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Contents

PROOF

List of Tables

vii

Acknowledgements

viii

List of Contributors

ix

Introduction: Gender, Power, and Difference Cordelia Beattie

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1 ‘In what way can those who have left the world be distinguished?’: Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men Rachel Stone

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2 Ruling Masculinities: From Adam to Apollonius of Tyre in Corpus 201b Carol Braun Pasternack

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3 The Tears of Bishop Gundulf: Gender, Religion, and Emotion in the Late Eleventh Century William M. Aird

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4 Medieval Jewish/Christian Debate and the Question of Gender: Gilbert Crispin’s Disputatio Iudei et Christiani Steven F. Kruger

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5 Gender, Jewish Creditors, and Christian Debtors in Thirteenth-Century Exeter Hannah Meyer

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6 Gendering the First Crusade in William of Malmesbury’s Gesta Regum Anglorum Kirsten A. Fenton

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7 Prince Bohemond, Princess Melaz, and the Gendering of Religious Difference in the Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis Simon Yarrow

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v

vi Contents

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8 Chaucer’s Viragos: A Postcolonial Engagement? A Case Study of the Man of Law’s Tale, the Monk’s Tale, and the Knight’s Tale Juliette Dor

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9 Warriors, Amazons, and Isles of Women: Medieval Travel Writing and Constructions of Asian Femininities Kim M. Phillips

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Index

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1

PROOF

‘In what way can those who have left the world be distinguished?’:

Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

Rachel Stone

In the year 811, the emperor Charlemagne wanted to ask some of the most influential religious men in Francia a few difficult questions. These included his demand that bishops and abbots should ‘reveal truthfully to us what to leave the world means, when it is said about them. Or in what way can those who have left the world be distin- guished from those who still follow the world; whether it is only that they do not bear arms nor are publicly married?’ 1 This question comes from the second of two overlapping texts, which are preparations for an upcoming assembly. 2 In the first, the ‘Capitula tractanda cum comitibus, episcopis et abbatibus’, Charlemagne calls for a discussion of particu- larly wide-ranging moral and religious questions by both religious and laymen. 3 Why, he wants to know, are there such frequent disputes between men? What does a Christian renounce in baptism? How ought canons to behave? 4 At one point he even demands an inquiry into ‘whether we are really Christians?’ 5 In the second text, the ‘Capitula de causis cum episcopis et abbatibus tractandis’, probably a series of fur- ther thoughts, he poses questions specifically for the bishops and abbots, particularly about the concept of leaving the world. 6 Charlemagne at the time, was, as Janet Nelson puts it, an ‘old man in a hurry’. 7 He was in his 60s and had ruled the Franks for more than 40 years, building an empire from Catalonia to Dalmatia, and encour- aging a vast programme of religio-political reform. 8 Yet he was still not satisfied. After his imperial coronation in 800 a stream of capitularies (the ruler’s decrees and orders) appeared, attempting to regulate and inspire the whole empire. 9 Nelson has argued for some of these later

12

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Rachel Stone 13

texts showing Charlemagne’s ‘enhanced personal role in the formula- tion of policy’. 10 In particular, she emphasises the demands in both these texts from 811 for public self-scrutiny of the conscience, texts which she describes as having a tone ‘like a cross between Quaker meeting and quality inspection’. 11 The significance of Charlemagne’s question is best understood in the context of another capitulary from Charlemagne’s imperial years. This

is

the so-called ‘programmatic capitulary’ of 802, which has been seen

as

particularly embodying Charlemagne’s reforms. 12 Its 40 chapters deal

with varied religious and secular matters, including the claustration of abbesses, patricide, and poaching in imperial forests. The programmatic capitulary shows how Carolingian ideas of reform were expressed within a framework that stressed religious, gender, and social distinctions, but in which ethnicity played a more restricted role. The ‘most Christian’ emperor sent out into ‘all his kingdom’ his choice of ‘the most pru- dent and wisest men [viri ], both archbishops and some from the other bishops, and also venerable abbots and religious laymen’ to ensure that all lived by the correct law. 13 Everyone is to live justly ‘according to God’s precept’ and to remain in their ‘way of life or profession’, whether canonical clergy, nuns, laymen, or secular clerics. 14 Religious identities were fundamental: one clause demanded protection for those, ‘either from the Christians or the pagani’ coming to the emperor to announce

news. (These ‘pagans’ were probably envoys from outside the empire, rather than inhabitants of it.) 15 In contrast to its emphasis on such religious categories, the prog-

rammatic capitulary uses no ethnic terminology in its vision of a society ordered under God. This did not mean that concepts of ethnicity had disappeared; at the same assembly in 802, Charlemagne organised the revision and writing down of ‘national’ laws, such as those of the Saxons and Thuringians. 16 The programmatic capitulary, however, suggests that such recognised ethnic distinctions could be subsumed into a wider sense of Charlemagne’s realm as a universal Christian Empire. 17 The programmatic capitulary also aims to ensure other boundaries:

chapters on the life of the religious specify whether they apply to reli- gious men, religious women, or both. 18 A substantial section of the text discusses the duties implied by taking an oath of fidelity to the emperor, an oath that was demanded of every man ( homo) of 12 and over. 19

A clause on incest also makes clear that male and female participants

were to be treated differently. 20 It is against this background of a Christian reform movement that stressed the maintenance of the social and gender order, while

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14 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

subordinating ethnic differences between Christians, that we need to consider Charlemagne’s question from 811. Firstly, when Charlemagne thinks about separation from the world, why does he focus on men, as the reference to the bearing of arms implies? 21 Secondly, why is this sep- aration between laymen and the religious apparently so hard to make? For both of these questions there is an obvious answer, but there are also less obvious answers that show us how religious and gender discourses were intertwined in the early Middle Ages.

The gender of religion

An obvious answer to why Charlemagne discusses the distinction between laymen and clerics is the prevalence of patriarchal thought

in the Middle Ages. Charlemagne’s imagining of society, like the later model of the three orders of society, is almost automatically conceived in male terms. 22 However, Charlemagne’s perspective also reflects a less obvious change: there is a gendered shift in the symbolism of monasticism during the early Middle Ages, which made female religious, and particularly virgin women, somehow less important to Christian imaginations. The significance of female virgins to the fourth-century Western church is well-known. As Peter Brown, in The Body and Society, puts

the virgins of the church acted as nothing

less than human boundary-stones. Their presence defined the Catholic basilica as a privileged, sacred space’. 23 The same numinous force of the female religious is still seen in the sub-Roman world. Caesarius of Arles intended the convent of St John’s, which he founded within Arles at the start of the sixth century, to be the key emblem of the moral purity he preached to his congregations. 24 When Gregory of Tours wanted to stress the moral chaos of his current world and his sense of an impend- ing apocalypse in the early 590s, he used the revolt at the convent of the Holy Cross in Poitiers as a powerful metaphor of broken moral and social boundaries. 25 Yet somewhere between the eras of Gregory and Charlemagne, female monasticism and virginity temporarily lost its ascetic glamour. Venantius Fortunatus’ poetry on Radegund from the late sixth cen- tury may still be full of the poetics of virginity, 26 but Aldhelm’s double treatise on virginity from the end of the seventh century was the last new work on the topic for several centuries. The religious scandal that

it: ‘In Milan and Rome

most shocked Charlemagne concerned monks, rather than nuns. He was appalled in 802 about reports of sexual sins, including sodomy, being

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discovered in monasteries. For Charlemagne it raised the fear that ‘what people believe to be the source of the greatest hope of salvation for all Christians—namely the life and chastity of monks—is a source of ruin’ and he demanded that he might never hear of such things happening again. 27 As Mayke de Jong comments: ‘The wording of the capitulary suggests that this was reaction against a very particular and local scan- dal, which nonetheless threatened to affect the whole of the realm.’ 28 In contrast, while Charlemagne discussed the way of life of consecrated women in several of his capitularies, their behaviour lacked the same vast symbolic significance. In his list of questions to discuss with abbots and bishops in 811, for example, he mentions only that he wished to discuss with them ‘the way of life of nuns and handmaidens of God’; 29 he gives no detail, unlike the insistent questions he pours out about male religious. The reason for this gendered change of interest is probably the increased significance of monastic oblation from the sixth century onwards. The recruitment of monks while they are children made it far more feasible to create a cadre of ‘pure boys’ within monasteries, whose gender identity could in theory be shaped as their monastic teachers wished (even if there were occasional panics that such boys might not be truly pure). 30 This new large-scale resource of male virgins, along with the rising importance of votive masses within monasteries, is probably the main cause for Carolingian ideas of monastic purity coming to focus on men rather than women. 31

Men and morality

To turn to my second question: why did Charlemagne feel that it was so difficult to distinguish between men who had left the world and lay- men? Again, there is an obvious answer, which takes for granted the inadequacies of Carolingian reform, and assumes that religious men simply refused to abandon a lay lifestyle. Scholars are all too ready to presume that the ideals of clerical celibacy developed in the fourth cen- tury, which prohibited sexual intercourse for clergy above the grade of sub-deacon, were simply not enforced before the Gregorian revolution. 32 Charlemagne also refers to clerics as marked out by not bearing arms; weapons were a part of aristocratic culture that high churchmen found hard to renounce. Abandonment of a military outlook by religious men was particularly difficult to enforce when Carolingian rulers themselves institutionalised the church’s military obligations. 33 Indeed it could be seen as hypocritical for Charlemagne to complain about men who had

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16 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

renounced the world still keeping armed retinues, when he himself sent out mobilisation orders to abbots. 34 Charlemagne’s phrasing of his question about the difference between laymen and the religious, however, shows that the problem concern- ing him in 811 was not clerics marrying and bearing arms: indeed, he says nothing about the sexual behaviour of religious men in either of the capitularies. Instead, as subsequent clauses make clear, Charlemagne sees the problem as a lack of moral distinction between laity and reli- gious. Those who have supposedly left the world are still concerned with secular matters, particularly material wealth. 35 When Charlemagne com- plains about the keeping of armed retinues, for example, he specifically links this to the desire for private property. 36 Rather than concentrating on the supposed moral inadequacy of Carolingian churchmen, it is instructive to look at the other side of the equation. Charlemagne wanted all of society reformed, and new moral demands were made of laymen as well as clerics. 37 Judging by the number of extant manuscripts, the most popular work of Alcuin, a key adviser of Charlemagne, was the handbook on virtues and vices he wrote for Count Guy. 38 Paulinus of Aquileia, another prominent reformer at Charlemagne’s court, also wrote a ‘lay mirror’ for Eric, dux of Friuli. Paulinus’ work, Liber exhortationis, took earlier texts intended for a monastic and clerical audience, such as Pomerius’ De vita contem- plativa and Pseudo-Basil’s Admonitio ad filium spiritualem and reworked them into an extended warning for a noble layman about the dan- gers of worldliness. 39 This sustained programme of lay moral reform was directed particularly at the nobility and was strongly gendered:

reformers had little specifically to say to women. 40

The spirit and the world

An examination of how Carolingian authors reworked some earlier Christian metaphors of masculinity shows a similar concern to inspire laymen. These metaphors reached their developed form in the fourth- century western Roman Empire, when Christian ascetics simultane- ously appropriated and subverted a classical Roman vocabulary of manliness. 41 Potent images of male strength and power, such as the soldier, the charioteer, and the father were exploited, even as ascetics rejected physical warfare, attendance at the Roman amphitheatre, and sexual intercourse. 42 This was possible because Christian writers relo- cated such metaphors to the spiritual world: the monk battling against demons, the bishop as a father to his flock. 43 In the ideological battle for

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authority within the late Roman west, those who had rejected the world might even argue that they were more truly fighters and progenitors. Jerome, for example, claimed to be more fecund than his secular peers, producing spiritual children from those he converted and taught. 44 This contrasting of spiritual and earthly masculinity, was not, how-

ever, the only possible use of these metaphors. 45 Some late antique Christian conduct literature, for example, encouraged both laymen and laywomen to see themselves as spiritual warriors. 46 The same tendency

is visible in a number of Carolingian texts, drawing on sources such as

St Paul’s metaphor of the armour of God (Ephesians 6: 11–17). Paulinus of Aquileia, for example, in his Liber exhortationis, inherits from some of his sources a monastic discourse in which the miles terrenus is the negative contrast of the miles spiritualis, rejoicing in worldly rather

than spiritual joys. Yet in other sections, the earthly warrior becomes

a model of obedience and discipline for the would-be spiritual warrior,

suggesting the possible fusion of the two roles. 47 When Paulinus wrote a

planctus lamenting Eric of Friuli’s death, he showed him in this way as a model Christian, the father of the poor and consoler of widows, but also ‘powerful in arms’, as he tames ‘very savage barbarians’. 48 A number of Frankish texts similarly celebrate physical warfare by Carolingian rulers that is also spiritual warfare. This is most explicit in the poem De Conversione Saxonum Carmen , dating probably to 777, where Charlemagne becomes the most militant of missionaries:

Through the strength of virtues ( virtutes), through javelins smeared with gore He [Charlemagne] crushed down and subjected it [the Saxon gens] to himself with a shimmering sword He dragged the forest-worshipping legions into the kingdoms of heaven. 49

Not only the spiritual warrior, but also the spiritual father could be laicised in this way. In the public discourse of assemblies and councils, specific references to ‘spiritual fatherhood’ were most often associated with the (potentially lay) figure of the godfather. Councils and episcopal capitularies repeatedly urged godparents to instruct their spiritual chil- dren in the faith. 50 Alcuin similarly tells Count Guy that anyone with ‘spiritual or carnal’ sons should raise them to be chaste. 51 An older, purely celibate tradition of spiritual ‘fatherhood’ had not entirely vanished from Carolingian texts, one which gave male ascetic

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18 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

bodies a ‘mystical erotic power’ denied to the laity. 52 Lynda Coon dis- cusses an image that Hrabanus Maurus uses in his commentary on Leviticus: Christian preachers emit the word of God as semen, impreg- nating the hearing mind with the offspring of good works. 53 Yet such ascetic claims had lost much of the political significance they had pos-

sessed at the end of the fourth century. Hrabanus’ exegesis of Leviticus

is a learned explanation of its ‘multiple mysteries’ for a fellow reli-

gious, in contrast to the more public audience provided by his Biblical

commentaries for rulers. 54

Masculinity and authority

To understand why lay and religious men were now being described by similar metaphors, at least in the public discourse of the Carolingian court, we need to examine how social change had affected mascu- line norms in Western Europe between the fifth and eighth century.

One significant factor was that the competitive use of celibacy lost its effectiveness as a political tactic. By the late fifth century, claims to spiritual authority were less likely to draw on sexual metaphors, but instead on such (male) social relationships as lord and man. The aim was to reduce conflict within Christian communities, by developing

a form of asceticism more compatible with the Roman civic ideol-

ogy of upper class men. 55 As Conrad Leyser points out, Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Rule provides a model of a ruler which simply ignores celibacy. 56

Leyser and Kate Cooper see several reasons for this change. One is that

in the early fifth century Augustine successfully managed to undermine

sexual self-control as the key sign of moral authority, partly by com- paring ascetic experts to street entertainers who could fart tunes. 57 The need for an ascetic rhetoric of masculinity in the public sphere was also less important after the disappearance of pagan senators and their com- peting claims to authority via self-control. 58 Finally, Christian authors became increasingly keen to support, rather than undermine, Christian marriage as a social institution within the Roman and sub-Roman world. 59 Another important factor was the changing social context of monasticism. From the sixth century, if not earlier, a symbiotic relation- ship was developing in the West between monasteries and lay elites. Noblemen who remained in the world were increasingly responsible

for providing both protection and resources for monasteries, including the human resource of oblates. In return, monasteries became centres

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for family commemoration and intercession (carried out by these pure oblates) as well as providing strategies for protecting family property. 60 These changes in monastic recruitment and support meant that ascetics no longer needed to denigrate lay life in order to win adult recruits and their estates. Yet while celibacy was no longer the key to claiming authority, it was still vital to clerical masculinity in another way: the ever greater emphasis on the need for the cultic purity of priests. This was not a new phenomenon, but it was only in the early Carolingian period that the ‘holy hands’ of clerics came to gain political significance and became central to ideas of religious reform. 61 This in turn increased the signifi- cance of the monasteries, most easily able to provide the vast resources of such pure prayer. The Carolingian world thus inherited and developed two distinct con- ceptions of spiritual authority. Following Gregory the Great, reformers stressed pastoral authority in their attempts to inspire different elites to support their programme. As well as a new emphasis on the pas- toral role of bishops and priests, 62 Carolingian reformers also envisaged such a moral role for patresfamilias, matresfamilias, and superiors more generally. 63 Yet alongside this declericalised and inclusive model of pas- toring was an alternative discourse of holiness, which focused on the key intercessory role of pure male priests, and the monastery as the front line in the spiritual battleground. 64 Neither of these models could be allowed to predominate in the public discourse of assemblies and councils; the result would be to exclude important groups of elite men from a claim to high moral sta- tus. If purity and self-control were the sole criteria for rule, then the ‘laity’ were almost by definition inferior. Gregory VII in the eleventh century might be willing to denigrate lay rulers in that way, Carolingian bishops were not. In addition, too much focus on cultic purity risked splitting the priestly ordo itself: parish clergy had to be supported by their bishops, rather than exposed to lay hostility for any sexual lapses. 65 An emphasis solely on the pastoral role of religion, in con- trast, left no theoretical access to moral authority for the ordinary monk, ruled rather than ruling. Charlemagne was in the midst of a political project that was also a religious one, which relied crucially on consensus and co-operation within the ruling class. 66 Bishops, abbots, and counts often had opposing interests in particular regions. 67 If such men had to live in concord together, as the capitularies frequently demanded, claims to superior masculine virtue by any group were a divisive distraction. 68

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20 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

This need for elite consensus explains why the dominant Carolingian rhetoric of masculinity was inclusive (although alternative views among both religious and laymen are sometimes visible). 69 Alongside tradi- tional descriptions of manliness as demonstrated in combat, spiritual warfare, or the rule of others were new ways of showing masculinity. 70 Manliness could be shown in obedience: Alcuin tells Megenfrid, Charlemagne’s treasurer, ‘to do his will manfully’. 71 Pope Hadrian II wrote to the Synod of Douzy in 871: ‘moved by fraternal charity, take care manfully to aid him [Bishop Actard of Nantes] with all your powers, humbly interceding before your most excellent king’. 72 Christianity itself could become identified with manliness: Hrabanus Maurus said that the names of the apostles Andrew and John ‘sig- nify peoples who manfully believe Christ’. 73 Alcuin, in a letter to Charlemagne’s sister, Gisla, the abbess of Chelles, urged her: ‘Manfully build an eternal home for yourself in the heavens’. 74 Haimo of Auxerre, in a homily on the feeding of the five thousand, gives one of the most explicit equations of Christianity and masculinity in the period, explaining why the Biblical text mentions only men as sharing in the food:

mystically, we are warned that if we should desire to taste how sweet the Lord is, let us be men, that is strong against the devil’s tempta-

Nor will a woman remain hungry from this refreshment of

the Lord, if with feminine sex, she should manfully [viriliter ] restrain

the attempts of the devil: just as on the contrary, a man by sex is made feminine in mind, if he is found soft [ mollis] and dissolute in his labour against the attack of temptation. 75

tions

Haimo is here writing in a long tradition of describing Christian women as manly, 76 but the Carolingian period is not generally marked by a simple two-way gender continuum, in which men could ‘descend’ to effeminacy as easily as women could ‘ascend’ to masculinity. 77 The lan- guage of effeminacy is relatively rare in Carolingian texts; where it is used, heretics and Jews are most likely to be feminised. 78 A commen- tary on Revelations attributed to Alcuin, when discussing the image of locusts with women’s hair, says this symbolises the ‘effeminate habits of heretics’. 79 Paulinus of Aquileia wonders whether the Adoptionist Felix of Urgel should be referred to as a man: ‘since he acts not manfully, but weakly’. 80 Haimo of Auxerre says that the effeminati in Isaiah are those ‘who have their fortitude and manly stability reduced to femi- nine softness. Such are the princes of the Jews today’. 81 In assessing

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masculinity, religion trumped behaviour: it is rare to find non-Christians described as fighting ‘manfully’ in Carolingian texts, even when they are victorious. 82 This religiously marked but otherwise inclusive discourse of masculin- ity was useful in several ways for the integration and Christianisation of all Charlemagne’s subjects. The newly conquered and converted peoples within the expanded Frankish Empire were not permanently located in a subordinate, feminised position, as in many other colonial projects. Instead, they could share in masculinity and its political privi- leges as they came to share a broadly interpreted Frankish and Christian identity. There were no gender barriers to the well-known incorpora- tion of Bavarian, Saxon, and other ethnic elites within Charlemagne’s kingdom; 83 they could be ‘converted’ to both Christianity and mas- culinity relatively easily. 84 Internally, meanwhile, an acknowledgement

of obedience as manly, and a stress on the importance of the domes-

tic patriarch, also gave a specifically male role to men further down

the social hierarchy, even potentially to slaves, whose partnerships were now recognised as marriages. 85 Haimo of Auxerre’s homily reminds us that ‘manliness’ was not neces- sarily a status restricted solely to biological men. 86 How did this carefully constructed reformist rhetoric of masculinity affect women? Katrien Heene’s study suggests that Carolingian praise of female religious con- tinued along conventional lines, although without the inventive enthu- siasm of the Merovingian period. 87 A new valorisation of marriage and the conjugal couple has often been noted. 88 More generally, Heene, in her detailed discussion of images of women in Carolingian moralising literature, argues for relatively low levels of misogyny; while women’s subordination to men was expected, there were few descriptions of them

as morally inferior. 89 Heene also sees Carolingian authors as trying to

praise virginity without denigrating secular marriage; 90 here again, the

need of Frankish rulers for both the prayers of holy virgins and the dis- ciplinary and educational function of exemplary noble mothers may have encouraged an emphasis on shared forms of ‘domestic’ piety. 91

A desire to suppress, rather than encourage, elite male division may

also be the reason why Carolingian texts make far less fervent use of symbolic Bad Woman than Merovingian authors had done, since criti- cism of women often functioned as a covert means of criticising the men who should have controlled them. 92 The most severely criticised woman was Judith, the second wife of Louis the Pious, but the accusations

made about her are tame compared to those about several Merovingian queens. 93

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22 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

Boundaries and anxiety

Analysis of classical and medieval ideas of masculinity has often stressed anxieties, seeing unachievable standards of performance and the per- meability of gender barriers as leading to men permanently worried about their status as truly male. 94 Nelson has argued for this kind of anxiety among some early medieval lay noblemen, but the specifically Carolingian evidence is not strong. 95 Of the four Frankish examples she lists of ‘anxious young men’, Wolo and Gerald of Aurillac are known only from post-Carolingian texts and seem to reflect later monastic preoccupations. 96 Simon Maclean argues that the records of

Charles the Fat’s behaviour in 873 represent a deliberately ‘misun- derstood’ ritual of reconcilation, rather than a spiritual crisis. 97 That leaves only the case of Rigramnus of Le Mans, which may reflect rivalries between different types of religious more than the concerns of laymen. 98 Instead, the Carolingian reform movement’s main message was an optimistic one for lay noblemen, encouraging them that they could live

a good Christian life while remaining in the world. Alcuin, for example,

ends De Virtutibus et Vitiis by reassuring Guy that the doors of heaven were open to him too. 99 Even in the extreme case that a man’s lack of faith could make him ‘feminine in mind’, a rapid return to sound masculine Christian practice was always possible. 100 The Carolingian period shows that a stable gender order could be combined with institutionalised celibacy: Frankish clerics and monks were seen as masculine, not angels or ‘dead to the world’. 101 Such a stable order, however, needed the deliberate co-operation of elite reli- gious and laymen and, in particular, required clerical intellectuals to

valorise lay noblemen’s roles of warfare and marriage. In the early Mid- dle Ages, the church’s need for protection from external enemies and for

a supply of oblates encouraged such co-operation and valorisation. The

receding threat of ‘pagans’ and an emphasis on adult entry to the reli- gious life allowed churchmen in the eleventh century (as in the Roman Empire) the freedom to denigrate lay masculinity, often drawing on ear- lier misogynistic texts that the Carolingian era had transmitted, but rarely used. 102 For the Carolingians, meanwhile, although the boundaries of male and female were rarely problematic, the very emphasis of the reform movement on the Christian possibilities for laymen raised worries about other boundaries. Carolingian reformers aimed to reinforce the external

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separation of both religious men and women from the secular world, whether physically via the cloister, or in the behavioural demand that clerics must not share the lifestyle of their parishioners. 103 Yet royal and noble demands on holy places and people always made this separation difficult to enforce. Monasteries were constantly receiving lay visitors; 104 abbots and bishops were deeply implicated in Carolingian government, even as Charlemagne demanded that such men should not be involved in ‘secular matters’. (The same tensions were also present to a lesser extent with religious women.) 105 The separation of the religious was also demanded at an internal level. Monastic pueri were trained to develop their own ‘inner cloister’, making them immune to the distractions and temptations of the world, wherever they might be. 106 Monastic writ- ers drew a series of analogies between the physical monastery and the monk’s body, both of which must be guarded to protect their purity and prevent intrusion. 107 Demands for lay moral reform, however, potentially meant the weak- ening of such internal barriers between laity and religious. Notker the Stammerer, at the end of the ninth century, told an anecdote about Louis the German, which used a quotation from the Life of St Ambrose . Notker justified this since Louis ‘was very similar to Ambrose, except in acts and matters without which earthly public life does not exist, that is marriage and the use of arms’. 108 If even a monk thought that laymen could be holy within the world, what was distinctive about the religious life? Paradoxically, it may have been partly the success of Carolingian reformers in creating a more inclusive model of mas- culinity that left Charlemagne feeling profoundly worried by the lack of distinction between religious and secular men. 109

Notes

The following abbreviations are used in this essay: MGH = Monumenta Germaniae Historica ; MGH Cap. = A. Boretius and V. Krause (eds) (1883–97) Capitularia regum Francorum . 2 vols. (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung); MGH Epp. = Epistolae Merowingici et Karolini aevi (1892–1939) 6 vols. (Berlin:

Weidmann); MGH Poet. = E. Dümmler et al. (eds) (1881–1923) Poetae Latini aevi Carolini . 4 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann); MGH SRG = Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi (1871–) (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung); MGH SRG NS = Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova series (1922–) (Berlin:

Weidmann); MGH SRM = B. Krusch and W. Levison (eds) (1885–1951) Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum. 7 vols. (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung). Capitula tractanda = Capitula tractanda cum comitibus, episcopis et abbati- bus, MGH Cap. I no. 71, pp. 161–2; Capitula de causis = Capitula de causis cum

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24 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

episcopis et abbatibus tractandis, MGH Cap. I no 72, pp. 162–4; Programmatic capitulary = Capitulare missorum generale, MGH Cap. I no. 33, pp. 91–9.

1.

Capitula de causis, p. 163, c. 4: ‘Iterum inquirendum ab eis, ut nobis veraciter patefaciant, quid sit quod apud eos dictur seculum relinquere, vel in quibus internosci possint hi qui seculum relinquunt ab his qui adhuc seculum sectantur; utrum in eo solo, quod arma non portant nec publice coniugati sunt.’

2.

Both Capitula tractanda and Capitula de causis are translated by J. L. Nelson (2001) ‘The Voice of Charlemagne’, in R. Gameson and H. Leyser (eds) Belief and Culture in the Middle Ages: Studies Presented to Henry Mayr-Harting (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 76–88 at pp. 85–8. On these texts, see F. L. Ganshof (1967) ‘Note sur les “Capitula de causis cum episcopis et abbatibus tractandis” de 811’, Studia Gratiana post octava Decreti saeculari, 13, pp. 2–25, which includes an edition of Capitula de causis at pp. 20–5. On capitularies, their audience and their relationship with assemblies, see C. Pössel (2006) ‘Authors and Recipients of Carolingian Capitularies, 779–829’, in R. Corradini et al. (eds) Texts and Identities in the Early Middle Ages (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften), pp. 253–74.

3.

Nelson ‘Voice’ at p. 81 thinks that the abbots, bishops, and counts were to meet in one assembly, but sitting in distinct groups.

4.

Capitula tractanda, p. 161, c. 3, 6, 11.

5.

Capitula tractanda, p. 161, c. 9: ‘Quod nobis despiciendum est, utrum vere christiani sumus.’

6.

Ganshof ‘Note’ at 7–8 argues that the second set of questions are purely an ironic device and that Charlemagne is actually making accusations about members of the assembly, without giving any plausible reason as to why the emperor might need or choose to approach the topic so indirectly.

7.

Nelson ‘Voice’ at p. 82.

8.

For overviews of the reform programme, see G. Brown (1994) ‘Introduc- tion: The Carolingian Renaissance’, in R. McKitterick (ed.) Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 1–51; M. de Jong (2005) ‘Charlemagne’s Church’, in J. Story (ed.) Charlemagne: Empire and Society (Manchester: Manchester University Press), pp. 103–35.

9.

See F. L. Ganshof (1971) ‘Charlemagne’s Programme of Imperial Gov- ernment’, in his The Carolingians and the Frankish Monarchy (London:

Longman), pp. 55–85. Ganshof’s negative judgement on Charlemagne’s last years has been very influential: see Nelson ‘Voice’ at pp. 78–9 (who takes a far more positive view).

10.

Nelson ‘Voice’ at p. 79.

11.

Nelson ‘Voice’ at p. 81.

12.

The Programmatic capitulary is translated by P. E. Dutton (ed.) (1993) Carolingian Civilization: A Reader (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview), pp. 61–9. On the name, see Ganshof ‘Charlemagne’s Programme’ at p. 56; for a different view of the significance of this text, see R. McKitterick (2008) Charlemagne: The Formation of a European Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 236–7, 257–62.

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Rachel Stone 25

13. Programmatic capitulary, pp. 91–2, c. 1.

14. Programmatic capitulary, p. 92, c. 1: ‘Sed omnes omnino secundum Dei praeceptum iusta viverent rationem iusto iudicio, et unusquisque in suo proposito vel professione unianimiter permanere ammonere: canonici vita canonica absque turpis lucri negotio pleniter observassent, sanctemoniales sub diligenti custodia vitam suam custodirent, laici et seculares recte legibus suis uterentur absque fraude maligno, omnem in invicem in caritate et pace perfecte viverent’.

15. Programmatic capitulary, p. 96, c. 30. The visits of such foreigners were an important sign of Charlemagne’s prestige: see, for example, Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni, MGH SRG 25, ed. O. Holder-Egger (1911) (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung), c. 16, p. 19, on the envoys from Harun al-Raschid.

16. McKitterick, Charlemagne, pp. 275–6.

17. de Jong (2006) ‘Ecclesia and the Early Medieval Polity’, in S. Airlie,

M.

W.

Pohl, and H. Reimitz (eds) Staat im Frühmittelalter (Vienna: Verlag der

Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften), pp. 113–32 at p. 119.

18. Compare, for example, Programmatic capitulary, pp. 93–5, c. 11, 13, 19, 20.

19. Programmatic capitulary, p. 92, c. 2. Capitula 3–9, pp. 92–3 discuss the implications of this oath. The text of this clause shows the problem in translating Latin texts in a gender-accurate way. While ‘homo’ can be used neutrally, to translate it here as ‘person’ would be to ignore what we know of Frankish society, and to obscure the fact that we have no positive evi- dence of women swearing such oaths. (See J. L. Nelson (1990) ‘Women and the Word in the Earlier Middle Ages’, in W. J. Sheils and D. Wood (eds) Women in the Church. Papers Read at the 1989 Summer Meeting and the

1990 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Oxford: Blackwell),

pp. 53–78 at p. 64 on abbesses.)

20. Programmatic capitulary, p. 97, c. 33: ‘Si quis nefanda autem fornicatione

sicut

ei ab episcopo suo disponatur; et eadem femina in manus parentum sit constituta usque ad iudicium nostrum.’

21. There are no Carolingian references to (contemporary) women bearing arms, although there are a few mentions of elite women directing mil- itary operations (R. Stone (2005) ‘Masculinity, Nobility and the Moral Instruction of the Carolingian Lay Elite’, unpublished PhD, King’s College London, p. 41). The linkage of masculinity and warfare is made clear in one of the Programmatic capitulary’s clauses on the meaning of the oath sworn by adult men, p. 93, c. 7: ‘Ut ostile bannum domni imperatori nemo pretermittere presumat’. Only one of the 13 chapters of Capitula de cau- sis specifically mentions women (see below n. 30); all the others deal with people who are at least grammatically male.

22. On this model, see D. Iogna-Prat (2002) Order and Exclusion: Cluny and Christendom Face Heresy, Judaism and Islam, 1000–1150, trans. G. R. Edwards (Ithaca: Cornell University Press), pp. 13–15.

23. P. Brown (1988) The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press), p. 356.

contaminatus fuerit, nullatenus sine districtione gravi relaxetur,

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26 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

25.

Gregory of Tours, Libri decem historiarum , MGH SRM 1, ed. B. Krusch and W. Levison (1951) (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung) IX, 39–43, X, 15–17, 20, pp. 460–75, 501–9, 513; J. McRobbie, ‘Gender and Apoca- lypse in Books IX and X of Gregory of Tours’ Histories’ (paper presented at the International Medieval Congress, Leeds, 9th July 2007).

26.

J. M. H. Smith (2009) ‘Radegundis peccatrix: Authorizations of Virginity in

Late Antique Gaul’, in P. Rousseau and M. Papoutsakis (eds) Transformations of Late Antiquity: Essays for Peter Brown (Aldershot: Ashgate), pp. 303–26.

27.

Programmatic capitulary, pp. 94–5, c. 17: ‘ut unde maxima spe salutis omnibus christianis orriri crederent, id est de vita et castitate monacho- rum, inde detrimentum, ut aliquis ex monachus sodomitas esse auditum’. Clause 18 on nuns is far more restrained in tone.

28.

M. de Jong (1998) ‘Imitatio Morum: The Cloister and Clerical Purity in the Carolingian World’, in M. Frassetto (ed.) Medieval Purity and Piety: Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform (New York: Garland), pp. 49–80 at pp. 53–4.

29.

Capitula de causis, p. 164, c. 13 says (in total): ‘De sanctimonalium et ancillarum Dei conversatione’.

30.

On perceptions of oblates as particularly pure and thus suitable for the priesthood, see M. de Jong (1996) In Samuel’s Image: Child Oblation in the Early Medieval West (Leiden: Brill), pp. 132–45. She also examines the evi- dence for numbers of oblates (pp. 100–25) and the percentage of monks who were priested (pp. 138–9).

31.

On a change in emphasis from individual to institutional chastity in sixth century male monasteries, see A. Diem (2001) ‘Organisierte Keuschheit: Sexualprävention im Mönchtum der Spätantike und des frühen Mittelalters’, Invertito , 3, pp. 8–37.

32.

In fact, as de Jong ‘Imitatio Morum’ shows, the Carolingian church took concerns about clerical purity very seriously.

33.

F.

Prinz (1971) Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter: Untersuchungen zur

Rolle der Kirche beim Aufbau der Königsherrschaft (Stuttgart: Hiersemann), pp. 73–113.

34.

Capitula de causis, p. 163, c. 8: ‘Miramur unde accidisset, ut is qui se

confitetur seculum reliquisse

armatos homines et propria vellit retinere’.

Karoli ad Fulradum abbatem epistola, MGH Cap. I no. 75, p. 168 is an example of a mobilisation order.

35.

Capitula de causis, p. 163, c. 5–8.

36.

See above n. 35.

37.

On these attempts at the moral reform of the laity, see Stone ‘Masculin- ity’; T. F. X. Noble (2007) ‘Secular Sanctity: Forging an Ethos for the Carolingian Nobility’, in P. Wormald and J. L. Nelson (eds) Lay Intellec- tuals in the Carolingian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press),

pp. 8–36.

38.

Alcuin, De virtutibus et vitiis liber , PL 101, col. 613–38. Introduction and conclusion also edited as Alcuin, Epistola 305 (MGH Epp. 4, pp. 464–5).

P. E. Szarmach (1981) ‘A Preliminary Handlist of Manuscripts contain-

ing Alcuin’s Liber de Virtutibus et Vitiis’, Manuscripta, 25, pp. 131–40 and

P. E. Szarmach (1989) ‘The Latin Tradition of Alcuin’s Liber de Virtutibus

et Vitiis, cap. xxvii–xxxv, with Special Reference to Vercelli Homily xx’,

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Rachel Stone 27

Mediaevalia, 12, pp. 13–41 at pp. 14–16 list over 140 manuscripts of the text. (The latter also includes a transcript of a better version of chapters 27–35 than the Patrologia Latina one.)

39. Paulinus of Aquileia (2005) Sancti Paulini Patriarchae Aquileiensis Liber exhor- tationis (ed.) A. De Nicola (Aquileia: Centro di antichità altoadriatiche); PL 99, col. 197–282. On Paulinus’ sources, see Y.-M. Duval (1988) ‘Paulin d’Aquilée et le duc Éric. Des clercs et moines aux laïcs et des laïcs aux clercs et moines’ Aquileia e le Venezie nell’Alto Medioevo (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane), pp. 115–47 at pp. 129–37.

40. Noble, ‘Secular Sanctity’ at p. 34.

41. K. Cooper (1992) ‘Insinuations of Womanly Influence: An Aspect of the Christianization of the Roman Aristocracy’, Journal of Roman Studies , 82, pp. 150–64.

42. M. Kuefler (2001) The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity (Chicago: Chicago University Press), especially pp. 170–8.

43. On the appropriation by clerics of the vocabulary of ‘public fatherhood’, see M. Heinzelmann (1989) ‘Pater populi: language familial et detention de pouvoir public (antiquite tardive et tres haut moyen age)’, in F. Thelamon (ed.) Aux sources de la puissance: sociabilité et parenté. Actes du Colloque de Rouen, 12–13 novembre 1987 (Rouen: Université de Rouen), pp. 47–56.

44. Kuefler, Manly Eunuch, p. 204.

45. Kuefler’s selective use of sources underestimates the variety of late antique Christian responses to elite secular life, replacing it with a binary opposi- tion of classical and ‘Christian’ masculinities.

46. K. Cooper (2007) The Fall of the Roman Household (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 31–7, 44–53. It is difficult to show any direct conti- nuity with the late antique tradition that Cooper describes, even though a few Carolingian manuscripts of some of the texts exist (see Cooper, Fall, pp. 44–5, 91, 117–18).

47. I. Deug-Su (1979) ‘La “saecularis potestas” nei primi “specula” carolingi’, Culto cristiano, politica imperiale carolingia (Todi: Presso l’Accademia tudertina), pp. 363–446 at pp. 378–87 provides a detailed comparison of the relevant passages of the Liber exhortationis and their sources, showing how Paulinus develops his argument.

48. Paulinus, Carmen 2, stanzas 5–6 (MGH Poet. I, p. 131). See also Theodulf’s epitaph on Helmengaud, Carmen 40, MGH Poet I, p. 532.

49. Carmen de conversione Saxonum, v 45–7:

Per vim virtutum, per spicula lita cruore Contrivit, sibimet gladio vibrante subegit:

Traxit silvicolas ad caeli regna phalanges

See S. A. Rabe (1995) Faith, Art, and Politics at Saint-Riquier: The Symbolic Vision of Angilbert (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), pp. 62–6 for text and translation. Her argument (pp. 54–9) for Angilbert’s author- ship of this poem is unconvincing: J. L. Nelson (1998) ‘Review of Rabe, Faith, Art, and Politics at St-Riquier ’, Early Medieval Europe , 7, pp. 252–4

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28 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

points out the chronological problems. I prefer the attribution to Lull in K. Hauck (1985) Karolingische Taufpfalzen im Spiegel hofnaher Dichtung:

Überlegungen zur Ausmalung von Pfalzkirchen, Pfalzen und Reichsklöstern (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht), pp. 56–73.

50. J. H. Lynch (1986) Godparents and Kinship in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press), pp. 318–32.

51. Alcuin, De virtutibus et vitiis liber , c. 18, col. 627.

52. L. Coon (2004) ‘ “What Is the Word if Not Semen?” Priestly Bodies in Carolingian Exegesis’, in L. Brubaker and J. M. H. Smith (eds) Gender in the Early Medieval World: East and West, 300–900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 278–300 at pp. 297–8. This distinctive and far more classically influenced view of religious masculinity is also seen within other Carolingian monastic and exegetical texts: see L. Coon (2008) ‘Gen- der and the Body’, in T. F. X. Noble and J. M. H. Smith (eds) Early Medieval Christianities, c.600–c.1100 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 433–52.

53. Coon, ‘What Is the Word’, p. 279 citing Hrabanus Maurus, Expositionum in Leviticum libri septem 5–1, PL 108, col. 403.

54. Hrabanus Maurus, Epistola 10 (MGH Epp. 5, p. 396) gives the text of

Hrabanus’ dedication letter for Leviticus, sent to Freculf of Lisieux. On his commentaries for Carolingian kings, see M. de Jong (2000) ‘The Empire as Ecclesia : Hrabanus Maurus and Biblical Historia for Rulers’, in Y. Hen and

M. Innes (eds) The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press), pp. 191–226.

55. K. Cooper and C. Leyser (2000) ‘The Gender of Grace: Impotence, Servitude and Manliness in the Fifth-century West’, Gender and History, 12, pp. 536–51 at 542–7.

56. C. Leyser (1998) ‘Custom, Truth and Gender in Eleventh Century Reform’, in R. N. Swanson (ed.) Gender and Christian Religion. Papers Read at the 1996

Summer Meeting and the 1997 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Soci- ety (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell), pp. 75–91 at p. 85; Leyser, Authority,

pp. 155–9.

57. Cooper and Leyser, ‘Gender of Grace’ at 543. Benedictine monasticism still valued bodily control highly, but the genitals were no longer the sole focus:

see Coon, ‘Gender and the Body’.

58. Leyser, ‘Custom’ at p. 85.

59. Cooper, Fall , pp. 143–98.

60. See S. Wood (2006) The Proprietary Church in the Medieval West (Oxford:

Oxford University Press), pp. 118–21.

61. de Jong, ‘ Imitatio Morum’ at p. 57. On the resultant tendency for monks to be priested, see above p. 5.

62. See C. van Rhijn (2006) ‘Priests and the Carolingian Reforms: The Bot- tlenecks of Local Correctio ’, in R. Corradini et al. (eds) Texts and Identities in the Early Middle Ages (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften), pp. 219–37 at p. 223; S. Patzold (2006) ‘Redéfiner l’office épiscopal: les évêques francs face à la crise des années 820–830’, in F. Bougard, L. Feller, and R. Le Jan (eds) Les élites au haut moyen âge: crises et renouvellements (Turnhout: Brepols), pp. 337–59.

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Rachel Stone 29

63.

See, for example, Capitulare missorum Aquisgranense primum 808 (MGH Cap I no. 64, p. 153): c. 7: seniores should set an example of good sobri- ety to their iuniores; c. 17: everyone should control their iuniores, so they may better obey imperial commands. J. L. Nelson (2000) ‘Gender, Memory

and Social Power’, Gender and History , 12, pp. 722–34 at p. 722 comments ‘in Charlemagne’s great enterprise of social correction, mothers as well as fathers were mobilised’. On one such ‘mobilised mother’, see J. L. Nelson (2007) ‘Dhuoda’, in P. Wormald and J. L. Nelson (eds) Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 106–20.

64.

Coon, ‘Gender and the Body’ at p. 439.

65.

de Jong, ‘ Imitatio Morum’ at pp. 58–9.

66.

J.

L. Nelson (1983) ‘Legislation and Consensus in the Reign of Charles the

Bald’, in P. Wormald (ed.) Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Soci-

ety: Studies Presented to J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (Oxford: Blackwell), pp. 202–27 (which also discusses Charlemagne); Pössel ‘Authors’ at pp. 266–74.

67.

R. E. Barton (2004) Lordship in the County of Maine, c. 890–1160 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer), p. 34: ‘The Carolingian model

of local government was

inherently polarized between the power of the

count and that of the bishop.’

68.

See, for example, Programmatic capitulary, p. 94, c. 14 on the need for concord between bishops, abbots, and counts (abbesses are also included).

69.

On other monastic views, see above n. 53. On hints of articulated opposi- tion by lay noblemen to some Carolingian teaching on sexual behaviour:

see R. Stone (2009) ‘The Invention of a Theology of Abduction: Hincmar

of Rheims on Raptus’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History , 60, pp. 433–48 at pp. 445–6.

70.

On other Carolingian uses of the term ‘viriliter’, see Stone ‘Masculinity’,

p.

66; R. Stone (Forthcoming) ‘Masculinity Without Conflict: Noblemen in

Eighth and Ninth Century Francia’, in S. Brady and J. H. Arnold (eds) What is Masculinity? Historical Dynamics from Antiquity to the Contemporary World (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan).

71.

Alcuin, Epistola 111 (MGH Epp. 4, p. 161): ‘Et tu, fidelissime dispen- sator thesaurorum et servator consiliorum et adiutor devotus, viriliter fac voluntatem illius.’

72.

Hadrian II, Epistola 34 (MGH Epp. 6, p. 739): ‘vestrae dirigimus fraternitati, ut fraterna eum charitate commoti viribus totis adiuvare, apud excellentis- simum regem vestrum humiliter intercedendo, viriliter satagaris’.

73.

Hrabanus Maurus, Commentariorum in Matthaeum libri octo, Book 2 chapter 4 (PL 107, col. 791): ‘Andreas vero et Joannes significant gentes viriliter credentes Christum, et gratia Dei salvatas’.

74.

Alcuin, Epistola 84, p. 127: ‘Viriliter domum aedificate vobis sempiter- nam in caelis’. (On the use of ‘viriliter’ applied to women more generally, see n. 82).

75.

Haimo of Auxerre, Homiliae de temporae, 49 (Dominica quarta in Quadragesimo) (PL 118, col. 291): ‘Non absque consideratione praetere- undum est quod in hac refectione Domini nulla femina interfuisse mem-

Cum ergo in

hoc convivio Domini tantummodo viri fuisse dicuntur, mystice monemur

oratur, sed tantummodo viri. Vir quippe a viribus dicitur

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30 Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

ut, si quam suavis sit Dominus gustare desideramus, viri simus, id est fortes

Nec ab hac refectione Dominica femina jejuna

remanebit, si sexu femineo viriliter tentamenta diaboli compresserit: sicut e contra vir sexu femineae mentis efficitur, si contra impetum tentationis mollis et dissolutus in opere suo invenitur.’

contra diaboli tentationes

76.

On this topos in late antiquity, see, for example, G. Cloke (1995) ‘This Female Man of God’: Women and Spiritual Power in the Patristic Age, AD 350–450 (London: Routledge), pp. 212–21.

77.

As suggested by J. M. H. Smith (1998) ‘Gender and Ideology in the Early Middle Ages’, in R. N. Swanson (ed.) Gender and Christian Religion. Papers Read at the 1996 Summer Meeting and the 1997 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell), pp. 51–73 at pp. 56–59.

78.

5 out of 10 uses of ‘muliebriter’ in Carolingian texts in the Patrologia Latina database are from Biblical commentaries; 48 out of 60 for ‘effeminatus’ and cognates.

79.

Alcuin (?), Commentariorum in Apocalypsin libri quinque (PL 100, col. 1140), Book 4, chapter 9 verse 7: ‘Capilli vero mulierum, sunt effeminati mores haereticorum.’ On the work’s authorship, see M.-H. Jullien, and

F.

Perelman (eds) (1999) Clavis scriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi: auctores

Galliae, 735–987. Tomus 2: Alcuinus (Turnhout: Brepols), pp. 368–9.

80.

Paulinus, Contra Felicem libri tres , 1, 12 (CCCM 95), p. 17: ‘Porro, cum uir iste anilis fabulae iuris de quo loquimur—si tamen uir dici debeat, qui non uiriliter, sed eneruiter agit’.

81.

Haimo of Auxerre, Commentum in Isaiam , Book 1, c. 3 (PL 116, col. 737):

‘Effeminati autem sunt, qui fortitudinem stabilitatemque virilem in fem- ineam mollitiem habent redactam. Tales sunt hodie principes Judaeorum’. On the attribution, see D. Iogna-Prat (1991) ‘L’oeuvre d’Haymon d’Auxerre. État de la question’, in D. Iogna-Prat, C. Jeudy, and G. Lobrichon (eds) L’école carolingienne d’Auxerre: de Murethach à Rémi, 830–908 (Paris:

Beauchesne), pp. 157–79 at pp. 163–4. On the later association of Jews with effeminacy, see the chapter by Kruger.

82.

Regino of Prüm (1890) Chronicon , MGH SRG 50, ed. F. Kurze (Hanover:

Hahnsche Buchhandlung), s.a. 783, p. 54 implies manful action by the (pagan) Saxons: ‘et rex iterum Saxoniam ingressus est, eo quod Saxones rursum rebellassent, et cum paucis Francis ad Thietmalli venit. Ibi Saxones paraverunt pugnam in campo viriliter. Tunc rex cum Francis super eos

irruit’. However this is probably simply due to a clumsy paraphrase of his sources, Annales regni Francorum inde ab a. 741 usque ad a. 829, qui dicun- tur Annales Laurissenses maiores et Einhardi (1895) MGH SRG 6, ed. F. Kurze (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung), s.a. 783, p. 64: ‘Ibi Saxones praepar- averunt pugna in campo, qui viriliter domnus Carolus rex et Franci solito more super eos inruentes’.

83.

T.

Reuter (2005) ‘Charlemagne and the World Beyond the Rhine’, in J. Story

(ed.) Charlemagne: Empire and Society (Manchester: Manchester University Press), pp. 183–94 gives a brief overview of efforts to incorporate these territories into the Carolingian state and of the significance of ‘ethnic’ terminology in this period. (On this, see also R. Bartlett (2001) ‘Medieval

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Rachel Stone 31

and Modern Concepts of Race and Ethnicity’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 31, pp. 39–56).

84.

This contrasts with the more difficult ‘gender conversion’ seen later in the Middle Ages by S. F. Kruger (1997) ‘Becoming Christian, Becoming Male?’, in J. J. Cohen and B. Wheeler (eds) Becoming Male in the Middle Ages (New York: Garland), pp. 21–41.

85.

I.

Réal (2001) Vies de saints, vie de famille: représentation et système de la par-

enté dans le Royaume mérovingien (481–751) d’après les sources hagiographiques (Turnhout: Brepols), pp. 284–97.

86.

K.

Heene (1997) The Legacy of Paradise: Marriage, Motherhood and Woman

in Carolingian Edifying Literature (Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang), pp. 248–53 gives other examples of women being described as behaving viriliter, a term which she thinks can be used in a ‘sex-neutral’ way.

87.

Heene, Legacy, pp. 115–36. Recent work has substantially modified the view of S. F. Wemple (1981) Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister, 500–900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press) on the purely negative impact of Carolingian reforms on religious women: see, among others, S. Lorenz and T. Zotz (eds) (2005) Frühformen von Stiftskirchen

in Europa: Funktion und Wandel religiöser Gemeinschaften vom 6. bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts. Festgabe für Dieter Mertens zum 65. Geburtstag (Leinfelden-Echterdingen: DRW-Verlag); L. Rudge (2006) ‘Texts and Con- texts: Women’s Dedicated Life from Caesarius to Benedict’, unpublished PhD, St Andrews, pp. 213–54; S. A. Stofferahn (1999) ‘Changing Views of Carolingian Women’s Literary Culture: The Evidence from Essen’, Early medieval Europe , 8, pp. 69–97.

88.

See in particular P. Toubert (1977) ‘La théorie du mariage chez les moral-

istes carolingiens’ Il Matrimonio nella società altomedievale, 22–28 Apr 1976 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo), pp. 233–85 and

P. Toubert (1996) ‘The Carolingian Moment (Eighth-Tenth Century)’, in

A. Burguière et al. (eds) A History of the Family. Volume 1: Distant Worlds,

Ancient Worlds (Cambridge: Polity Press), pp. 379–406.

89.

Heene, Legacy, pp. 261–7.

90.

Heene, Legacy, p. 136.

91.

On the ‘domestic’ quality of Carolingian vitae of female saints, see

J.

M. H. Smith (1995) ‘The Problem of Female Sanctity in Carolingian

Europe c. 780–920’, Past and Present , 146, pp. 3–37 at p. 35.

92.

On the symbolic function of criticism of women, see Cooper, Insinuations ,

p.

151.

93.

Compare E. Ward (1990) ‘Agobard of Lyons and Paschasius Radbertus as Critics of the Empress Judith’, in W. J. Sheils and D. Wood (eds) Women in the Church. Papers Read at the 1989 Summer Meeting and the 1990 Win- ter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Oxford: Blackwell), pp. 15–25 and J. L. Nelson (1978) ‘Queens as Jezebels: The Careers of Brunhild and Balthild in Merovingian History’, in D. Baker (ed.) Medieval women (Oxford:

Blackwell), pp. 31–77.

94.

See, for example, J. A. McNamara (1994) ‘The Herrenfrage: the Restructuring of the Gender System, 1050–1150’, in C. A. Lees (ed.) Medieval Masculinities:

Regarding Men in the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota

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32

Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men

Press), pp. 3–29. C. J. Clover (1993) ‘Regardless of Sex: Men, Women and Power in Early Northern Europe’, Speculum, 68, pp. 363–87.

95.

J.

L. Nelson (1999) ‘Monks, Secular Men and Masculinity, c. 900’, in

D.

M. Hadley (ed.) Masculinity in Medieval Europe (London: Longman),

pp. 121–42.

96.

On Odo of Cluny’s portrayal of Gerald as a sharp break from Carolingian

models of lay potentes, see A. Barbero (1994) ‘Santi laici e guerrieri. Le trasformazioni di un modello nell’agiografia altomedievale’, in G. Barone,

M.

Caffiero, and F. Scorza Barcellona (eds) Modelli di santità e modelli di

comportamento: contrasti, intersezioni, complementarità (Turin: Rosenberg &

Sellier), pp. 125–40 at pp. 131–6.

97.

S.

Maclean (2006) ‘Ritual, Misunderstanding, and the Contest for Mean-

ing: Representations of the Disrupted Royal Assembly at Frankfurt (873)’, in

B.

Weiler and S. Maclean (eds) Representations of Power in Medieval Germany

800–1500 (Turnhout: Brepols), pp. 97–119.

98.

For details of this text, see G. Constable (1998) ‘Monks and Canons in Carolingian Gaul: The Case of Rigrannus of Le Mans’, in A. C. Murray (ed.) After Rome’s Fall: Narrators and Sources of Early Medieval History.

Essays Presented to Walter Goffart (Toronto: University of Toronto Press),

pp.

320–36

99.

Alcuin, De virtutibus et vitiis, c. 36, col. 638: ‘Nec te laici habitus vel conver- sationis saecularis terreat qualitas, quasi in eo habitu vitae coelestis januas intrare non valeas’.

100.

Alcuin, De virtutibus et vitiis, c. 13, col. 622 emphasises quality rather than

quantity in penance.

101.

Contrary to the views of McNamara, ‘ Herrenfrage’ at pp. 5–7, and

R.

N. Swanson (1999) ‘Angels Incarnate: Clergy and Masculinity from

Gregorian Reform to Reformation’, in D. M. Hadley (ed.) Masculinity in Medieval Europe (London: Longman), pp. 160–177.

102.

On the Gregorian Reform movement as a conflict between lay men and

clerics, rather than between men and women (as McNamara argues), see

M.

C. Miller (2003) ‘Masculinity, Reform, and Clerical Culture: Narratives

of Episcopal Holiness in the Gregorian Era’, Church History , 72, pp. 25–52

at pp. 49–50. Toubert, ‘La théorie’ at pp. 252–3: despite a continued manuscript tradition of Jerome’s works against marriage, there was very little use made of their arguments in the ninth and tenth centuries.

103.

de Jong, ‘ Imitatio Morum’ at pp. 52–4. Programmatic Capitulary, p. 95, c. 17 shows that canons and monks too had to live ‘omni custodia’.

104.

M. de Jong (1995) ‘Carolingian Monasticism: The Power of Prayer’, in R. McKitterick (ed.) The New Cambridge Medieval History. Volume II:

c. 700–c. 900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 622–53 at

pp.

637–9; de Jong, In Samuel’s Image, pp. 231–45, 252–66.

105.

Rudge, ‘Texts and Contexts’, 219; J. L. Nelson (2004) ‘Gendering Courts in the Early Medieval West’, in L. Brubaker and J. M. H. Smith (eds) Gender in the Early Medieval World: East and West, 300–900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 185–97 at pp. 187–91, 196.

106.

de Jong, ‘ Imitatio Morum’ at p. 62; de Jong, In Samuel’s Image, pp. 150–5.

107.

Coon, ‘Gender and the Body’ at p. 443.

PROOF

Rachel Stone 33

108. Notker the Stammerer (1959) Gesta Karoli Magni imperatoris MGH SRG N. S. 12 (ed.) H. F. Haefele (Berlin: Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung) 2–10, p. 66: ‘qui [Louis], exceptis eis rebus et negociis sine quibus res pub- lica terrena non subsistit, coniugio videlicet usuque armorum, per omnia

simillimus

exstiterit Ambrosio’.

109. I would like to thank Jinty Nelson, Norman Owen, Julia Smith, Edward Stone, and the editors for comments on earlier versions of this paper and Kate Cooper and Lynda Coon for sending me copies of their work in advance of publication.

Index

PROOF

Note: The letter ‘n’ followed by the locators refers to notes cited in the text.

Aachen, Albert of, 145 abbots, 5, 12, 13, 15, 16, 19, 23, 64, 66, 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 76, 87, 95, 144 Abelard, Peter, 75 Abraham the Jew, 113, 114 Absalom, 69 Actard, bishop of Nantes, 20 Adam, 34, 37–8, 53, 57 n.25,

160–1

Adela, countess of Blois, 149 Adelesia, 74 adultery, 42, 44, 45, 68, 127, 189 Ælgifu of Northampton, 48 Ælgyfu, 48 Ælgyfu-Emma of Normandy, 48 Æthelberht, 49 Æthelred II, 37, 41, 48, 56 n.14 Æthelred V, 48–9 Æthelstan I, 48 Aigiaruc, 186–7, 193 Alcuin, 16, 17, 20, 22 Aldhelm, 14 al-Din, Rashid, 187 Alexander the Great, 197 Alexandria, Katherine of, see St Katherine Alfonsi, Peter, 92–3 see also Moses (Alfonsi character) Alfred the Ætheling, 48 Alfred the Great, 49 Alla, 165 Altani, 192 alterity, see otherness amazons, 9, 158, 159, 172–5, 177 n.3, 183, 184, 194–200 see also Emily; Ypolita, queen Amnon, 69 Anatolia, 145, 195 Anjou, 149

Antichrist, 195 Antioch, 128, 143, 144, 145, 150 Antiochus, 51–4 Aosta, Anselm of, see St Anselm Apollonius, king of Tyre, 51–4 Apostles, 42 see also John the Apostle; Judas; St Andrew; St Peter Apulia, duke of, see Borsa, Roger, duke of Apulia; Guiscard, Robert, duke of Apulia Aquileia, Paulinus of, 16, 17, 20 Aquinas, Thomas, 169 Arbrissel, Robert of, 75 Arc, Joan of, 159 Arcestrate, 52–3 Arcestrates, 51–2 Argentan, 149

Ariadne, 173 aristocracy, 4, 5, 8, 15, 16, 18, 19, 22, 23, 29 n.67, 36, 52, 72, 129, 145, 148, 151, 197 aristocratic women, 8, 21, 142, 149,

152

Arles, 14 Arles, Caesarius of, 14 Armenia, Hetoum of, 191 Artemisia, 160, 178 n.12 Ascalon, 130 Atalanta, 187 Ata-Malik Juvaini, Ala’iddin, 191 Atheling, William, 69, 72 Athens, 172, 173, 175 duke of, see Theseus, duke of Athens audience, 16, 18, 41, 71, 74–6, 128–9, 135, 141, 151, 152, 153, 176, 183, 199, 200 Augustine, see St Augustine of Hippo

208

Auntera the Jewess, widow of Samuel, 104, 106, 109, 111, 112–15, 121 n.20, n.27 Aurelius, Roman Emperor, 168, 170–1,

175

Aurillac, Gerald of, 22 Auxerre, Haimo of, 20, 21 Avitia, abbess of Malling, 75

Babylon, 162 Baldwin I, king of Jerusalem, 129,

132–3

Balearic Islands, 127 barbarians, 17, 125–6, 135 n.4, 164 Barfleur, 69 Bartlett, Robert, 3 Baruch, 92 Bateman, Ivtoe, daughter of Benedict, 111, 121 n.20 Batu, 192 Baudri, archbishop of Bourgeuil, 142 Bec-Hellouin, abbey of, 11 n.28, 62, 66, 67, 69, 71, 83 n.78 Bede, 140

Benedictines, 6, 28 n.57, 64, 76, 127,

148

see also Gundulf, bishop of Rochester; Malmesbury, William of; St Anselm; Vitalis, Orderic ben Reuben, Jacob, 87

Bennett, Judith, 1 Bennett, Philip, 147 Berger, David, 87

Berry, duke of, see John, duke de Berry Betena the Jewess, 114 Bethulia, 150 Bible, 7, 20, 40, 89, 92, 94, 97, 142, 148, 150, 159, 161 Biblical figures, see under individual names New Testament, 20 (Revelations), 67, 91 (Ephesians), 162 (Revelations), 67 Old Testament, 7, 18 (Leviticus), 20 (Isaiah), 92–3 (Psalms), 97, 151,

198

Vulgate, 92–3, 160–1

PROOF

Index 209

bishops, 5, 6, 12, 13, 15, 16, 19, 23, 29 n.67, 34, 36, 48, 50, 66, 72, 82

n.68

see also Actard, bishop of Nantes; Baudri, archbishop of Bourgeuil; Bruno, bishop of Segni; Gundulf, bishop of Rochester; Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury; St Anselm; Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester, archbishop of York Bithia, 150, 151, 153 Blemmyae, 195 Blois, countess of, see Adela, countess of Blois Blois, count of, see Stephen, count of Blois Boccaccio, 160, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 198 bodies, 7, 38, 39, 40, 43, 44, 54, 55, 63, 65, 69, 71, 74, 75, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 97, 188 absent, 7, 85–7, 96–7, 102–3 n.38 Christian, 7, 23, 28 n.57, 89, 96, 97 embodiment, 63–4, 86, 87, 88–9, 91, 93, 96, 97 female, 88, 132–5, 167, 168, 160,

186

Jewish, 7, 89, 96, 97, 97–8 n.3 male, 23, 28 n.57, 43, 54, 97–8 n.3 Bohemond, prince of Taranto, 8, 140,

143–53

Borsa, Roger, duke of Apulia, 144 Börte, 189 Bowers, John M., 176 Bragmani, 195, 196 Bristol, 120 n.14 Brown, Peter, 14 Bruno, bishop of Segni, 144, 145 Büri, 192 Bynum, Caroline Walker, 6, 64, 71, 74 Bysenham, William de, 104 Byzantine Empire, 143

Cadden, Joan, 158 Caen, 67, 74 Caesar, Julius, 175 Caesarea, 134, 145

210 Index

Canterbury, 65, 109, 176 archdiocese of, 66, 67 Christ Church, 65 Jewry, 109, 120 n.26 Cantimpré, Thomas of, 85 Carpini, John of Plano, 184, 187, 189–90, 191, 192, 193, 200 Castile, 6–7 Catalonia, 12 Cathay, 197 celibacy, 17–19, 22, 39, 63–4, 68, 75 clerical 4, 5, 15, 35–6, 37, 63 see also chastity Chabi, 189 Champeaux, William of, 87 Charlemagne, 5, 12–16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 35–6, 147 Charles the Fat, 22 Chartres, 146 Chartres, Fulcher of, 126, 127, 131–2

chastity, 4, 5, 15, 17, 36, 40–1, 43, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 53, 54, 68, 85, 193,

195

see also masculinity, chaste Chaucer, Geoffrey, 3, 8–9, 86, 158–76 Canterbury Tales, 8–9, 158–176, see also Pardoner; Prioress; Wife of Bath; General Prologue, 171, 172, 174, 175, see also Piers,

Daun; Knight’s Tale, 9, 158, 172–5, see also amazons; Ariadne; Emily; Knight; Theseus; Ypolita, queen; Man of Law’s Tale, 9, 158, 160, 161–8, 175, see also Alla; Constance; Donegild; Man of Law; Mauricius; Sultan; Sultaness; Monk’s Tale, 9, 158, 168–72, 173, see also Aurelius, Roman Emperor; monks; Zenobia, queen of Palmyra Legend of Good Women, The, 162, 177 n.3 Legend of Thisbe, see Chaucer, Geoffrey, Legend of Good Women, The Parliament of Fowls, 162 Chibnall, Marjorie, 140, 141, 146 China, 189

PROOF

Chow, Rey, 87 Christ, see Jesus Christ Christianity, 5, 6, 7, 9, 20, 21, 34, 36, 41, 42, 47, 51, 85, 88, 95, 126, 127–8, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151, 163–4, 166, 167

Christians, 2–3, 7, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 36, 48, 50, 85–97, 104–6, 111–18, 122 n.30, n.34, 124 n.47, 125, 127, 128, 130, 131, 143–5, 148, 150, 151, 163–6, 174, 175, 197–8 community, 5, 18, 115, 128, 134 men, 6, 8, 45, 49, 95, 97, 111, 112, 113, 134, 150, 153, 158 women, 7, 20, 114, 115, 116–17, 134, 135, 159 chroniclers, 73, 141, 142, 146, 152,

185

see also al-Din, Rashid; Ata-Malik Juvaini, Ala’iddin; Chartres, Fulcher of; Malmesbury, William of; Vitalis, Orderic chronicles, 8, 122 n.32, 127–8, 140–153, 184–5, 187, 191, 195 Cistercians, 6, 74 Clare, Matilda de, countess of Gloucester and Hertford, 123 n.37

class, 1, 2, 4, 18, 19, 72, 86, 122 n.35,

147

see also social status Clavijo, Ruy González de, 193, 197–8 clergy, 6, 13–16, 19, 22, 23, 35, 36, 45, 63, 66, 70, 112, 122 n.34, 152, 171 see also celibacy, clerical; monks; priests Clermont, 125 Clist, John de, 114 clothing, see dress Cnoll, Nicholas de la, 112–13 Cnut, 35, 36, 37, 48, 49, 50, 51, 56

n.14

Cohen, Jeffrey J., 165, 167 Cohen, Jeremy, 97 Cok the Jew, 113, 114 Collins, Patricia Hill, 2 colonialism, 5, 9, 21, 164, 165, 167, 168, 171, 173, 176–7 n.2, 181 n.65, 184, 199 Coman, wife of, 114

Compostela, 147 Conches, Isabella of, 141, 149 Constance, 162–7, 175 Constantinople, 128 Conti, Nicolò de’, 198–9 conversion, 5, 8, 9, 17, 21, 36, 49, 81 n.52, 93, 95–6, 102 n.35, 149, 151, 152, 163–4, 166, 179 n.30 Coon, Lynda, 18 Cooper, Helen, 174 Cooper, Kate, 5, 18 Copin, son of Lumbard, 112 Copyn, Jacob, 109, 114, 120 n.27, 123

n.36

Cremona, Liutprand of, 139 n.63 Crespyn, Jacob, 109, 120 n.27 Crete, 173 Crispin, Gilbert, abbot of Westminster, 7, 11 n.28, 87–97 crusades, 5, 8, 95, 125–35, 137 n.25, n.30, 140, 142–5, 149, 150, 152, 153, 156 n.59, 158, 159, 174, 176,

179 n.30

Cuntassa the Jewess, 109–110, 111,

112, 113 Curthose, Robert, 130

custom, 4, 36, 42, 46, 48, 54, 126, 141,

176 n.1, 197, 198

Cyrene, 52, 53

Dahan, Gilbert, 97 Dalmatia, 12 Danelaw, 5, 36, 46 Danishmend, 148, 150, 151, 153 see also Danishmendid, Gumushtigin ibn Danishmendid, Gumushtigin ibn, 145 see also Danishmend Danwekyn the Jew, 114 daughters, 8, 48, 51–4, 57 n.30, 75, 76, 115, 116, 140, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 184, 186–7, 188, 189, 191, 192, 197, 198 David, 69 Davis-Kimball, Jeannine, 191 Davis, Natalie Zemon, 160 de Jong, Mayke, 15 Delany, Sheila, 162, 164 demons, 16, 65, 91, 93

PROOF

Index 211

Deulesalt, Piers, 105 devils, 20, 43, 50, 60 n.74, 68, 91, 163, 165, 167 see also demons Devizes, 120 n.14 Devon, 123 n.36 Diana, goddess, 53, 172, 173 difference, 1–9, 13, 14, 16, 22, 47, 70, 72, 76, 85–6, 88–9, 91, 93, 96, 117–18, 126, 134, 135, 140, 142, 151, 153, 156 n.59, 159, 161, 164–7, 168, 172, 174, 175–6 categories of, 1–2, 9, 10 n.9, 13, 86, 97 n.1, 97–8 n.3, 126, 158, 165, 166, 172, 174, 176 see also gender, and difference; religion, and difference DiMarco, Vincent, 195 Dinshaw, Carolyn, 88 Domfront, 149 dominance, 2–7, 9, 35, 86, 126, 151, 176–7 n.2, 191 see also masculinity, dominant; subordination Donegild, 161, 164–7 Dorylaeum, 129 dress, 52, 74, 170–1, 181 n.69, 188, 190, 203 n.20, 204 n.38 cross-dressing, 159, 170, 171, 177 n.7, 181 n.66 Dunbar, Agnes, 185 Dyaye, son of Samuel, 113

East, see orientalism East Putford, see Putford, East Edgar, king of England, 36, 45, 48, 49 Edmund Ironside, 48 Edward the Confessor, king of England, 48 effeminacy, 6–8, 20, 30 n.78, 97–8 n.3, 151, 181 n.69 Egypt, 151 elites, 1, 4, 5, 6, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25 n.21, 27 n.45, 35, 36, 37, 48, 50, 51, 54, 55, 122–3 n.35, 142, 148, 151–2, 153 see also aristocracy Emelye, see Emily Emily, 173–5

212 Index

emotion, 62–5, 67–73, 76, 90, 125, 131, 174 see also tears empire, 5, 12, 13, 16, 21, 22, 143, 144, 167, 181 n.66 Enghien, Clerk of, 195 England, 34–55, 67, 69, 70, 72, 104–24, 165

Ephesus, 53 epic, 8, 140, 141, 142, 143, 146, 147–8, 150, 152, 176, 195 Eric, dux of Friuli, 16, 17 Essex, 124 n.47 ethnicity, 1–4, 9, 13–14, 37, 39, 46, 47, 126, 134, 135, 158, 161, 163, 164, 165, 168, 174, 200 ethnic groups, 5, 21, 46, 125–6, 128,

134

see also ‘race’ Eve, 40, 160–1, 170 Evreux, Helwise of, 141 Exeter, 7–8, 104–24 bishop of, see Quivil, Peter, bishop of Exeter the Bolehulle, 104 Jewry 110, 114, 122 n.29 Exmes, 149

family, 8, 19, 36, 74, 86, 95, 105, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 131, 141, 142, 143, 144, 148, 149, 151, 153, 164, 189 see also daughters; fathers; mothers; sons Farmer, Sharon, 2 fathers, 16–17, 19, 29 n.63, 38, 48, 50, 52, 53, 56 n.14, 64, 69, 94, 144, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 186, 187, 189, 191, 196, 197 fatherhood, 17, 36, 38, 52, 75 Fatima, 156 n.59 Femenye, Feminie, Femmenie, 172, 174, 196, 197 see also amazons; Scythia femininity, 1, 6, 9, 20, 22, 62–6, 69–71, 73, 74, 76, 88, 89, 131, 133–4, 149, 158, 159, 160, 165,

PROOF

167, 169, 173, 183–4, 185, 188, 192, 195–6, 198, 199, 200 exotic/eastern, 8, 9, 146, 183, 184–5, 194 ideal, 183, 185, 198, 200 Flanders, Baldwin of, 156 n.59 Flanders, Matilda of, queen of England, 74 Fortunatus, Venantius, 14 Fraga, 141 France, 145, 146, 147 France, Constance of, 145, 146, 149 Francia, 12 see also Frankish Empire Franke, Herbert, 191 Frankish Empire, 5, 21 see also Francia frauenfrage, 183 Friedman, John Block, 195

Gaunt, Simon, 141 Gellone, William of, see Orange, William of gender, 1–9, 13–15, 16, 20, 21, 22, 35, 36, 37, 39, 48, 55, 62, 63, 64, 66, 69, 76, 85–8, 89, 91, 93, 95, 96, 97, 104–18, 126–35, 140–53, 158, 161–8, 171, 172, 174, 190, 194, 195, 198, 200 and difference, 1–4, 85–8, 89, 91, 93, 96, 126–35, 140–53, 161–8 history/studies, 1–9, 85, 140, 183,

184

and power, 1–2, 39, 134, 151 Genghis Khan, 185–6, 189, 191–2 Genoa, 193 Gisla, abbess of Chelles, 20 Godfrey, king of Jerusalem, 129, 130 Godgifu, 48 Gog, 195 Golgotha, 70 Goodman, Jennifer, 187 Gower, John, 165, 166 Gowther, Sir, 86 Grandmesnil, Robert II de, abbot of St Evroul, 144 Greece, 144 Gregory I ‘the Great’, pope, 18, 19, 37–9, 56–7 n.21, 67

Gregory VII, pope, 19 see also reform, Gregorian

Guiscard, Robert, duke of Apulia,

143

Gundulf, bishop of Rochester, 6, 36,

62–76

Gürbesü, 191 Guy, count of Brittany, 16, 17, 22 Güyük, 189, 192, 203 n.18 Gymnosophisti, 195

Haddenham, 72 Hadrian II, pope, 20

hagiography, 65, 127, 159, 160, 168 see also saints’ lives Hamaguchi, Keiko, 166, 167, 169,

171

Harald II, 56 n.14 Harold Harefoot, 48 Harthacnut, 48 Hauteville family, 143 Hay, David, 185 Heene, Katrien, 21 Heisterbach, Caesarius of, 85 Heloise, 75, 159 Heng, Geraldine, 167 Henna the Jewess, 110 Henry I, king of England, 69–70, 72, 127, 135, 138 n.34, 149, 156 n.49

Hercules, 195 heresy, 167, 172 heretics, 20, 85, 167, 171, 183, 185 Herluin, 66, 69, 83 n.78 Herodotus, 195 herrenfrage, 4, 6, 35, 63, 152, 183 Hese, Johannes Witte de, 199 Hippolyta, 195–6 see also Ypolita, queen Hippomenes, 187 Hö’elün Eke, 189 Holofernes, 150, 151 Holy Cross, convent of the, 14 Holy Land, 149 Homer, 195

Iconium, 145 Ilkhan Qaidu, see Qaidu, Ilkhan incest, 13, 39, 51–2, 57 n.30, 162, 179

n.22

PROOF

Index 213

India, 198 Indian Ocean, 198 Ingham, Patricia, 166 Innocent III, pope, 137 n.30 Innocent IV, pope, 193 intercession, 19, 20, 66, 67, 71, 145, 148, 150, 152, 156 n.54, 189 Islam, 6, 8, 9, 85, 128, 134, 148, 150, 153, 164, 166, 167, 173, 175, 179 n.25, n.30, 184, 199 see also Muslims Isle of Men, 195 Isle of Women, 183, 184, 194–5, 199,

200

Jacob, 69 Jacob, son of Moses, 114 Jaeger, C. Stephen, 141 Jeremiah, 91

Jerusalem, 70, 126, 127, 128, 129, 132,

144

king of, see Baldwin I, king of Jerusalem; Godfrey, king of Jerusalem Jesus Christ, 6, 34, 40–2, 46, 49, 51, 63, 68, 70, 74, 85, 88, 171 Jews, 2, 3, 7, 20, 85–97, 104–24, 151, 171, 185 attacks on, 90–1, 96, 97–8 n.3, 104,

105, 109, 117, 122 n.29 as dogs, 90–91, 93, 96, 97 men, 6, 7–8, 85, 93, 104–8,

110–118

merchants, 94–6, 97, 107, 120 n.15 as moneylenders, 8, 104–24 as temptresses, 85, 97–8 n.3, 184 women, 6, 7–8, 85, 89, 104–18, 120

n.14

John the Apostle, 20 see also St. John the Evangelist John, duke de Berry, 188 John, Prester, 196, 199 Jones, Terry, 174 Jordan, William Chester, 109, 111 Josce, son of Moses, 115 Joseph, 69 Judaism, 6, 7, 85, 88, 102–3 n.38,

115

Judas, 163

214 Index

Judith, 150, 151, 153 Judith, queen of the Franks, 21

Kan, John, 114 Karakorum, 189 Kerbogha, 129 Kesmacoran, 198 Kimhi, Joseph, 88 kings, 5, 20, 34–55, 56 n.14, 57 n.30, 66, 69–70, 72, 75, 105, 106, 115, 127, 129, 130, 132, 145, 165–6, 169, 171, 172, 186–7, 197 kingship, 37–40, 47, 50, 54, 69 royal court, 16, 18, 67, 72, 148, 150, 165, 196, 203 n.20 see also under individual names Knight, 172–4, 176 knights, 9, 73, 111, 112, 123 n.36, 147, 149, 166, 169, 174, 176 Komnenus, Alexius, 145 Khubilai Khan, 189

laity, 6, 12–23, 36, 40, 41, 42, 44–5, 46, 47, 48, 112, 133, 142, 143, 144, 152, 153, 162 Lambert, Sarah, 132 Lambeth, 72 Lampert, Lisa, 88 Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, 67, 87 language, 3, 10 n.18, 20, 25 n.19, 34–55, 64, 71–2, 73, 118, 126, 129, 131, 135, 140, 151, 165, 170, 176, 176 n.1, 192, 193 La Trinité, abbey of, 74 law, 4, 13, 34–55, 86, 90, 94, 95, 115, 150, 159, 162–3, 164, 166, 171, 176 n.1, 185, 187, 192, 199 codes, 34, 45, 47–9, 192 courts, 104, 106, 110, 114–17, 118, 120 n.12 Le Deneya, Robert, 112, 123 n.36 Leghe, monastery of, 123 n.37 Le Mans, Rigramnus of, 22 Lerner, Gerda, 2, 4 Leyser, Conrad, 5, 18, 35 Lille, Alan of, 87 Limoges, 145 Lipton, Sarah, 89

PROOF

literature, 6, 8, 17, 21, 86, 88, 92, 146, 147, 152, 158, 159, 169, 183, 184, 187, 191, 194 romances, 8, 35, 51–4, 146, 147, 148, 173, 179 n.30, 184, 193, 195, 200 see also Boccaccio; Chaucer, Geoffrey London, 72, 95, 176, 199 n.4 Longjumeau, Andrew of, 187, 193, 203 n.18 Louis IX, 203 n.18 Louis the German, 23 Louis the Pious, 21 Lucan, 175 lust, 53, 54, 162, 179 n.21

Maclean, Simon, 22 Magog, 195 Mainz, 94, 95, 96 Malling, abbey of, 6, 74–6 abbess of, see Avitia, abbess of Malling Malmesbury, William of, 3, 5, 8, 125–35, 138 n.43, 141, 143 Mandeville, Sir John, 184, 194, 197

Man, Jill, 164 Man of Law, 161, 162, 163, 167, 173,

176

manliness, 5, 6, 8, 16, 20–1, 68, 73, 158–61, 168–9, 171, 172, 175 lack of, 69, 129, see also effeminacy Manzikert, 145 Marcigny, nunnery of, 149 Marlborough, 120 n.14 Marona the Jewess, 114–15 marriage, 12, 18, 21, 22, 23, 35, 42, 44, 49, 50, 52, 53, 63, 86, 95, 132, 133, 142, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 153, 156 n.59, 162, 165, 166, 169, 173, 175, 183, 186, 188, 189, 191, 192, 196, 199, 203 n.20, 203–4 n.24 priestly, 16, 37, 44, 45–7 Martha of Bethany, 66 Martini, Raymond, 91 Mary of Bethany, 66, 67 Mary, Blessed Virgin, 40, 42, 66–8, 70, 88

masculinity, 1, 4, 5–6, 12–23, 27 n.45, 34–55, 63–4, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73–6, 88, 89, 91, 97–8 n.3, 128–31, 132, 133, 134–5, 152, 158, 183, 192, 196, 200 chaste, 4, 6, 35, 40, 43–5, 48 clerical, 4, 7, 19, 35, 46–7, 51, 64, 68–70, 73–6, 97, 152 dominant, 4, 5, 19–20, 51–2, 68, 75 female, 20, 159, 163, 169, 173, 196 hypermasculinity, 93 royal, 34–40, 47–8, 50–2, 54, 55,

69–70

secular, 4, 7, 22, 46–7, 64, 97, 152 see also effeminacy; manliness Matilda, Empress, 149 Mauricius, 165 Maurus, Hrabanus, 18, 20 McLaughlin, Megan, 184–5, 194 McNamara, Jo Ann, 4, 6, 35, 63, 68, 151, 183 Megenfrid, 20 Melaz, 8, 140, 145–53 Menalippe, 195 merchants, 95, 96, 97, 120 n.15, 162, 166, 183, 184 see also Jews, merchants Milan, 14 Miller, Maureen C., 6 miracles, 65, 68, 145, 147, 148, 150, 165, 166 Mirrer, Louise, 6–7, 8 misogyny, 6, 21, 22, 144 Mohammed, 151, 163 monasticism, 4, 6, 8, 14–16, 17, 18–19, 22, 23, 54, 62–9, 72, 73–6, 95, 97, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 152, 153, 172, 173 see also Bec-Hellouin, abbey of; Canterbury, Christ Church; Holy Cross, convent of the; La Trinité, abbey of; Leghe, monastery of; Malling, abbey of; Marcigny, nunnery of; Paraclete, the, nunnery of; Saint-Étienne, abbey of; St Eufemia, monastery of; St Evroul, monastery of; St Guilhelm le Desert,

PROOF

Index 215

monastery of; St John’s, convent of; St Leonard-le-Noblat, monastery of; Winchester Mongolia, 184–94 Mongols, 9, 184–94, 199–200, 203 n.18, 204 n.38, 205 n.53 Naimans, 191, see also Gürbesü; Tayang Qan women warriors, 184–94, 203 n.18, see also Aigiaruc; Qutulun; Sadurmelickh see also Aigiaruc; Altani; Batu; Börte; Büri; Chabi; Genghis Khan; Gürbesü; Güyük; Hö’elün Eke; Khubilai Khan; Nambui; Oghul Qaimash; Ögödei; Qaidu, Ilkhan; Qaši; Qutulun; Sadurmelickh; Sorqaghtani Beki; Tayang Qan; Timur; Tokatmish; Tolui; Töregene; Yisügen Qatan monks, 4, 6, 11 n.28, 14–15, 16, 19, 22, 23, 42, 45, 60 n.75, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 82 n.68, 87, 91, 95, 127, 143, 145, 147, 149, 152, 159, 168–72,

174–6

see also abbots; Benedictines; Cistercians; monasticism monsters, 160, 165, 193, 195 the monstrous, 7, 86, 91, 158, 163 monstrous alterity, 9, 163 monstrous races, 195 Montecassino, Amatus of, 155 n.28 Monte Croce, Riccold de, 184, 187–8,

193

Montfort, Guy de, 144 Montfort, Robert de, 144 Montpellier, 147 Moses, 34, 49, 90, 151 Moses (Alfonsi character), 92 Moses, son of Samuel, 113 mothers, 6, 9, 19, 21, 29 n.63, 39, 40, 42, 64, 66, 74, 75, 83 n.78, 88, 115, 133, 144, 149, 160, 161–64, 165, 175, 189, 191, 192 mothers-in-law, 158, 161–5, 168, 175, see also Donegild; Sultaness

216 Index

Mundill, Robin, 109 Murray, Alan V., 126 Muslims, 2–3, 6, 89, 150 men, 6–7, 8, 153 women, 6–7, 184, see also Fatima; Melaz; Sultaness see also Saracens; Turks mystics, 63, 70

Nahr-al-Kalb, 133 Nambui, 189 Nantes, bishop of, see Actard, bishop of Nantes nation, 34, 41, 59 n.60, 92, 126, 151, 162, 164, 165, 171, 179 n.25 nationalism, 13, 34, 41, 50, 126, 164, 166, 167, 176 Nelson, Janet, 12–13, 22 Niebrzydowski, Sue, 163 Nishapur, 191 nobility, see aristocracy Nogent, Guibert of, 88, 91 Norfolk, 124 n.47 Normandy, 70 duke of, see Robert, duke of Normandy Northumbria, 46–7, 55, 165, 167 Norwich, 106, 109, 122–3 n.35 Note, Christina, 114 Notker the Stammerer, 23 nuns, 6, 13, 14, 15, 36, 42, 49, 60 n.75, 74–6, 91, 200 see also Avitia, abbess of Malling; Gisla, abbess of Chelles; Prioress

Oghul Qaimash, 189, 203 n.18 Ögödei, 186, 189 Okehampton, William de, 112, 123

n.39

Olston, Paul, 172 Orable, 146–7 Orange, 147 ruler of, see Thiebaut, ruler of Orange Orange, William of, 147 orientalism, 8, 9, 146, 184, 199 the Orient, 9, 143, 164, 166, 169, 170–1, 174, 175, 176, 181 n.65, 184, 197, 198

PROOF

oriental women, 3, 9, 142, 146, 158, 164, 168–72, 176, see also Zenobia, queen of Palmyra otherness, 9, 96, 158, 161, 163, 164, 167, 173, 174, 176 Eastern, 9, 167, 184 the ‘other’, 3, 4, 6–7, 8, 9, 89, 118, 146, 166, 170, 180 n.54, 184 see also monsters, monstrous alterity

paganism, 2, 3, 13, 18, 22, 54–5, 143, 147, 153, 159, 164, 165, 167, 169,

198

Palmyra, queen of, see Zenobia, queen of Palmyra Paraclete, the, nunnery of, 75 Pardoner, 86 Paston, Margaret, 185 patriarchy, 9, 14, 21, 173, 199 Patterson, Lee, 167 Pelliot, Paul, 199 penance, 34, 35, 41, 42, 45, 53, 65,

164

Penthesilea, 159, 169 Persia, 187, 191, 193, 203 n.18 Peter, a deacon, 38 Peter the Venerable, 159 Philip I, king of France, 145 daughter of, see France, Constance of Picardy, 111 Piers, Daun, 171–2 pilgrimage, 70, 81 n.52, 127, 130, 131, 143, 146, 147, 152 Pisa, Rustichello of, 193, 199 Pizan, Christine de, 160, 172, 177 n.7, 178 n.11, 195–6, 197, 198 Poitiers, 14 Polo, Marco, 184, 185–7, 190, 191, 193, 194, 198, 199 polygyny, 5, 36, 46–8, 54 Pomerius, 16 Pompey the Great, 175 postcolonialism, 158–76, 176–7 n.2 Poteford, John de, 112 Poteford, Roger de, 112, 123 n.37 Potter, Julie, 66 prayer, 19, 21, 41, 43, 50, 65, 67, 150, 152, 174

preaching, 14, 18, 35, 62, 71, 128, 144, 145, 169 see also sermons Prester John, see John, Prester priests, 4, 19, 34, 35, 37, 40–7, 48, 50–1, 55, 59 n.57, 60 n.74, 112 Prioress, 167 procreation, 4, 36, 38–9, 48, 51, 169 Pseudo-Basil, 16 Puccini, Giacomo, 187 Putford, East, 112

Qaidu, Ilkhan, 185–7 Qaši, 186 queens, 21, 46, 189, 195, 196, 197 see also Flanders, Matilda of, queen of England; Judith, queen of the Franks; Scotland, Matilda of, queen of England; Semiramis; Ypolita, queen; Zenobia, queen of Palmyra Quivil, Peter, bishop of Exeter, 123

n.37

Qutulun, 187, 191 see also Aigiaruc Quynel, John, rector of Shobrooke, 113, 123 n.40

‘race’, 1, 2, 3, 10 n.2, 86, 99 n.6, 165, 168, 172, 178 n.11, 179 n.25, 182 n.78, 195 racism, 3, 9, 125–6, 158, 166, 176 quasi-racial, 3, 7, 86, 89, 99 n.6 see also ethnicity Rachewiltz, Igor de, 191 Radegund, 14 rape, 7, 189, 192 reform, 6, 21, 23, 34–6, 37, 40, 41, 49, 50, 51, 55, 64, 65, 76 Carolingian, 5, 12–16, 19, 22–3,

35–6

Gregorian, 15, 19 Benedictines, 4, 36, 39, 48, 54, 64, 76 religion, 1–4, 5, 6, 9, 12–23, 36, 37, 44, 45, 46, 50, 62, 63, 64, 71, 73, 74, 75–6, 85–97, 104–18, 124 n.47, 126, 128, 134, 140, 142, 145, 149, 151, 152, 153, 158, 161, 162–3,

PROOF

Index 217

164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 172, 173, 174, 175, 178 n.11, 179 n.25, 200 and difference, 1–3, 6, 85–97, 104–18, 140–53, 156 n.59, 161, 163, 164, 173 see also Christianity; Islam; Judaism; paganism Richard the smith, 104, 114 Robert, duke of Normandy, 72, 141 Rochester, 65, 66, 67, 72, 76 Roger, count of Sicily, 143 Roman Empire, 167 emperor, see Aurelius, Roman Emperor Rome, 14, 128, 137 n.25, 170–1 Rossabi, Morris, 191 Rouen, 66 Rubruck, William of, 184, 189, 190–1,

200

Rurde, Osanna, widow of Edward, 109, 111

Rykener, John/Eleanor, 86

Sadurmelickh, 188 Saint-Étienne, abbey of, 67 Saint-Omer, Lambert of, 87 saints, 53, 67, 68, 72, 85, 128, 152, 159, 177 n.7, 178 n.11 see also under individual names saints’ lives, 6, 23, 36, 62–76, 147, 177 n.7 Salerno, Richard of, 153 Samarcand, 197 Samuel, son of Moses, 113 Sanford, Sir Roger de, 123 n.40 Saracens, 3, 128 princesses, 8, 9, 140, 142, 145–8, 150, 152, 154 n.16, 166, 184, see also Melaz; Orable Sarcota the Jewess, 122 n.29 Satan, 167 Saxony, Theobald of, 91 Scandinavia, 48 Scandinavians, 5 Schibanoff, Susan, 161, 163–4, 167 Schiltberger, Johann, 188, 193 Scithia, see Scythia Scotland, 165

218 Index

Scotland, Matilda of, queen of England, 72, 138 n.34 Scott, Joan W., 1 Scythia, 172, 175, 195 Segni, bishop of, see Bruno, bishop of Segni Semiramis, 161–3, 179 n.22 Sempringham, Gilbert of, 75

Seneca, 146 sermons, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40–1, 50, 51, 54, 62, 125, 129 Sévérac, Jordanus of, 198–9 Seville, Isidore of, 129, 159, 160 sexuality, 1–9, 18, 39, 41, 42, 47, 49, 51, 53, 54, 85–6, 87, 89, 95, 96, 97, 149, 184, female, 6–7, 8, 35, 40, 68, 91, 132–5, 162, 166, 169, 194 lay, 45, 47, 133 male, 16, 35, 38, 40, 43, 49, 51, 54, 68, 133 and power, 36, 43, 51, 54 religious, 14–15, 19, 43–5, 47, 63–4, 68, 85–6 royal, 36–9, 47–8, 51–4 see also celibacy; chastity Seymour, Michael, 194 Shobrooke, 113, 123 n.40 rector of, see Quynel, John, rector of Shobrooke Sichelgaita, 144–5, 155 n.28 Sicily, count of, see Roger, count of Sicily Sicily, countess of, 132–3, 134 Simon the Jew, 114 Simon, son of Lumbard, 110, 115 sin, 14–15, 34, 41, 45, 46, 49, 66, 67–8, 70, 73, 127–8, 150, 171,

176

see also adultery; incest; lust; penance social status, 2, 39, 48, 66, 70,

72, 73, 74, 111–12, 114, 115, 118, 122–3 n.35, n.36, 129, 175,

187

see also aristocracy Socotra, 198 sons, 8, 9, 17, 38, 40, 42, 48, 51, 53–4, 66, 69, 72, 75, 76, 94, 104, 106,

PROOF

110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 118, 133, 143, 145, 162–3, 165–6, 170, 175, 179 n.22, n.25, 186, 187, 191, 192, 197 Sorqaghtani Beki, 189 Spain, 7, 127

speech, 7, 38, 54, 62, 63, 90, 96, 97, 125, 127–8, 130, 131, 141, 144, 148, 149, 150, 151, 165, 174, 191,

192

spirituality, 5, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 36, 38, 39, 43, 45, 53, 62–3, 64, 65, 70, 72, 73, 88, 131

female, 66, 68, 74, 75–6 male, 16, 17, 20, 36, 62–3, 64, 65, 66–7, 68, 69, 70–1, 75, 76, 152,

172

St Ambrose, 23 Stanborough Hundred, 112 St Andrew, 20 St Andrews, priory of, 65, 76 St Anselm, 6, 7, 62–4, 67, 71, 72–3, 74, 87, 94–5 St Augustine of Hippo, 18 St Dunstan, 65 St Edmund, 129 Stephen, count of Blois, 149 Stephen, king of England, 149 St Eufemia, monastery of, 143

St Evroul, monastery of, 143–4, 147, 149, 156 n.49 St Guilhelm le Desert, monastery of,

147

St Jerome, 17, 35 St John the Baptist, 42 St John the Evangelist, 42 see also John the Apostle St John’s, convent of, 14 St Katherine, 159 St Leonard, 145, 148, 152 St Leonard-le-Noblat, monastery of, 145, 152 St Margaret, 177 n.7 St Mary, see Mary, Blessed Virgin St Mary Magdalene, 6, 62–3, 67–8, 70, 76 Storigg, Robert, 112–13 St Paul, 17, 91, 128, 169 St Peter, 42, 43, 128

subordination, 2, 3, 13–14, 21, 39–40, 72, 152, 168 see also dominance Suetonius, 195 Sultan, 161–4, 166, 175, 180 n.54 Sultaness, 161–8, 175, 179 n.25 Swein, king of Denmark, 41 Swein Forkbeard, 56 n.14 Sweyn Knuttson, 48 Syria, 162–4, 165, 166–7, 175, 179

n.25

Tamerlane, see Timur Taranto, Bohemond of, see Bohemond, prince of Taranto Tartars, see Mongols Tavistock Hundred, 112 Tayang Qan, 191–2 tears, 6, 62–73, 76, 174 Temür, see Timur Terry, Nicholas, de la Lude, 113

Tertia, widow of Lumbard, 106, 111, 121 n.20 Tesina (river), 193 Thasia, 53 Theseus, 195–6 Theseus, duke of Athens, 172–3,

175

Thiebaut, ruler of Orange, 147 Thomson, R.M., 127–8 Timur, 193, 197 Tokatmish, 193 Tolui, 189, 192 Toqtamish, see Tokatmish Töregene, 189 Toulouse, Raymond of, 133 Tours, Gregory of, 14 travel writers, 9 see also Carpini, John of Plano; Hese, Johannes Witte de; Longjumeau, Andrew of; Mandeville, Sir John; Monte Croce, Riccold de; Polo, Marco; Rubruck, William of

travel-writing, 8, 9, 183–200 Treharne, Elaine, 51 Trevet, Nicholas, 165, 166 Troy, 198

PROOF

Index 219

Turks, 3, 8, 127–8, 129, 130–1, 133–4, 135, 140, 145 see also Melaz Tyre, William of, 126

United States, 3

Urban II, pope, 125, 127–8, 130, 131,

137 n.30

Urgel, Felix of, 20

viragos, 8–9, 158–76, 177 n.7, 194,

196

see also amazons; Mongols, women warriors Virgil, 195 virginity, 14, 21, 40, 53, 68, 159, 168, 174, 177 n.7, 180–1 n.56 virgins, 14, 15, 21, 40, 42, 44, 53, 85, 159, 180 n.56 see also Emily; Zenobia, queen of Palmyra virtues, 5, 16, 17, 19, 34, 50, 129, 159, 160, 164, 168, 170, 195, 196 virtus, 129–31, 132, 134 vitae, see saints’ lives Vitalis, Orderic, 3, 8, 138 n.43, 140–53, 156 n.49, n.59 Vitry, Jacques de, 195

Wace, 69 war/warfare, 5, 15–16, 17, 20, 22, 25 n.21, 42–3, 49, 72, 73, 126, 128–35, 141, 143–145, 148, 150, 165, 168, 170, 172, 173, 174, 176, 183–8, 190–1, 192, 194, 196, 197–200, 204 n.38 spiritual warfare, 5, 16–17, 20, 36, 42–3, 68, 73 see also crusades; Mongols, women warriors; women, and fighting Warren, F.M., 146 Weever, Jaqueline de, 146 Westminster, 87, 95

abbot of, see Crispin, Gilbert, abbot of Westminster widows, 8, 17, 42, 44, 48, 104, 106, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 118,

121 n.20, 149, 151, 174, 178 n.12,

189, 203 n.18, 203–4 n.24

220 Index

Wife of Bath, 86 wives, 21, 36, 41, 42, 44, 46, 53, 54, 57–8 n.32, 59 n.57, 113, 114, 115, 131, 132, 133, 144, 147, 151, 156 n.59, 169, 171, 183, 184, 186, 187, 189, 192, 198, 200, 203 n.20 William I ‘the Conqueror’, king of England, 74, 119 n.4 William II ‘Rufus’, king of England, 66, 72, 127 William the Pilgrim, 133 Winchester, 147 Wolo, 22 women, 1–9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 25 n.19, 36, 38–9, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 51, 52, 57 n.32, 63, 68, 69, 70, 71, 74, 75, 76, 82 n.68, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 104–18, 129, 131–5, 140–53, 158–76, 178 n.11, 183–200 dangers of, 6, 8, 35, 133–5, 161 and dress, 7, 170–1, 181 n.69, 186, 187, 188, 190, 193, 203 n.20, 204 n.38 and fighting, 25 n.21, 131–3, 135, 159–60, 169–70, 173, 174, 175,

PROOF

177 n.7, 181 n.66, 184–8, 190–2, 193–4, 197–200 and work, 83 n.78, 104–118, 168, 189–90, 191, 192, 197 see also aristocracy, aristocratic women; bodies, female; Christians, women; femininity; frauenfrage; Jews, women; Muslims, women; nuns; spirituality, female; viragos; virgins; widows; wives Wormald, Patrick, 37, 51 Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester, archbishop of York, 35, 37–9, 43–4, 46, 50, 54, 56 n.20

Xerxes, 160

Yisügen Qatan, 192 York, 46 York Minster, 105 Ypolita, queen, 173–6 see also Hippolyta Yule, Sir Henry, 194, 198

Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, 9, 158, 168–72, 175–6, 181 n.68, 182 n.76