities for those younger people and jobs, after school and school holidays. (Somali male 30-45 year old) Give them something to do in their free time. As in workshops, activities, done by the community to help themand things that wont stop for like a period of time, but will go on and on and on. (Somali female 19 year old) As with information and discussion sessions, respondents saw the key lying in community based provision funded and supported by local/central government. if the government, if they work with the local communities then it will helpthe local communities create more activities. (Somali male 30-45 year old) It needs a lot of activities, you know, to encourage them to do the sports things or I mean to teach themskillsSo it needs a lot of activities and a lot of things to be done. (Somali male 30-45 year old) It was also repeated by Redbridge respondents. constructive training or further education, sports activities in order to make something of their lives find out what these youngsters would like to do with their lives, rather than just always just putting them down. (36 year old Pakistani female) 7.6.5 Faith-based Intervention Respondents stressed that they welcomed government messages and policies against crime and violence and that these are consistent with the true values of their religion, but that their promotion is best achieved through Islam. Respondents both in Ealing and Redbridge recommended faith-based intervention, to better connect with the community. The role of Muslim faith-based provision is a large and complex subject area and would merit greater and more in-depth focus than the Pathfinders consultation with individuals allowed in practice, given time and resources. However, a number of clear messages came through from respondents, albeit some with different perspectives.

Positive contribution it is worth repeating the positive contribution from the testimony that promotion of true Islamic principles has for addressing the problem of violent extremism and that these can be [some respondents asserted and should be] used to promote the values of citizenship and cohesion. Mosques well-placed Many respondents in Redbridge commented upon how the mosque and Imams were well placed in the community to take a lead in this important role. probably be a good thing as the mosque is a point of contact for all, whether they are male or female, young or old. (30 year old Bengali female) No doubt the Friday congregation prayers are good opportunitiesIf well structured message positive message of Islam is given it could only help. (55 year old Pakistani male) Training for Imams Redbridge and Ealing respondents often commented upon how Imams would themselves benefit from training. The need for training was expressed for two main purposes: to focus on what respondents termed real and true Islamic messages and second, to be better equipped with English language skills to engage with [especially] young people. There is no doubt that more and more people condemn violence and violent extremist and defend the image of Islam that suicide bombing and killings innocent people is not permissible in Islam. And all these activities are against the teaching of Islam. This should be encouraged but with proper teaching from Quran. (60 year old Indian male) Imams should be trained and give information about the negative effects of terrorism that tarnishes the name of Islam and Pakistani community. (45 year old Pakistani male) Imams have religious duties to perform and I think it is possible to use the Islam and its good teachings to tell peoplethere is need to bring the citizenship training near to the teaching of Islam (30 year old Pakistani male) Most definitelyThey [Imams] also have a language barrier, in the English sense that is, their communication skills need to be addressed. (36 year old Pakistani female)

57

if they had the language skills. (23 year old Somali female) Those young people who go to the mosques would definitely benefit if the Imam is able to talk to them. (18 year old Pakistani male) Yes. You can train those Imams who dont speak good English or dont speak English at all. (40 year old Algerian male) Yes, most of our Imams are from back home and it will help if they were given training of some sort. (35 year old Pakistani female) However, some respondents demurred on the appropriateness of training Imams and were resistant to the idea of citizenship education in mosque/schools. No. No-one ever had a problem before 9/11 or 7/7 with the Imams teachings. (36 year old Pakistani female) Similarly, others commented on the need to reach those young people who dont attend mosques, reiterating the input from schools and colleges. Respondents in Redbridge also recommended the use of Ullama (scholars) rather than Imams and suggested trained and supported Muslim youth workers. I think the current Imam and the Maulvi (Muslim learned man) is more appropriate for the older generationvery traditional but to understand what its teachings mean on a day-to-day basis requires a great skill and trainingthe youth have different needsif we have bi-lingual Imams, it is a bonus. Lets train Muslims youth workers, male and female and engage our Muslims youth and ask the local authorities and councils to lend professional expertise. (45 year old Pakistani female) The issue of the role of Imams is clearly complex and a variety of views came forward. What was consistent was the value of promoting true Islamic principles themselves to counter extremist messages.

Comments, derived from respondents on the subject of PVE specifically, tended to focus on the need for the police to address problems of crime in general and did not refer to police activity to counter violent extremism with explicit preventative measures. In Ealing some saw the role of the police to pursue rather than prevent. I think the only thing the police could do to get those younger people to prevent from the extremists is to lock them up and I dont think there are any activities that the police do. (Somali male 30-45 year old) In Redbridge people also spoke of their perception of poor, inaccurate intelligence by the police in relation to high profile police raids in the recent past [e.g. Forest Gate]. This limited response on PVE and the police is principally because of a lack of general trust and confidence in the police in the first place as a service with which the Pathfinder communities feel able to engage on many levels. This is reported exhaustively in the earlier section on trust and confidence in policing. In relation to the police, they commented especially on the need for better engagement between young people and communities with the police and of how trust and confidence needed to be built. The implication was that the police poorly understood some of the communities they served. Respondents encapsulated these sentiments in this way, for example: Maybe the police need to focus more on their local community and find out what really bothers them and try to find ways in how they can help solve issues and concerns that the community have. This way they can build relationship with the community and maybe from here you can take it further and try and find ways to prevent extremism. (38 year old Algerian male) As confirmed in the expert briefings provided to the League of British Muslims and the Somali Youth Union in UK, prior to their second Phase consultation on PVE, there are different schools of thought on how best the police can contribute to this agenda. The authors contend that there is no quick fix and effective community engagement is essential. The key to the polices contribution to PVE lies in their first building greater trust and confidence through better

7.7 Links with Policing

It was interesting that consultations on the issue of violent extremism by the Somali Youth Union in Ealing and the League of British Muslims in Redbridge provoked little response from those interviewed about the role of the police.

58

mutual understanding and more effective engagement with the communities they serve, and in then responding, in partnership where appropriate, to the concerns - whatever they may be - of those communities, as expressed by them. Trust can be built by the police developing better engagement, contact and involvement with and support of local community infrastructure. And the police comes out from their centres, from their police stations and to have talks and meetings They can get the trust of the community and we can prevent together youngsters involved in this kind of problems. (Somali male 35-45 year old, Ealing) Respondents saw a valuable role for the police in contributing to information and discussion sessions, held in and run by community organisations, but not led by the police or in venues associated with the police or authority, because many community members associated these negatively with accusation or interrogation. The police just doing good discussions. (Somali male 20-25 year old, Ealing) Trust needs to be built around better understanding and responding to all community concerns, consulting and communicating through community based and led resources. This approach will gradually build trust and, when in place more firmly, enable co-operation on many issues, including violent extremism. Thats the best idea, for the police are not really liked in communities. (Somali male 21-25 year old, Ealing) Trust will be built slowly and incrementally. It will be a long term process. The Pathfinder programme itself has already contributed significantly to this. Communities that were considered low engagement at the outset of the programme have indeed engaged on this issue and many others both with their communities and with police and stakeholders. Through their involvement their understanding of policing priorities and problems has been built and they have shared these with community members and helped narrow the gap. This report with attention to its various inter-relating themes has helped set out the components needed to build both community and police/stakeholder capacity to narrow the gap further in the future.

7.8 Conclusion
Communities clearly welcomed the opportunity to contribute their views on PVE and provided in-depth, and clearly heart-felt testimony about the drivers behind VE and approaches they would recommend for addressing it. There was also a clear sense that some communities felt under siege and needed support in ways that were productive and helpful. An emphasis on cohesion was seen as both relevant, productive and rather than as a soft option. Public sector interventions, whether by police or government, needed to understand current dynamics of communities and support them in ways that enabled effective and better engagement on this difficult issue which all recognised and want to address.

59

HIDDEN CRIMES

The content of this section is illustrated diagrammatically in the following conceptual framework.

Problematic for Police and Authorities Peer led Community Investigation

Redbridge - Pakistani community

Confirmation Domestic violence, forced marriages, problematic drug use, alcoholism, dowry system, self harm, child abuse

Factors in Under-reporting

Family and close community and circles - the first resort cultural understanding Shame and Stigma Services lack of Cultural Competence Fear of Making Things Worse Lack of Awareness of Services

COMMUNITY BASED SOLUTIONS NARROWING THE GAP

Services - greater cultural competence - faith perspectives Greater trust in the police greater mutual understanding As per T and C section Community contact and use of community infrastructure

Services - language skills Confidentiality - whether generic or dedicated organisation

Greater family involvement in solutions by services

Capacity build community members - information, skills and resources Partnership approach Empower women

60

The issue of hidden crimes was raised as a significant concern in the Phase 1 Pathfinder consultation, facilitated by the League of British Muslims with Pakistani respondents in Redbridge. Female interviewees particularly had commented upon this problem and the League decided to make it the subject of more in-depth consultation for their Phase 2 work on the Pathfinder. These were types of crime that took place within family and community structures and were not commonly reported to the authorities and public services for their resolution. Typically, respondents included in this category matters of domestic violence, problematic drug use, incest, forced marriage, self-harm, rape, honour killing, violence and abuse related to the dowry system. Others included were gambling and alcohol consumption which were seen to have a potential negative impact on families without them necessarily being criminal offences. Greater understanding of and engagement with these issues, by their very nature, is conventionally difficult to achieve. Hence, the League of British Muslims believed it was important for them to use their privileged access to the community to gain further insights about the problem and how it might better be addressed. Prior to undertaking this work the CEWs attended briefing sessions held by local authority officers, police and voluntary sector staff working in this field. These covered the nature of such crimes, any information that was already known, services currently available which were attempting to address problems and under reporting of hidden crimes. It was decided such a sensitive subject area was best handled through one to one interviews. These were undertaken with 16 Pakistani Muslims, 4 of whom were men and 12 women aged between 25-45 years old.

I think that there are problems within Asian and Pakistani families: there are people who take drugs, they gamble and they take money from family members (45 year old Pakistani male) There are all sort of abuse physical, mental, sexual abuse that will go on unreported, definitely. (32 years Pakistani female) Respondents also spoke of the impact of hidden crimes, which was often most profound on women and children but could impact on the whole family and often the wider community: In my opinion I think women suffer more as they are bought up in an environment where the culture dictates that they are beneath men. Also when a woman is suffering abuse in her marriage then not only do children suffer but also the womens family will suffer as they normally just stay quiet and let their daughters suffer because again it all comes down to shame. (33 year old Pakistani female) The most frequently recognised problems were domestic violence, forced marriages, problematic drug use and alcoholism. Less mentioned were the dowry system, self harm and child abuse. Dowry and violence dowry is a big thing in our community everyone is in competition with one another on who gives more to their daughter. If a daughter-in-law doesnt bring much with her she has to listen to all the sarcasm from the so called in-laws and general outsiders who do not do anything but gossip. Generally leading to problems between husband and wife. Divorce is generally unaccepted in todays society because the blame automatically comes down to women. (35 year old Pakistani female) You have to understand this that a bit of reprimand or chastisement is better for the child to control unruly behaviourI am all for protecting the innocent child they are our future but we do not want unruly children who have problem for the family and the society (45 year old Pakistani male) Some also commented upon how they felt they were not problems exclusive to one ethnic group but shared by others. it is not just the Pakistani community, but across the board European, English, White I do not know what extent in one community or the other. But it is definitely there. (32 year old Pakistani female)

8.1 Confirmation of the Problem

Respondents confirmed the existence of these crimes, problematic in their community and in the way they were being addressed. there are many incidents where people take matters in their own hands which in turn makes things worse. (28 year old Pakistani female) I think domestic violence and forced marriages are main issues of concern Sometimes these issues do not get to the crime stage since issues are not reported anywhere and mostly remain in the household. (25 year old Pakistani Male)

61

Respondents, however, also stressed that consideration of the problem of hidden crimes derived in the Pakistani community from particular dynamics of culture and inter-generational social structures. Domestic violence, drugs, forced marriages are all problems in our community often due to lack of education, understanding, and the cultural fit, also where you get parents and family that still believe in this day and age that their way is the right way, they dont seem to understand that their children are British born and have a different understanding and outlook to life. Also Asian men think that they should wear the trousers in the house, some believe that when they marry, their wife should be a slave to them rather than a wife, they then start treating them bad. Its too much of backward thinking amongst certain Asians. (36 year old Pakistani female) Even today if I am in Pakistan in front of my parents or any elders of the family or the community, due to respect for them I will not smoke in front of them or say anything which I should not be sayingWe need those family and community values how to respect parents, how to respect elder in the community what is our role in protecting and providing for say women or sisters or older people and so forth The differences are of western [cultural] values and society and the one we brought from back home (45 year old Pakistani male)

communities, we are religious communities, we have country of origin if you follow the community norms there is tremendous support from the community, which the police and the system cannot provide. (45 year old Pakistani female) Respondents also cited sources of support outside the immediate family. These included friends, community centres, community leaders and surgeries in mosques led by Imams and womens support groups. The underpinning quality of such sources was seen in their cultural understanding and competence. Being able to feel comfortable to say things to one another without being judged. Freedom to express emotions. Let them decide what their future is whether its to be together or an amicable separation. (35 year old Pakistani female) A lot of families rather keep this type of thing away from outsiders because they believe they need to seek help from those who know their culture rather than to go to people that are not aware of sensitive issues within certain cultures. (28 year old Pakistani female) However, some respondents also suggested that such community sources needed also to be trained and supported so that they are able to advise from positions of greater information about other services available. This point is reinforced later in this section. Generally, I think they turn to friends who may not be qualified or able to deal with their problems who in turn brainwash them further or misinform them of what help is really out there. (35 year old Pakistani female)

8.2 Family and Community Support the First Resort

Respondents repeatedly stressed the tendency to seek assistance from within the family and community sources. These were seen as positive strengths. Their principal virtue was seen in the cultural understanding they were able to provide and of which official sources were perceived to be largely deficient. From a personal point of view, I also have been through this stuff but bless my family they have always been there for me and they helped me get through my problems and today I dont suffer anymore. (28 year old Pakistani female) If needed people seek from close relatives and friends try to keep within the family as long and as much they can. (25 year old Pakistani male) I believe there is definitely a strong case in keeping the matters within the family; specially we are cultural

8.3 Factors in Under-reporting

From the testimony four main factors and barriers induced individuals to keep crimes hidden, in the family or trusted community circles. These were: To avoid the shame and stigma in the community associated with their admission Lack of trust in official services that were not seen as culturally competent Concerns that the consequences of their reporting would make matters worse Lack of knowledge about services available

62

Shame and stigma Fear of the shame attached to the public knowledge in their community of an admission of these crimes came through strongly in the testimony, whether these related to drug use, domestic violence or rape. If there is a child taking drugs in the family the big problem is that if they do that then the community is going to find out [you keep it a secret] for the respect of the family you do not want to be known as problem family. (45 year old Pakistani Female) These crimes are common, but a lot of the families rather not disclose what is happening due to bringing shame on the family. (33 year old Pakistani Female) Rape if anyone is raped it is generally not reported as it is classed as bringing shame on the family especially when there are other unmarried daughters in the family and generally being shunned from the community you belong to. (35 year old Pakistani female) A friend of mine had a lot of problem at home father was very strict he was beaten up a lot. He did not want to report it as it would bring shame to the family and his father. [The police would have] arrested his father and put him in jail. (25 year old Pakistani Female) anybody experiencing domestic violence would find it very hard to go to the police, because they think they are betraying the person the husband, children, and the family and also the consequences could be ten times worse(32 years Pakistani Female) Services - lack of cultural competence Respondents spoke of the lack of understanding they felt the authorities or the system had of their community, its culture, traditions, faith and language. This represented a significant barrier to their approaching either the police or other social services. There was a strong sense that such services were not for them and therefore not seen as an appropriate or helpful solution to problems. This correlates strongly with findings earlier in this report, for example, with the communitys sense that the existing consultation structures for community safety [ward panels, community consultative groups etc] were ineffective mechanisms for them to engage with and not suited to their community and culture.

Language barriers may hinder them from approaching these institutes. (35 year old Pakistani female) People very rarely turn to outside agencies, they think it is for white people. If there are specialist services with language and religious awareness then they will not be shy to use them. (45 year old Pakistani Female) Lack of empathy from service providers was consistently mentioned, partly based on problems of language and partly on cultural competence. This was also mentioned specifically in relation to the police, reinforcing findings earlier in this report about a lack of trust and confidence in effectiveness of police action, underpinning the reluctance to report. I do not think people trust the police because of their lack awareness about community cultures and traditions. (25 year old Pakistani male) No, [people would not turn to the police] trust level is not there and they are viewed with suspicion. (40 year old Pakistani male) I personally dont think our community has faith or trust in the Police generally. (36 year old Pakistani female) there is no trust and confidence because simple things like burglaries in the home it happens but when you report it the police turn up some few hours later because there is nothing they can do as the so called thief has got awayWhen you have been a victim of crime and you feel let down by the police, you do lose trust in the police. (28 year old Pakistani female) there are cultural linguistic barriers. (40 year old Pakistani male) Sometime there are language barriers if they do not have interpreters. (45 year old Pakistani female) Specific to the police was the perceived lack of solutions available from the police outside of locking up a member of their family. The police cannot do what the community wants them to doThe police role is very technical black and white either arrest and prosecute. (45 year old Pakistani female)

63

Much of what has been reported in this section already reveals a complex cultural and religious context within communities. It is a perceived lack of understanding of this context by services that is a barrier to reporting crimes for many. I am sure they all (social services etc) are interested but they will do things in their ways they do not understand our cultures and religions and we have to live within our families and communities. (45 year old Pakistani female) One of the reasons we hide is that we know that the system and those who run it are not aware of our cultural and religious backgrounds our upbringing is in that set up and if you apply different sets of rules, they are bound to have adverse effects Therefore when the system finds out, they then use their rules and regulations according to their values, which are not the same and helpful. (45 year old Pakistani female) Be more approachable, go out and learn about our religion before you make judgments. Treat us as individuals first then by our religion and colour. (33 year old Pakistani male) Fear of making things worse Under-reporting appears to be also a product of the concern that interventions made by the authorities will lead to consequences worse than dealing with problems privately or through community sources. anybody would find it hard to go to the police, because they thinkthe consequences could be ten times worse. (23 year old Pakistani female) I have reservations that they [the police involvement in a problem] do not conclude to everyones satisfactionthere is no proper end when they are involved. (45 year old Pakistani female) do not use the force of law all the time. (35 year old Pakistani female) if a complaint is made by anyone, say about DV [domestic violence], then the perpetrator is kicked out of the house, leaving little room for reconciliation, repentance and apologies. (45 year old Pakistani male) The family gets divided. The husband goes to jail, the women goes to refuge and the children in care that is not a solution. (45 year old Pakistani female)

Equally, reluctance to inform and report to the police was also based on a sense that the community already feels under pressure as a result of its perceptions of their unfair victimisation in relation to anti-terror legislation. Once the police is involved with a family they start looking for other things as well Problems with terrorist activities and bombing. They will start searching all your house and also arrest other people within the community. They do not like Pakistanis anyway. (25 year old Pakistani female) Respondents tended to think of the police as a solution of last resort in cases of the worst violence, more serious crimes or where alternatives had not worked. In these circumstances, they said they would report a crime: ..but if that [family/community resolution of a problem] does not work, then the agencies should be involved (45 year old Pakistani female) This was reinforced by comments made that suggested the police were only equipped to deal with the worst and visible crimes of violence and that crimes involving subtle emotional and mental abuse were outside their capabilities. I dont believe they can help or even give support to victims of marital problems specially if the person has been going through mental abuse for a long timeI feel that they are not the people that can help you unless you have been physically abused by your partner and have the bruises visible signs of pain that they can see I dont think they can do anything when it comes to mental torture as they cannot see the bruises (28 year old Pakistani female) The involvement of childrens social services was felt to risk stripping parents of their own control and rights. A friend of mine had a problem with her child. The system got involvednow they blame the system. They have lost the child foreveronce the system takes over they can only do what the legislation requiresthe child becomes a file number (45 year old Pakistani female) The system actually does not achieve much except making things worse in so far as the family life is concern (45 year old Pakistani female)

64

Need for greater awareness of existing public services For some respondents greater awareness was needed in the community about specialist expertise and services that were available. They acknowledged that the police can indeed be helpful, if this is communicated to the community. They have trained police women who know how to help families with domestic violence problems. Yes, they have the expertise and they can really help, if we tell the community to use them. (45 year old Pakistani female) Many people who suffer abuse within their marriages suffer quite a lot and when you get not only the husband but the in-laws as well who abuse their wives and daughters-in-law then what is that one woman to do. I mean, if she is from back home then she does not know the system here so how can she seek help if she does not know where to go. (33 year old Pakistani Female) There were a significant number of respondents who spoke of the value of services for those who might be new to England and perhaps did not have their close family in the UK.

I am sure they all (social services etc) are interested but they will do things in their ways they do not understand our cultures and religions and we have to live within our families and communities. (45 year old Pakistani female) One of the reasons we hide is that we know that the system and those who run it are not aware of our cultural and religious backgrounds our upbringing is in that set up and if you apply different sets of rules, they are bound to have adverse effects Therefore when the system finds out, they then use their rules and regulations according to their values, which are not the same and helpful. (45 year old Pakistani female) Be more approachable, go out and learn about our religion before you make judgments. Treat us as individuals first then by our religion and colour. (33 year old Pakistani male) Two, greater community trust in the police is needed for it to be seen as a viable source of assistance for the victims of hidden crimes. The means of achieving this have been set out at length earlier in this report under the Trust and Confidence in Policing section. Essentially, the solution lies in developing greater mutual appreciation and understanding of the community and polices respective dynamics, concerns, problems, duties and dilemmas. This is best achieved by greater use of community-based infrastructure for communication and access, amongst other factors, and engagement on this basis. I think the police do want to help but really do not know how to counter the negative perception within the community. [The police should] make the role that they play known via presentation in mosques, schools/colleges, community centers and try to identify key figures in the community and work through them. (40 year old Pakistani male) Three, reinforcing this approach, respondents stressed the value and need for greater family involvement in solutions constructed by services. ..they should encourage that this should be sorted out within the family and they should give skill to the families to be able to do so. (45 year old Pakistani male) Four, families and community members need to be capacity built with more information, skills and information - and resourced to generate a viable

8.4 Community Solutions

Consistent with recommendations from respondents made elsewhere in this report on other issues, testimony from the Pakistani community in Redbridge again stressed the need for agencies to make greater use of the existing community infrastructure and an understanding of the dynamics that underpin it, both in terms of culture and faith. There was a gap between police and other services and their appropriateness to be seen as viable solutions for the community for problems of hidden crimes. As a result, the over-riding community perception was of poor customer service, insufficiently relevant to their needs for people to seek assistance beyond immediate family, friends and neighbourhood circles, except in extreme circumstances. The provision of services in which the community had confidence needed to be built around five key features to overcome barriers of reporting. One, services needed much greater cultural competence. This meant the availability of options and routes for resolution of problems that properly considered and were framed within faith and cultural perspectives.

65

partnership approach. This was seen as the key to any solution by a service, thus allowing people to rely on more traditional solutions that also incorporated professional expertise to avoid problems being made worse. I think the best solution is that we should be giving skills to parents and give them power and authority so that they can work in partnership with other agencies to bring up their children straight. (45 year old Pakistani male) Yes, you need to involve family(in solving problems) So you always encourage those including partners to work together. (32 year old Pakistani female) The involvement and empowerment of women was seen as critical. I think we still need to empower Asian women they are the ones who are always advised to change if they are empowered then I do not mind keeping it within the families and hoping that the women will not suffer too much It is first generation people who strongly believe that if we keep it within the family, we would be able to solve our problems because that is how we used to do back home. But they do not have the skills which the elderly members of the family used to possess. (45 year old Pakistani female) Five, services needed to be linguistically appropriate and confidential. This was true whether a dedicated organisation, specific to the culture and religion, was equipped to advise and arbitrate or an existing statutory body. Respondents stressed again community concerns about risk of shame associated with knowledge of personal circumstances becoming publicly known.

8.5 Conclusion
As with other issues explored in Phase 2 by the Pathfinder Programme, testimony from local community members focuses on the perceived gap between community needs and the nature of service provision. The solutions put forward again revolve around the need for better cultural competency, the greater use of community infrastructure to engage with local people and to provide capacity building, information sharing and awareness raising for a better partnership approach.

66

ORGANISED CRIME AND DRUGS YOUNG PEOPLES VULNERABILITY

The content of this section is illustrated diagrammatically in the following conceptual framework.

Haringey Turkish-speaking Communities

Local climate of fear and vulnerability Street gangs Threats Under-reporting - reprisals

Under-reporting Better, closer relationships Cultural awareness Greater powers - not abused Anonymity, witness protection, confidential phone-lines, language

Vulnerability to Gang Recruitment Risk Factors

Vulnerability to Gang Recruitment Motivational Factors

Solutions

+ Gang ties - familial connections + Lack of family awareness and denial of involvement + Lack of family support and problems - alternative support networks

+ Financial reward + Protection + Status, cool, power + No waiting lists

COMMUNITY BASED SOLUTIONS NARROWING THE GAP

Police - under-reporting See above Long term - structural Sheer lack of opportunities Breeding ground for disaffected youth No single solution Partnership and combined approach

Recreation and diversion

Information on dangers of gangs

Education and jobs

Addressing Turkish cultures and language

67

In Phase 2 of the Pathfinder, BRACE focused their consultation work on the vulnerability of young people from Turkish speaking communities in Haringey to recruitment into organised drug related crime. Concerns about drug gangs and associated criminal activity had emerged as a significant concern from Phase 1 and the group decided it was important to examine the issue in greater depth. In preparation for this consultation BRACE attended informal briefing sessions both locally at College of North East London and at New Scotland Yard from senior specialist officers and civilian staff on gang crime in London. These sessions were used to help inform the groups consultation in Phase 2. One-to-one in-depth interviews were conducted by BRACE in community settings with 16 local young people between the ages of 17-34 years and with an equal split of male and female respondents.

I would not report it because I am not feeling secure. (Turkish/Kurdish male 20-24 years old) No I would not because there is nothing in place to protect me. (Kurdish male 16-19 years old) I would not report on organised crime because the fear of retaliation from them. I know people who have been threaten and beaten badly because somehow they found out. (Turkish female 20-24 years old) The other 8 had significant reservations and would need a lot of reassurance before they could feel comfortable coming forward to the police: Ill report it on the phone. But I wouldnt if it didnt concern me. If they are not doing me any harm, I wouldnt report it. At the end of the day, you cant stop them so theres no point. Also, I reported it and stopped them from doing something small like a small crime, they might go on to doing something much bigger after theyve come out of prison or from being interrogated. (Kurdish male 16-19 years old) If I got assurance that I would be protected and would not have to go to a police station. (Turkish male 20-24 years old) I think so, it all depends on how much protection Ill get and who is involved. (Kurdish male 16-19 years old)

9.1 Climate of Fear and Vulnerability

Appreciating the background and context for BRACEs consultation on this issue is important. From the earlier community consultation respondents strong feelings of vulnerability to crime and a general fear in the community, especially of street gangs came through powerfully. Circa 50% of those respondents had direct personal experience of crime as a victim or witness. Much of this anxiety derived from concerns around drug related organised crime. Its significance was reinforced in Phase 2 be respondents fear and reluctance (and in some cases, refusal) to report associated crimes. As evident from other sections in this report, under-reporting of crime is an issue in other Pathfinder Boroughs and communities and in part due to a lack of confidence in the effectiveness of the police in addressing concerns, once raised. Within the Turkish speaking communities in Haringey the significant factor in relation to organised crime was the threat felt to their own personal safety, associated with reporting criminal activity. This was supported during this second Phase as only 5 respondents said they would report a crime. Of 11 respondents who were less inclined to report a crime, 3 stated categorical refusal to report a crime:

9.2 Addressing Under-reporting

Respondents were asked about measures needed to increase their likelihood of reporting crime to the police. Responses correlate and reinforce evidence provided earlier in this report on the section dedicated to policing in communities. It was significant in that section that Turkish speaking respondents spoke mainly about the need for better, closer relationships with the police that could in part be achieved by greater cultural awareness together with greater but not abused police powers. Notably, they also stressed that their trust in the police would be enhanced by greater witness protection and confidence in track records of successful prosecution. Similarly, in Phase 2 respondents variously commented on the need for personal anonymity, confidential phone-lines and reporting facilities in the Turkish language. These were presented as necessary measures to overcome fear

68

of reprisals for reporting. These could also be achieved through the training and recruitment of Turkish police officers. I do not think the majority of the Turkish community at present will co-operate with the police because the fear of reprisals in helping them. At present the only thing the police and the local authority should be concentrating on is to train Turkish people to become professionals in this field, to help the community from within. There should be more Turkish speaking police officers in targeted areas. This will encourage the community to report crime and feel safer. Right now the Turkish community has little trust towards the police. We know there is a problem within the community. But to solve it, it needs the cooperation of the Local Authority, the police and my community. (Turkish female 20-24 years old) To get the Turkish community to report a crime you need to make sure that you have a telephone hotline exclusive to Turkish community, anonymity, report to an exclusive centre - no police, feed back indirectly on progress, no statement or court appearance and financial award for successful prosecution. (Turkish female 20-24 years old) I believe that in order to solve the problems the government should create telephone number in emergency for Turkish people. Because many people cannot speak English very well to express themselves. Also when crime is reported the police come to the door of the house and take a statement. This is de-motivating if you want to report a crime. (Turkish male 20-24 years old) Also hearing of the experiences of others who have reported crimes and what happened. Also protection (Turkish male 16-19 years old) Also to know how successful the reports are at convicting people. And know about the experiences of others who have reported crimes. And get protection if you have reported a crime. (Turkish male 20-24years old) Yes, like not having to go to court, being able to report it in Turkish, and knowing how successful the reports are at convicting people. (Turkish male 20-24 year old)

9.3 Vulnerability to Gang Recruitment

Respondents were asked for their views on why they thought young people joined organised crime gangs in Haringey. Their suggestions fall into two main causal areas: risk factors which increase a propensity for vulnerability; and motivational factors which can be seen as positive benefits to involvement. 9.3.1 Risk Factors Respondents commented upon a range of risk factors that underpinned vulnerability to recruitment. Many responses confirmed the information presented to BRACE in group briefing sessions on the issue of gang crime. One, wider social influences were seen as important. These included experiences of disadvantage and lack of opportunity as members of minority communities, experiences of violence from their countries of origin, exposure to violent films and lack of access to education. Two, family influences and the nature of support were seen as very significant from respondents comments and operate in three main ways.20 First, gang ties and affiliation appear to be strengthened by familial connections. The influence of a young persons family came through as very significant from respondents comments. Over half the respondents commented that, when a family member was already linked into organised crime, in the worst case it might force young people into gangs, or at least encourage them or make it easier: Older boys who are already in organised crime, sometimes you are forced into it because of family members who are linked to crime. (Turkish Male 20-24years old) Adults are involved in organised crime so that encourages the young people to get involved. (Turkish male 16-19 years old) Older people in my area are involved in organised crime so its easy for young boys to get involved, also family members are linked with crime. (Turkish male 20-24 year old) This meant that some perceived organised gangs as their only choice, in the absence of family members or adults in their world to provide an alternative example.

20 The role, influence and responsibility of the family is also a prominent feature of the testimony on youth gang crime from the work on the Pathfinder by Dawatul Islam in Tower Hamlets.This is reported in the later section of this report.

69

A lot of adults in my neighborhood are involved in organised crime and they recruit young people in the community. Sometimes it is hard when family members are involved in organised crime. I have a friend whose family are linked to crime. (Kurdish male 16-19 years old) One particular respondent shared his experiences: I have studied up to secondary school. After I started working with my father for several years. My dad used to tell me if you want to earn large amount of money you should do some illegal activities. I have started making friends at snooker clubs where most activities and talks take place. In a short amount of time I gained most material stuff I wished to have such as a car, a motorbike I know there are more opportunities available to perform my criminal activities. Also, usually families of the gang members know the sort of things the gang members do but because they bring large sums home no-one says anything about it. The main thing that destroyed me was taking drugs. I have lost all my possessions, I am currently living in a council house. (Turkish male 20-24 years old) Second, some respondents mentioned how lack of awareness or even denial by the family of signs of illegal activity and gang membership can increase the vulnerability: My younger brother is attending secondary school. He is mixing with the wrong crowd. My parents are not aware. When I try to explain they refuse to believe it. When he is at home he normally does what he is told and stay very quiet. (Turkish/Kurdish male 20-24 years old) When they go out they return home very late, but they are not questioned by their parents: where and who they were with and so on. For their parents not to know where their sons go to, who they mix with, surely this much freedom will eventually pull them away from their families and they will probably be mislead into a life of crime, gangs and drugs. By this time its too late. To overcome this problem the parents must be made aware with the realities by showing them surveillance videos, photos and other materials to shock them into acknowledging their sons/daughters are involved in such crimes, and believe me it is getting worse with the Turkish youngsters (Turkish female 20-24 years old) Third, problems in the home means that young people can look elsewhere for support:

Having problems at home, with the government or in college make people join a gang. In a gang, mostly all the members have similar problems. They dont feel different, in a gang they dont think about their problems, they simply ignore them. (Kurdish female 16-19 years old) This last example is symptomatic of a significant incentive to seeking out gang membership reported by several respondents; that of being part of something, either to engage in a network of friends: Fear. Some children or young people are scared of being alone, they want to have friends who are cool and known everywhere. They are scared of being by themselves or of being with uncool friends. (Kurdish female 25-34 years old) Or from pressure from existing peers or friends: Having the wrong friends. They are influenced by them, they have to do what their friends are doing as otherwise they might get in trouble with them. Also theres a lot of attention seeking, they want to be cool. (Kurdish female 20- 24 years old) Peer pressure because people want to be like someone else, if they see someone looking cool the want to be like them. Mostly wanting to look cool. (Kurdish female 16-19 years old) There is a lot of pressure from friends to join gangs, and the older gang members get the younger ones to join up. (Turkish male 20-24 years old) 9.3.2 Motivational Factors Many of the risk factors identified by respondents can also act as or lead to motivating factors. Friends and family were cited by several respondents as factors that provided both a risk factor and a motivation that attracted young people to gangs. The most frequently mentioned motivational factor was the perceived financial reward attached to joining a gang and engaging in illegal activity. This might be the attraction of a lot of money made quickly and at an early age and the acquisition of material wealth which far exceeds what they believe can be acquired through legitimate means: They do not have any ambitions because they are led into their parents work place: i.e. small supermarket, restaurant, take-away, garage etc and

70

very little financial rewards, but the parents will buy them what they need like a car and so on. The parents have faced racism, prejudices since they have been in England and are often uneducated. The youngsters have nothing to stimulate them. No job prospects, very little desire to go on to further education. Therefore the possibility of joining gangs is an attractive one. To have money, power and friends is probably the top three reasons to join gangs and to lead a life of crime. I know people who do not work and yet they have flashy cars, like a BMW and the latest gadgets, and of course the young ladies seem to be attracted to these young men. (Turkish female 20-24 years old) The second most frequently reported motivating factor is the protection afforded to the individual by joining a gang: You think you are protected in a gang. (Turkish male 16-19 years old) I think it is seeking protection. If you are on your own in college, it is very hard to go and come back. People will bully you. (Turkish male 16-19 years old) Other factors which were thought to attract young people to gangs were, hip-hop or rap music, the perception of cool that was attached to gang membership, a celebrity-like power and status experienced from being in a gang, and finally the outlet provided by gang membership for peoples anger: Rap/hip-hop music always rap about drugs, violence, girls and video games. Boys say it is cool to be in gangs. (Turkish male 20-24years old) They see that their friends are in a gang, they find it cool and they want to do the same thing. (Kurdish female 16-19 years old) Also to be known to other people, for other people to know who they are and how big they are. (Kurdish female 16-19 years old) They forget about their problems, they dont think about other stuff like college, family or they let their anger out by committing crime on the street or by using drugs they just let their anger out. (Kurdish female 16-19 years old)

9.4 Waiting Lists

The expert briefings by MPS [previously referred] prior to Phase 2 of this consultation commented that their intelligence on the issue suggested there were waiting lists for gangs in some areas of London. None of the Turkish speaking respondents were aware of such a situation existing in Haringey and were adamant that it was not the case. I know boys look for gangs to join, I also know gangs recruiting new members. There are no waiting lists, the bigger the gang the better because it brings more protection. (Turkish male 20-24years old) This question sounds stupid to me because there is no such thing as waiting lists. As long as you know someone or if you see someone selling drugs. Normally you know who is who. So if you spend time with him or her and earn his trust then you are in. (Turkish male 20-24years old) Most people agreed that gangs were always receptive to new members as much as young people were eager to join, some even thought the pressure came from the gangs who might even actively recruit members or pressure new members: The boys in [xxx district] I know have joined gangs because the older boys forced them into it. But there are no waiting lists the bigger the better. (Kurdish male 16-19 years old) However, only 2 few respondents, although they had not heard of waiting lists as such, thought the desire to be in a gang was at such a level that is was conceivable waiting lists existed.

9.5 Community Solutions

Respondents perceptions about the sheer lack of opportunity for young people underpin much of the testimony and views on providing solutions. There are clear long-term and structural problems that increase the vulnerability of young Turkish speaking people and the Pathfinder report elsewhere [sic Preventing Violent Extremism] has shown how deprivation, discrimination, social exclusion and poor social conditions amongst others can create the breeding ground for disaffected youth and their attraction to negative causes. The testimony in Haringey repeatedly pointed to more efforts in relation to education, training, employability, job

71

opportunities and improvements to the local environment to offer alternative lifestyles and opportunities. The solutions around prevention are not simple and need a combined, partnership approach. Some stressed the difficulty of the task in the context of diversionary activities of themselves not being a panacea. I dont think that activities would help. People who have problems do not go to activity clubs, they solve their problems by dealing with drugs and committing crime. (Kurdish female 16-19 years old) Suggestions revolved around creating occasions and an environment where the risk and motivational factors can be challenged and addressed. This would give young people the space and information to consider options and more positive alternatives. It was interesting that in general, diversionary recreational activities were seen as important but not the whole solution. They needed to be combined with other support, particularly education, employment and information about the realities and dangers of gang membership. Activities are just one part of preventing people joining a gang. You need more (Kurdish female 25-34 years old) No, they need more than activities, they need to do more(Kurdish female 20- 24 years old) More sports would work but not 100%. (Kurdish female 35-44 years old) Recreation We have no youth clubs in Tottenham that I know of, we need at least 2 youth centres. Their workers can help young boys stop criminal activity and find out why they have joined gangs. Youth schemes can also help to find jobs to keep them off the streets and help them with education if they have no skills. These things could help change the lives of the gang members. (Turkish male 20-24years old) Youth schemes I think could help people see their actions and help them stop criminal activity. (Turkish male 16-19 years old) However, after finishing their job or college they need to do something so activities would be useful to make them busy after college or work. (Kurdish female 25-34 years old)

Information on dangers of gangs Some young people do not know the dangers if they are caught involved in crime. (Turkish male 16-19 years old) If youth schemes could talk to young people about crime and what happens if you commit them and the point about try to stop criminal activity and challenging their behaviour. (Turkish male 20-24 year old) They could go to colleges and schools and give them information about gangs, the consequences and show them or tell them about gang members who are in prison and who now reject being in a gang. By letting children know at a very early age how bad crime and gangs are, they would not be interested in joining a gang. (Kurdish female 16-19 years old) Educating people at a younger age. Sending ex-gang members to school to share their life stories with youngsters. (Turkish male 20-24 years old) Education and jobs for instance, providing education and jobs so that they have to do something, to make them have responsibilities. (Kurdish female 25-34 years old) If you can create a situation where the young people find it interesting, easily accessible, safe, secure and affordable, with the aim of helping them back into education and eventually employment, then you may deter some away from gangs and drugs. (Turkish female 20-24 years old) Helping them with their education so that they have more chances of getting jobs. (Kurdish female 35-44 years old) Jobs are good because it would keep you off the streets. (Turkish male 20-24 years old) If somebody was in a gang, school alone would not stop them but jobs and money would. (Kurdish female 16-19 years old) Addressing Turkish culture and language A few respondents went further and thought within these suggested models of prevention both culture and language would have to be considered for them to be effective: The problem that I had when I was a teenager was

72

that I was not guided either by my school or community about education I think the problem is the language barrier because my parents never come to the school. The only place where I can find work was in the black market working for small supermarkets. (Kurdish male 16-19 years old) My brother should have been made more knowledgeable about drugs crime and gang much earlier like before secondary school. Also I am very young and it seems to be very little opportunities for me to be involved in things like youth work because of my culture. I know people of my age who are on ASBO and other things but they do not change. (Kurdish male 16-19 years old) Both parties (council and police) should get to know the Turkish community and their culture and how much we are alienated and the racism we face every day. The Local Authority and the police must prioritise to build better relationship with the community leaders if they want to make progressIf the Police do not understand our culture then no matter what you have in place it will not be effective. (Turkish female 20-24 years old)

9.6 Conclusion
The focus of BRACEs consultation was the vulnerability of young people in Haringey to recruitment into organised gangs and associated crime. The testimony was predominantly from young people and this section articulates both the causal factors behind it and suggested remedies. As indicated earlier in the narrative, many of the factors and solutions equally apply to other issues of crime, community safety and policing that are addressed throughout this report and are shared in other Boroughs and communities. These all point to the need to understand the gap between communities and the type of public service response required to narrow it. The next section further examines the issue of youth crime and gangs from the perspective and experiences of the Tamil Sri Lankan, Somali and Bangladeshi communities in different Boroughs. Again, similar themes and lessons emerged.

73

10 YOUTH CRIME AND GANGS

The content of this section is illustrated diagrammatically in the following conceptual framework.

Tower Hamlets - Bangladeshi Newham - Tamil Sri Lankan Ealing - Somali

Young people - first hand Knowledge Gang characteristics Girls, gangs and age

Impact on Communities

Distinguished between innocuous social networking and more serious criminal behaviour

Low level nuisance to robbery, damage, fraud, murder Community desentitised part of daily life Protection rackets, fraud, intimidation, kidnap, murder

+ Lack of family support

+ Protection + Respect and power + Cool + Peer pressure + Being part of something - identity + Tradition + Money + Vigilantism dissatisfaction with police

Vulnerability to Gang Involvement Risk factors

+ Existing family involvement - rarely a factor + Friends +Ethnic origin - identity crisis - boys not on family radar + Reputation of the area + Underlying social conditions

Vulnerability to Gang Involvement Motivational Factors

COMMUNITY BASED SOLUTIONS NARROWING THE GAP

Police Lack of trust - (see T and C) Different communities

Parents and families Responsibility and support

Diversionary activities

Education and training

Community infrastructure Community led and better involvement in planning and delivery Quality and impact of Local Authority provision

Role models

Counselling and mediation

Employability

74

The previous section had a specific focus on examining the vulnerability of young people and their recruitment into organised crime gangs in Haringey. This section concentrates on the broader phenomenon of youth crime, anti-social behaviour and gangs in three other Pathfinder communities and Boroughs. These are: Community Bangladeshi community Tamil Sri Lankan community Somali community Borough - Tower Hamlets - Newham - Ealing Host Community Group Dawatul Islam Saiva Munetta Sangam Somali Youth Union in UK

My experience of gangs comes from witnessing these activities and also the more serious activities (23 year old Bangladeshi male) My knowledge of the activities of gangs on my estate and neighbouring estate is from what I have personally witnessed and also from many conversations I had had with other residents, neighbours and relatives who are fed up of having to put up with these groups. (23 year old, Bangladeshi male) I would definitely say that my experience of gangs is first-hand. I see it clearly in the streets (Mid 40s Bangladeshi Imam) .. its a household common theme, everybody living within Tower Hamlets, even the Bangladeshi community, is in some way affected by the whole, the gang thing, its existent everywhere, like kids in schools they want to be like these gangs, they want to be part of the gang, the whole Tower Hamlets area. (Young Bangladeshi female) I would say my own knowledge about gangs and gang culture is quite good, mainly because I have lived in Tower Hamlets for over 20 years and through in bad racial times where Asians were under a constant attack by racist thugs like the BNP or BNP followers or ideological supporters. It was really during them times that Bangladeshi gangs formulated with the primary objective to beat off racism. I have also been part of a gang. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Well I do know quite a lot they walk around in big groups, staring at people and general bullying to the public (26 year old Sri Lankan Male) I know there are a lot of gangs and I know that gangs are increasing every day. Its not something thatI had to go to the statistics office and read up on. Youhave to walk down the road; you can just see loads of gangs It just feels like its getting bigger. (23 year old Sri Lankan Male) Yes, I am aware of them and I know what kind of criminal activities they do. I have been affected by it directly as well. (24 year old Sri Lankan Male) Gangs since I grew up and erm well, lived most part of my life in Newham, I have come across

Each of the host Pathfinder community groups in these areas conducted in-depth consultation on this issue and their findings are presented thematically. As with all other Pathfinder consultations in Phase 2, each of the host community groups prepared their work with the benefit of prior, expert briefings on the subject by officers and senior specialist staff from their respective local authority and community safety partnerships, local police and centrally from MPS at a weekend session at New Scotland Yard. The collective testimony from the three Boroughs comes from interviews with 50 community members, predominantly under the ages of 25-28 years and a broadly equal split of females and males. The evidence from Phase 1 of the Pathfinder showed how in various ways youth crime, gangs and anti-social behaviour were a blight on the three communities. The community groups decided to examine the problem with specific focus and greater depth in Phase 2.

10.1 First-hand Knowledge of Gangs

The three community organisations all engaged with respondents who in the main could point to first-hand knowledge of experience of gangs in their respective neighbourhoods and Boroughs. This is reflected in their testimony. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Interviews were held with 26 individuals who demonstrated good levels of knowledge from first-hand experience.

75

gangs on a daily basis. So yeah I have quite a lot of experience with seeing these people in the street. (25 year old Sri Lankan) Yeah, yes definitely. I think when you are living in Newham you know you go shopping and everything, I think everyone in Newham has experienced it in some way or another, maybe not directly but they have experienced it and you know like all of them know who the gang members are and everything. (23 year old Tamil Sri Lankan) Yes they come into contact more or less one way or anotheryou go to a religious festival and you can see them all loitering, sort of hanging around there. They're not there for the religious event obviously they're just there to sort of, I dont know, cause problems. Tamil gangs. I think more or less every Tamil knows about Tamil gangs and what kind of activities they do. And they feel they have a lot of capability, in the sense that like sort of, they are intimidated by them. So in that sense I think more or less all Tamil people usually do know quite a bit about Tamil gangs. Not about other gangs but, Tamil gangs in general, yeah I think. (21 year old Sri Lankan) Somali community, Ealing Respondents from the Somali community repeated their first-hand knowledge of youth gangs in the Borough on a similar basis. The next sections illustrate their awareness from testimony on activities and appearance.

gang members and several felt generalisation could be misleading. However there were elements of their demeanour, actions and possibly the language they use which some respondents felt more conclusively identified gang members: Well I can tell just simply they tend to loiter around street corners smoking like if you were anywhere like 10 feet near them you can smell the weed at 2 oclock in the morning I think they are gang members when they do that and they dress in certain way and they talk in a certain way. I think normal gang members they tend to talk in Tamil. (23 year old Tamil female) the language they use they dont usually, like Tamil gangs anyway, they dont usually speak in English. They usually speak in very, very rude Tamil. (25 year old Sri Lankan) Somali community, Ealing Some respondents also commented on their being recognisable by their dress, whilst others observed a variety of dress or dress codes that made recognition more difficult. They wear hoodies, caps, black clothing most of the time, baggy jeans, stuff like that. (Somali female 19 year old) Sometimes they wear other fashions, so its really hard to recognise them. (Somali female 20-30 year old) For some respondents, gangs were less recognisable for their hair style and dress code than by ethnic background. I think most of the gangs in Ealing or Southall are, it doesnt recognise with the hair or the clothes, its more likely by the country they are from. (Somali male 25 year old) This echoes testimony also about non-Somali gangs said to be operating in Ealing. They commented that gangs were a widely known phenomenon in Southall/Ealing and suggested that they were organised by religion/ethnicity. I heard about one gang called AK47 who I think is a Sikh gang and they target mostly the Muslim community. (Somali male 21-25 year old) Respondents spoke of gangs recognisable as being Somali and from the Indian subcontinent. Others spoke of gangs from many different ethnic backgrounds and of mixed ethnic backgrounds.

10.2 Gang Characteristics

Respondents also commented on the physical appearances of gangs and members in their respective communities and defining characteristics of their groups. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets There was often reference made to young men with hair styles and low-rise batty style trousers being the most mentioned. All the boys I have seen in these groups have similar hairstyles shaved on the sides and also similar clothes with heavy shiny chunky jewelry like you see on rappers from the black community. (23 year old, Bangladeshi male) Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Generally speaking respondents were reluctant to identify specific physical attributes they could associate with

76

They are Somalian, Indian, Jamaican, even including some whites as well, you know, and Polish and all that. (Somali male 30-45 year old) Well, we dont know some of them, yes, particularly they come from the same ethnic. Some of them are mixed and they are going in groups. (Somali female 24 year old)

Usually these girls like you know the leader of the group gangs or you know, they are with them you know, its not usually like young girls who are like you know with the tail end. Its usually with the top gang, thats where the girls are. Its the power they carry you know like to be with a powerful guy, yeah I know. (28 year old Sri Lankan male) The girls they join because...it's just maybe they might be a girlfriend of one of the gang member. Yeah it's like an attraction so they want to be seen with these gang members. It could be because they think it's a cool thing to do. It's all of those things really. (25 year old Sri Lankan) It was also felt by several respondents that girls linked to gangs exacerbated problems: I feel its majority boys, but more recently I have heard stories of girls are inflaming the problems too being the cause fight between gang members and etc. (26 year old Sri Lankan male) Well in Newham I havent seen many girls involved because, from what Ive heard, Tamil girls, some Tamil girls theyre very respectable. But Ive heard stories about other Tamil girls that arent. Ive heard many, many problems with girls where theyre fighting over girls. Yes, the girl may be doing it on purpose. (20 year old Sri Lankan male) there are girls in gangs but they dont directly participate in any criminal activityNo, but they are always around the guys and they just you know they either participate or perpetuate the problem somehow. (23 year old Tamil female) Well, it's generally boys but there are some number of girls who are in the gangs as well but generally it's.Well, they are the cause of the problems in most cases since they tend to stir problems between gang members. In some cases they cause most of the problems. (25 year old Sri Lankan)

10.3 Girls, Gangs and Age

Somali and Tamil Sri Lankan respondents commented specifically on how the age of gang members seemed to be getting younger and also about the involvement of young females. Somali community, Ealing The testimony pointed to gang members being predominantly teenage males with most suggesting that association with gangs tended to start around 13 years of age. However, the gang phenomenon was not exclusively male. Some girls could and did get involved. One respondent illustrated the involvement of girls with an example he had himself witnessed. It was a girl Ive seen. That was unbelievable. She was about 17 years old and she was chasing 32 years old man, okay. She was slapping him, kicking him to take the mobile phone off him, yes. (Somali male 20-25 year old) It was significant that respondents also pointed to the vulnerability of even younger children. Some knew of children as young as 8 or 9 years starting to be involved. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Respondents commented on gang members being mainly between 11 and 19 years old but were getting younger. I think probably like when you're 11 or 12. Yeah, as young 11 or 12. I know for a fact that I've seen kids hanging around and they're smoking. I know them because I've seen them; they were in my primary school and so onhanging around in gangs with hoodies on and smoking, I dont know probably cannabis or whatever. So you just see, every year I have seen them get younger, younger and younger. (21 year old Sri Lankan) The general opinion was that the majority of gang members were still male but there was female presence which often had specific roles:

10.4 Criminal Activity and Impact on the Community

Respondents were careful to distinguish between innocuous social networking of young people in groups and more serious, criminal behaviour. just coz they might look they getting up to something dodgy, doesnt mean they are; theyre

77

probably just hanging around just talking to their friends (Bangladeshi male, Tower Hamlets) However, testimony from all three communities confirmed the serious impact of youth crime and gangs in their local areas. Respondents spoke of a crime scale that ranged from low-level nuisance to more serious crime, including robbery, damage to property, fraud and even murder. Somali community, Ealing Some respondents spoke of how younger people get involved in what they termed petty stuff like littering and causing noise, and the problems escalated with age. They also stressed how even so called low-level nuisance was a serious concern for residents. involved in anti-social behaviours, shouting, arguing and the way they treat people who are passing around where theyre standing. (Somali male 35-45 year old) The problem of gang activity escalated to more serious problems with drug dealing as a principal gang activity, associated with stealing, street robbery, fighting and careless driving causing damage to other cars. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Respondents confirmed the similar pattern of a range of crimes with drug dealing being the most frequently reported. Also commonly mentioned were intimidating members of the public, mugging people at cash machines, fighting, carrying weapons, vandalism and vehicle crimes including: joy-riding, stealing radios, stealing disabled badges, stealing cars and reckless driving. One ex-gang member spoke from his own experience which encompassed a few of these. We were not into breaking cars and stealing CD players and other things, but I knew the people on other estates who were doing this. It was easy money, it paid for clothes, it paid for dope and taking the girls out. Some people also stole from some pensioners once when they were coming back from the post office on Watney Street. That made us very angry, because they were Bengali people, and they were old. We called each other I remember and went to fight them. Three boys from the other gang were beaten up with hammers. Two went to hospital. As far as we were concerned no-one came to our turf and did what they did. We felt insulted. That was not a day I am proud of, but then again we taught them a lesson they never forgot. We said to them no-one steals from old people on our estate. (25 year old Bangladeshi male)

Another respondents experience included being a victim of physical attack: I was myself attacked by 6 youths 2 years ago when one evening at 12.00 midnight I asked them to move on from the front of my property which they refused to do. When I stated I would call the police I was set upon and received minor cuts and bruising. The police were not able to do anything even though I identified the gang members with names and addresses. (27 year old Bangladeshi male) It was interesting how almost desensitised and accepting people had become of the levels of crime they lived with on a daily basis. This is what their life was. There was a sense that residents had become conditioned to trivialise what would be considered unacceptable elsewhere. Whilst a bit of graffiti or vandalism or just fighting or anti-social behaviour may become part of everyday life for people living in Tower Hamlets, its impact was serious on children and families. Destroying families, children being involved in gang fights, going into prison, are hurt in fights, losing member of the family in gang related warfare, being in trouble with the law. Gangs generally make people rude, temperamental, troublesome, rebellious, violent, and dangerous. It affects family because children do not listen and disobey parents or guardians and they lose respect for people and become rebellious. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) For the most part respondents commented on how gang behaviour and formation lacked organised business structures that are normally associated with organised crime. Financial reward may be a driver behind drug behaviour to support a habit and with some perceiving drug dealing and robbery as easy money. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Similar patterns of gang activity were reported in Newham. Habits of drug use and drug dealing were mentioned, funded by robbery and car theft. However, respondents testimony was predominated by accounts of violence, intimidation and protection rackets, kidnap, fraud and even murder. The following accounts are a catalogue of graphic examples taken from the testimony which were described as causing havoc to the neighbourhood. (23 year old Sri Lankan female)

78

I know that they go to restaurants in groups and they will sit down, order loads of alcohol and foodand then when it comes to paying the bill they will just walk out and if someone stands in their way they will take their bats out and they will smash the whole place down. It is something that I have experienced (23 year old Tamil female) Bullying obviously yeah, muggingvandalisingand they go to the restaurants or arcades or shops and they insist on free food or things you know. (28 year old Sri Lankan male) Often respondents reported some financial gain but activity had a random nature: They beat people up for money they probably dont have any solid income, they havent got a good education. They need money of some sort and this is the only way they can make money. This is the only way they can survive. (20 year old Sri Lankan male) Some spoke of protection rackets: Ive heard of a lot of shops in East Ham being broken into. You know for money, if they dont give them money, protection money, I think thats what its called isnt it? Yeah, their restaurant wont be allowed to run its business. I do know that there are gangs, you know, if you pay money in East Ham theyll do things for you. (23 year old Sri Lankan male) Others spoke of more sophisticated credit card fraud: I know they're involved in sort of credit card fraudthey sort of kidnap people and then force them into taking money out using their cards and so on. And then just leave them somewhere andthey take their phone off them so they can't contact anyone. And I also know about protection money kind of thing. Where some of the shops down the High Street, they pay a certain amount of money to these guys and they dont do anything to that shop. (21 year old Sri Lankan) they have been known to be involved with credit card scams in the past. (25 year old Sri Lankan) Intimidation and violence were also reported: I have come across these youngsters face-to-face yes, they can be intimidating and violent (26 year old Sri Lankan male)

Yeah. At first there was just Tamils, Sri Lankan Tamils having fights with just everyone. But then people go outside to get scared so I guess they got bored as such so they started having in between themselves they started having fights with themselves or for money and who owns what and stuff like that. (19 year old Sri Lankan female) Ive even heard of murders around this area, I think there was one like a few months ago wasnt it, was it last year or the year before? Yeah they actually stripped the guy. (28 year old Sri Lankan male)

10.5 Vulnerability to Gang Involvement

Respondents were asked for their views on why they thought young people from their communities joined gangs. From the expert briefing sessions in each of the Boroughs, CEWs learned of the risk factors considered by the police to increase the likelihood of gang involvement. These fall into two main causal areas: risk or push factors which increase a propensity for vulnerability; and motivational pull factors which can be seen as positive benefits to involvement. 10.5.1 Risk Factors Lack of family support This was perhaps seen as the single most important risk factor and was common to the three communities. The Somali respondents testimony in Ealing alludes to the importance of adequate family guidance as a preventative measure and this is examined further under the section on community solutions. Both the Tamil Sri Lankan and Bangladeshi respondents provided extensive commentary on its importance. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Respondents spoke of deprivation and compromised parenting and family structures. Yeah, it starts from home usually this, I mean I dont want to sound judgmental but all this stuff from the family background you know how their parents bring them up. (28 year old Sri Lankan male) hopefully you know, youve got your parents and the community who are telling you its not good to do things like thatIf youre from a deprived background and youve never had any opportunities maybe joining a gang might be the only thing worthwhile in your life. (23 year old Sri Lankan male)

79

maybe they are showing their anger on something else because of what is happening at homethey are looked after [by gangs] because maybe they are not looked after at home but they look after these people. (19 year old Sri Lankan female) The parenting makes a huge difference. Its not just about, you know, whether youre wealthy or poor I dont know but its about parenting skills that has a huge impact. (24 year old Sri Lankan male) Single parent families were particularly vulnerable: I know another boy, his mother is very nave, she is very traditional she has no clue about western culture and the father, he doesnt live with the mother so the boy doesnt have anyone to advice or guide a father figure, the mother is too nave to understand what the boy does everyday and, initially when he started on becoming a gang member, I know the extended family advised the mother. The mother did as much as she can but now he is part of a very huge gang and he is into these criminal activities, big time. (24 year old Sri Lankan male) That would help because most people join gangs because they dont want to stay at home so after they get back from school they just leave because maybe the parents are fighting or parents arguing or parents show violence towards kids. (19 year old Sri Lankan female) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Respondents spoke particularly about the phenomenon of family breakdown as a significant risk factor. The core reason why gangs exist is due to the lack of support from the family If the family infrastructure is weak then it also poses a problem. It can even be the case that the family do not know how to handle teenagers i.e. lack of knowledge. (Mid 30s Bangladeshi female) the lack of responsibility of the parents, poor infrastructure on behalf of the extended family. (Mid 40s Bangladeshi Imam) ..if theyre not probably like provided with a secure family life then obviously they resort to other things. (Young Bangladeshi female) these children in a sense theyre neglected by their parents, so they want a sense of belonging and being part of a gang. (Bangladeshi female)

Poor parenting skills where parents do not know how best to identify and approach their children affectively to divert them from gang culture (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Respondents also spoke of parents being in denial of their childrens involvement in gangs and poor communication. I recently informed a relative of mine that his son was a member of a gang and was not only taking drugs, but was also selling drugs. He just turned around and said who am I to tell him what his son was doingand then he said I was lying and that his son was not like that at all. The way he described his son was like him being a saint. Its the head in the sand scenario (25 year old Bangladeshi male) I also think most parents are ignoring the fact that their children are joining gangs out of fear for their safety. I guess they are seeing in a sense safety in numbers and failing to understand that with this safety come other bigger issues such as crime and drugs. Most parents I know do not even accept that their children are taking drugs (27 year old Bangladeshi male) Yes because at home for example especially in the Bangladeshi community most young boys and girls they dont really say whats going on in their mind to their parents parents dont talk to their children and the children dont say anything about whats going on (Young Bangladeshi female) I think in Tower Hamlets area the parents I feel they dont lead such a huge role in their childrens lives anymore, you know; the children theyve got freedom in their hands, they can come home whenever they want to, its not a question where are you going, who are you going out with, you can just say well Im with a friend and thats it, no more questions asked. (Bangladeshi female) Existing family involvement in gangs It was not found that gang involvement was being encouraged by the existing involvement of family members. This was a stronger factor in Turkish speaking communities in Haringey but little evidence emerged from the Bangladeshi respondents in Tower Hamlets. Respondents thought that this was theoretically possible but had no personal knowledge of it existing. Some did concede the possibility of the influence of older brothers or sisters who had been involved in crime and gangs but had no knowledge of parental influence itself.

80

If adults or older family members were involved I would have heard something as this kind of information gets around very quickly. So I do not think the police are right in their assumptions (23 year old Bangladeshi male) I do not feel that young people are recruited into gangs by family pressure or from other family members who are already members of groups or gangs. If anything I have come across cases where family members already belonging to gangs have threatened and beaten younger siblings for even hanging around with people associated with gangs. (44 year old Bangladeshi Imam) If they (the police) think that family members are involved in gang related activities then they are wrong and on the wrong track altogether. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Friends The example of friends in gangs was seen as a more important risk factor that helped increase the predisposition of young people themselves to join. This was referred to particularly by Bangladeshi respondents. I do accept that people do get recruited to gangs through seeing friends and associates who are gang members and that this creates opportunities to join gangs and joining gangs has become normal course for young people. (27 year old Bangladeshi male) They have got more access plus once they know someone they have got sort of a network of people that they already know. (Young Bangladeshi female) Friends and association with people is a key factor that increases the chances and parents and guardians must be extra vigilant about who their children hang about with. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Ethnic origin Three respondents from the Bangladeshi community in Tower Hamlets spoke particularly about the influence of the dynamics of young people within a migrant community experience. A local Imam spoke of how Bangladeshi youth have a crisis of identity which has left them vulnerable to criminal activities and drugs. The Bangladeshi community originally arrived in the UK out of economic reasons, to better themselves and to send money back to Bangladesh to support family members. They did not at that time envisage settling in the UK but as time passed they brought

over their families and settled here. In settling they faced extreme hardship in housing, education and racism and could not extend the time and the real effort required to cater for the needs of their children culturally, educationally, emotionally and financiallyIn my opinion children in these families do not see themselves as British or as Bangladeshis where both cultures are distinct. Because of this void these children started to adopt a hybrid culture taking from both, and also what they saw as trendy and fashionable. Drugs and other criminal activities look attractive as it gives them street credibility with others of the same age. (44 year old Bangladeshi Imam) All our community is interested in doing is living in squalor in the UK with people sleeping on top of people because of a lack of space at home, and astonishingly send all the money to Bangladesh to build palaces in Sylhet. I say who is going to live in these palaces, not the parents they will die before some these are completed, and as for the kids they dont even know Bangladesh let alone what is being built. Even child benefit is sent back. What I am trying to say is the kids actually dont get what they deserve and live in poverty, this is an underlying cause to the problem as well. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) One respondent thought that the Bangladeshi culture meant the boys in the family fell off the radar: in the Bengali community, the parents put all their minds on the daughter, making sure she doesnt go astray and they dont really care about what the boys do [the boys] just feel as if they can go and do, go into gangs. (Bangladeshi female) Other risk factors The existing gang reputation of an area can also provide a momentum for continuing involvement, determined by neighbourhood or postcode identity. If your area is famous for the amount of gangs they havesimply coming from the area could make you associate with the gang crimethe youth may think because I come from this specific areathen I might as well join a gang and prove them right. (Bangladeshi female) Other respondents from Tower Hamlets also stressed the importance of underlying poor social conditions, overcrowded housing, deprivation and loss of connection with faith.

81

lack of connection to the mosque and get the worst cocktail. You will see anyone who is connected to the mosque will not be involved in such activities. (44 year old Bangladeshi Imam) 10.5.2 Motivational Factors The three communities also identified a number of motivational factors which young people perceived as the positive benefits for joining gangs. The factors are interlinked though identified separately for greater clarity. Protection Protection was a significant factor that came through strongly in the testimony. The Bangladeshi and Tamil Sri Lankan respondents elaborated on this in some detail, though the Somali participants also stressed its significance. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Its a form of protection like I went to school in East London in East Hamif people know you are in a certain gang, they wont touch you. (23 year old Sri Lankan male) when I came to this country firstthey used to call me fresh off the boat and so I would get bullied a lot, if you were part of this gangyou were like the untouchable (24 year old Sri Lankan male) Some would call on support from gangs outside their own area for protection from other ethnic groups. in my secondary school a lot of the other ethnic groups would start on the Sri Lankansyou could always get groups from other areas like Southall or Harrow or Walthamstow (24 year old Sri Lankan male) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets It gives them more of a status and authority so they have someone covering their back (Young Bangladeshi male) I also accept that young people join gangs to protect themselves. You only need to visit an estate in Wapping to see this in real I can see how this can happen from personal experienceIt seems it has become norm for young people living in fear of gangs in rival estates as well. (27 year old Bangladeshi male) I also feel at a later stage of having joined gangs that it becomes to do with protection, security and a

fear of rival gangs and groups that keeps young people with gangs. (44 year old Bangladeshi Imam) the fear of rival gangs from other estates thats what keeps them in gangs. (25 year old Bangladeshi Male) Respect and power Respect, power and status were attributes frequently mentioned as significant attractions. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Having fear so when people look at you, they respect you out of fearThey dont know if its good reasons or bad reasons but they think, well, people respect me. (23 year old Sri Lankan male) Intimidating other people, being who everybody is scared ofthey love that. (28 year old Sri Lankan male) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets The same came through strongly in Tower Hamlets, also stressing the means to impress girls. they have like a street repso they do stuff to get respect so people get scared of them and not mess about with them. (Young Bangladeshi female) its a status thingwell known, thats why they would be willing to do violent actsthey want to be notorious. (Young Bangladeshi male) they want to impress girlsname and fame as a hard nut (Young Bangladeshi male) Cool Many respondents spoke of how the cool image of gang membership was a main motivational factor. The glamorisation of gangs through films, TV, music, clothes and games was frequently cited. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Its when you are developing your personality and you want to be known as this cool person at school so joining a gang is a good way, a good solution to that. (23 year old Tamil female) a lot of the girls find it attractive to be with a guy who more cool and a bad boy rather than a boy who always goes to school and doesnt do muchnow its becoming like a cultureif you have no intention

82

of doing criminal activities or being anti-social or anything, just to dress like and look like a gang member. Its more fashionable. (24 year old Sri Lankan male) I think that films play a huge role the type of films you have the gang members who run the village and they are acting like Donsteenage kids get influenced by this thinking that, okay being in a gang is a hero being cool you can tell because their dressing sense, everything they are copying from these types of movies. (24 year old Sri Lankan male) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets There is some tradition of joining gangs, as I mentioned earlier this is to do with looking cool and machoIn my experience young people join gangs as it has become a fashionable attraction to be members of a gang that is known in the area. (44 year old Bangladeshi Imam) Young boys on the estate think its a really cool thing to do and think it makes them look tough and attractive to girls, and before they know it they are tooled up and fighting and stealing with the others. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) This image was closely linked by respondents to certain music genres, like hip-hop/rap: Hip-hop music talks a lot about gang culture and glamorises it by giving a cool image to it. This is especially true of 2Pac Shakurs music as he talks about getting shot and shooting people. (18 year old Bangladeshi male) Also rap music and hip-hop and I can tell you I really like their music it is glamorised, in the videos you see them with gangs you see them exploiting women ... singing with profanity words, sing about drugs. (Bangladeshi Young male) Respondents cited particular influences like 50 cent, Tincy Strider and some Bhangra artists. Other forms of media like TV, films and video games were thought to contribute to this glamorisation of gangs which led to them being more attractive to young people. Others thought video games acted to desensitise young people to violence: Yeah, computer games especially like boys are most interested in fighting you know like there was one ...

manhunt see how much that influenced one boy he was addicting to playing it so ... I think boys that stay at home and play a lot of computer games it does effect their brains. (Bangladeshi Young male) I think another important thing is video games, kids love their video games they love fighting, when they play they think they like oh, I can be like him I can be like Ryu21 and do a Hadouken' [special move] whatever so its such an influence to them in being part of the gang. (Young Bangladeshi male) Peer pressure This was particularly mentioned by Bangladeshi respondents in Tower Hamlets. If everybody around you is part of one gang or part of a big group then you would feel left outYeah, you know things to do together and it may start off innocent but then it may lead on to other things. (Young female Bangladeshi) There is obviously a lot of peer pressure to join gangs as there is pressure to conform in most things in life. (24 year old, Bangladeshi male) Being part of something This was also cited by respondents in Tower Hamlets and correlates with previously stated factors of peer pressure and family breakdown. gangs are also a way of like Lost Boys if you like. Its a place where they feel like they belong (Young Bangladeshi female) I think young boys join gangs to be a part of something. Young boys in the Bangladeshi community do very little talking at home. With their father its even less, just yes and no to things. Bengali families are also very strict and rigid to accepting western culture. When these boys are with friends and gang members everything goes and accepted. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) In Asian cultures... in Tower Hamlets from my knowledge I see that there are big families, small flats, small houses, not enough room for everyone they dont have their own personal space and ...I think they yearn for that so they look to the outside world they want to break out of their household and join gangs where they can feel at homeso they looking for that belonging. (Young Bangladeshi male)

21 Martial

artist in the Street Fighter game.

83

Tradition The concept of tradition linked to peer pressure is a relatively newly emerging motivating factor mentioned by respondents also in Tower Hamlets. it is kind of becoming like a tradition in like on the older generation it wasnt like a tradition but it might have now in our younger generation maybe it is becoming a tradition (Young Bangladeshi female) I do believe there is a tradition of boys joining gangs, as everyone is doing it, and there is no way it seems to stop it at the moment. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Money Financial gain from criminal activity has been mentioned earlier in this section. It is clearly a source of motivation for gang membership. It was seen in the sense of being easy money by all respondents and driven by various factors. These included poverty per se, to fund drug habits and for aspirational reasons for those coveting power, respect and the trappings of fashionable clothing and flash lifestyles. Factors here also echo previously presented findings from Turkish speaking respondents in Haringey. Other One Bangladeshi respondent felt that young people turned to gang membership as a type of vigilantism from dissatisfaction with the police service. they feel as if when injustice has happened, like somebodys murdered the police dont do enough so they feel that they have an injusticeso they take it in their handstheyre quite useless. (Young Bangladeshi female)

section below sets out their recommendations from the testimony gathered. 10.6.1 Police Solutions reinforced views presented previously in the section of the Narrowing the Gap: Solutions report dedicated to policing and reflected both commonly held views and those distinct to particular communities. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham This report earlier commented upon how the police tended to be feared and revered, rather than disrespected within the Tamil community. Their police related solutions reflected community dynamics, with recommendations largely around stronger enforcement, more powers and greater visible presence. stopping youngsters walking or staying in groups in High Streets, like maybe after certain hours as well. (28 year old Sri Lankan male) They stressed the value of the figure of authority that the police represented and suggested officers should give talks in schools, spelling out the dangers of gang membership. They also suggested how these could also be delivered by community peers. so if you have a police officer coming in to schoolthey are just going to switch off immediately. (24 year old Sri Lankan male) I dont think kids understand the implications of joining a gangthe impact of a criminal record less chance of going to university, lack of employability at a future age, being given insurance (28 year old Sri Lankan male) Similarly, respondents congratulated the police locally on their active intervention in the High Street in recent years and how it had improved their lives by reducing the number of gangs. I have to say it has reduced a lotthe police in Newham is really, really goodyes, they have been really supportive actuallythere are a lot more of the Safer Neighbourhood Team walking around and there used to be areas where I was kind of scared to walk past at night (24 year old Sri Lankan male) East Ham High Streetbut it has reduced a lot now with police and Safer Neighbourhood Teams walking around, so I think the police have done a lot (24 year old Sri Lankan male)

10.6 Community Solutions

As with all other issues that the Pathfinder community organisations concentrated on in their Phase 2 work, consultation by the three groups on youth crime and gangs was also solution focused. They were all keen to encourage constructive ideas from their respective community respondents on how best this problem of crime and community safety could be addressed. They had been further capacity built in their preparation by aforementioned informal briefing sessions in their Boroughs about existing initiatives and approaches being taken by the statutory sector. The

84

Other comments, however, echoed earlier stated testimony about how the community would value more effective police intervention. I have heard they will not come while a fight is happening (20 year old Sri Lankan male) Somali community, Ealing Some respondents spoke first about the lack of trust in the police and saw tackling this as a key measure to address gang crime. There is currently a sense in the community that the police are hostile and not seen as part of the solution that the community can call upon to help them address these problems. First of all, the police they have to earn the confidence of the communitythe people who are from the ethnic minorities, they clearly believe that the police are constitutionally racist. (Somali male 35-45 year old) The police they need to build bridges to the community to earn their trust and to show them they are there to defend the community. They are there to help them; they are there for them, not against them. (Somali male 35-45 year old) Such commentary is entirely consistent with observations from the community about neighbourhood policing and the need to build greater trust and confidence, as a foundation for greater co-operation. The other sections in this report highlight the ways better engagement can be achieved from a community perspective. Others spoke of the need for the police to disperse gangs, especially at night and to target gang leaders. Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Bangladeshi and Somali commentaries were similar, also focusing on the lack of trust and confidence that needed first to be built to tackle the problem. They saw the need above all of taking a more sensitive and interactive role within the community first as the platform for better engagement and mutual understanding. The police coming out in force would just reinforce the gangs perceptions about themselves as being cool and notorious. This would perhaps have the opposite effect of creating new recruits. (24 year old Bangladeshi male) With regards to the police, I just feel as though they are not doing their duty. The public hardly knows about Police Community Safety Officers and even I

did not know until you mentioned it to me. They need more physical presence than have just CCTVs. (Mid 30s Bangladeshi female) Respondents spoke of the police interacting in a more positive way regularly in the community, by organised talks in schools and other community venues. These points reinforce all the suggestions for better engagement previously in this report on policing specifically, under-reporting crime and prevention work on violent extremism. You know, sometimes you get police and they just look so theyre looking to arrest you, you know, if they were a bit more of a friendly, you know, sort of chummy, chummy and the like, you know (Young Bangladeshi female) I think like the police may be more interactive with the community, should speak to them more often, not just anything like oh whats gone wrong, whatever, just being friendly, have you had a nice day, hows it going oh the weathers nice, just a friendly chat sitting with themnot to make them feel intimidated, and in that way they will feel more comfortable with the police officers. (Young Bangladeshi male) They also spoke of attending youth clubs and training youth leaders to run sessions. because sometimes things coming from the police is taken lightly or the kids may not appreciate what they are saying but they will appreciate it if it is coming from a youth leader The police can get in ex-members of gangs to come in and talk about their experiences of gang crime. (Young Bangladeshi female) It might be a good idea to have police going into school into assemblies (Bangladeshi female) when I was in school myself, there was a local police officer who would come and give talks about life crimes and gang culture and that did really scare everyone of us and thered be graphic images and ... and thered be stories of convicted people, their life in prison and that did really affect me and all my friends and I can see that they were like scared of it (19 year old Bangladeshi Male) 10.6.2 Parents and Families Respondents from the three communities highlighted the role that parents and families can play in guiding their children and the need for them to be supported to do so.

85

This point had been raised during the expert briefings by specialist officers who commented on the sense in which the community was absent from the scene and bad behaviour continued to be tolerated. Somali community, Ealing I think the best ways is the responsibility of the parents. (Somali male 25 year old) Well I think the most important teacher is the family. The mother or the father, okay. They should start reaching some kind of programmes with the familiesSo I think the basic play is they should start from the home. (Somali male 20-25 year old) Again, respondents spoke of the greater effectiveness of working with young people through their parents and families [ie through the community] rather than by direct intervention by the authorities. because I believe these youngsters, theyre not interested to speak to any workers from councils or police; you know what Im saying. They dont believe them but I believe they will listen more to the families. (Somali male 20-25 year old) Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham You know so obviously the first education should go to the parents on how to bring up kids you know and what they could do because more than all schools, police and all that, more than all that, its the parents who could actually do somethingYou know so something like lessons for them on how to actually bring up these kids, most parents are confused, they really dont know how to handle them to start with(28 year old Sri Lankan male) Getting the message across and start teaching parents and giving them a bit more advice onhow they can guide their kids and being with teenagers at their house. (25 year old Sri Lankan) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets The role of parental responsibility was stressed forcefully by respondents. Equally, parents needed much more training, awareness raising and skills to help them provide positive guidance and to overcome problems of denial, ignorance and even neglect. making parents responsible for the actions of their children. There is a general disowning of the activities of children by their parents. This has to be brought to an end. (23 year old Bangladeshi male)

take an active interest in their lives and not pass the buck. I also say its just general laziness. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) they need to keep informed of what their child is doing in school, how they are doing (47 year old Bangladeshi male) the parents, they have to see what their children is doing in their free time (Bangladeshi young female) Training and skills development for parents was stressed to help them contribute positively and to overcome the traditional stigma attached to admission of bad or criminal behaviour of their children. Parents have to be encouraged to seek help when they feel their children are becoming out of control and not feel this as an embarrassing thing to do, as they do now. (23 year old Bangladeshi male) It is considered shameful to be involved in criminal activities and instead of parents helping their children out of peer pressure and thereby gangs, we tend to deny that its happening and neglect our children in the process. (24 year old Bangladeshi male) more support should be provided in how to handle teenagers. This is really crucial, as not everyone knows how to handle young people who are at a volatile age(Mid 30s Bangladeshi Female) Parents have to be educated and supported to intervene and spot these problems with young people at an early stage by government agencies. (44 year old Bangladeshi Imam) 10.6.3 Diversionary Activities The expert briefings on youth gang crime by specialist officers had commented upon how authorities in general had hoped that recreation and other social activities for young people would divert them away from gang culture but that this seemed not to have been successful. However, it was clear from consultation by the community groups that respondents still valued such facilities and saw them as an important part of the solution. Somali community, Ealing The need for much greater local social provision, both in terms of education and diversionary facilities, was a recurring and unanimously proposed theme. The over-riding impression given was that young Somali people in Ealing were simply poorly served with a distinct lack of social

86

activities available to them that left them vulnerable, almost out of boredom, to becoming attracted and falling, almost by default, into gang culture. because a lot of youngsters, after they fail in their education, they feel as if they lost everything and they go wrong. But, you support them and you give them after school clubs, and you educate them, give them entertainment. (Somali male 35-45 year old) to help the young children and to support from the poverty and lead them to be educated people and so on. (Somali male 30-45 year old) There is no community centres where they can come and enjoy themselves. (Somali male 35-45 year old) Young people dont have anything to do these days. Thats why they join gangs. Like basketball, football, stuff like that, they should do. (Somali female 19 year old) Youth clubs in particular, they could have pool tables, like Sky [TV] and stuff like that, that would be really good. (Somali female 20-25 year old) A young male respondent spoke of how he and his friends filled their time as teenagers with their education, sports and activities at community centres and were never attracted to become involved in gangs. Filling time with enjoyable and constructive activity was a recurring solution from respondents. programmes that they could make the young gangsters busy, okay. Some kind of lifestyle that make them forget this like, okay. They doing this because they have time. (Somali male 20-25 year old) Keep them busy. (Somali female 19 year old) Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Most people were aware of current provision but felt these needed refinement to maximise their effectiveness. Suggested improvements included increase in frequency and times available, opened to a wider section of the population, appeal to a wider interest set, be at more targeted times, possibly have some incentive or disincentive and be better promoted, not relying on the young person being pro-active: I do believe they only target certain classes of people and marginalise other classesI dont think they reach the people well. (26 year old Sri Lankan male)

they should be kept busy in school or they should be kept busy after schooldefinitely more activity for younger people. There are activities at the moment but not everyones involved. (20 year old Sri Lankan male) Getting them involved in activities that they want to get involved in. I think the authorities should change with times and update their thinking. (23 year old Sri Lankan female) I think the council could probably do more actively to like bring children in rather than just hope that theyll come in themselves. Yeah, more youth centres and also more sort of clubs and during the holidays. Run more things, just free sort of schemes and so on. Opportunities which some of these kids obviously come from backgrounds where their parents can't afford to do certain things... (21 year old Sri Lankan) I think like most youngsters tend to join gangs during the summer holidays and they think about joining gangs you know after school So I think there should be some kind of maybe youth programme, youth centres for them and maybe make it compulsory somehow have some kind of incentive or somethingI think we have to be more pro-active about it and get more people involved. (23 year old Tamil female) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Respondents in Tower Hamlets repeated these sentiments to provide young people with viable alternatives. In particular, the majority stressed the need simply for greater provision, range and quality. They needed to be part of a package of provision that also ignited interest in education and suggested the availability of financial incentives. Schemes such as cadets and Duke of Edinburgh award activity were generally commended but some questioned their impact and that of other social provision, highlighting the danger of negative role models accessing and influencing these activities at youth venues. if say one dealer got into the youth club, he will try and influence (Young Bangladeshi male) This echoed preparatory input from expert briefings by officers commented on the apparent influence of negative role models in youth environments.

87

10.6.4 Education and Training Respondents spoke variously about the positive role that schools and colleges can play. Tamil Sri Lankan community, Newham Respondents spoke of the need for schools to highlight positive life paths and moral behaviour. Okay, well to start with I guess education, you know youngsters from secondary school level you know its good to teach them like how to live a good life you knowbasically the rights and wrongs of these things. (28 year old Sri Lankan male) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets The underachievement of Bangladeshi youth was thought to perpetuate gang membership and related problems. Education establishments needed somehow to attract young people and re-ignite their enthusiasm. They also commented on the positive effect of schools promotion of moral behaviour. To change this is far more difficult and needs to be looked into by the authorities in a more serious manner, as this community will continue to decline if this is not done so. We are on the verge of what I would call a collapsed generation. And the authorities are at loss what to do about it. I do not know how you would create interest in education and this is something for authorities to think on more in depth. (27 year old Bangladeshi Male) Training outside a traditional academic model was recommended together with schools encouraging greater parental involvement. 10.6.5 Community Infrastructure Consistent with community respondents views elsewhere in this report [policing, violent extremism], the testimony stressed the positive contribution that community organisations and facilities can themselves make. There is a need for intervention to mesh with the dynamics of how communities work and operate. Somali community, Ealing They saw the need to work in partnership with the local authority and government, but with the latter acting principally as enablers and funders. Respondents spoke of the need for local communities to organise greater social provision, supported by local/central government funding. The local authorities should give, provide the community investment and money to tackle those

problemsthe community cannot do unless they have funding from the government or from the Council. (Somali female 24 year old) Bangladeshi community, Tower Hamlets Respondents felt that greater and more effective involvement of the community in the planning and delivery of services was critical. I think this is an area where the authorities are failing. They need to consult and make the community a part of planning and also delivering. (23 year old Bangladeshi male) As repeated elsewhere in this report, the role of faith and institutions are a critical part of the way the community operates and needs to be engaged properly in the agenda. Community leaders, Imams and Muslim organisations should be supported by the government and enable to do presentation on gangs, drugs etcThen the importance of Islam in ones life can be explained in the context of the Quran. (Mid 40s Bangladeshi Imam) Giving younger people a say in the operation of community centres was cited and for mosques to welcome youth with a tolerant approach. the Bengali community has very extensive community facilities throughout the borough and [they] are not being opened up to tackle the issue of gangs and the problems young people are facing. These are mostly controlled and managed by a much older generation and this needs to change to include young people. (27 year old Bangladeshi male) The mosques are another place, it seems young people are almost banned from mosques and I have seen old people being very nasty to young people in mosques as if they dont belong. If they dont belong in mosques I ask where do they belong, in night clubs and crack houses? We need more tolerance of young people in mosques and in general. Young kids will be young kids; that is their nature. But in mosques they are not even allowed to speak. You banish them from mosques and you have banished them from the last bastion of help. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Other suggestions revolved around encouraging the community to overcome denial of the problems of young people and their behaviour, involve peers and ex-gang

88

members to speak of the dangers of involvement, provision and funding for more facilities and using community centres as multi-purpose one-stop-shops for advice and support. community centres it could be a place where they go and if they can get the free career advice, job opportunities, counselling, mentoring so they can go there and get these things because if these facilities are provided for then I think it could be used as a way of helping them. (Young Bangladeshi female) 10.6.6 Role Models Bangladeshi respondents in Tower Hamlets repeatedly cited the value of the positive impact of role models on young people as a preventative measure. I think we could have better Asian role models (Bangladeshi Female) .You could probably get famous people that the community admires someone with a high status to come in and maybe talk about gang crimes and that may even the gang members may listen to it. They may sort of react differently. (Young Bangladeshi Female) Again, they stressed the value of ex-gang members talking to young people in community venues, where they feel comfortable, about the dangers of gang crime and involvement in crime. Like show them the bad effects that happen from gang crime and, its case studies and stories, like quite heart rendering storiestelling them thats not the answer and therell be other ways, civilised ways you can solve problems. (Young Bangladeshi Female) 10.6.7 Counselling and Mediation The Bangladeshi respondents in Tower Hamlets valued counselling and mediation services though there was some doubt expressed about willingness to participate, stressing the need for personalised approaches, conducted on a one-to-one basis. The value of interventions to challenge behaviour was also cited. Similarly, Saiva Munetta Sangam in Newham had received a detailed briefing session by the local Youth Crime Manager and Partnership Chief Inspector on mediation schemes actively running in the Borough. This was especially valuable and the community group was able to raise awareness of the scheme with community members during their consultation and gather feedback.

Most Tamil Sri Lankan respondents referred positively about the CHANCE scheme, a multi-agency, information sharing project to tackle crime, antisocial behaviour, challenge behaviour and provide support. I think the CHANCE thing, I didnt know about it, but that pretty much is like, erm, it stops them rather than just throwing them out of their way. So in that sense I think yeah it's a very good scheme and I didnt know about it but no, it's a very good scheme. (21 year old Sri Lankan) 10.6.8 Employability The Bangladeshi respondents in Tower Hamlets also recommended improving employability of young people through careers advice, help with job applications and CVs, training and work experience perhaps through voluntary opportunities. Yeah, career advice but making it, making the sessions very creative and practical not just sitting down and listening. Getting them to do things so they find it really interesting. (Young Bangladeshi female) ..advice on how to give like CVs and things like that how to write them down. voluntary work to get the experience and then they can find a job so I think there should be more places where they allow people to just do voluntary work and they get the experience in whatever thing they are interested in. (Young Bangladeshi female) 10.6.9 Local Authority The role of the local Councils [and government] is consistently cited throughout this document. They are clearly significant local and powerful institutions active in the provision of services and funding. In the context of youth crime respondents saw their responsibility particularly in the provision of facilities, incentives and specific calls were made for additional resources committed to this problem in the ways outlined. Bangladeshi respondents in Tower Hamlets, for example, had been pleased to learn of many Council initiatives but sometimes questioned their quality and impact. Concerns were expressed about a perception that inadequate attention was given to some groups and areas locally. genuinely help those projects in the community who are doing good, practical work in combating crimeI am very much frustratedin the council mainly fund those projects where individuals in the

89

council have links with. I believe this is very sad. (25 year old Bangladeshi male) Particular concern was expressed about the environment, over-development and lack of green space for amenities.

10.7 Conclusion
The impact of youth crime and gangs on all three communities is made clear in the testimony provided from respondents. The fact that the Pathfinder community groups selected this issue for special focus in their Phase 2 consultation reflects this. The testimony is not only an airing of grievances but also a menu of constructive suggestions for helping address them. Themes that emerge strongly are the underpinning need to narrow the gap between police and community through the generation of better trust and confidence and relationships: this is addressed in more detail in an earlier section of the Solutions report. The communities themselves are also seen by respondents as critical resources for helping to address problems, taking responsibility and being resourced to enable their input in ways that make use of the dynamics of the communities themselves and how they function as communities. Equally, the testimony is extensive and points clearly to a multi-faceted and multi-agency approach, rather than a single solution. The model used in the Pathfinder has enabled the community groups not only to facilitate consultation but also to raise awareness in their communities about existing approaches by agencies to address the problems. Their evidence is in part a critique of this as well as an account of what communities perceive the nature of the problem to be and what can work to tackle it.

90

11 CONCLUSION
The community solutions presented in this report are not in themselves action plans. However, they are statements of principles which interventions need to embrace for better engagement and represent a foundation for more effective service development. The methods of the Pathfinder engagement model reflect the solutions proposed, including an emphasis on capacity building, use of community groups knowledge and infrastructure, gradual relationship building, developing mutual understanding, wider and deeper access in to communities and an independent, trusted intermediary to facilitate the process. Without these elements such detailed and rich material would not have been possible. As one community member said: Nobody before this has been able to get the confidence of the community like this. The Pathfinder Programme already has a legacy and is being sustained in a number of ways. The five community organisations completed their consultations in their respective Boroughs by April 2008. Since then they have decided to continue to work unfunded with their communities on Pathfinder issues of policing, crime and community safety, building on their learning, confidence and interest gained by their involvement in this community engagement programme. The CEWs have become ambassadors in their communities for the approaches they learned and know work. Some have adopted elements from the Pathfinder model to add value to other community projects they are involved in. Others have continued to run information and consultation events on policing and community safety, using the lessons learned and relationships built with their local police service on the Pathfinder. Local police officers have supported and come along to these events, organised by the community group in local neighbourhood venues. In some areas we know that some of the police services have already started to adapt their engagement approaches from the lessons that have emerged from the Pathfinder itself. All five community groups have lent their support and advice to MPS in a range of consultation events across London during the winter and early New Year on recruitment opportunities in the police and barriers faced by minority communities. We know MPS have valued their constructive input and, again, it picks up and carries forward one of the key findings of the Pathfinder and Narrowing the Gap reports. Indeed, one community member working on the Pathfinder has successfully applied for a job in the MPS, working as a community cohesion and engagement co-ordinator and we know how important this appointment is seen within her community. Other groups have applied for local funding to continue to work on some of the Pathfinder issues, their capacity, enthusiasm and confidence now having been built by their experience gained on this Programme. In all of these ways, the gap between the communities and the police has already been narrowed through the Pathfinder itself. Almost unthinkable at the outset of Pathfinder, relationships and capacity have been built and are now being taken forward in small but important ways. To get to this point has required commitment and stamina: it didnt happen overnight. Although this report contains many assertions about a lack of trust in the police in general, the local police services in the five Boroughs and officers working on and helping the Pathfinder have been exemplary: their ever willing support has been crucial. Local relationships have been built gradually and hold good prospects for future progress. Naturally, the Pathfinder communities are keen to see their suggestions taken forward practically by stakeholders; the Narrowing the Gap reports [Problems and Processes and Solutions] provide the key principles for better engagement recommended by communities for adoption by police and stakeholders for their respective strategy, planning, delivery, performance structures and arrangements.

91

APPENDIX 1
DATA COVERAGE
As evident from the model of community engagement employed by UCLan, the focus of the Pathfinder Programme has been to use essentially qualitative data collection methods. This approach is considered best to generate volume and richness in data from close contact with respondents, creating a rounded understanding (Richie)22. Some variation in the nature and completeness of monitoring data on respondents has been noted. The interviews were undertaken by a range of different individuals from the community organisations and some variation has occurred occasionally in the consistency of recording the demographic details of respondents: some facilitators recorded extensive demographic and social-economic details, while others only recorded gender. Notwithstanding some inconsistency, as much monitoring information as was available has been included from each respondent in respect of age, gender and ethnicity. This is reflected in the nature of bracketed descriptions that are attributed to respondents at the end of quotations cited throughout the main body of this report. The body of evidence gathered by the participating groups is considerable. In Phase 1 [see Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes] evidence was collected from 855 individuals from the five participating Boroughs. Of these, 54% were male and 46% female. In three Boroughs 94% of respondents were Muslim; in the fourth Borough 68% declared as Muslim; and in the final Borough 82% of respondents were Hindu. Each community organisation undertook interviews and focus groups with an average of 170 individuals, matched predominantly by the ethnicity of the host organisation facilitating the consultations. A statistical breakdown of consultees from Phase 2 is presented below. As in the main body of this report, these are organised by theme of consultation. PHASE 2 Trust and Confidence in Policing Focus groups in all five Pathfinder Boroughs/communities: 150 local community members: 76 male/74 female aged 17-60 years but weighted towards younger people. Under-reporting Islamophobia and Hate Crime Interviews in Ealing with the Somali community: 14 local community individuals: 8 male/6 female aged 19-45 years Preventing Violent Extremism Interviews in Ealing (Somali community) and Redbridge (Pakistani and nine other Muslim communities of non-Pakistani origin): 48 local community individuals: 28 male/20 female aged 18-60 years These comprised 14 Somalis (8 male/6 female aged 19-45 years); 16 Pakistanis (9 male/7 female aged 18-55 years); 18 non-Pakistanis (23-60 years) who self-identified as Iranian, Somali, East African, Indian, Mauritian, Bangladeshi, Turkish, Iraqi Kurdish and Algerian. Hidden Crimes Interviews in Redbridge with the Pakistani community: 16 local community individuals: 4 male/12 female aged 25-45 years Organised Crime Young peoples vulnerability Interviews in Haringey (Turkish speaking communities): 16 local community individuals: 8 male/8 female aged 17-24 years Youth Crime and Gangs Interviews in Tower Hamlets (Bangladeshi), Ealing (Somali) and Newham (Tamil Sri Lankan): 50 local community individuals: 30 male/20 female aged 17-47 years This comprised 26 interviews in Tower Hamlets (16 male/ 10 female); 14 interviews in Ealing (8 male/6 female); 10 interviews in Newham (6 male/4 female) Focus groups facilitated by the host Pathfinder community groups were typically of 2 hours duration; individual interviews typically of 1 hour.

22 Richie, J. (2003)

Qualitative Research Practice: A Guide for Social Science Students and Researchers. Sage: London.

92

Hence, the content of this final report, Narrowing the Gap: Solutions, is drawn from in-depth testimony from 294 local community members in the Boroughs of Redbridge, Haringey, Newham, Tower Hamlets and Ealing. These include 154 male/140 female respondents, repeating the gender balance from Phase 1 consultations. The findings from the Pathfinder Programmes 2 main reports [Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes; Narrowing the Gap: Solutions] are derived from testimony by an aggregate of over 1,000 individuals, resident in London Boroughs where the communities for the focus of the Pathfinder Programme had been assessed by MPS originally as high risk and low engaged. In total, 1,149 local community members in the respective Boroughs were engaged in engagement and consultation over the 2 phases of the Pathfinder. These included 616 male/533 female: 54% male; 46% female. Variations in the age ranges of focus groups permitting, the average age of respondents in the Pathfinder was under 30 years.

93

APPENDIX 2
UCLans Model of Engagement
The content of this section is illustrated diagrammatically in the following conceptual framework.
Stigma, barriers for involvement, police project, confidence gradually building to engage Informed community, more confident, bridges built, gap narrowed

Stage 1 Peer community groups Capacity Built and Supported

Privileged access
to low engaged communities

Grant
for Consultation work

Practical skills and information

Workshops - consultation skills Public Policy and Participation UCLan mentoring

Stage 2 Consultation in Boroughs Interviews Focus Groups

Focused issues
Policing Crime Community Safety

No prior agenda
or stereotype

Community led Building Experience and Confidence

Build in contact and engagement

Local police Local stakeholders Exchange Forums Interaction and learning

UCLan analysis

Local reports on Phase 1 consultation findings

Police and Exchange Forums

Interaction and Confidence

Stage 3 Consultation in Boroughs Community Priorities Constructive and Solution Focused

Priority issues
Trust and confidence in Policing Under-reporting Violent Extremism Hidden Crimes Recruitment into Organised Crime Youth Crime and Gangs

Expert Briefings
Local Police Local Authority NCTT

UCLan Support
Consultation Tools and Planning Local Consultations - joint action with police and stakeholders Controlled - Community led

Raising community awareness

UCLan analysis

Local reports on Phase 2 consultation findings

Composite Final Reports Narrowing the Gap: Problems and Processes Solutions

Legacy-Sustainability
Capacity Built Groups Continue local work - in partnership with police Employment Communities as assets

Guidance and Evidence Base for Organisational Change

94

Contact details Bob McDonald International School for Communities, Rights and Inclusion University of Central Lancashire, PR1 2HE Tel: 01772 892780 Email: rvmcdonald@uclan.ac.uk