Clanak Hrvatska Pravaska Istoriografija I Srbi Vladislava B. Sotirovica 2013

ISSN 2217-5210 , (Association for the Development of Serbian Studies, Novi Sad)
SERBIAN STUDIES RESEARCH

. 4 / Vol. 4 . 1 / No. 1 2013
, 2013
SERBIAN STUDIES RESEARCH Vol. 4, No. 1, 2013 Publisher Association for the Development of Serbian Studies, Novi Sad Editorial Address Stevana Hristia 19, 21000 Novi Sad, Serbia tel.: +381 65 641 3628; fax: +381 21 6396 488 email: serbian_studies@hotmail.com Editorial Board Boris Bulatovi (editor-in-chief), University of Novi Sad (Serbia) Tomislav Longinovi, University of Wisconsin, Madison (USA) Goran Maksimovi, University of Ni (Serbia) Ljiljana Bogoeva Sedlar, University of Belgrade (Serbia) Slobodan Vladui, University of Novi Sad (Serbia) Persida Lazarevi Di Giacomo, Gabriele dAnunzio University of Chieti-Pescara (Italy) Slobodanka Vladiv-Glover, Monash University, Melbourne (Australia) Alla Tatarenko, Ivan Franko National University of Lviv (Ukraine) Miroljub Jokovi, University of East Sarajevo (Bosnia and Herzegovina) Tatjana Tapaviki Duronji, University of Banja Luka (Bosnia and Hercegovina) Peter Deutschmann, Karl Franzens University of Graz (Austria) Cover Design Nenad Svilar Print MALA KNJIGA, Novi Sad Journal Description Serbian Studies Research provides scholarly articles in the fields of Serbian linguistics and literature, international relations, cultural studies, history, sociology, political science, economics, geography, demography, social anthropology, administration, law, and natural sciences, as they relate to the human condition. Annual Membership Institutional: 35 usd (including subscription) Individual: 15 usd (including subscription) Peer Review Policy and Frequency All research articles in this journal have undergone rigorous peer-review process, based on initial editor screening and anonymized refereeing by at least two anonymous referees. Serbian Studies Research is published annually. Indexing and Abstracting Information EBSCO Publishing (full-text database)
SERBIAN STUDIES RESEARCH . 4 , . 1, 2013 (), 19, 21000 .: +381 65 641 3628; : +381 21 6396 488 email: serbian_studies@hotmail.com ( ), () , , () , () , () , () , () -, , () , () , ( ) , ( ) , () , 008/009+3+8 300 EBSCO Publishing ( ) Serbian Studies Research .
/ CONTENTS
/ ARTICLES
Dr Najda Ivanova
Sofijski univerzitet Sv. Kliment Ohridski (Bugarska)
POLIGLOSIJA GORSKOG VIJENCA U TRANSLATOLOKOJ PERSPEKTIVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Dr Jelena Milojkovi-uri

Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (Serbia)
THE LEGACY OF THERESE ALBERTINE LUISE VON JAKOB-TALVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

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: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Dr Miosz Bukwalt
Uniwersytet Wrocawski (Polska)
PRZESTRZENIE IKARA, GLBIE POSEJDONA: MOTYWY AERYCZNE I AKWATYCZNE W OPOWIADANIU WAKACJE NA POUDNIU IVO ANDRICIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Dr Lilianna Miodoska-R czka
Akademia Techniczno-Humanistyczna w Bielsku-Biaej (Polska)
GLOBALIZACJA A JZYK SERBSKI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Mr Marijana Teri

Univerzitet Crne Gore Niki (Crna Gora)
RECEPCIJA TEKSTA I SMISAONE NOVINE U FANTASTIKI OBLIKOVANOJ UNUTRANJOJ STRANI VETRA MILORADA PAVIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Dr Zorana Gluevi
University of Massachusetts Amherst (USA)
RETHINKING SPACES: HETEROTOPIC SPACES IN FONTANES EFFI BRIEST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Dr Zoran Boi
Univerza v Novi Gorici (Slovenija)
LITERARNO VREDNOTENJE MED LITERARNO ZGODOVINO IN RECEPCIJSKO TEORIJO (OB POEZIJI FRANCETA PREERNA) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
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(1875-1876) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 .
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. . . . . . 173 Dr Abdul Azim Akhtar

Glocal University Saharanpur (India)
COMMUNALISM IN INDIA: A COLONIAL LEGACY . . . . . . . . . . 189 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
CONTENTS
ARTICLES
Nayda Ivanova, PhD

St. Clement of Ohrid University of Sofia (Bulgaria)
POLYGLOSSIA OF MOUNTAIN WREATH FROM TRANSLATOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Jelena Milojkovi-uri, PhD Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (Serbia)
THE LEGACY OF THERESE ALBERTINE LUISE VON JAKOB-TALVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Magorzata Filipek, PhD
University of Wrocaw (Poland)
IN THE LAND OF WHITE HOUSES AND BLACK BULLS: MIODRAG KUJUNDIS IMPRESSIONS FROM SPAIN . . . . . . . . . 51 Miosz Bukwalt, PhD
University of Wrocaw (Poland)
ICARUS SPACES, POSEIDONS DEPTHS: AERIAL AND AQUATIC MOTIFS IN SHORT STORY SUMMER IN THE SOUTH BY IVO ANDRI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Lilianna Miodoska-R czka, PhD
University of Bielsko-Biaa (Poland)
GLOBALISATION AND THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Marijana Teri, MA

University of Montenegro Niki (Montenegro)
RECEPTION OF TEXT AND SENSE RELATED NOVELTIES IN FANTASY-FORMED NOVEL THE INNER SIDE OF THE WIND BY MILORAD PAVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Zorana Gluevi, PhD
University of Massachusetts Amherst (USA)
RETHINKING SPACES: HETEROTOPIC SPACES IN FONTANES EFFI BRIEST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Zoran Boi, PhD

University of Nova Gorica (Slovenia)
LITERARY EVALUATION BETWEEN LITERARY HISTORY AND RECEPTION THEORY (BASED ON THE POETRY OF FRANCE PREEREN) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Goran Vasin, PhD
University of Novi Sad (Serbia)
SVETOZAR MILETI AND UPRISING IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1875-1876) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Vladislav B. Sotirovi, PhD
Mykolas Romeris University Vilnius (Lithuania)
CROATIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF RIGHTS AND THE SERBS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Abdul Azim Akhtar, PhD
Glocal University Saharanpur (India)
COMMUNALISM IN INDIA: A COLONIAL LEGACY . . . . . . . . . . 189 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

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( ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
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(1875-1876) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 .
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Serbian Studies Research Vol. 4, No. 1 (2013): 11-34.
11
UDC 821.163.41-13.09 Petrovi Njego P. II
Dr Najda Ivanova1 Sofijski univerzitet Sv. Kliment Ohridski Katedra za slovenske jezike Bugarska
POLIGLOSIJA GORSKOG VIJENCA U TRANSLATOLOKOJ PERSPEKTIVI2

Saetak: Istraivanje jezike slojevitosti Gorskog vijenca doprinosi ne samo adekvatnijem dekodiranju znaenjskih, kompozicijskih i estetskih posebnosti dela nego i uspostavljanju mehanizama njegove prevodne recepcije. U radu se analiziraju dva bugarska prevoda Gorskog vijenca P. Ivanova ( , 1891) i D. Panteleeva (. . . , 1949) u pogledu inilaca koji odreuju tipove transformacija leksike razliitog porekla. Posebna panja posveena je specifinostima jezike strukture, versifikacijskim aspektima i tendencijama literarnog i knjievnojezikog razvoja kulture ciljnog jezika. Kljune rei: Petar II Petrovi Njego, prevodna recepcija Gorskog vijenca, srpska knjievnost 19. veka, bugarski prevodi, prevoenje elemenata razliitih jezikih registara, slovenizmi, turcizmi
Znatan deo filolokih prouavanja o stvaralatvu Petra II Petrovia Njegoa posveen je spevu Gorski vijenac3 njegovom najpopularnijem delu sa mnogostranom i neprekidnom, priblino 150-godinjom recepcijom u knjievnoj kritici, umetnikoj i udbenikoj literaturi, filmskoj i likovnoj umetnosti, visokoj i masovnoj kulturi razliitih istorijskih perioda. U okviru naune recepcije tog kanonskog knjievnog teksta posebno mesto pripada lingvistici budui da je nemogue postii adekvatnu interpretaciju sadrine, semantike i estetskih posebnosti poeme bez poznavanja njenog jezika. Jedan od bitnih problema u tom pogledu vezan je
naida_iv@yahoo.com (Nayda Ivanova, St. Clement of Ohrid University of Sofia, Department of Slavic Linguistics, Bulgaria)
2
lanak je bio izloen u skraenoj usmenoj verziji na Meunarodnom naunom skupu Njegoevi dani odranom u Nikiu 5. i 6. septembra 2013. godine.
3
U ovom radu koristi se izdanje: , , , , 1952.
12 | Najda Ivanova
za utvrivanje mehanizama upotrebe jezikih sredstava razliitih po svom poreklu ( 1990, 1992).
1. Jezika heterogenost Gorskog vijenca

Prema nainu svog funkcionisanja i rasprostranjenosti izvan knjievnog teksta dotini jeziki elementi razvrstavaju se kao govorni i knjiki mada je u mnogim pogledima ta podela uslovna ( 1988). U tzv. govorne crte spadaju elementi autorovog rodnog govora, jezika komuniciranja razliitih socijalnih grupa u crnogorskom drutvu (glavara, duhovnitva, obinih lanova plemenskih zajednica, predstavnika razliitih religija) a isto tako elementi jezika foklora. Izvan teksta poeme navedene formalne osobine karakterie razliita rasprostranjenost to su lokalne zetsko-lovenske, susedne bosanske i istonohercegovake, ekavske tokavske, kao i optetokavske crte ije poreklo i funkcionalna specijalizacija uslovljavaju i njihovu stilsku markiranost u tekstu (up. jeziko strukturisanje mikrotekstovnih celina u Gorskom vijencu u kojima su stilizovani odreeni folklotni anrovi kao to su kletva, tubalica, lirska i epska pesma ukljuujui i komponente specifine crnogorske reitosti u odgovarajuim dijalokim tekstovnim fragmentima). Analogna heterogenost s take gledita porekla karakterie i tzv. knjike elemente u Gorskom vijencu ija je upotreba rezultat vie knjievnih uticaja - srpskoslovenskog (kao odraz srpske srednjovekovne knjievne tradicije), ruskoslovenskog (zbog preusmeravanja u razvoju srpske crkve i svetovne knjievnosti u drugoj polovini 18. veka) i ruskog (vezanog za tesne kontakte crnogorske elite s Rusijom kao i zbog okolnosti da je Njego upoznao vei deo antike i evropske knjievne klasike preko ruskih prevoda a itao je i savremenu rusku literaturu u originalu) ( 1992). Analize potvruju specijalizovanu upotrebu slovenizama u Gorskom vijencu za prenoenje apstraktne filozofske, teoloke, istorijske sadrine kao i u tekstovnim fragmentima strukturisanim prema stilistikim konvencijama visokih poetskih anrova epohe baroka, klasicizma i predromantizma kao to su posveta i oda). Prelaenje jezikih elemenata navedenih registara u prostor knjievnog teksta Gorskog vijenca izaziva bitne promene u njihovom funkcionisanju. S jedne strane oni uvaju svoju funkcionalno-stilistiku obeleenost koja ih karakterie u odgovarajuem polazinom jezikom registru. Na osnovu toga postignuti su specifini snani ekspresivno-znaenjski kontrasti u poemi verbalizovanjem odreenog tipa sadraja sredstvima odreenog jezikog koda. Istovremeno dolazi do izraaja i suprotna tendencija koja vodi ka neutralizaciji spomenutog suprotstavljanja. Pre svega u odgovarajuim tekstovnim mikrostrukturama s dominirajuim elementima visokog ili niskog stila infiltriraju se elementi suprotne stilistike vrednosti pa se na taj nain postie
Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 13
ambigvalnost u tumaenju prenete sadrine. Slian efekat ima i izrazita tendencija ka formiranju hibridnih oblika. Dobar deo njih uveden je uglavnom iz metrikih razloga dok je upotreba drugih konceptualno i estetski motivisana ( 1992). Poto spev karakterie svojevrstan anrovski sinkretizam pa zbog toga on nema jasno strukturisane kompozicije, upravo se specifinom upotrebom jezikih sredstava postie jedinstvena znaenjsko-kompozicijska celovitost teksta ( 1996).
2. Translatoloki aspekti jezike heterogenosti Gorskog vijenca

Vanost problema jezike slojevitosti poeme posebno se ispoljava u istraivanjima predovne recepcije Njegoevog stvaralatva. Nije sluajno to se od nastanka njegoologije do danas, i u esejistikim i u strogo naunim translatolokim raspravama, ocene o kvalitetu prevoda u znatnoj meri zasnivaju na zapaanjima o nainima prevoenja upravo odreenih jezikih elemenata razliitog porekla koji poseduju specifinu stilsku markiranost, kao to su slovenizmi, turcizmi, nazivi realija, paremioloke i frazeoloke konstrukcije, pragmeme, tropi i figure. U kritikoj translatolokoj literaturi namee se indirektno predstava da je srodnost slovenskih jezika mogua povoljna pretpostavka za ostvarenje adekvatnih prevoda zbog postojanja odreenih strukturnih i leksikih slinosti a takoe i zajednikih osobina narodne kulture Slovena. Meutim, i pri prevoenju na slovenske jezike uspostavlja se delovanje odreenih inilaca koji su karakteristini za prevoenje na nesrodne jezike. U tom pogledu od posebnog su znaaja glotometrijske specifike slovenskih jezika (neke od njih su, mada nisu imenovane na taj nain, tano identifikovane jo u studiji F. Ileia) prosena duina sloga, tipovi fonetske spojivosti, duina i glasovni sastav gramatikih morfema (Ilei 1933-34). Na ukazane posebnosti nadovezuju se i razlike u tipovima ritmike organizacije u razliitim nacionalnim versifikacijskim tradicijama (up. zapaanja R. Marojevia o potrazi za prikladnim reenjem u vezi sa stihovnom strukturom ruskih prevoda Gorskog vijenca 2001). Brojni primeri potvruju da se pod dejstvom strukturnih i metrikih inilaca neretko moraju ignorisati lekseme i izrazi ciljnog srodnog jezika koji predstavljaju najadekvatnije semantike korespondencije. Drugi inilac ija je relevantnost isticana u pogledu kvaliteta prevoda vezan je za stepen slinosti leksikih sistema izvornog i ciljnog jezika. Poto su do sada najdetaljnije istraeni prevodi Gorskog vijenca na poljskom i ruskom jeziku u strunoj literaturi namee se predstava da je znatan deo problematikih prevodilakih reenja uslovljen nepostojanjem razvijenih podsistema slovenizama i turcizama u poljskom jeziku. Slian problem se istie i u vezi sa turcizmima u ruskom jeziku, pri emu je isti u mnogo povoljnijem poloaju to se tie slovenizama (- 1988,
14 | Najda Ivanova
1998, Jakbiec-Semkowowa 1990). Navedene nepodudarnosti prouzrokuju prevoenje datih (i drugih) bezekvivalentnih leksema odgovarajuim hiperonimima, hiponimima ili opisno dok bi u sluaju njihovog uvanja u tekstu prevoda trebalo da budu propraeni preciznim komentarom u fusnoti. Navedeni postupci izazivaju slabljenje ekspresivne markiranosti odgovarajue jezike jedinice izvornika tj. potiskuje se estetska komponenta na raun informativne. Ako u prikazanom translatolokom diskursu bude situiran bugarski jezik moe se zakljuiti da on ne ini izuzetak meu ostalim slovenskim jezicima budui da bi na slian nain njegove specifine strukturne osobine imale restriktivni efekat na selekciju adekvatnih punoznanih leksema (analitika struktura jezika, na primer, pretpostavlja poveanje frekventnosti gramatikih morfema i rei kao to su: lan, predlozi i sl.). Istovremeno postojanje epskog deseterca u bugarskom folkloru kao i razvijenih leksikih podsistema apstraktne leksike crkvenoslovenskog porekla i turcizama, znatan broj zajednikih naziva realija, paremija i frazema u bugarskom i srpskom jeziku predstavljali bi objektivne jezike pretpostavke za postizanje veeg stepena prevodne adekvatnosti. U tom kontekstu zbog nemogunosti da budu obuhvaene sve spomenute jezike pojave knjikog i razgovornog registra ovde e biti analizirana samo recepcija slovenizama i turcizama u dva bugarska prevoda Gorskog vijenca. Autor prvog prevoda - (1891) preporodni je uitelj, prevodilac, pesnik i novinar Petar Ivanov (1847-1927). Prevod predstavlja skraenu verziju originala u vidu posebne knjige s predgovorom i uinjen je u skladu sa stilistikom poune i revolucionarne popularne poezije epohe. Vie od 50 godina kasnije poznati pesnik, novinar i prevodilac junoslovenskih autora Dimitar Panteleev (1901-1993) stvara drugi prevod - . . . (1949), koji ne samo to je prvi kompletni prevod speva nego je i ocenjen kritikom i kao njegov prvi umetniki prevod ( 1968, 2004, 2002).
3. Knjika leksika
Vei deo knjikih elemenata u Gorskom vijencu najoptije imenovanih slovenizmima ( 1992) karakteriu opteslovenske osobine koje su nasleene iz stare irilometodijeve knjievne tradicije preko razliitih redakcija staroslovenskog jezika (tu, na primer, spadaju glagolske imenice s nastavcima nije, -vije, nomina agentis na telj ( 180, 619, 634, 640, 2321, 2298, 2324, 755). Drugi deo se meusobno razlikuju po odreenim fonetskim, tvorbenim i morfolokim obelejima kao to su, na primer, refleksi poluglasa , > u srpskoslovenskom (u leksemama koje oznaavaju kljune pojmove etikog osmiljavanja prikazanog dogaaja: 222,
2353, 199, 199); > , > u ruskoslovenskom i ruskom (u leksici karakteristinoj za odu: 986, 2312, 2616, 2344) kao i u drugim apstraktnim reima: 2501. Pored navedenih razlikovanja utvreni su i primeri podudaranja posebnosti karakteristinih za dva i vie sistema u kontaktu ( 1992) (na primer > u u srpskom govornom jeziku, srpskoslovenskom, ruskolsovenskom i ruskom; > a u ruskoslovenskom i ruskom ( 627, 2653 usmeravaju ka prvom izvoru); t u srpskoslovenskom i srpskom govornom jeziku ( 1073, 636), d u srpskoslovenskom, ruskoslovenskom i ruskom ( 2327), er i el kao refleksi slogotvornog r i l u ruskoslovenskom i ruskom ( 276, 2515). Pored toga niz primera (ukljuujui i neke od navedenih) potvruje da se spomenuta razlikovna obeleja esto javljaju u hibridnim oblicima (up., na primer: 615, 2265, 2299, 2325). Prema tome upotreba knjikih jezikih elemenata u spevu indirektno oslikava jednu poetnu fazu formiranja knjievnojezike norme u okviru glavne tendencije ka utvrivanju govorne osnove knjievnog jezika kada u crnogorskoj pismenoj praksi paralelno funkcioniu i meusobno deluju elementi razliitih jezikih sistema. Odreene jezike jedinice jo uvek karakterie prepoznatljivost njihovog porekla i stilske pripadnosti koju poseduju u polazinom sistemu. Pored toga dolazi do izraaja i proces hibridizacije preko kojeg se ostvaruju formalna i semantika selekcija jezikih sredstava i transformacija njihove znaenjske strukture i funkcionalno-stilistike markiranosti u cilju njihovog integrisanja u novu knjievnojeziku normu. Taj proces odvija se spontano, bez zabeleenih poduhvata jezike politike i jezikog planiranja poto su same drutvene institucije koje bi bile zainteresovane za uvoenje unificirane knjievnojezike norme jo uvek u fazi konsolidacije. Meusobno proimanje (previranje) govornih i tradicionalnih jezikih osobina ostvaruje se na poseban nain u jeziku lepe knjievnosti, odnosno u Gorskom vijencu i predstavlja jedan od glavnih translatolokih problema u vezi sa spevom. Moglo bi se pretpostaviti da bi prevodilac trebalo da utvrdi i aktuelizu jezike posebnosti savremenog i prethodnog razvoja jezika cilja preko kojih bi reprodukovao pomenutu neunificiranost jezika izvornika i iskoristio je kao izvor generisanja ambigvalnih znaenja. 3.1. Petar Ivanov4 Prvi bugarski prevod Gorskog vijenca pojavljuje se potkraj 19. veka u prelaznom razdoblju izmeu kasnog preporoda i novog vremena kada se konano formira sa-
Dalje u primerima skraeno .
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vremeni bugarski knjievni jezik. U tom periodu ruskoslovenski je zvanini jezik bugarske crkve. Istovremeno ruskoslovenski uticaj (koji se nadograuje na srednjobugarsku pismenu tradiciju, nasleenu iz epohe drugog bugarskog carstva) u 19. veku pretvara se u bitan inilac prilikom oblikovanja meovitog slavenobugarskog jezika kome tipoloki odgovara slavenosrpski. Ali za razliku od situacije u Srbiji (gde se posle intervenisanja Vuka Karadia na sednici Drutva srpske slovesnosti u maju 1845. godine ograniava uloga hibridizacije pri formiranju savremenog knjievnojezikog terminolokog sistema) u bugarskom knjievnojezikom razvoju nastavlja se uravnoteen proces interakcije izmeu ruskoslovenskih elemenata i narodne govorne osnovice, neometan svesnom spoljanjom intervencijom, pri emu oko sredine veka jaa i ruski jeziki uticaj. Krajem 19. veka dolazi do poslednje faze procesa fonetske, tvorbene i morfoloke adaptacije ruskoslovenskih rei koje se veim delom preoblikuju u elemente savremene knjievnojezike leksike norme budui jedno od glavnih sredstava njene intelektualizacije. Na taj nain nastaje odreena grupa knjikih leksema upotrebljenih u Gorskom vijencu koje su u daljem razvoju srpskog knjievnog jezika nestale a ouvale su se u bugarskom jeziku modifikujui svoju prvobitnu ekspresivno-emocionalnu obeleenost i apstraktno znaenje. U dotinu grupu spadaju lekseme: , , , , , , , . 3.1.1. Pri poreenju originala s tekstom prevoda P. Ivanova zapaa se uvanje znatnog broja leksikih slovenizama koji imaju svoje korespondencije u bugarskom jeziku, naravno uz odgovarajuu fonetsku i morfoloku adaptaciju. Njihova upotreba u originalu koncentrisana je u pesmama kola, monolozima vladike Danila i igumana Stefana, sporadino i u drugim tekstovnim fragmentima gde slue kao markeri ambigvalne interpretacije odreene predmetne sadrine. I u izvornom i u ciljnom jeziku to su rei razliitih semantikih polja: crkvena leksika 594, 586, 585, 598, 1485, 584, 1569, 1797, 1569, 1568, 1468, 1494, 618; (hriansko) etika 185, 543, 1542, 1557; 1520; knjika leksika karakteristine aksioloke i emocionalne markiranosti iz poetskog inventara ode - 213, 2833, 227, , 1531; (natur)filozofska - 1496, 711, 706, 50. Prevodioeva tenja ka minimalnom redukovanju knjikog leksikog sloja ispoljava se u sluajevima kada se nemogunost upotrebe bugarske korespondencije zbog metrikih razloga nadoknauje uvoenjem drugih elemenata tradicionalnog porekla koji su ouvali stilistiku obeleenost iz svojeg prethodnog funkcionisanja u sentimentalistikom diskursu ili u versko-pounoj literaturi.
Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 17 631 , ; , . 742 , , ......................................... 754 , . 588 , . , , : o ; . 700 , , ..................................... , , ,
U celini posmatrano u prevodu se gubi samo mali broj originalnih knjikih leksema koje imaju korespondencije u bugarskom jeziku. Razlozi za spomenuto gubljenje su s jedne strane stilistike prirode budui da proces redukovanja obuhvata preteno lekseme iz prve pesme kola koje su karakteristine za anr ode. On ima razvijeniju tradiciju u srpskoj klasicistikoj knjievnosti druge polovine 18. i poetka 19. veka, a naroito u ruskoj poeziji koja utie na Njegoevo individualno stvaralatvo. U bugarskoj knjievnosti se anr ode razvija znatno kasnije u stvaralatvu Ivana Vazova. Zbog toga u navedenom odlomku upravo prilikom transformisanja elemenata poetike ode u prevodu P. Ivanova preteu konvencije ronamtiarske revolucionarne poezije s ekspliciranjem koncepcije o herojstvu kao junatvu. Istovremeno nesprovedena sibilarizacija u pluralskom obliku lekseme izraz je ruskog jezikog uticaja koji je prisutan i u stvaralatvu drugih bugarskih kanonskih pesnika epohe.
, ? 225 , , ! ; . . 211, , ! , , , ! ; .
18 | Najda Ivanova
Pored toga je redukovanje knjike leksike doslednije ostvareno i u refleksivnim fragmentima iz monologa igumana Stefana Ja imadem osamdeset ljetah kao izraz tenje za simplifikacijom najapstraktnijeg naturfilozofskog i kosmogonijskog semantikog sloja speva ime bi se isti adaptirao stilistikoj shemi popularne didaktine poezije.
2320 , ; , . . 1538 , , .
3.1.2. Najdoslednije sprovedena prevodilaka strategija P. Ivanova jeste dodavanje znatne koliine apstraktne leksike u tekstu preteno prideva ( 46, 1189, 730, 810, 806, 184, 861, 1198, 737; 1318, 917, 818, 570, 927, 75, 1499, 579), isto tako imenica ( 541, 728, , 270, 1489, 1797, 814, 179, 1600, 797, 1489, 942, 1481, 1318, 5, 868), ree glagola ( 746, 712) kao i drugih imenskih sintagmi. Posebno se izdvajaju dodate lekseme koje nisu potpuno fonetski adaptirane pa uvaju elemente svog ruskoslovensko-ruskog fonetizma ili tradicionalnog pravopisa ( 213, 705, 615, 938, 599, 1489, 1547, 271, 1679, 1476, 340, 807, 864, 1684). Izvan prevoda navedene lekseme i izrazi osnovnog ili izvedenog apstraktnog znaenja upotrebljavaju se u raznovrsnim tipovima bugarskog preporodnog diskursa. Na primer: izdvajaju se nazivi pojmova koji slue modeliranju duevnog stanja junaka u sentimentalistikoj literaturi, tradicionalna terminologija iz oblasti prirodnih nauka, leksika pozitivne aksioloke obeleenosti koja se sree u ranijoj preporodnoj poeziji. Niz navedenih leksema koristi se istovremeno u vie tematskih i stilskih podruja u naravouiteljnoj, epistolarnoj, udbenikoj, umetnikoj literaturi i publicistici prilikom komentarisanja biblijskih, crkveno-istorijskih, moralno-verskih, obrazovno-vaspitnih tema. U grupi dodatih ruskih jezikih elemenata razlikuju se govorni i tradicionalni. Posebnu panju zasluuje okolnost da se dodati knjiki elementi tradicionalnog porekla i apstraktnog znaenja najee javljaju u dva osnovna poloaja: A. U istim mikrotekstovnim celinama u kojima su najdoslednije ouvani slovenizmi izvornika, a naime u pesmama kola, monolozima vladike Danila i igumana
Stefana. Njihova stilistika funkcija je da pojaaju vrednosno-interpretativni aspekt u etikom i istorijskom tumaenju dogaaja.
585 , , . 610 . 770 , , ; . 540 , , . , , .
728 ,
B. Kao svojevrsni kontrapunkt prvoj tendenciji u replici Mustaj kadije P. Ivanov modifikuje semantiku strukturu teksta s ciljem da kontrastno i uravnoteeno suprotstavi hrianske i muslimanske etike norme. Prevodilac preeksponira uivanje kao osnovnu vrednost muslimanske kulture upravo uvoenjem knjikih jezikih elemenata ukljuujui i lekseme semantikog polja potkategorije slatko perceptivne kategorije ukusa.
898 , ....................................... 902 ; ................................... 911 , , , ; .. 806 , , 810 , . . ! , . , , , ,
Prema tome, u prevodu P. Ivanova utvruje se znatno vei broj knjikih leksema nego to ih ima u originalu. U funkciji glavnog izvora za formiranje apstraktne leksike novobugarskog knjievnog jezika neke od razmotrenih rei naelno razvijaju svoj semantiki potencijal za izraavanje apstraktnih znaenja, ali postepeno gube svoju prvo-
20 | Najda Ivanova
bitnu ekspresivno-emocionalnu markiranost. Kumulativnom strategijom - poveavajui broj i frekventnost leksike tradicionalnog porekla - prevodilac s jedne strane nadoknauje snienu ekspresivnu obeleenost dotinog leksikog sloja kao dela savremene leksike knjievne norme. S druge strane, aktuelizujui knjike jezike crte karakteristine za odreene tipove ne tako udaljenog u vremenu preporodnog diskursa (popularne poune poezije i proze) preusmerava recepciju visokog semantikog nivoa teksta potiskivanjem refleksivnih i eksponiranjem didaktiko-interpretativnih komponenti. 3.2. Dimitar Panteleev5 Sredinom 20. veka, kada nastaje drugi prevod Gorskog vijenca, tradicionalni jeziki elementi potpuno su infiltrirani u knjievnu normu. Veina njih pripada optem ili terminolokom leksikom sloju a manji deo - poetizmima. U prevodu D. Panteleeva se takoe zapaa uvanje odreenog dela tradicionalnih leksema izvornika koje su vezane za hriansku tematiku speva a njihove su korespondencije u bugarskom jeziku slinog formalnog oblika i denotativnog znaenja (, , , ). Druge bugarske lekseme tradicionalnog porekla katakteriu izmenjena semantika struktura i ekspresivna markiranost usled njihove viedecenijske upotrebe u savremenoj knjievnoj normi: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , (jedino izraz uva fonetski element svog ruskoslovenskog porekla). 3.2.1. Istovremeno prevodilac smanjuje frekventnost nekih od navedenih leksema tradicionalnog porekla u konkretnim kontekstima, ime se ograniava mogunost strukturisanja semantikih mrea na makrotekstovnom nivou. Pored toga, za razliku od prvog prevoda Gorskog vijenca, dolazi i do potpunog ispadanja znatne koliine apstraktne leksike karakteristine za tekst originala, koja istovremeno sainjava deo i bugarskog leksikog fonda: 171, 199, 225, 2500, 2324, 228, 896, 627, 628, 641, 2344, 660, 1319, 755, 893, 908, 2280, 2294, 2298, 2326, 2528 751, 2501. Navedene rei se veim delom upotrebljavaju u filozofsko-refleksivnom, versko-etikom i naturfilozofskom sloju originalnog dela. Na primer, rezultati prevodioeve strategije redukovanja leksike tradicionalnog porekla dolaze do izraaja u prevodu monologa igumana Stefana Ja imadem osmdeset ljetah.
Dalje u primerima skraeno .
- Ispadanje lekseme j u kombinaciji s lanim prijateljima vode potpunom gubljenju filozofskog aspekta poruke na izvornom jeziku:
2280 , 2280 .
- U sluajevima uvanja apstraktne lekseme koja je zajednika originalu i bugarskom jeziku iskrsava problem njene razliite semantike strukture na meujezikom planu. Tako na bugarskom oznaava: 1. glagolsku imenicu od napraviti tesan 2. ui deo neega 3. nelagodnost, zbunjenost, ublaeno oseanje sramote ( 1993: 918). U originalu oznaava zbijanje ( 1992: 214) pa je reenje P. Ivanova koji prevodi re neologizmom adekvatnije. I obrnuto, re ruskog porekla u jeziku izvornika oznaava djelovanje, djejstvo; radnja, in (dramskog komada) (, 1957: 40). Bugarska leksema mogla bi biti prikladnija korespondencija budui da u svojoj semantikoj strukturi ima analogna znaenja: 1. izraz energije i snage 2. delovanje, uticaj 3. postupci 4. u narativnom ili dramskom delu: meusobno povezani dodaaji 5. in dramskog dela - 1993: 143). Prevodilac se odluuje za re koja se moda i lake da uklopiti u metriku shemu stiha ali oznaava ono to ovek vri u nekoj oblasti ivota; posao, zanimanje - 1993: 143) to izaziva bitan pomak u prvobitnom znaenju poruke:
2320 , ; 2320 , ;
- Zapaa se i tendencija upotrebe korespondencija jednostavnije tvorbene strukture i optijeg znaenja koje u svojoj semantikoj strukturi sadre i razgovorno obeleena znaenja. Neretko lekseme te vrste upotrebljene su u svojem klietiranom znaenju.
2324 , , . 2324 ; , .
U prevodilakim reenjima D. Panteleeva dolazi do izraaja tenja ka strogom pridravanju specifike deseterake stihovne strukture sa petostopnim horejem. Ako
22 | Najda Ivanova
data re, ukljuujui i podsistem razmatrane apstraktne leksike, ne moe biti umetena u metriki okvir stiha, onda se bira re istog korena koja odgovara formalnim kriterijumima ili se vri zamena leksemom ili izrazom slinog znaenja. Na taj nain se pored iznalaenja nekih prikladnih korespondencija u prevodu pojavljuju klietirane rei i izrazi kao i rei ija semantika odudara od konteksta. 3.2.2. U pozadini navedene tendencije u drugom prevodu Gorskog vijenca jo indikativnije je dodavanje znatnog broja apstraktnih leksema i poetizama: 84, 634, 2166, 999, 1763, 1896, 931, 939, 980, 2370, 2325, 1800, 2317, 2263, 1281, 2024, 630, 763, 908, 2166, 2265, 2292, 2501, 2299, 2571, ruske rei 1129, 1132 i ruskoslovenskog izraza 2448. Posebne panje vredna je injenica da je, za razliku od prevodilakog reenja P. Ivanova, znatan deo navedenih apstraktnih leksema dodat u tekstovnim mikrostrukturama originala u kojima nije karakteristina upotreba slovenizama. To su pre svega dijalozi, komentari, prie crnogorskih serdara i vojvoda u kojima su sadrani elementi crnogorske reitosti. Ti fragmenti, proeti ekspresivnim razgovornim izrazima, paremijama, frazemima, pragmemama, aluzijama na folklorne tekstove predstavljaju saet izraz sutinskih posenbosti crnogorske narodne psihe i kulture. Njihovo ambigvalno znaenje formira se na makrotekstovnom nivou preko saodnosa sa ostalim semantikim i jezikim kompleksima u tekstu. U prevodu D. Panteleeva se upravo u navedenim kontekstima zapaa tendencija ka sistematskoj zameni kulturno markiranih jezikih sredstava apstraktnom leksikom. Usled toga dolazi do meanja elemenata razliitih jezikih registara to moe rezultirati u aloginoj jezikoj karakterizaciji junaka koja odudara od izvorne autorove intencije. Up.: - komentare crnogorskih poglavara na rei Mustaj kadije
939 ! , . ; , .
- razgovor serdara Janka sa Vukom Miunoviem o morama koje ga mue

1230 ; , . , , .
- ironine primedbe Vuka Miunovia o itanju popa Mia

2062 , ! , !
Pored toga zapaa se i nemotivisana upotreba poetizama. Na primer u razmiljanjima serdara Vukote o fizikoj i duhovnoj slepoi - 2369 / miljeno je na vid pa bi se s tim znaenjem mogla upotrebiti i bugarska re . Njoj mora da se doda lan usled ega postaje troslona. Prevodilac reava metriki problem zamenjujui dotinu leksemu poetizmom (koja s lanom postaje dvoslona) uprkos tome to kontekst ne pretpostavlja upotrebu ekspresivno obeleene korespondencije: / . Analogno u prvoj pesmi kola zamena rei reju ruskog porekla (ushienje, zanos, ekstaza 1993: 106) izaziva aloginost i blokira mogunosti adekvatnog kontekstualnog itanja fragmenta (leksema sadri u svojem znaenju i semu koja pretpostavlja verbalne reakcije tipa !, h! koje ne mogu da izazovu asocijacije na ratni pokli koji bi se razlegao planinom).
281 ? ?
Preko razmotrene tendencije uvoenja apstraktne leksike u tekstovnim fragmentima u kojima ta upotreba nije karakteristina za original poeme bitno se redukuje jezika slojevitost prevoda to je povezano i sa uproavanjem njegove semantike strukture.
4. Turcizmi
Turcizmi imaju razliite funkcije u tekstu Gorskog vijenca u zavisnosti od semantike strukture i stilistike markiranosti. Izuzimajui onomastike jedinice, po znaenju izdvaja se nekoliko grupa: nazivi titula, socijalnog statusa ili pripadnosti odreenom drutvenom sloju, religioznih pojmova, vrsta oruja, odela, opreme, spoljanosti, ivotinja i mitolokih bia, hrane, graevina, javnih otvorenih prostora, prostorija, elemenata enterijera, namirnica, materija i predmeta, mernih jedinica, po-
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jedini nazivi razliitih drugih semantikih polja, pragmeme, ustaljeni izrazi (up. detaljan opis u raspravi -, 1988). S formalne take gledita samo mali deo turcizama upotrebljenih u Gorskom vijencu nema korespondencija u bugarskom jeziku. U tim sluajevima prua se mogunost da jedan naziv iz originala dobije nekoliko korespondencija u ciljnom jeziku kojima bi se aktuelizovala kontekstualno motivisana znaenja polazine lekseme. Na primer: : , , 1778 ; : ? 1755 , ? 1310 ? ! 1755 , 2433 1641 2433 ; 305 295 305 ). Najizrazitija je uloga konteksta pri prevoenju pragmema turskog porekla (up. bugarske izraze kojima se prevodi amanati - 193 , ispada bez zamene 1031 ; - ispada bez zamene 2083 ; je , ? 1625 ispada bez zamene 1218 , ? 1625 ; u didaskaliji uz stih 1220 ; , ? 2064 - , ? 2064 ; , j : 2080 , , ! 2080 ), isto tako u izrazu 879 ). Drugi manji deo turcizama postoji i u bugarskom ali sa promenjenim znaenjem na primer: kanda oznaava kuka. I obrnuto, neke srpske rei slovenskog porekla imaju bugarske korespondencije turskog porekla ime se objektivno (mada i minimalno) poveava broj turcizama u prevodima (up. : 1659, 1986; - 2812; 1730, 1803 ). Zapaaju se i primeri upotrebe netanih korespondencija kod kojih se uvaju samo seme koje su zajednike za polazinu i prevedenu leksemu tj. seme koje sainjavaju hiponimni deo njihovog znaenja na meujezikom nivou (npr.: 2714 () (, 1957: 39) - prevedeno kao skuplja danka u obliku ovaca i koza ( 1984: 29). Pored toga mora se uzeti u obzir i injenica da turcizmi u bugarskom jeziku po pravilu imaju akcenat na poslednjem slogu to spreava njihovu upotrebu na kraju stiha i moe izazvati njihovo redukovanje. Glavni objektivni inilac prilikom selekcije i upotrebe turcizama u dva prevoda vezan je za razlike u statusu tog leksikog podsistema u srpskom i bugarskom knjievnom jeziku. Zahvaljujui sprovoenju Vukovog knjievnojezikog modela zasnovanog na narodnoj govornoj osnovici tokom druge polovine 19. veka turcizmi u veoj meri prodiru u pismenu praksu, dok se u bugarskom knjievnom jeziku istog perioda zapaa izrazitija puristika tendencija koja uslovljava potiskivanje znatnog
dela turcizama u pasivni leksiki fond pri emu one koje ostaju u upotrebi karakterie izrazita ekspresivna (razgovorna, pejorativna) markiranost. Oigledno, u rezultatu delovanja navedenih pojedinanih ili kompleksnih objektivnih mertikih, sistemskih, semantikih i puristikih inilaca oba prevodioca sprovode sline strategije ignoriui odreene turcizme (na primer, P. Ivanov i D. Panteleev radije prevode hat kao (um. ) 1325/1784, 1599/2385 , 1784, 2385 ; barjak - kao (um. ) 895/1112 ; 1112 ; badava 1385/1902 , 1902, 1787 (um. ), begenisati (um. , ) - 820 917 i sl. Dotina tendencija obuhvata i frazeme s turcizmom kao komponentom: 1331/1456 - 1785 ; 2239/1456 - 2239 ; ? 1979 ; 2007 2007 , 2015 - 2015 . Spomenuta razlika u intenzitetu ekspresivno-emocionalne markiranosti turcizama u srpskom i bugarskom jeziku uslovljava, na primer, i zajedniku strategiju obaju prevodilaca prilikom ignorisanja lekseme budala. U bugarskom je njeno znaenje samo pejorativno, ona se ne moe upotrebljavati hipokoristiki niti se od nje moe graditi deminutiv. Budui da oba konteksta njene upotrebe u originalu ne doputaju realizaciju pejorativne markiranosti prevodioci je zamenjuju na razliite naine. Up. razmiljanja serdara Ivana o spoznajnom inu kao gledanju - 2363 1580 ; 2363 , kao i oslovljavanje aeta od strane igumana Stefana -(, 2566 , 1743 ; , 2566 . Na slian nain, mada leksema amanet oznaava kljuan pojam utvren u crnogorskoj jezikoj sredini, upravo u svojem simbolikom znaenju, neprihvatljiva je sa puristike take gledita bugarskih prevodilaca.
264 , , , . . 254 , , , . () 264 , , : ()
Pored navedenih zajednikih tendencija adaptiranja turcizama u tekstovima obaju prevodilaca zapaaju se i bitne razlike.
26 | Najda Ivanova
4.1. Petar Ivanov U prevodu P. Ivanova dolazi do tendencije ka dodavanju turcizama. Dosledno su uvedene pragmeme razgovorne (najee negativne) ekspresivne markiranosti koje intenzificiraju emocionalnu reakciju izraenu u kletvama, usklicima u okviru folklorno stilizovanih i filozofskih fragmenata: , :
203 , , , . 216 , , !
-
249 ! 261 !
-
265 , 276 . 1805 !
1346 !
U epskim narativnim mikrostrukturama dodavanjem pragmema turskog porekla precizirajueg ili kvantifikativnog znaenja P. Ivanov postie konkretizaciju narativne perspektive i zatvaranje prie u parametrima govornog ina to ograniava njegovu ambigvalnu interpretaciju: -
1015 , , 1284 ,
-
1773 , . 2597 , .
U navedene kontekste P. Ivanov uvodi jo jednu posebnu vrstu turcizama frekventnih u bugarskom preporodnom diskursu tanije u narodnoj i revolucionarnoj
poeziji i publicistici. To su skoro klietirani nazivi kojima se konstruie lik tlaitelja i njegovih odnosa sa porobljenim narodom:
. ( ) 67 , 64 , , ! 1780 , 2604 ,
-
. 980 ; ;
-
. : , , ! 360 , ! 365 -: , , , 376 , ,
- se javlja u svoja dva suprotna znaenja onaj koji se odnosi na razbojnika i na heroja
. 186 , ; . 1196 , : 200 , , ; 1487 , , :
Ekspresivna markiranost sadrinskih informacija intenzivira se i dodavanjem frazema pejorativnog znaenja ije su komponente rei turskog porekla:
() 956 . () 1171 , .
28 | Najda Ivanova . 1164 1165 1454 .
Na taj nain uvoenjem turcizama P. Ivanov postie jau ekspresivnu markiranost odreenih tekstovnih mikrostruktura ime preeksponira neracionalizovan negativni stav u okviru realizacije kategorije turskost. Navedeno prevodilako reenje uravnoteuje istaknutu strategiju dodavanja leksema ruskoslovenskog porekla apstraktnog znaenja u refleksivnim tekstovnim fragmentima preko kojih se aktuelizuje moralnopouna interpretacija prikazanog dogaaja. U rezultatu toga se suprotstavljenost izmeu jezikih registara za markiranje visoke i niske sadrine, karakteristina za original, reinterpretira u okviru bugarskog popularnog didaktikog i revolucionarno-rodoljubivog diskursa. 4.2. Dimitar Panteleev U tekstu D. Panteleeva zapaa se vei broj turcizama zbog toga to on prevodi celu poemu ali, objektivno posmatrano, glavna tendencija koju prevodilac sprovodi jeste ka redukovanju leksema turskog porekla iz svih semantikih grupa. Jedan deo njih ispada bez odgovarajue korespondencije u ciljnom jeziku, na primer: 1144, 323, 324, 1855, 881882, , 1818, () 1884, () 1147 i sl.). Drugi turcizmi se naelno uvaju, ali se njihova frekventnost u prevedenom tekstu smanjuje kao u primerima: 1811, : 1840, 11780, 1832, () 858; 1782). Zapaaju se i retki primeri zamene jednog turcizma drugim (na primer: 1118 ; re dosledno zamenjuje 626, 885, 937,1105, 1030 (um. )). Najee su upotrebljene slovenske korespondencije odgovarajueg hiperonimijskog znaenja ( 1, 402, 844, 1953, j 387, 1858, 921, , 2748, 2753, 1712, 1947, 1881, 2684, : j j 2758, , : 1819 (sa prepoznatljivim intertekstualnim pozivanjem na H. Boteva), dosledno 881, 1826 ili 1850, 882, : 1902). Vred-
ni panje su sluajevi ispadanja pragmema i estica turskog porekla koje imaju korespondenciju u bugarskom jeziku (na primer: , ! 1717, , , 1016). Navedeni primeri potvruju da pre svega ispada znatna koliina rei predmetne semantike u rezultatu ega se bitno pojednostavljuju predstave o crnogorskoj materijalnoj narodnoj kulturi opisane epohe. Redukovani su isto tako i neki ekspresivno markirani nazivi odreenih drutvenih grupa. Pored toga ograniena je i upotreba religioznih naziva vezanih za muslimanstvo ime se preoblikuje i filozofsko-refleksivna komponenta tekstovne semantike. Up., na primer, odlomak iz replike Mustaj kadije u kojem od pet turcizama u originalu pri prevoenju ostaje samo jedan. Aktuelizacijom apstraktne leksike slinog znaenja i slovenskog porekla kao i upotrebom inverzirane imenske sintagme umesto menja se kako jezika karakterizacija junaka tako i nain verbalizacije koncepata vezanih za kljune kategorije muslimanske religije:
879 , , . , ! 796 , , , ! () 879 , . , ! ()
Imajui u vidu simboliku semantiku lekseme prilikom prikazivanja vrednosti orijentalne kulture zamena rei reju moe se smatrati drastinim odstupanjem od koncepcije izvornika. Na taj nain ograniavanje upotrebe slovenizama i turcizama u drugom prevodu aktivira tendenciju ka neutralisanju suprotne stilske markiranosti jezikih registara kojima pripadaju navedene leksike grupe i rezultira konstruisanjem jednog univerzalizovanijeg, knjiki-apstraktnog naina jezike interpretacije kako predmetne sadrine teksta tako i njegove semantike strukture. * Naini selekcije i upotrebe knjike leksike i turcizama u dva bugarska prevoda Gorskog vijenca deo su optijeg procesa primene odreenih prevodilakih strategija u reprodukovanju jezike slojevitosti originala. Na osnovu objektivnih sistemsko-strukturnih i leksikih osobina ciljnog jezika koje nameu izbor nekih slinih tipova prevodnih restrikcija i transformacija u prevodioevim postupcima utvrene su i bitne razlike. Petar Ivanov uva i na specifian nain dalje razvija jeziku slojevitost dela otvarajui tekst prema registrima bugrskog jezika. U kontekstu procesa konane unifika-
30 | Najda Ivanova
cije savremene knjievnojezike norme prevodilac reaktuelizuje njenu povezanost sa odreenim tipovima diskursa karakteristinim za bugarsku preporodnu kulturu. irom upotrebom leksike tradicionalnog porekla i turcizama (kao i drugih jezikih sredstava koja nisu predmet ove analize) autor ograniava mogunosti realizacije kontekstualno uslovljene vieznanosti jezikih jedinica u tekstu koja igra posebnu ulogu u oblikovanju konceptualne i semantike strukture Gorskog vijenca. Na toj osnovi ekspliciraju se didaktiki i emcionalno-ekspresivni aspekt u interpretaciji denotativne sadrine u skladu s konvencijama poune i revolucionarne popularne gradske poezije druge polovine 19. veka. D. Panteleev redukuje apstraktnu leksiku tradicionalnog porekla u filozofskim, istorijskim i etikim tekstovnim mikrostrukturama, ali s druge strane proiruje njenu upotrebu u registru suprotnom po svojoj stilistikoj markiranosti koji predstavlja stilizaciju razgovornog i folklornog jezika u duhu tipine crnogorske reitosti. Navedena tendencija za unifikacijom jezike slojevitosti originala obuhvata i turcizme u rezultatu ega slabi kontrastno jeziko i konceptualno suprotstavljanje meu hrianskom i nacionalno-romantiarskom idejom s jedne strane i muslimanskom i imperijsko-osmanlijskom asimilacijskom idejom s druge strane.
5. Uloga sociokulturnog konteksta

Razlog za utvrene razlike trebalo bi potraiti u specifici socialno-istorijskog, kulturnog i knjievnog diskursa karakteristinog za dve razliite epohe u kojima prevodi nastaju. Dotine razlike jasno se ispoljavaju u predgovorima odgovarajuih izdanja, tanije u nainu na koji prevodioci prikazuju itaocima idejne i knjievne osobine Gorskog vijenca kao i svoju motivaciju. Oslanjajui se skoro potpuno na Istoriju slovenskih knjievnosti A. Pipina i V. Spasovia (, 1879: 228-232) u svom predgovoru P. Ivanov oslikava romantiarski lik Petra Petrovia Njegoa. Prevodilac istie sloenost Njegoeve stvaralake individualnosti, anrovsku, estetsku i konceptualnu vieaspektnost njegovih dela: Autor je zagrejani patriota, on je proet epskim karakterom svog naroda, ali uporedo s tim u njegovim delima stalno provejava lirski odjek njegovog linog unutranjeg ivota - s jedne strane tenja za uzdizanjem svog naroda a s druge - teorijske sumnje i izrazi njegovog linog raspoloenja (V-V). Izbor P. Ivanova da predstavi Njegoevo stvaralatvo upravo preko intertekstualne veze sa knjigom Pipna i Spasovia deo je recepcije ove monografije u bugarskom literarnom diskursu gde se prihvatanje kulturnoistorijske metode ruskih slavista kombinuje sa romantiarskom tematikom preporodne slavistike ( 1996: 111). Prema tome i uvodni deo prvog prevoda Gorskog vijenca kao vana metatekstovna komponenta tog izdanja po-
tvruje da je smisao P. Ivanova za jeziku slojevitost Gorskog vijenca i tenja da je ouva i iskoristi za postizanje odreenog spoznajnog, estetskog i socijalnovrednog efekta rezultat prevodioeve povezanosti s kulturnim vrednostima preporodne epohe. Sa svoje strane predgovor D. Panteleeva predstavlja interpretaciju poeme s take gledita socijalistike ideologije i estetike socijalistikog realizma. U prikazu dela zapaaju se stereotipne predstave verbalizovane klietiranim jezikim sredstvima karakteristinim za navedeni diskurs. Prevodilac se poziva na tezu anonimnog tumaa Gorskog vijenca da pored verskog i nacionalnog sukoba Njego prikazuje i borbu dveju klasa turskih feudalaca i eksploatisanih i porobljenih masa ija borba protiv tiranije uzima maha u duhu buroazno-revolucionarnih ideja koje su poplavile Evropu u vreme kada je Njego izrastao u napredog vladara i zrelog umetnika (11). Na slian nain D. Panteleev tumai Njegoev odnos prema evropskoj kulturi izraen u prii vojvode Draka po njegovom povratku iz Venecije. Istie se da autor podvrgava nemilosrdnoj kritici trulo i nazadno drutvenopolitiko ureenje venecijanske republike (11-12), predvia blisku propast evropske civilizacije, celog buroaznog politikog i ekonomskog sistema (12). D. Panteleev prihvata i miljenje da je spev realistiko delo Sve te osobine Gorskog vijenca date su u okviru jednog vrstog realizma. Realizam tog istaknutog dela proistie pre svega iz vernog prikaza crnogorske stvarnosti, crnogorskog oveka i njegove psihe (12). Tako u tumaenju Gorskog vijenca D. Panteleev neminovno uzima u obzir ideoloke predispozicije i estetski ukus italaca 50-ih godina prolog veka to vodi preeksponiranju samo odreenih ideja teksta s intencijom da se preko uoptenog jezikog izraza utvrdi njihova univerzalnost koja bi prekrila i aktuelni istorijski period. Ali mora se naglasiti da pored toga prevodilac ne doputa vulgarno-socioloke interpretacije izvornog teksta. Osim toga on prvi naglaava vanost problema pronalaenja i dosledne primene adekvatnog metrikog modela zalaui se za petostopni horej. U navedenim stavovima D. Panteleeva o naelima interpretacije izvornika nesumnjivo rezultira i njegova dotadanja stvaralaka biografija kao pesnika i prevodioca koji se formira tokom 30-ih godina 20. veka u avangardnom knjievnom krugu Strelac. Poreenje dvaju prevoda potvruje da je za adekvatno prenoenje sloene znaenjske, kompozicijske i estetske strukture teksta od posebnog znaaja osveenost uloge njegove jezike slojevitosti. Mehanizmi njenog reprodukovanja u ciljnom jeziku vredni su posebne panje od strane lingvistike njegoologije. Jo uvek nije utvren ni terminoloki aparat ni metodoloki pristup tog tipa istraivanja. esto se bez precizne definicije koriste termini diglosija, heteroglosija, poliglosija, polifonija istovremeno i neizdiferencirano s terminima monolingvizam, poli-/multilingvizam. Navedeni nazivi imaju razliito znaenje u makro- i mikrosociolingvistici a takoe u teoriji knjievnosti (posebno u Bahtinovoj tradiciji). Istraivanje naina upotrebe jezikih sredstava razliitog porekla kako u originalu tako i u prevodima omogua-
32 | Najda Ivanova
va razgraniiti ulogu sistemskih i strukturnih jezikih posebnosti od uticaja sociokulturnog i literarnog diskursa prilikom selekcije izraajnih sredstava u ciljnom jeziku. To bi doprinelo poznavanju specifinih receptivnih mehanizama u samoidentifikaciji ciljne kulture u razliitim periodima njenog istorijskog razvoja.
LITERATURA:
1993: . -. , [: , , , , , , : . (Blgarski tlkoven rechnik. Sofija: Izdatelstvo na blgarskata akademija na naukite, 1993). 1996: , . : . (Dereti, Jovan. Kompozicija Gorskog vijenca. Podgorica: Oktoih, 1996). 1933-34: Fran Ilei, Batowski Henryk. Petar II Petrovi Njego, Grski wieniec, wydarzenie dzejowe z koca XVII stulecia. Ze studjum krytycznem Branka Lazarevia. Przeoy, wstpem i komentarzem opatrzy ... Warszawa 1932. Dom ksiki polskiej, spka akcyjna. (Bibljoteka Jugsowiaska pod redakc prof. Juljusza Beneia. Tom III. str. 161). Praha: Slavia. asopis pro slovanskou filologii. Ronik XII, 258-266. - 1990: Milica Jakbiec-Semkowowa, . . , : . . , 9-13.9.1988., 18/2. . : , 329-336. ( Jakbiec-Semkowowa, Milica. Pitanje poljskih prevoda Gorskog vijenca P. P. Njegoa. Nauni sastanak slavista u Vukove dane, vol. 18, no. 2 (1988): 329-336). 1998: , , : . , 28. 29. 1998. . [ . ], : , 139-147. ( Jovanovi, Gordana. Slavenizmi u poljskom prevodu Gorskog vijenca Henrika Batovskog. In Prevoenje Gorskog vijenca na strane jezike, ed. Novo Vukovi. Podgorica: Crnogorska akademija nauka i umjetnosti, 2001 ). 1996: , . , : . . (Karagozov, Panajot. Samosoznanie slovesnosti. Istoriografii slavjanskih literatur. Sofija: UI Sv. Kliment Ohridski, 1996).
Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 33 1968: , , : - . : , 104-116. (Konev, Ilija. Negosh i prvijat prevod na Gorski venec. In Iz blgaro-srbskite literaturni vzaimootnoshenija. Sofija: Izdatelstvo na blgarskata akademija na naukite, 1968). - 1988: -, , : . . , 9-13.9.1988, 18/2. , : , 431-438. (Kosti-Golubii, Mirjana. Njegoevi turcizmi iz Gorskog vijenca u prevodu Henrika Batovskog. Nauni sastanak slavista u Vukove dane, vol. 18, no. 2 (1988): 431-438). 2002: , . . , : . : . , 109-117. (Likomanova, Iskra. Dva prevoda na Gorski venec ot P. P. Negosh na blgarski ezik. In Prevodt mezhdu teorijata i praktikata. Sofija: UI Sv. Kliment Ohridski, 2002). 2001: , . - . , 28. 29. 1998. . [ . ], : , 71-78. (Marojevi, Radmilo. Ruski prepjevi Gorskog vijenca poslednjih decenija XX vijeka. In Prevoenje Gorskog vijenca na strane jezike). . 2004: , . : . 6. . : , 29-32. (Nichev, Bojan. Petr Petrovich Negosh. In Prevodna recepcija na evropejskite literaturi v Blgarija. Sofija: Izdatelstvo na blgarskata akademija na naukite, 2004). , 1879: , i . i , , .-. (Pipin, Aleksandr, i Vladimir Spasovich. Istorija slavjanskih literatur. S.-Peterburg, 1879). 1974: , [ , , . . ], : . (Rechnik na redki, ostareli i dialektni dumi v literaturata ni ot XIX i XX vek. Sofija: Izdatelstvo na blgarskata akademija na naukite, 1974). , 1957: . [.], . . . . , : . (Ste-
34 | Najda Ivanova vanovi, Mihailo, i Radosav Bokovi. Cjelokupna djela P. P. Njegoa. Knjiga esta. Rjenik. Beograd: Prosveta, 1957). 1990: , , . DC. . 41., : , . (Stevanovi, Mihailo. O jeziku Gorskog vijenca. Beograd: Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Nauna knjiga, 1990). 1992: , . : . (Stijovi, Svetozar. Slavenizmi u Njegoevim pesnikim delima. Sremski Karlovci and Novi Sad: Izdavaka knjiarnica Zorana Stojanovia, 1992). . 1988: , , : . : , 127-141. (upi, Drago. Dijalekatska osnova Njegoevog fonetizma. In Lingvistiki ogledi o Vuku i Njegou. Beograd: Nauna knjiga, 1988).
Nayda Ivanova
POLYGLOSSIA OF MOUNTAIN WREATH FROM TRANSLATOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE

Abstract: In this paper two Bulgarian translations of Njegos Mountain Wreath made by P. Ivanov (Izvlechenie of Gorski venec, 1891) and D. Panteleev (P. P. Negosh. Gorski venec, 1949) are examined. In this context, we analyze the factors, which determine the types of transformations of lexis of Church Slavonic and Turkish origin, emphasizing the specificities of the language structure, the verse structure as well as the tendencies of the social, literature and literary language development of the target culture. Exploring the ways of selection and use of different linguistic means in both the original text and the translations contributes to recognizing the unique mechanisms of reception regarding the self-identification of the culture in question. Keywords: Petar II Petrovi Njego, reception of Mountain Wreath translations, Serbian literature in 19th century, Bulgarian translations, translating elements of different linguistic registers, slavisms, turkisms
Received 24.09.2013 / Accepted 24.11.2013.
35
UDC 821.16-14.09:398
Dr Jelena Milojkovi-uri1 Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti Odeljenje istorijskih nauka Srbija
THE LEGACY OF THERESE ALBERTINE LUISE VON JAKOB-TALVI

Abstract: Therese Albertine Louise von Jakob-Talvi (1797-1870) devoted particular attention to the study of the languages and literatures of Slavic peoples as well as to their social histories (Sittengeschichte) safeguarded in folk songs and customs . She paid special attention to the Serbian epic lore and was supported in her endeavor by Goethe, Vuk and Mina Karadi. She gained her first scholarly recognition with her translations into German of the collection of Serbian folk songs by Karadi published in Leipzig in 1822. Her important work, Historical View of the Languages and Literatures of the Slavic Nations with a sketch of their Popular Poetry, was published after her settlement in New York in 1850. In retrospect , this book was credited as critical in promoting Slavic Studies in North America. During the same year Talvi published her novel Heloise in New York suitably written in the English language. Talvi chronicled the journey of her heroine to Caucasus and Crimea. Her descriptions of Russian colonial policies in the Kuban region and the township Ekatarinodar was surprisingly factual. Talvi observed the dire living condition of the local multiethnic populace as well as of the soldiers and foreign volunteers in Russian fortifications nearby. She described also the German settlement Zrichthal in Crimea not far from the ancient Tatar capital Kaffa. This novel was not duly discussed within Talvis oeuvre or as a unique document of its time. Keywords: social history (Sittengeschichte), Slavic epic and lyric poetry, Germanic folklore, Serbia, Vuk Karadi , popular poetry of Western and Eastern Slavs, literary repositories, Goethe, world literature, migrations, imperial policies in Caucasus, Russia, Crimea, Circassia, Roumeli, everyday life, the New World - North America
The unique contribution of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi, the writer, researcher and translator of folk poetry, had a prominent place in the cultural discourse of her days. Over the years, her legacy has remained valuable and contin1
djuricjelena@aol.com (Jelena Milojkovi-Djuri, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Department of Historical Sciences, Serbia)
36 | Jelena Milojkovi-uri
ued to attract scholarly attention. As a well-informed writer she acted as an outspoken intermediary explaining and promoting better understanding of social histories (Sittengeschichte), epic and lyric folk songs among the peoples of Serbia, Germany, Russia, Caucasus and North America. Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi was born in Halle in 1797, a daughter of the university professor Ludwig Heinrich von Jacob.2 The quiet academic life was abruptly changed after the invasion of Napoleonic forces and the subsequent occupation and closure of the universities in Germany by the decree issued in 1806. Due to the evolving situation professor Jacob decided to leave his academic position in Halle in 1807 and accept a professorship in Russia, first in Kharkov and later in Saint Petersburg. Professor Jacob and his family remained in Russia for almost ten years returning to Halle in 1816. Therese was largely educated by her father, who introduced her to the study of German literature. Yet she also became a student of the Russian culture and frequented university libraries in Kharkov and Saint Petersburg. Her early interest in the Slavic world, its history, peoples, and folk songs brought her in touch with the leading figures of the literary world in Europe and of North America. Talvis scholarly work dedicated to the folk poetry of Slavic and Germanic peoples remained as a signpost of remarkable scholarly efforts across national and temporal divides. Furthermore, Talvis literary works provided valuable assessment of the events, personalities and cultural life of her time. Interestingly enough, her novel Heloise or the Unrevealed Secret, takes place for the better part in Ekatarinodar in the Caucasus in the region along the River Kuban. Talvi described the odyssey of a young woman in search of her father ultimately leading to the reunion with her husband to be. This presumably romantic plot is superbly set up in the midst of the Russian imperial appropriation of North Caucasus and the resulting entanglement with the Chechens, Kabardians, Circassians and other indigenous population of the region. Her novel, published in 1850 in New York was well received acquiring three additional printing during the same year.3 Talvis literary work, especially her novel Heloise, have not been examined so far in the comparative context of cultural and historical considerations. Yet her nov2
She sometimes signed her writings with the pseudonym composed of the first letters of her full name Talvj. After her marriage to Dr. Edward Robinson, she changed her name to Theresa Robinson, nee von Jakob, although she retained her pseudonym when publishing her works. When publishing in the United States, she used the pseudonym Talvi very likely to facilitate the pronunciation. In this article, the pseudonym Talvi is used for the same reason. After her marriage to Dr. Edward Robinson, a biblical scholar, she sometimes signed her writings with the addition of her married name.
3
Heloise or the Unrevealed Secret, by Talvi, New York and Philadelphia, D. Appleton & Company, 1850.
The Legacy of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi | 37
el provided a unique insight as well as an assessment of the long standing Russian imperial policies of Greater Caucasus and Crimea. Talvis observations of the contested regions offer an informed overview of the political and military actions and resulting consequences for the indigenous population as well as for the Russian people at large. Observed in retrospect, Talvis novels were not discussed as much as her work dedicated to folk poetry being the hallmark of her professional achievements. Most of all, her literary works needed to be examined in the context of cultural and historical considerations as a valuable narration of the time she witnessed. By her own admission, early in her youth she was impressed by the exemplary scholarship set by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. Goethe corresponded with her father, who shared Goethes universal interest in world literature and the humankind in general. Goethe explored the literary repositories of the peoples of Europe, the Near - and Far East. He even contemplated the foundation of an ideal society in the New World as expounded in his novel Wilhelm Meister Lehrjahre. Goethe was interested in the study of folk poetry as a former student of Johann Gottfried Herder. He knew well Herders collection of folk songs Stimme der Vlker, and in particular Herders interest in Slavic history and epics. Goethe personally encouraged Thereses early efforts in the study and translation of Serbian folklore. From 1823 to 1824, Therese had the opportunity to meet the well known Serbian scholar and folk song collector Vuk Stefanovi Karadi. Around that time, Karadis collection of Serbian folk songs had been published in Leipzig and Talvi was asked to help in the translation of folk songs from this collection.4 She gradually achieved prominence as a translator and commentator of Serbian epic and lyric poetry. Most importantly, Talvi endeavored to preserve the original metrics of the Serbian verses in her translations into German language.5 Her translation of Karadis Collection was titled Volkslieder der Serben. She also penned an Introduction to this Collection and supplied the poem Aus Liebe zu Goethe, that served as the preface.6 In due time, Talvis metric translations of Serbian lyric folk poetry were set to music by a number of well known composers such as
4
Srpske narodne pjesme (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1823/1824). Karadi published in Leipzig three volumes of folk songs.
5
Jevto M. Milovi, Talvis Metrische Ubersetzungen Jugoslawischer Volkslieder, sonderdruck in: Zur Zweihundertjahrfeier von Jacob Grimm, Nauni skupovi SANU, knji XI, Odeljenje jezika i knjievnsti, knj. 8, Belgrade, 1988, 371-386.
6
Talvi, Volkslieder der Serben, collected by Vuk Karadi, with an Introduction and translation of folk songs by Talvi. Halle, Rengerschen Buchhandlung, 1825. Second edition appeared in Halle /Leipzig, Renger in 1835. This book was republished in Leipzig, at Brockhaus in 1853.
Johannes Brahms, Carl Loewe, Rimsky-Korsakov, Peter Tchaikovsky, Tor Aulin, Antonin Dvoak, Leo Janaek, and Sir George Henschel, among others.7 The Serbian epic- and lyric folk songs became a literary revelation throughout Europe. The imagery and eloquence of epic poetry provided an abundance of references relating to historic events, traditional customs, ethical values, and beliefs. The great interest in folk songs and epic poems spurred the appearance of a number of falsely discovered epic collections such as MacPherson poems attributed to Ossian. Talvi commented on these forgeries in her article, Die Unechtheit der Lieder Ossians und des MacPhersonschen Ossians insbesondere. Epic poetry in general, and the early translations of collections of Serbian epics in particular, caught interest among many writers in Europe, including Robert Browning, Walter Scott, Prosper Mrime, and Alexander Pushkin, among others. Prosper Mrimes pseudo anthology titled La Guzla became a cause clbre, due to the novelty and beauty of its poetic rendering.8 Mrime claimed that he noted down a collection of Serbian epic poems as presented to him by a famous native singer of epic tales, one Hyacinthe Maglanovich. The invented figurehead of Maglanovich was even conjured in a sketch depicting the singer holding the musical folk instrument gusle while seated on the ground cross legged with the bow touching the gusle strings. It is noteworthy that Mrime included in this collection the famed poem about the beautiful and virtuous wife of Hassan Aga. He titled the poem, Triste ballade de la noble epouse dAssan Aga (Lament of the noble wife of Hassan Aga).9 The Russian poet Aleksandr Pushkin was impressed by Prosper Mrimes famed anthology very likely trusting that it presented an authentic collection of Serbian epics. The result was Pushkins less known anthology of epic poems titled, Pesni zapadnyh slavian - Songs of the Western Slavs.10
George Henschel, Serbisches Liederspiel (Servian Romances) Eine Reihe altserbischer Volklieder nach der Talvischen Ubersetzungen, Berlin, Simrock, 1878. In 1987 Dr. Vera Boji edited a well resaerched bilingual book both in Serbian and German languages: Vukovo nasledje u evropskoj muzici; Nova gradja o recepciju srpskih narodnih pesama u Evropi, Tekstovi i note. Vuks Musikalischen Erben; Neuen Materialien zur Rezeption serbischer Volkslieder in der europaischen Musik. Texts und Noten, Belgrade-Munich, Serbain Academy of Sciences and Arts, 1987.
8
Prosper Mrime, La Guzla ou Choix de Poesie illyriques receuilles dans la Dalmatie, la Ctroatie et l Herzegowine, Paris, Levrault 1827. Maglanovi image was presented in form of a drawing on the page IV of Mrime s book.
9
Alberto Fortis recorded the Lament of the noble wife of Hassan Aga, in his book Viaggio in Dalmazia, Venice, 1774. He provided the Italian translation of this ballad. His book and in particular the Lament was received with great acclaim by the public at large and translated in many languages throughout Europe.
10
Alexander Pushkin, Pesni zapadnych slavian, Polnoe sobranie sochinenia, Moscow, 1949, vol. 2, 181-215.
In 1828, Therese von Jakob married Edward Robinson, a visiting American biblical scholar. Together with her husband she eventually settled in New York. She praised her husband as one of the few enlightened men who appreciated the literary work of women. In due course, Therese declared America as the land of many opportunities. In 1850, Talvi completed the novel titled, Heloise or the Unrevealed Secret, being the first major literary work published in the English language in her adopted country.11 The novel was very well received and went into three additional reprints during the first year alone. The reason for this popularity was very likely due to the resurgence of the unresolved geopolitical issues related to the Eastern Question. In addition, Russia as well as Russian history invariably presented a fascinating subject for the American readers, as it was generally not well known or sufficiently explored. The novel also reflected on her own experiences in Russia and her knowledge of customs and human relations, class differences and the general establishment of Russian society. It also pointed to her substantial knowledge of the diverse populace of the Caucasian and Crimean region. She portrayed some of the indigenous people and their chieftains as well as the intricate relations and shifting loyalties confronting Turkey, Iran and Russia. In this regard her novel Heloise deserved special attention. On the surface, the novel described the travels of a young woman in search of her father, which ultimately led to the unexpected meeting with her future husband. Yet this presumably romantic plot was set up in Russia, more precisely in the Greater Caucasus. The father of the heroine served the Russian Emperor as a trusted general, although he was a foreigner by birth. Russia was a developing colonial power in need of services from ranking military instructors even from foreign lands. Likewise, Russian universities opened their doors to foreign teachers and scholars in order to bolster educational programs. This was the position of Professor Jakob, who accepted an invitation to teach in Russia starting in 1807, first in Kharkov and then in St. Petersburg. Jakob stayed for almost ten years returning to Germany 1816.12 During this prolonged stay, Therese and her family must have had opportunities to travel during summer vacations to the Caucasus and Crimea. Her knowledge of the countryside, townships and villages as described in her novel, included fas-
11 12
Heloise or the Unrevealed Secret, by Talvi, New York and Philadelphia, D. Appleton & Company, 1850.
Walther Kirchner, A History of Russia, New York, Barnes & Noble, 1976, p.140. According to Kirchner about half of the professors teaching in Russia at that time were foreigners and many lectures were given in non-Russian languages.
cinating depiction of the lifestyle of Russian and indigenous people alike. She described the housing and the lifestyle of the upper and middle classes, in many walks of life, the rich as well as the poor including the hired servants of these households. She also depicted the vastness of the Russian land populated by peoples of various ethnic and religious backgrounds. Furthermore, the imperial appropriation of Crimea by Catherine the Great and her generals, starting in 1783, was perceived as a strategic territorial expansion as well as appropriation of the famed Taurus of renowned Greek antiquity. Furthermore, Crimean natural environment included rare herbs and plants known to a few informed botanists. Catherine and her generals aimed to transform the native landscape into a proverbial Garden of Eden.13 Yet there were many unsettling questions in this artificial paradise and most of all the sporadic confrontations of Russian military and civilian authorities with the independent chieftains resisting Russian encroachment. This prolonged confrontation and fighting lasting over some fifty years implicated not only the ethnically diverse populace of the Caucasus but also the Russian society at large. Serving as an officer or soldier in the contested regions meant a hazardous undertaking and was comparable to the exile of civilians to Siberia. Law offenders and even criminals were drafted at times as well as the sons of wealthy Russian families who proved to be difficult or hard to integrate into the everyday private or public life. The Russian army accepted young Kazakhs from the Black Sea regions, aptly named ernomorci by the local folk. The Kazakhs served as soldiers and as trusted guards positioned in the lookout towers and security stations around the military camp. Some Polish or German officers and soldiers also served as volunteers in various functions. The indigenous Caucasian population, including Chechens, Kabardians and Circassians, was hard to subdue and maintain even a tenuous subsistence. Mutual relations projected uncertainties and shifting loyalties with Turkey, Iran and or Russia. In her novel Talvi mentioned the German settlements in Crimea, in particular the settlement Zrichthal that she very likely visited. Zrichthal was established not far from Kaffa, the earlier capital of the Tatar Empire. She described several German churches serving German colonists settled in the coastal region of Crimea. Her description of the township of Ekatrinodar near River Kuban was surprisingly factual. The town was established in 1784 in the aftermath of a military cam-
13
Andreas Schoenle, Garden of the Empire: Catherines Appropriation of the Crimea, Slavic Review, vol. 60, no. 1 (2001): pp. 1 - 4.
paign launched by Catherine the Great, furthering the annexation of the North Caucasus. On the conquered territories fortresses were set up early on gradually encompassing growing trading centers and emerging townships. In a similar vein Ekatrinodar was founded and named after the Empress Catherine the Great. Over the years the town grew in importance and was later renamed Krasnodar Krai serving as a viable regional center.14 In her novel Heloise, Talvi described a fictional military camp where the Russian army was situated to oversee the surrounding Circassian, Kabardian and Chechen peoples settled between the Black Sea, Kuban River and the slopes of the Greater Caucasus. She allowed that this strategically important region was administered by a non-Russian, a German general in service of the Russian Empire. In reality, such a situation was not uncommon. Foreign military officers, as a rule, dispatched their duty with professional dedication and efficiency. Talvis description of the military life included criticism of inadequacies of housing and poor nutrition pointing to difficult conditions among the rank and file. She presented her observations of everyday life shared to a great extent by all social classes of the multicultural community of residing townspeople. Talvi provided some valuable insights referring to the state of affairs between the Russian civic and military officials and the indigenous Caucasian peoples at large. The Chechen, Kabardian and Circassian tribal leaders often confronted each other as well as the Russian troupes from their remote mountainous settlements auls - of the North and Central Greater Caucasus. Moreover, she described the interaction of the Russian military officials trying to incorporate imperial domination over these settlements populated by mostly Muslim peoples. In order to achieve their goal and gain the confidence of tribal chieftains, they used diplomacy, and if necessary bribes and various perks. Young sons of powerful chieftains were offered best education in the military academies in St. Petersburg, while their daughters enjoyed education in renowned schools for young ladies. Yet both the Circassian, Kabardian and Chechen remained loyal to their respective tribes and their own traditional ways. They resisted overall the covert Russian objectives and interferences. An important role in the Russian advancement in the North Caucasus was played by the Russian general A.P. Yermolov encompassing the period of 1816 to 1827. Yermolov combined the expansionist war with the building of fortification lines, roads and supply bases which were vital for waging a protracted war. In 1818 the Russians built the fortresses of Grozny in Chechnya and of Nalchik in Kabarda, as well as a line of smaller forts along the rivers Terek, Chegem, Beksan and Mel14
Galina M. Yemelianova, Russia and Islam, Houndmills and New York, Palgrave, 2002, p. 48.
ka. By the middle of the nineteenth century, Russian control was established in the Balkar mountainous region of the eastern part of the North Caucasus.15 Cognizant of the inherent conflicting interests of the European Powers in the Greater Caucasian region, Talvi duly noted the presence of the eminent British diplomat David Urquhart who enjoyed peculiar popularity among the non-Russian population. He was accepted by the Muslim peoples of the Greater Caucasus, and was dubbed as Daud Bey. Apparently Urquhart was gathering intelligence about the situation in the Greater Caucasus and Crimea on behalf of his government. He was paying special attention to the route leading to India which safeguarded British political and mercantile interests. He obliged the local people by appreciating and supporting their ways of life, and even dressing in the traditional manner in the style of their chieftains. Interestingly enough, Urquhart diplomatic missions led him to additional exploration of the economic and cultural conditions of Turkey, the Balkan principalities and Serbia in particular.16 He visited Serbia on four occasions and wrote an outline of the history of Serbia which was published in the well respected bilingual Journal The British and Foreign Review, in London and Paris titled The Affairs of Serbia.17 His most popular early book was his travelogue, The Spirit of the East, Journal of Travels through Roumeli. He depicted his impressions of the land and the people he met on his journey. He duly noted the vestiges of ancient civilizations on his exploratory missions throughout the Roumeli territory. His depiction of prominent ancient fortifications, castles and seats of power were penned with genuine admiration.18 During her early years in America Talvi aimed to inform her new readership about the folk poetry of her native Germany, and of other nations in Europe. In the article, Popular Poetry of the Teutonic Nations, she discussed the folk poems of Germanic nations. This article was published in the journal North American Review.19 Talvi continued to publish her works in her native Germany and wrote a book dealing with German folk songs with an overview of folk songs of non-European peoples, Versuch einer Geschichtlichen Charakteristik der Volkslieder Germanischer Nationen mit einer Uebersicht der Lieder Aussereuropischer Vlkerschaften.
Moshe Gammer, Proconsul of the Caucasus: a Re-examination of Yermolov, Social Evolution and History, Vol. 2. No. 1, March 2003. Ed. D.M. Bondarenko, Ucitel, Vologograd ( electronic version ).
16 17 15
Milorad Ekmei, Dijalog prolosti i sadanjosti (Belgrade: Slubeni list, 2002), pp. 128-135.
The noted historian Milorad Ekmei established that the ideas presented in The Affairs of Serbia had influenced the concept of the Naertanie (Outline) encapsulating Serbian national policies. This important document was written in 1844 by the statesman Ilija Garaanin.
18 19
David Urquhart, The Spirit of the East, Journal of Travels through Roumeli, London, H. Colburn, 1832. North American Review , no. 42, April 1836, pp.265-339.
Talvi stated in her Introduction that her book should not be judged as a collection of folk songs, since the offered selection would be regarded as incomplete. Furthermore, it was not meant to be a historical textbook, but rather a contribution to the history of human behavior even if not covering all the aspects of a comprehensive social history (Sittengeschichte). She acknowledged the efforts of outstanding man such as Grimm and Mller who accomplished a pioneering study of folk poetry. She saw her task as a facilitator helping to safeguard and introduce these valuable findings to the public at large:
Das vorliegende, Vorhandene zu einem Bilde zu ordnen, und gleichsam in einem Rahmen zu fassen; das Gold, dass die treffliche Bergleute unserer Tage, die Grimm, die Mller und andere, mit so unermdlichem Fleiss als unterscheidendem Scharfblick aus den Tiefen der Schacht heraufholen, zu gangbarer Muenze auspragen zu helfen. - das war mein Ziel.20
Moreover, she often referred to the writings of Alexander and Wilhelm Humboldt, Johann Gottfried Herder as well as to Herders famous student, Johann Wolfgang Goethe. She aspired to project multifarious images as part of a larger picture pertaining to the Germanic, Romance, and Slavic nations. The Germans presented only a remarkable branch of the ancestral tree of the peoples, and the folk poetry should be considered as the blossom of all humankind: der herrliche Stamm der Germanen auch nur ein Zweig ist des einen, grossen, uralten Baumes der Vlker, und doch die Poesie die Blthe der gesammten Menschheit.21 Talvi quoted throughout the book many Slavic- and in particular Serbian epic and lyric songs when discussing some salient features of German folks songs in a comparative fashion. She often discussed Serbian folk songs that she obviously admired and knew well. Talvi concurred with Herders opinion that the differences between the folk poetry of various nations shared some distinctive features albeit in a lesser degree than the written literature. Learned writers often borrow from one another, while any analogy in folk poetry was derived from the universality of human nature and ability of symbolic representation. Yet the inherent differences contained in the folk poetry are of central interest for historians. The fine minute shadings of traditional sayings and songs speak of special preconditions, and a distinct historical continuity.22
20
Talvi, Versuch einer geschichtlichen Charakteristik der Volkslieder germanischer Nationen mit einer bersicht der Lieder aussereuropaischer Volkerschaften, Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1840.
21 22
Versuch einer geschichtlichen Charakteristik der Volkslieder, Vorwort, p. VIII. Versuch einer geschichtlichen Charakteristik der Volkslieder, p. 132.
Nevertheless, Talvi fully accepted Grimms commentary stating that the essential spirit of folk poetry among all cultures was universal, while it reflected distinct environments, climate, customs and beliefs in all its varied manifestations.23 Folk poetry referred to individual experiences while pertaining to a common bond of shared existence, traditions and believes. Thus, every single human being manifested some elements that formed national markers, while retaining its specific individuality.24 A noted professor of German Studies at Harvard, Karl Follen , encouraged Talvi to continue writing about German lore. Follen had left Germany in 1830 due to his disagreement with the political climate and suppression of liberal ideas. Interestingly enough , Talvis novel, Die Auswanderer (The Exiles), written in 1853, referred to the revolutionary ideas in Germany in the wake of Marx writings, and ultimately of the famed Communist Manifesto. The possible connection between Talvis literary rendition of the given situation in Germany in the novel The Exiles, and Follens emigration has not yet been discussed.25 Talvi cultivated an intense dialogue with the leading scholars of her day by corresponding with Alexander von Humboldt, Friedrich von Raumer, Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, Vuk Stefanovi Karadi, Mina Karadi, Jernej Kopitar, and Karl August von Varnhagen among others. In New York, Talvi established collegiate ties with the poet Washington Irving, the historian Friedrich von Raumer, and the outspoken activist for womens rights Margaret Fuller. It was Raumer who encouraged Talvi to write an essay about the early European settlements in North America. Talvi followed his advice and wrote an essay on history of colonization of North America. Her essay was subsequently published in 1845 in Raumers Historisches Taschenbuch. She continued to research the history of early settlements in North America and eventually published a book on the early settlements in New England and Massachusetts: Geschichte der Colonization von Neu England von der ersten Niederlassungen dasselbst im Jahre 1607 bis zur Einfhrung der Provinzialfassung von Massachusetts im Jahre 1692 (The History of Colonization of New England from the First Settlements in 1607 to the Introduction of the Province of Massachusetts in 1692). This book was based largely on her essay written for Raumers Historisches Taschenbuch and was published in Leipzig in 1847.26
23 24 25 26
Versuch einer geschichtlichen Charakteristik der Volkslieder, p.142. Versuch einer geschichtlichen Charakteristik der Volkslieder, p.142. Die Auswanderer, Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1852.
Talvis book was published by the foremost publisher F.A. Brockhaus, in Leipzig, 1847. Brockhaus company is still in existence in Leipzig.
Of special interest is her book titled, Historical View of the Languages and Literatures of the Slavic Nations with a sketch of their Popular Poetry, published in New-York in 1850 .27 She signed the book with her pen name but adapted to the English spelling as - Talvi. The preface was penned by her husband Edward Robinson. Obviously, Robinson was supportive and proud of the writing of his wife. In this well researched and voluminous book of over four hundred pages, Talvi examined the respective Slavic languages and literatures. In the Introduction to the book, Talvi discussed the origin of the Slavs, their mythology and early beginning of Slavic literacy. She put forward the already accepted classification of the Slavs into the Eastern Stem, and the Western Stem. She acknowledged that within the Eastern branch, the Southern Slavs could be singled out as a separate entity. In the end, she decided to retain the classification of the Eastern and Western Slavs. Talvi discussed the history of the Old Church Slavic language and the role of the apostolic missions of Cyril and Methodius. She pointed to the importance of their translations of the Bible and liturgical books into the Slavic language spoken in the region of their birth and residence in Thessalonica. She proceeded to elucidate the conversion of the Slavs to Christianity subsequently centering on the Russian cultural realm encompassing the Russian language and literature. She even provided the readers with an outline of Russian history. Talvi acknowledged in particular the powerful personality and energy of Peter the Great in transforming his country to join the European development. Equally, the roles of famous men like Lomonosov, Karamzin and Pushkin were singled out due to the impact of their respective contributions to the Russian culture and society at large. Talvi paid special attention to the current events and to the reign of Emperor Alexander II, and of his successor Nicholas I that influenced the lives of Russian people at large. She observed the growing Slavophil as well as Panslav tendencies encouraging a closer collaboration among fellow Slavs. The Second Chapter titled, Language and Literature of the Illyrico-Servians comprised five subdivisions. In separate sections within this chapter, Talvi furnished data about the Serbian church and early religious works. A special section was given to Vuk Stefanovi Karadi encompassing his orthographic reforms, and his valuable collections of folk songs. Talvi discussed Serbian literary achievements and the contributions of Serbian poets and writers, many of which she knew personally.
27
New York, George P. Putnam, 1850. The German version, bertsichtliches Handbuch einer Geschichte der Slavischen Sprachen und Literatur, Nebst einer Skizze ihrer Volks-Poesie, was published in Lepzig, Geibel, 1952.
Talvi presented as a separate chapter, The secular literature in Dalmatia and Ragusa, recognizing the distinct contributions of its literati. Moreover, special sections were given to the languages and literatures of Croatia, Slovenia and Bulgaria. In the chapter on Western Slavs, Talvi presented the Czech and Slovak languages and literatures in separate sections. She paid due attention to the rise of Panslav ideology and the First Pan Slav Congress that took place in Prague in 1848. Talvi mentioned the significant role of the writer Jan Kllar, and illustrious scholars such as Dobrovsky, Palacky and afarik.28 The history of Polish language and literature was equally well researched. She presented her views on a number of Polish writers, notably the Nobel Laureate Adam Mickiewicz, as well as historians and politicians such as Czartoryski and Llevel. Moreover, she included a section on the language and literature of the Wends in Upper and Lower Lusatia in the territory of the present day Eastern Germany The section titled, Sketch of the Popular Poetry of the Slavic Nation, comprised a large part of this book pointing to Talvis foremost interest in the popular poetry of Eastern and Western Slavs. All chapters were supplied with extensive references pointing to the thorough research and considerable extent of her scholarly interests. The German translation of this book was published in Leipzig, in 1852, only two years after the publication of her book in New York in the English language.29 Interestingly enough, the German title, bertsichtliches Handbuch einer Geschichte der Slavischen Sprachen und Literatur, Nebst einer Skizze ihrer Volks-Poesie, was slightly changed describing her book as a Handbuch (Handbook) stressing appropriately the wealth of gathered material that may well serve as a reference book for Slavic studies. The appearance of this book was appreciated in particular by many Serbian scholars old and young alike. It is noteworthy that in 1852 the Serbian students enrolled at the Berlin University arranged a special meeting to acknowledge the achievements of Talvi. This splendid occasion was in fact an Homage - Wrdigung to Talvi for her many writings about the Serbian and Slavic epics and lyric songs. Many years later, this event was commented by Vaso Milinevi pointing to the once exceptional reception of Talvis scholarly work. His paper was titled, Die Wr28
Jelena Milojkovi-Djuri, Jan Kollar in the Context of Panslavic Discourse 1830-1848, Kosmas: Czechoslovak and Central European Journal, vol. 24, no. 2 (2011): 98-107. Compare also, Jelena Milojkovi-Djuri, Panslavism and National Identity in Russia and in the Balkans 1830-1880, Images of the Self and Others, East European Monographs, Columbia University Press, Boulder and New York, 1994.
29
bertsichtliches Handbuch einer Geschichte der Slavischen Sprachen und Literatur, Nebst einer Skizze ihrer Volks-Poesie. Lepzig, Geibel, 1952.
digung der Verdienste Therese von Jakobs und die Neuere Literatur der Serben von Jovan Risti. The paper was published in Berlin in 1982.30 Moreover, in Serbia, the two hundred anniversary of her birth was duly marked with a paper in Talvis honor by the noted scholar of German and Serbian cultural relations Professor Miljan Mojaevi and published by the prestigious Matica srpska in Novi Sad.31 The distinguished role that Talvis books acquired in the domain of Slavic studies in North America was pointed out by Nikola Pribi. Pribi, a prominent Slavic scholar , singled out the well documented comparative method used in Talvis book on Slavic languages and literatures. More importantly, Pribi ascertained that Talvis scholarly contributions helped to establish the early foundation of Slavic studies in North America.32 As a rule her novels and short essays brought forth a wealth of information about the everyday life presenting a valuable documentation not usually discussed in general historic narratives. Talvi wrote about the people and places she visited. Her observations included the comparison of the custom of taking waters at mineral spas in Europe, with the similar style of recreation in the townships in vicinity of hot springs in Virginia. She described vividly her occasional excursion to Virginia, where she liked to take vacations.33 On the whole, Talvis novels brought invariably a wealth of solid observation of everyday life as duly described in her novels set in Russia, Germany or North America. The skillful assessment of the lot of her protagonists, often entwined with historic events and cast in the whirlwind of social and political changes, enriched the narrative of her novels. She herself explained her motivation of depicting the people in the midst of everyday life as she saw it. In the preface of her novel Die Auswanderer (The Exiles), she aimed to present to the German readers the realities of everyday
30 31
Vaso Milinevi, in: Zeitschrift fur Slavistik, Bd. 23, 4, 1983, Berlin. Akademie Verlag, pp. 541-546.
Miljan Mojaevi, Therese von Jakob Talfi, O dvestgodinjici rodjenja 1797-1997, Letopis Matice srpske, vol. 173, no. 3 (1997): 337-348. Nikola Pribi, Goethe, Talvi und das Sudslavische Volkslied. Vergleichen und Veraendern, Festschrift fur Helmut Mofekat, Oldenburg, Munic, 1970, p.26. Compare also, Elizabeth Pribi, Sima Milutinovic Sarajlija und Theresa Albertina Luise von Jakob, Sd-Ost Forschungen, Bd.38, Oldenburg, Munich, 1979. The work and role of Talvi was discussed by Irma Elisabeth Voigt an early student of the role of Talvi in America. Voigt defended her doctoral dissertation at the University of Illinois in 1913. Her dissertation was titled, The Life and Works of Mrs. Therese Robinson (Talvi). Talvi was discussed in a more recent doctoral dissertation dealing with German-American women writers. Dorothea Diver Stuecher defended her dissertation in 1981 titled, Twice removed: The Experience of German-American Women Writers in the 19th Century.
33 32
Ausflug nach dem Gebirge Virginiens im Sommer 1856, Westermanns Monatshefte, January 1857, pp. 375383, February 1857, pp. 492-501, March 1857, pp.563-577.
life, both in Germany and in particular in the New World, as truthfully as possible.34 The novel was well received and later translated into English and published in New York. In the preface Talvi described her main motivation for the writing of the novel The Exiles:
It is not a picture of America which I would here unroll before my readers, but American pictures as in my experience of many years, I have beheld them . . . the child of the world, the pious maiden, cavalier and farmer, the social philanthropist and the Pharisee, and other truly national characters . . . The readers will recognize the conception of a European . . . but also the heart which beats for the free native land . . . and the home of its voluntary adoption.35
Talvis main viewpoint as a well-informed writer and astute witness of her time remained her belief expressed at the outset of her literary and scholarly career in the poem dedicated to Goethe, Aus Liebe zu Goethe. This relatively short poem served as a preface to her first published book dedicated to Serbian folk songs.36 Therein she professed to safeguard Goethes supplication for humanitarian compassion and universal tolerance among the diverse cultures around the world.
LITERATURE:
Milinevi, Vaso. Die Wrdigung der Verdienste Therese von Jakobs und die Neuere Literatur der Serben von Jovan Risti. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1983. Milojkovi-Djuri, Jelena. Panslavism and National Identity in Russia and in the Balkans 1830-1880, Images of the Selfand Others. Boulder and New York: Columbia University Press, 1994. Milojkovi-Djuri, Jelena. Jan Kollar in the Context of Panslavic Discourse 1830-1848, Kosmas: Czechoslovak and Central European Journal, vol. 24, no. 2 (2011): 98-107. Mojaevi, Miljan. Therese von Jakob Talfi, O dvestgodinjici rodjenja 1797-1997, Letopis Matice srpske, vol. 173, no. 3 (1997): 337-348. Pribi, Nikola. Goethe, Talvi und das Sudslavische Volkslied. Vergleichen und Veraendern, Festschrift fur Helmut Mofekat. Oldenburg, Munich, 1970.
34 35 36
Die Auswanderer, Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1852. The Exiles, New York, Putnam, 1853, p. VI.
Talvi, Volkslieder der Serben, collected by Vuk Karadi, with an Introduction and translation of folk songs by Talvi, Halle, Rengerschen Buchhandlung, 1825.
The Legacy of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi | 49 Pribi, Elizabeth. Sima Milutinovic Sarajlija und Theresa Albertina Luise von Jakob, Sd-Ost Forschungen. Bd.38. Oldenburg, Munich, 1979. Schoenle, Andreas. Garden of the Empire: Catherines Appropriation of the Crimea, Slavic Review, vol. 60, no. 1 (2001): pp. 1 - 4. Schubert, Gabriella, und Friedhilde Kraus (Hrsg). Talvj. Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Robinson (1797 - 1870). Aus Liebe zu Goethe: Mittlerin der Balkanslawen. Weimar: VDG Verlag und Datenbank fr Geisteswissenschaften, 2001.
Jelena Milojkovi-Djuri
ZAVETANJ TEREZE ALBERTINE LUJZE FON JAKOB-TALVI

Apstrakt: Prouavanje lingvistike i knjievnosti slovenskih naroda, a posebno socijane istorije sadrane u narodnim pesmama i obiajima, godinama je bilo glavno podruje delatnosti Tereze Albertine Lujze fon Jakob (1797-1870). Posebnu panju je posvetila srpskim narodnim pesamama podstaknuta savetima Getea, Vuka i Mine Karadi. Svoje znaajno delo Historical View of the Languages and Literatures of the Slavic Nations with a Sketch of Their Popular Poetry objavila je 1850. godine po preseljenju u Njuork. Time je umnogome doprinela razvoju slavistikih studija, a posebno srbistike u Severnoj Americi. Iste godine objavila je svoj romana Heloise na engleskom jeziku u istom gradu, uz tri nakndna izdanja. Poseban znaaj ovoga dela je prikazivanje ruske kolonijalne politike na Kavkazu i Krimu. Na predlog Potemkina, Katarina II je prihvatila dalje irenje dravnih granica i objedinjavanje Ruske imperije. Znaajno je da je Talvi poznavala ove krajeve, sudei po njenim detaljnim opisima Jekatarinodara i etniki raznorodnog stanovnitva, kao i stranih dobrovoljaca u vojnim utvrdjenjima u oblasti Kuban. Opisala je i nemaka naselja Zirihtal na obali Crnog Mora u blizini stare tatarske prestonice Kafe. Ovaj znaajni roman nije dosada bio predmet posebnog izuavanja. Kljune rei: socijana istorija, epska i lirska poezija, nemacki folklor, Srbija, Vuk Karadi, narodne pesme Zapadnih i Istonih Slovena, Gete, svetska literatura, migracije, ruska kolonijalna politika na Kavkazu, Rusija, Krim, erkezi, Rumeli, svakodnevica, Novi svet Severna Amerika
51
UDC 930.85(460)
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plaza de toros , , ( 1971: 202). , , . , . , , , (Leiris 1999: 29-33). . - , , . ( ), . , . : , , . , , , (Leiris 1999: 39-40). , (Leiris 1999: 37). , (Leiris 1999: 30). . , . , (Leiris 1999: 46-49). , , , . , ( 1971: 226). , , . - , . , . , , , , ,
58 |
. , . , , a . , . ( 1971: 228). , o . . , . . . e . . , , , . , . , , , . , , , , , ( 1971: 230). , , , ( 1971: 231) , , . . , 7, . (); , ,

7
. . , , , 1. . 1952, . 57-62; , , 2. . 1952, . 130-132; , , 6. . 1952, . 429-432; , 5. 1958, . 459-477.
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, , , , ( 1971: 225-226). (Costa Blanca), . - -. , , , , ( 1971: 206), . . . , ( 1971: 203) 60- , , ( 2007: 148). ... . , , , , , . , , () p () () ! ( 1971: 215). , , , , , () (...) ( 1971: 215-216). c () ( 1971: 215) - . (, , ) - - , . ,
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, . , . . , , , (Paleczny 2010: 34). , . , ( 1971: 216), a . , . , , . , , , . , . , , - (...) , () , () ( 1971: 217). , , . ( 1971: 221) . , ( 1971: 222). , , () , ( 1971: 225) . . je . , , , , , . , , , -
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(Paleczny 2010: 30). . , , (Bauman 1994: 32), , (Wieczorkiewicz 2008: 80). , , , , . (Magris 2009: 153). . () () ( 1971: 209) . , . , : . , (Magris 2009: 15). , (688742), (Mikowski 1998: 48). 732. ( 1971: 209). , . , (Wieczorkiewicz 2008: 182). , , 1492, . 2. 1492. , a 12. 1492. , , ( 1971: 211). , .
62 |
, , , . , , , ( 1971: 197), , , , ( 1971: 197). , . , , , . , . : (...), ( 1971: 197). , , o o . , ( 1971: 198), () ( 1971: 200). , , () () ( 1971: 200-201). - () ( 1971: 212). [ (), , , () , () , , ( 1971: 212)]. () ( 1971: 213). , () ( 1971: 210), () (...) (...) (...), , (...) ( 1971: 210). ( 1971: 209). ,
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( 1971: 221) . , , (Kowalski 2001: 16). , (Kowalski 2001: 18), .
LITERATURA:
, . . : . (). . : , 2007 (Balvanovi, Roman. Pristup Demofilovom delu i O prevoenju sa govora kalo. U Napevi flamenka. Beograd: Nauna KMD, 2007). Bauman, Zygmunt. Ponowoczesne wzory osobowe. W: Dwa szkice o moralnoci ponowoczesnej. Warszawa: Instytut Kultury, 1994. Dvid, Gza. Administracja na ziemiach tureckich w Europie. W: Sulejman Wspaniay i jego czasy. Imperium osmaskie we wczesnej epoce nowoytnej. Pod redakcj Metina Kunta i Christine Woodhead. Wrocaw, 1998. Kowalski, Piotr. Droga, wdrwka, turystyka w kulturze popularnej. W: Przestrzenie, miejsca, wdrwki. Kategoria przestrzeni w badaniach kulturowych kulturowych literackich. Pod red. Piotra Kowalskiego. Opole, 2001. , . . , . 128, . 369, . 1 (1952): 57-62 (Kujundi, Miodrag. etiri izlobe u Novom Sadu. Letopis Matice srpske, god. 128, sv. 1 (1952): 57-62). , . . , . 128, . 369, . 2 (1952): 130-132 (Kujundi, Miodrag. Izloba slika Zore Petrovi u izlobenom paviljonu na Malom Kalemegdanu u Beogradu. Letopis Matice srpske, god. 128, sv. 2 (1952): 130-132). , . . , . 128, . 370, . 6 (1952): 429-432 (Kujundi, Miodrag. Galerija slika Save umanovia u idu. Letopis Matice srpske, god. 128, sv. 6 (1952): 429-432). , . . , . 134, . 383, . 5 (1958): 459-477 (Kujundi, Miodrag. Sukob romantizma i realizma u likovnoj kritici kod Srba. Letopis Matice srpske, god. 134, sv. 5 (1958): 459-477).
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. . , o. 147, . 407, . 4 (1971): 197-231 (Kujundi, Miodrag. Bele kue i crni bikovi. Letopis Matice srpske, god. 147, sv. 4 (1971): 197-231). Kujundi, Miodrag. Panama, most sveta. Novi Sad Irig: Srpska itaonica i knjinica, 1978. Leiris, Michael. Lustro tauromachii. Prze. M. Ochab. Gdask: Sowo/Obraz Terytoria, 1999. Lvi-Provenal, variste. Cywilizacja arabska w Hiszpanii. Prze. Radosaw Stryjewski. Warszawa, 2006. Lewis, Bernard. Arabowie w historii. Tum. Janusz Danecki. Warszawa: Pastwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1995. Magris, Claudio. Podr bez koca. Tum. Joanna Ugniewska. Warszawa: Fundacja Zeszytw Literackich, 2009. Mikowski, Tdeusz, i Machcewicz Pawe. Historia Hiszpanii. Wrocaw, 1998. Paleczny, Tadeusz. Uniwersalizacja kulturowa w procesach globalizacji. W: Globalizacja w kulturze. Upowszechnienie czy uproszczenie?. Pod red. B. Bodzioch-Bryy, R. Szczepaniak, K. Waczyka. Krakw, 2010. Rawlings, Helen. Inkwizycja hiszpaska. Tum. Maciej Pitek. Krakw: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego, 2009. , . . -. : , 2007 (Tremlet, Dajls. Duhovi panije. Beograd: Algoritam, 2007). Wieczorkiewicz, Anna. Apetyt turysty. O dowiadczaniu wiata w podry. Krakw, 2008.
Magorzata Filipek
IN THE LAND OF WHITE HOUSES AND BLACK BULLS: MIODRAG KUJUNDIS IMPRESSIONS FROM SPAIN
Abstract: In addition to well-known works about Spain, written by prominent writers and diplomats of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (Dui, Petrovi, Andri, Crnjanski), Serbian literature is full of less famous fiction that has complemented the countrys image through Serbian readers since the 70s of XX century to the present. One of them is a travel book,
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entitled White houses and black bulls, by Miodrag Kujundi, published in 1971. Visiting the most famous landmarks of Andalusia, the mosque in Cordoba, Seville and a palace complex in Granada, the writer draws his attention to the history of Spain shaped by many cultures and religions. Besides the complex history of this country Kujundi seems to be interested in contemporary Spain. However, as a tourist, he is aware that a short stay in a foreign country does not allow him to learn and understand the real problems faced by Spanish residents. Keywords: xperience, Spain, Miodrag Kujundi, monuments, history, tourist
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UDC 821.163.41-32.09 Andri I.
Dr Miosz Bukwalt1 Uniwersytet Wrocawski Instytut Filologii Sowiaskiej Polska
PRZESTRZENIE IKARA, GLBIE POSEJDONA: MOTYWY AERYCZNE I AKWATYCZNE W OPOWIADANIU WAKACJE NA POUDNIU IVO ANDRICIA
Abstrakt: W niniejszym artykule podjto prb zbadania obecnych w opowiadaniu Ivo Andricia Wakacje na poudniu motyww aerycznych i akwatycznych. Zasadniczy wywd poprzedza refleksja na temat obecnego w literaturze wiatowej od czasw antycznych motywu marzenia o locie. Jak dowiedziono to wanie mity greckie stanowi zapis tego pierwotnego ludzkiego marzenia. Pena dramatyzmu historia Ikara, ktry z wyyn nieba spada w morskie gbie, zapadnia wyobrani wspczesnych poetw w osobach Zbigniewa Herberta, Stanisawa Grochowiaka, Jarosawa Iwaszkiewicza czy te Tadeusza Rewicza. Tragiczny los modzieca inspiruje take malarzy, wrd ktrych wymieni naley mistrza Breugla zwanego Chopskim, Domenica Piol, Piotra Pawa Rubensa, Wiliam Blake-a Richmonda, Marca Chagalla oraz Herberta Jamesa Drapera Usilne pragnienie wzniesienia si w wiat grny, w dziedzin wadztwa ducha, wyraone zostaje rwnie, co wykazano w trakcie analizy, w wybranych utworach doby romantyzmu (Goethe, Mickiewicz). Opowiadanie Andricia tematycznie wpisuje si zatem w krg utworw literackich oraz dzie malarskich podejmujcych motyw marzenia o locie oraz wtek mierci w morskich gbinach. Kluczowe dla utworu jugosowiaskiego prozaika motyw lotu zbadano wykorzystujc aparat pojciowy z zakresu teorii pikna, marzenia na jawie (Gaston Bachelard, Jerome Singer), estetyki ywiow, tallasologii, antropologii podry oraz antropotanatalogii (zjawisko eufemizacji mierci oraz dowiadczenie aoby). Sowa kluczowe: Ivo Andri, motywy ikaryjskie, marzenie na jawie, tallasologia, woda, mier, samobjstwo, przemijanie, zaginicie, aoba
milos_bukwalt@wp.pl (Miosz Bukwalt, University of Wrocaw, Institute of Slavic Studies, Poland)
68 | Miosz Bukwalt
IKAROVI PROSTORI, POSEJDONOVE DUBINE: MOTIVI VAZDUHA I VODE U PRIPOVECI LETOVANJE NA JUGU IVE ANDRIA
Apstrakt: U ovom lanku predmet istraivanja ine motivi vode i vazduha prisutni u Andrievoj pripoveci Letovanje na jugu (1959). Podrobnoj analizi prethodi kulturna refleksija koja upuuje na posebno mesto motiva mate o letu u svetskoj knjievnosti i slikarstvu. Grki mitovi o Dedalu i Ikaru, te o Heliosovom sinu Fetonu (posmatrani kao univerzalne metafore ljudske sudbine) dokaz su istovremeno i za ovekovo uspinjanje, kao i za njegov sunovrat. Puna dramatizma istorija nesretnog Ikara koji sa visine neba pada u morske dubine (kao prostor Posejdonove vlasti), predstavljala je podsticaj za stvaralaku matu brojnih savremenih svetskih pesnika poput Zbignjeva Herberta, Tadeua Ruevia, Jaroslava Ivakjevia ili Stanislava Grohovjaka. elja za letom u prostor duha, mladosti, moi i slobode su ujedno i ideje romatiarskih dela Adama Mickjevia i Johana Volfganga fon Getea. Tragina sudbina bezbrinih mladia koji su, zaboravi na oevu opomenu, doiveli tragian kraj je tematski inspirisala slike Pitera Brojgela, Petra Pavla Rubensa, Vilijama Blejka Rimonda, Marka agala i drugih. Prema autorovom uverenju, Andrieva pria se ukljuuje u niz umetnikih ostvarenja ija je glavna tema ljudska mata o letu prema nebu, kao i predoseanje neminovne propasti. Ova analiza je uinjena primenom naunih instrumenata i pojmova iz oblasti teorije pozitivnih vrednosti (kategorija lepote), poetike mate (Balarova i Singerova kategorija sna na javi), estetike stihija, talasologije, kao i antropotanatologije (voda kao simbol smrti i prolaznosti, smrt kao nestajanje ili naglo ieznue ljudskog bia, kategorija alosti). Kljune rei: Ivo Andri, san na javi, let, lepota, talasologija, voda, prolaznost, smrt, nestajanje
Odwieczne ludzkie marzenie o wzbiciu si w powietrze, szybowaniu w przestworzach, dotkniciu nieboskonu, czy te zanurzeniu si w morskiej toni stanowi kluczowy motyw opowiadania Ivo Andricia Wakacje na poudniu. W badanym utworze pisarz daje wyraz swej fascynacji ywioami powietrza i wody. Na przestrzeni wiekw pierwiastki aeryczne i akwatyczne stanowi wszake jednoczesne rdo podniety i lku dla czowieczej wyobrani.2 Od czasw antycznych po wspczesno (...) wieczny Ikar [nieprzerwanie bowiem] wzlatuje w soce i znika w
2
Wedug Zbigniewa Danielewicza Niebo jest wielkie. Z trudnoci odnajdujemy dla niego miejsce w ciasno zapakowanej wiadomoci kadego nadchodzcego dnia. Aby mogo odetchn w nas pen piersi, rozwin agle, olni blaskiem i przycign do siebie, niebo potrzebuje rozlegych przestrzeni naszego umysu, wyobrani i pamici. [W:] Tego, Niebo. Historia przyszoci, Biblioteka Wizi, Warszawa 2005, s.5. Problem tworzenia ludzkich wyobrae o niebie oraz zdobywania wiedzy na jego temat porusza take Honorata Kropikiewicz w pracy Niebo jest w nas. Szkice z poznania nieba. Ksika i Wiedza, Warszawa 1989.
Przestrzenie Ikara, glbie Posejdona: motywy aeryczne i akwatyczne | 69 w opowiadaniu Wakacje na poudniu Ivo Andricia
morskiej otchani (Kuncewicz 1988: 8). Opowieci Andricia wyrastaj zatem na fundamencie mitycznej historii o Ikarosie, synu mistrza Dedala, ktry na woskowych skrzydach wznosi si ku tarczy sonecznej. Niepomny ojcowskiej przestrogi, bezgranicznie upojony lotem w napowietrznych pokojach (Grochowiak 2000: 78) spada nieszczsny w d, (...), mit, ptno i poezj(Kuncewicz 1988: 190, Kubiak 1999: 412). Niesyte morze poyka (...) dziecinnie ma pit ofiary (Herbert: 1994: 77). Ikar nie wszystek jednak umiera. Jego tragiczny los zapadnia wyobrani mistrzw pdzla i pira. Flamandczyk Pieter Breugel zwany Chopskim ukazuje mier modzieca jako zwyke zdarzenie, ktre zachodzi na oczach pochonitych codziennymi obowizkami ludzi (Walicki: 1957: 42). Doskona obojtno i nieczuo wobec mierci innego wypowiada piewca brzydoty Stanisaw Grochowiak przeciwstawiajc upadkowi mitycznego Ikara bolesne skurcze ciaa pochylonej na bali kobiety praczki. Zwyko i trud powszedniego dowiadczenia, [bo jaka chmura pyta utrudzona prac niewiasta] udwignie nam bali(Grochowiak 2000: 78), niwecz wszelk zdolno do odczuwania pikna, wzrusze i empatii. Na tle przywoanych powyej artystycznych odczyta losu Ikara jake odmiennie brzmi Herbertowskie wezwanie do modlitwy miosiernej za nieroztropnego modzieca, ktry nie rozumia, e skrzyda s tylko przenoni czowieczego serca i zaknionego wolnoci ducha. Ikar bowiem, jak tego dowodzi poeta urzeczony kultur rdziemnomorza, to przede wszystkim syn ziemi, cierni i ostrych kamieni, dla ktrego prba lotu, owo bicie [skrzydami] w prni i wpatrywanie si w soce, stanowi zadanie ponad ludzk miar3 (Herbert 1994:77). mier w locie (Chwin, 2010: 169) staje si rwnie udziaem innych istot: prnych, zuchwaych, wylknionych nade wszystko za owadnitych marzeniem. Jest wrd nich nazbyt ufny w swoje umiejtnoci dziedzic Heliosowy Faeton, ktry nieudolnie prowadzi ognisty rydwan pord poraajcego swym blaskiem zodiakalnego zwierzyca. Raniony Zeusowym piorunem spada obkany rydwannik w nurty rzeki Pad (Kubiak 1999: 46 i 47) i pacz po nim siostry Heliady-topole. Los Faetona dzieli Helle, crka bogini Chmury (Nefele). Na wysokoci cieniny mor3
Jak zauwaa Mircea Eliade niebo objawia wpatrujcemu si we czowiekowi sw transcendencj, moc i sakralno. Podmiot kontemplujcy uwiadamia sobie take inne cechy sklepienia niebieskiego, do ktrych zaliczy wypada: niezmienno, (...) wynioso, nieskoczono czy potg. Zob. Tego Traktat o historii religii. Prze. J. Wierusz Kowalski, Wydawnictwo KR, Warszawa 2000, s. 56. Warto nadmieni, i motywy ikaryjskie pojawiaj si take w utworach poetyckich pira Jarosawa Iwaszkiewicza (Ikar) czy Tadeusza Rewicza (Prawa i obowizki). Nieszczsny Ikar staje si centraln postaci obrazw Domenica Pioli (Dedal i Ikar), Herberta Jamesa Drapera (Lament nad Ikarem), Petera Paula Rubensa (Upadek Ikara), Wiliama Blakea Richmonda (Ikar), Marca Chagala (Ikar), za na gruncie polskim Jarosawa Miklasiewicza (Upadek II, Upadek III) czy Jana Drewsa (Ikar) [przyp.aut].
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skiej oddzielajcej Europ od Azji zdjta lkiem dziewczyna zsuwa si z grzbietu latajcego barana o zotym runie. Poraa j ogrom i pustka otwartej przestrzeni. Otcha morza zabiera jej martwe ciao. Upadek z wyyn i zatracenie w morskich odmtach lub te kara zesana przez bogw staje si zatem udziaem istot owadnitych marzeniem o wzniesieniu si do nieba.4 W dowiadczeniu egzystencjalnym bohatera prozy Andricia acno odnale lady tragicznego losu Dedalowego syna, jak rwnie innych, opisanych w porzdku mitu, synw i cr rodzaju ludzkiego oraz herosw, ktrzy powodowani pragnieniem szybowania w przestworzach naruszaj obszar wadztwa niemiertelnych bogw.5 Niewyczerpane rdo inspiracji dla Andriciowskiej prozy o tematyce aerycznej stanowi mog take wybrane utwory epoki romantyzmu, w ktrych marzenie o locie aktywnym i kontrolowanym staje si dla podmiotw literackich rdem wiedzy i wyjtkowej mocy (Magorzata Sacha-Pieko 2002: 253). To wszake w Faucie Goethego, tytuowy bohater, uczony, praktykarz i czarnoksinik znuony pustk dotychczasowego ycia w zamkniciu i w otoczeniu ksig, ktre (...) pajczyn kurz osnowa expressis verbis wyraa pragnienie przekroczenia swej ndznej, ludzkiej kondycji. w robak, co si czoga w [ziemskim] pyle w nieznany wiat duchw lotnych pragnie si wznie i poj (...) niebieskich cia obroty (Goethe 1987: 28 i 29). Marzenie o locie, posiadaniu skrzyde, co dotykaj sfery zdarze przeszych i przyszych przenika rwnie myl wadzcego si z Stwrc Mickiewiczowskiego Konrada. Mistyczny lot poza planety i gwiazd koowrt ma umoliwi protagonicie trzeciej czci Dziadw rozpoznanie uczu samego Boga (Mickiewicz 1998: 30). W Odzie do modoci natomiast rdem mocy, ktra czyni podmiot liryczny zdolnym do lotu w rajsk dziedzin uudy, staje si modziecza energia, wiara, nadzieja oraz potrzeba braterstwa przeciwstawiona ziemskiej gnunoci i martwocie (Mickiewicz 1986: 63, 64). Nakrelona przez poet o przestrzenna gra4
Moemy take przywoa mitologiczne i biblijne postaci, ktre dostpuj zaszczytu wsplnego biesiadowania z bogami bd swobodnego i bezkarnego przemierzania niebiaskich przestrzeni. Jedn z nich jest opisywany przez Homera Ganimedes, najpikniejszy ze miertelnych, ktry z woli Zeusa zosta przeniesiony do olimpijskiej siedziby bogw. Do nieba, jak o tym czytamy w ksigach Starego Przymierza oraz apokryfach starotestamentowych, zabrany zostaje take m pobony Henoch, syn Jareda, a take Eliasz, ktry na oczach wiernego sugi Elizeusza wstpuje w ognistym rydwanie do nieba [przyp.aut.]
5
Jak zauwaa Magorzata Sacha-Pieko (...) magia lotu jest przemona; wielu miakw usiowao naladowa chyych panw lotw [Gryfa, Sfinksa, Gorgon, Pegaza przyp.aut.], ale lot herosa jest ogromnie niebezpieczny. Mity pouczaj o tym, e utrata samokontroli (zachynicie si swobod lotu lub lk wkradajcy si w poruszajcych si w powietrzu miakw) pociga za sob utrat ycia. Teje Powietrze, [W:] Tomie Estetyka czterech ywiow. Pod red. M. Wilkoszewskiej, Universitas, Krakw 2002, s. 251.
d przywodzi zatem na myl opozycj wzniose-niskie, nieograniczone-zamknite, duchowe versus cielesne i materialne oraz ycie-mier.6 W literackiej refleksji jugosowiaskiego noblisty pobrzmiewa opisane powyej romantyczne pragnienie wzniesienia si w przestworza, poczucia transcendencji, harmonii, cielesnej lekkoci wywoanej przezwycieniem powszechnego prawa cienia a take zjednoczenia z Bogiem ukrytym w Naturze. W niniejszym artykule podjto prb zbadania obecnych w opowiadaniu Ivo Andricia Wakacje na poudniu motyww aerycznych i marynistycznych. Zasadniczy wywd poprzedza obszerna refleksja na temat obecnego w literaturze wiatowej od czasw antycznych motywu marzenia o locie. Jak dowiedziono w toku wywodu to odwieczne ludzkie marzenie spenia si wanie w przestrzeni mitu. Pene dramatyzmu historia Ikara, ktry z wyyn nieba spada w morskie gbie, zapadnia wyobrani wspczesnych poetw w osobach Zbigniewa Herberta, Stanisawa Grochowiaka, Jarosawa Iwaszkiewicza czy te Tadeusza Rewicza. Tragiczny los modzieca inspiruje take malarzy, wrd ktrych wymieni naley mistrza Breugla zwanego Chopskim, Domenica Piol, Piotra Pawa Rubensa, Wiliam Blakea Richmonda, Marca Chagalla oraz Herberta Jamesa Drapera Usilne pragnienie wzniesienia si w wiat grny, w dziedzin wadztwa ducha, wyraone zostaje rwnie, co wykazano w trakcie analizy, w wybranych utworach doby romantyzmu (Goethe, Mickiewicz). Opowiadanie Andricia tematycznie wpisuje si zatem w krg utworw literackich oraz dzie malarskich podejmujcych motyw marzenia o locie oraz wtek mierci w morskich gbinach. Kluczowe dla utworu jugosowiaskiego noblisty motyw lotu zbadano wykorzystujc aparat pojciowy z zakresu teorii pikna, marzenia dziennego (Gaston Bachelard, Jerome Singer), estetyki ywiow akwatycznego i aerycznego, tallasologii oraz antropologii podry. Analizy wtkw mortualnych dokonano natomiast w oparciu o pojcia z zakresu symboliki tanatycznej (woda jako tanatyczny symbol zmiennoci i przemijania) oraz antropotanatalogii (zjawisko eufemizacji mierci, dowiadczenie aoby oraz kategoria trupa nieobecnego). Podr o charakterze turystycznym przywodzi na myl sytuacj tymczasowego opuszczenia oswojonej siedziby mieszkalnej i jednoczesnego znalezienia si w nieokrelonej przestrzeni drogi, tj. miejscu, ktre sytuuje si poza zwyczajnymi ograniczeniami i adem (Kowalski 2002a:23). Jako potencjalna przestrze ruchu zorganizowanego droga obfitowa moe w zdarzenia, ktre dostarczaj podrnemu przey o rnym zabarwieniu emocjonalnym - od przyjemnych a po te nie-
Tego rodzaju model wertykalny okazuje Jurij otman w artykule Problem przestrzeni artystycznej. Prze. J. Faryno, Pamitnik Literacki. Prze. J. Faryno, Zakad Narodowy im. Ossoliskich, Wrocaw 1976, s.215.
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przewidziane, bdce rdem niepokoju i dyskomfortu psychicznego. Zamiarem podrnika staje si zatem pokonanie trasy midzy dwoma punktami geograficznymi w wyranie okrelonym czasie7. W celach rekreacyjnych i poznawczych turysta zawiesza zatem wykonywanie subowych i domowych czynnoci. Decyzji o podry turystycznej towarzyszy bowiem gbokie pragnienie (...) odnalezienia czego, co nada nowy sens (...) yciu.(Wieczorkiewicz 2012:80) Dotarcie do celu wyznacza za pocztek zupenie nowej aktywnoci, polegajcej na rozpoznaniu miejsca, z ktrym turysta wie okrelone nadzieje i oczekiwania oraz rozpisaniu szczegowego planu pobytu (Wieczorkiewicz 2012: 7). W ustalaniu cech zaanektowanej przestrzeni dopomagaj podrnemu zmysy, ktre stanowi wszake krawd ludzkiej wiadomoci (Ackerman, 1994:11). Rozpoznawanie wiata dokonuje si za spraw daru widzenia, ktry umoliwia wyodrbnianie i sytuowanie obiektw w przestrzeni oraz ich rnicowanie w oparciu o rozmiary, ksztaty i barwy, pierwotnego zmysu powonienia z jego podstawow funkcj ostrzegajc, przywoujc wspomnienia oraz podsycajc podliwo jak rwnie smakowania, rda nieocenionych wrae i przyjemnoci (Ackerman, 1994:33,50, Wieczorkiewicz 2012:101, 153, Czaja 1999:9). Omwiona powyej sytuacja poznawania nowej przestrzeni za pomoc zmysw staje si udziaem protagonisty opowiadania Ivo Andricia Wakacje na poudniu. W roli spectatora wystpuje profesor historii Alfred Norges, ktry w towarzystwie maonki porzuca na okres letni rutynowe obowizki wykadowcy. Pocztek podry dystyngowanej pary wyznacza Wiede, miasto przypominajce wielk kawiarni, obszar pedantycznych nawykw i przypadkowego ruchu, jedyne w swoim rodzaju (...) skrzyowanie drg oraz miejsce wyjazdw i powrotw (Magris 1999: 209, 210). U celu wakacyjnej wyprawy znajduje si natomiast nadadriatyckie miasteczko, witajce goci dusznym upaem i drobnymi nieprzyjemnociami wszelkiego rodzaju (Andri, 1974: 7). Rzeczywisto turystycznego partykularzu wyrnia przygnbiajca realno zjawisk z natury swej szorstkich i odstrczajcych (Andri 1974: 4) Nieufno budz bowiem zarwno oschli waciciele o twarzach naznaczonych chorob jak i sam dom z typow dla dokuczliw dusznoci wntrz oraz martwot domowych sprztw, ktre zdaj si przemawia do przybyszw osobliwym jzykiem nieprzydat-
W ocenie Piotra Kowalskiego (...) podr moe (...) by dowiadczeniem o rnych wymiarach. Najwaniejszymi elementami w opowieciach na jej temat jest wyobraenie adu: musi by jaki punkt wyjcia, wdrwka i cel, ktrym czsto bywa odzyskanie miejsca, z jakiego kiedy trzeba bdzie wyruszy. Wdrwka z definicji jest wic zapisem pokonywanych granic. Tego Wdrowanie i poszukiwanie, czyli przekraczanie granic, [W:] tomie O granicach i ich przekraczaniu. Pod red. P. Kowalskiego i M. Sztandary, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Opolskiego, Opole 2004, s. 10.
noci. Tak ukazany obszar ycia zasuszonego stanowi nieodczny element scenerii przytaczajcej nudy, na ktr istota ludzka reaguje zwykle niechci, a nawet odraz (Toohey 2012: 19, 20, 43). Zrodzone pod wpywem sscej nudy negatywne emocje nakazuj wiedeskiemu wojaerowi zdefiniowa nowo rozpoznan przestrze jako obszar pozbawiony wieoci, (...) ycia i jako takiego adu (Andri 1974: 7). W przypadku protagonisty doskonaym remedium na przezwycienie apatii staje si opuszczenie, nuda znika wszake po ustaniu okolicznoci, ktre j zrodziy, klaustrofobicznej siedziby mieszkalnej. Ze wiata niezrnicowanego spojrzenie turysty kieruje si ku jasnym elementom otwartej przestrzeni. Tak zachodzi zmiana w scenach [jego] widzenia (Byron 1986: 114). Soneczny blask, odwieczne rdo wiata, dawca ycia i ciepa stanowi wszake zaprzeczenie wszystkiego, co martwe i ciemne (Kowalski 1998: 516; Whitehouse 2005: 19) Wzrok spectatora chonie chciwie rozlewny i nieskoczony strumie, przyrody. Rozproszone czstki w postaci bkitnego nieba, falujcego morza, przepywajcych chmur, wierzchokw drzew oraz refleksw wietlnych z wolna jednak ukadaj si w uporzdkowan cao. Oko posiada bowiem zdolno wyodrbniania krajobrazu, ktry, w przeciwiestwie do nieograniczonej natury stanowi samodzieln pod wzgldem optycznym i estetycznym jedno (Simmel 2006:293). Oprawiony w ramy obraz nieba zczonego z ywioem wody w odlegej kresce horyzontu wprawia spectatora w stan nieustajcego zachwytu i natchnienia (Andri 1974:9). Take kpiel w morzu, w tej podstpnej i bezkresnej przestrzeni przygody wyznacza w przypadku wiedeskiego turysty pocztek duchowej przemiany. W planie symbolicznym zanurzenie si w amorficznej i pozbawionej wymiaru temporalnego wodzie oznacza przecie oczyszczenie oraz przywrcenie mocy yciowej czowieka8 (Kowalski 2002b: 41). Rozpoznanie pikna nadmorskiego krajobrazu tosame jest take z wejciem podmiotu percypujcego w naznaczony adem oraz dostojnoci, wyszy wiat.9
W podobnym duchu rozumuje Mircea Eliade. Zdaniem rumuskiego badacza (...) wody symbolizuj [bowiem] wszelk potencjalno. S one (...) rezerwuarem wszystkich moliwych postaci istnienia, poprzedzaj kad form i stanowi podwalin jakiegokolwiek procesu stwarzania wiata. (...) Zanurzenie w wodzie oznacza regres do pierwotnego stanu bezforemnoci (...). Wynurzenie [za] powtarza kosmogoniczny akt wyaniania si form. (...) Std symbolizm wd wie si zarwno ze mierci, jak i odrodzeniem. Zob. Tego Obrazy i symbole. Szkice o symbolizmie magiczno-religijnym. Prze. M.i P. Rodakowie, KR, Warszawa 1998, s. 177-178.
9
Zdaniem Marii Goaszewskiej do rozpoznania pikna zdolna jest jedynie jednostka wyposaona w okrelone cechy osobowociowe. Jest to, stwierdza badaczka, czowiek poszukujcy, ktry nie poprzestaje na znajomoci struktur powierzchniowych, lecz wci docieka sensu rzeczywistoci oraz wasnej natury, ywic przekonanie, e sam proces poszukiwania jest sposobem istnienia. Warunek konieczny doznania pikna stanowi za dystans wobec wiata, zdolno do odczuwania gbi zjawisk, refleksyjno, uznanie wyszoci
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Chwila faustyczna zdaje si zatem trwa nieskoczenie. Przyszo, ten sekretny skarbiec celw i pragnie, w ktry czowiek umieszcza nadmiar swego [teraniejszego] istnienia (Guitton 1989: 20), stanowi natomiast zapowied i gwarancj kolejnych mocnych dozna estetycznych. Potwierdza to fragment: (...) Odwieony pywaniem, socem i morsk fal, mia wraenie, e woy na siebie lekkie, a odwitne i nienobiae, pachnce ubranie i e ronie i kwitnie z nim razem i z reszt otaczajcego wiata. Wszystko byo jasne w nim i wok niego. (...) Nie mg si skupi, wszystko bowiem przyzywao go i pocigao: drzewa rosnce gsto u stp tarasu, z ktrych widoczne byy tylko zalane wiatem wierzchoki, niebo z przepywajcymi po nim obokami, morze z jego ptactwem i statkami, pene nieustajcych przemian. Wszystko tchno harmoni i zadowoleniem, a wiadomo byo, e jutrzejszy dzie to pikno jeszcze pomnoy (Andri 1974: 9). W atmosferze pikna wzmocnieniu ulega take wi emocjonalna midzy maonkami. Czynna i nieustannie wzrastajca mio jawi si jako potrzeba przebywania w bezporedniej bliskoci obiektu uczu10. Z wyyn ukwieconego tarasu wierny Filemon z utsknieniem wypatruje zatem swojej Baukis, co ilustruje fragment: (...) Siedzc tak, oczekiwa powrotu ony; a lubi to oczekiwanie. Ot, czekasz, cieszysz si na jej powrt, jak na przyjemn niespodziank, cho wiesz na pewno, e przyjdzie. Dowiadczasz owego szczeglnego szczcia, ktre poprzedza szczcie waciwe. A zanim si pojawi, syszysz, jak niewidzialna jeszcze, woa ci po cichu z pierwszych stopni schodw (Andri 1974: 10). Czynnoci intelektualne wymuszaj jednak czasowe choby zawieszenie speniania rytuaw maeskich. Samotno a take cisza stanowi wszake nieodczny element twrczego ycia.11 W stanie izolacji i milczenia miast naukowych konkluzji i dojrzewaj jednak czsto, jak przekonuje profesor Aschenbach protagonista Mannowskiej mierci w Wenecji, obserwacje otwarte na to przygod, przeycie pikna i dziwnoci wiata. W odosobnieniu imaginacja projektuje take obrazy opaczne, nieproporcjonalne, niedorzeczne i niedozwolone (Mann 1988: 26), ktre stanowi tre marzenia dziennego. Wedug definicji amerykaskiego psychologa Jeromea L. Singera
widzialnego wiata. Por. Teje Istota i istnienie wartoci. Studium o wartociach estetycznych na tle sytuacji aksjologicznej, PIW, Warszawa 1990, s. 176. Ten rodzaj uczucia mona za Abrahamem A. Maslowem okreli jako podstawow warto Bytu. Tylko bowiem dynamiczna i nie skupiona na potrzebie mio umoliwia, jak przekonuje amerykaski psycholog, wnikliw percepcj drugiej osoby oraz samopoznanie. Tego W stron psychologii istnienia. Prze. I. Wyrzykowska, PIW, Warszawa 1986, s. 48 i 49.
11 10
Zob. na ten temat A. Storr, Samotno. Powrt do jani. Prze. J. Prokopiuk i P.J. Sieradzan, WAB, Warszawa 2010, s. 163 i 164.
wzmiankowane powyej rojenie na jawie, okrelane take jako zadumanie, zamylenie, roztargnienie, rozproszenie uwagi czy monolog wewntrzny, to proces poznawczy, w ktrym marzyciel miast na aktualne zadania kieruje uwag wycznie na wasne reakcje, wyzwalajce si pod wpywem bodcw wewntrznych oraz zewntrznych.12 W przypadku osb dorosych rojenia na jawie stanowi zatem rodzaj ucieczki od niemiej rzeczywistoci, w jaki nieistniejcy, fikcyjny wiat. Tego typu aktywno psychiczn wyzwala najczciej stan samotnoci, okoliczno sprzyjajca powstawaniu marze na jawie owych strumieni myli, gosw wewntrznych, nagych skojarze, cigw obrazowych, dozna cielesnych oraz reakcji afektywnych. Niekiedy jednak to wanie przypadkowy sygna z zewntrz, promie soca, dwik lub czyje spojrzenie staj si rdem nieskrpowanego nienia na jawie (Singer 1980: 9, 140, 162, 163). Kade marzenie jest zatem owocem wyciszenia, oddalenia od innych oraz trwania w odrbnym wiecie - poza czasem i podziaami przestrzennymi. W sytuacji psychicznego rozprenia dojrzewa marzenie kosmiczne, ktre (...) biegnie od gbin bytu jednostkowego do gbin bytu. wiata (Bachelard: 1998: 9,198). Rojenie na jawie13 o wzniesieniu si w przestworza staje si udziaem osiowej figury opowiadania Wakacje na poudniu, co potwierdza cytat: Marzenia owaday nim w sposb przemony; odczuwa je jako agodny a upajajcy gwat, ktry wyzwala go od wszystkiego, co byo w nim i dokoa niego, i zarazem podporzdkowywa sobie, po czym przeksztaca si w dziwna gr, zmienia ukad stosunkw w otaczajcym wiecie, siy i rozmiary jego ciaa (Andri 1974: 10). Rozprone sensorium podmiotu otwiera si na nowe doznania olfaktoryczne i wizualne, co rozniecaj pomie i ustokrotniaj siy (Andri 1974: 10). W tych warunkach wzrok syci si bezkresem morza i nieba, jado staje si rdem przyjemnoci a nikotynowy boski haust wprowadza w stan twrczego upojenia.14 Pradawne, opiewane w mitach
12
Analogicznie zjawisko to postrzega Gaston Bachelard. Wedug francuskiego badacz marzenie dzienne rodzi si w sposb naturalny, w uprzytomnieniu bez napicia, gdzie cogito jest nam powolne i gwarantuje bytow pewno, pync z podobajcego si nam obrazu obrazu, ktry dlatego nam si podoba, e wanie go stworzylimy, poza wszelk odpowiedzialnoci, w absolutnej wolnoci marzenia. Tego Poetyka marzenia. Przekad, opracowanie i posowie Leszka Brogowskiego, Sowo Obraz/Terytoria, Gdask 1998, s. 173. W ocenie Jana Wierzbickiego w opowiadaniu Ivo Andricia Wakacje na poudniu na plan pierwszy wysuwa si wanie problem bezkresnego marzenia, wzlotw oraz wzrusze rozbudzonych poczuciem pikna. Protagonista utworu, przekonuje znakomity znawca i tumacz twrczoci Andricia, syci zmysy widokiem sonecznych przestworzy. Pod wpywem tych obrazw w psychice bohatera dojrzewa marzenie o wzlocie ku socu tosame z pragnieniem wolnoci, peni i absolutu. Zob. Tego Posowie, [W:] tomie Przeklte podwrze. Prze. A. Dukanovi i J. Wierzbicki
14 13
Zob. na ten temat Sander L. Gilman, Zhou Xun, Dym. Powszechna historia palenia. Prze. J. Socho-Jasnorzewska, Krakw, Universitas 2009, s. 256 i 266.
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ikaryjskich, marzenie o szybowaniu po nieboskonie intensyfikuj dodatkowo ruchliwe smuki tytoniowego dymu, ktre w wymiarze symbolicznym mog peni wanie funkcj cznika midzy ziemi a niebiask krain bogw i duchw (Kowalski 1998: 107). W marzeniu o locie widzialny wiat traci swoje dotychczasowe proporcje i kontury. W wyobrani marzyciela konstytuuje si natomiast nowa, dynamiczna, pozbawiona tradycyjnych miar temporalnych i przestrzennych i podlegajca prawu grawitacji, rzeczywisto. Ilustruje to fragment: [Profesor] przymyka oczy. (...) Morze oddycha. Jego ruch przenosi si na nagie kamienie brzegowiska i zarose drzewami grskie zbocza, na oboki i modre paty nieba. Wszystko jest w ruchu, wszystko szykuje si do lotu. Jakkolwiek moe si to wyda nieprawdopodobne i niemoliwe, poruszy si te taras. Zreszt jeli si nie poruszy on sam wstanie z miejsca i opuci taras, gdy naley do tego, oywione ruchem (Andri 1974: 13). Zrodzony w marzeniu dziennym Alfreda Norgesa obraz odznacza si zatem Heraklitejsk zmiennoci. W myl sformuowanej przez ciemnego filozofa teorii wariabilizmu podstawow wasno przyrody stanowi wanie nieustanny przepyw form (panta rhei), brak rzeczy o cechach trwaych oraz zatarcie granic midzy przeciwiestwami. Nie sposb zatem, jak przekonuje efezjaczyk, uchwyci adnej miertelnej substancji w staej kondycji, gdy kada si rozprasza i skupia, ksztatuje i rozpywa, zblia i oddala (Heraklit 1989: 6). W marzeniu na jawie pod przymknitymi powiekami przeobraeniu ulega rwnie byt fizyczny innego czowieka. Oto miejscowy ogrodnik przeistacza si (...) w kogo w rodzaju przewodnika, [a] moe nawet wadcy wprawionych w ruch wiatw (Andri 1974: 12). w niski i siwy czowieczek wyposaony zostaje niewtpliwie w cechy starogreckiego boga Hermesa, ktry na drogach krtych i na ich rozstajach strzee znuonych wdrowcw. Opiek sw otacza take zodziei i pasterzy. Ten syn Zeusa i Mai poredniczy take midzy wiatem ludzkiej ekumeny a obszarem niezrnicowanym. Jako psychopompos dusze z niewoli srogiego Hadesa wybawia, inne za w smutny Tartar strca. Zsya te sen bd przywraca wiadomo - martwym otwiera powieki. To obute w zote sanday bstwo aeryczne posiada zdolno unoszenia si nad morzem [i] ponad ziemi, z chyoci wiatru. Hermes, pan powietrznych przestrzeni, za dotkniciem magicznej rdki (rabdos) ucisza te wiatry i rozpdza chmury (Kubacki 1999: 285). Miejscowy ogrodnik, wcielenie skrzydlatego boga, agodnym ruchem zaprasza marzyciela do podry w (...) rdobocznych przestrzeniach, bkitach nieba i pynnych prawie szarawych grskich masywach (Andri 1974: 13). Dokd zabiera nicego na jawie ten wspczesny przewodnik dusz? Ku yciu go wiedzie, czy w sen mierci strca? Czy obiecuje pene upojenia, lecz tragiczne w skutkach szybowanie Ikarowe? Czy te wzywa do Mickiewiczowskiego lotu mocy, modoci i regene-
racji? A wypowiedziane przeze sowa wezwania Tdy, prosz pana, tdy!, czy nie zapowiadaj realizacji Faustowskiego pragnienia o obcowaniu ze wiatem duchw i cia napowietrznych? Nabrzmiae marzenie oraz niebezpieczne i podniecajce szczcie pynce z rozfalowanych przestrzeni nakazuj marzycielowi wypatrywa dogodnego miejsca, z ktrego wyzwolone z okoww ciao, cho na moment, wzniesie si w niebieskie przestworza. W tej funkcji wystpuje w utworze wysoki, grujcy ponad miasteczkiem szczyt. Andri siga zatem po obecny w romantycznej ikonografii niemieckiej motyw urwiska i pozbawionej granic przestrzeni powietrznej. Wybrane ptna Caspara Davida Friedricha, Filipa Ottona Rungego oraz Karola Friedricha Schinckela dowodz wszake fascynacji tych artystw przepastn powietrzn gbi. Ukazane w twrczoci pejzaystw wizje grskich otchani symbolizowa mog zarwno jasn, soneczn stron ludzkiego istnienia jak rwnie hipnotycznie wcigajc czowieka przestrze samobjczej mierci i anihilacji ciaa (Chwin 2010: 170 i 171). Take nieogarniona morska kipiel, nota bene rwnie czsty temat prac niemieckich czarnych romantykw, reprezentuje typ otwartej i wzburzonej przestrzeni, z ktrej mona wznie si ku grze. Fale bowiem, by rzec sowami znakomitego talassologa Predraga Matvejevicia, stanowi nieodzowny komponent dramaturgii morza (Matvejevi 2003:29). Do obserwatorw morskiej scenerii oraz bezporednich uczestnikw zmaga marynistycznych przemawiaj one zwykle tajemniczym jzykiem szemrania, bulgotania czy plusku15. W zoonej choreografii fal morskich zwracaj uwag zwizane z ruchem odpyww, przypyww oraz ruchw wewntrznych ukady oraz figury opadania, krzyowania si oraz penego grozy i napicia wznoszenia si ku sklepieniu nieba. To wanie (...) po srebrnych schodach [fal] spinajcych ld z nieboskonem owadnita marzeniem istota ludzka pragnie wzbi si w przestworza.16
15
W myl definicji Jerzego Bartmiskiego morzu przypisuje si cechy istoty ywej. W kulturze ludowej akwen morski oddycha, yje, dwiga si, zrywa, wspina, podnosi w gr, (...) szczerzy zby czy nadyma si. Morzu wyposaone zostaje w sfer uczu i emocji. Wielka woda potrafi by zatem smutna, wzburzona, sroga, gniewna, bezwzgldna lub te, dla odmiany, agodna i umiechnita. Zob. Sownik stereotypw i symboli ludowych. Kosmos. Ziemia, woda, podziemie. Red. J. Bartmiski, Wydawnictwo UMCS, Lublin, 1999, t.1, cz.2, s.387,388.
16
W znakomitej impresji tallasologicznej Letei nad morem Ivo Andri postrzega akwen morski jako przestrze nieograniczonej wolnoci oraz platform, z ktrej istota ludzka moe wzbi si do lotu ku doskonaoci i nieskoczonoci, co potwierdza cytat: Kad god se setim mora, - izjavljuje pisac - proe me laka jeza (...) od temena do nonih prstiju, i poljulja za trenutak zemlju ispod nogu. Nastojim da dobro razmotrim ovu neopisivu nenost kojom me ispunjava sama pomisao na sivkasto belu boja galebova perja, mirne talase koji u sebe nose sunce, nebo, odraz obala, nae likove, i lome se s muzikom koju sluamo u pobonom zanosu. (...) Osta-
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Do lotu wzywaj take obserwowane przez bohatera z wyyn domowego tarasu smuke sylwetki drzew, ktre towarzysz wszake rodzajowi ludzkiemu ab origine mundi. Stworzone dnia trzeciego na powierzchni suchej zajy uprzywilejowane miejsce wrd gstwy rolin zielonych (Ksiga Rodzaju 1980: 1,11-12, 24). W cigu stuleci wyobrania czowiecza wyposaa je w cechy symboliczne i moce sakralne. I tak wite drzewo, ktre objawia rzeczywisto pozaludzk staje si w rnych systemach religijnych siedzib bstw, otarzem, znakiem ycia i podnoci, odwzorowaniem kosmosu, i co wane w kontekcie prowadzonych rozwaa, osi czc wiat niebiaski, telluryczny oraz podziemny (Eliade 2000: 287). W opowiadaniu Andricia drzewa, co powiewaj nitkami Ziemi i Nieba (Evert Hopmann 1995: 5), wskazuj marzycielowi drog ku grnym wiatom. Ilustruje to fragment: (...) Wierzchoki gstych zielonych drzew, ktre znajduj si pod [balkonem] zalane s (...) migotliwym blaskiem, co zczy i zrwna wszystko na ziemi, na morzu i na niebie. Ten migotliwy blask to cudowny, stromy i rozkoysany most, po ktrym czowiek moe chodzi moe chodzi nie krpowany ani si cienia, ani jakimikolwiek granicami (Andri 1974: 17). Bezporednim wezwaniem do szybowania w przestworzach staje si dla bohatera bliska obecno wrbla oczajduszy i obieywiata, nieoczekiwanego gocia na tarasie domu letniskowego. Dzieje si tak, gdy obraz ptaka przywodzi zawsze na myl ywio powietrza skrzydo (...) barwi si zwykle kolorem nieba oraz dowiadczenie swobodnego przemieszczania si w przestworzach.17 Z widokiem ptaka szybujcego po nieboskonie zwizane s bowiem tzw. pierwotne rzeczywistoci psychiczne, wrd ktrych wymieni naley uczucie lekkoci, lotu onirycznego, wolnoci, modoci oraz czystoci (Bachelard 1975: 183-186). Wrbel, stworzenie symbolizujce skromno, pokor, samotno, ycie kontemplacyjne oraz zdolno wznoszenia si umysu a do wyyn nieba zaprasza zatem marzyciela do porzucenia codziennych zaj i oddania si w bez reszty rozkoszy podniebnej przygody (Kobielus 2002: 134 i 135). W opowiadaniu Ivo Andricia marzenie o locie nie jest jedynie faktem psychicznym. Pragnienia o szybowaniu w przestworzach spenia si, cho narrator milczy na temat okolicznoci tego zdarzenia, w absolutnej ciszy i pustce dalmatyskiego pejzavlajui tvrdo i oporo kopno i prelazei na nemirni ilim koji vodi u neizvesnost i daljinu, mi smo na vanom prelazu, na putu koji vodi ka oduhovljenju. Zaista, spavajui na brodu oko kojeg peva more, dolazi oveku misao da je to samo prvi konak ka putovanju jo netelesnijim elementima radosnijih i viih svetova. Kao da se ide od krutog preko tekueg do vazduastog. Sam izlaz na morsku obalu daje iluziju da putujemo ka savrenstvu. (...) Talas postaje krilo. Bivamo bestelesni i sreni. Letimo. Pogledaj I. Andri, Letei nad morem, [U:] tomu Staze, lica, predeli. Sabrana djela Ive Andria, Sjetlost Sarajevo, Mladost Zagreb, Sarajevo 1977, s. 196-198.
17
Na ten temat zob. take Haso Ptak, [W:] M. Luker, Sownik obrazw i symboli biblijnych. BP K. Romaniuk, Pallotinum, Pozna 1989, s. 190.
u, daleko poza zasigiem zawsze wcibskiego wzroku mieszkacw i goci nadmorskiego kurortu. W opowiadaniu Andricia lot, a raczej skok z wysokoci w morskie odmty, tosamy jest zapewne z aktem cakowitego unicestwienia bytu cielesnego. Nage zniknicie profesora Norgesa to nie tyle zatem, jak tego chce Jan Wierzbicki, wydarzenie o cechach fantastycznych,18 co synonim samobjczej mierci. Bezszelestny lot ku niebu rozumiany jako chwilowe przekroczenie ogranicze ludzkiej natury czowiek bowiem, jak przekonuje jugosowiaski noblista moe dotrze daleko i wspi si wysoko - koczy si tu zapewne, podobnie jak w porzdku greckiego mitu o Faetonie czy Dedalowym synu, tragicznym w skutkach upadkiem w gbie Posejdona. mier poprzez wod wyznacza zatem kres tego zuchwaego ludzkiego marzenia o szybowaniu w przestworzach. ywio akwatyczny, jedyny w swoim rodzaju grb ognia i ludzi, zabiera martwe ciao.19 Duch natomiast przygotowuje si do wyprawy szlakiem fal, ktra przybiera ostateczn posta unoszenia si i pynicia z prdem. Wyobrania ludzka bowiem, jak przekonuje Gaston Bachelard, (...) domaga si, aby woda miaa swj udzia w mierci; potrzebuje wody, dla ktrej mier zachowaaby charakter podry (Bachelard 1975:149). Nieobecno wiedeskiego turysty rodzi poczucie dojmujcego lku. Chaotyczne przeszukiwaniom najbliszej okolicy towarzyszy zrazu wta ludzka nadzieja na odnalezienie zaginionej osoby. Przytaczajca i beznadziejna cisza, cokolwiek roztargniony gos profesora nie odpowiada ju wszake z wyyn tarasu na pozdrowienia i przyjazne woania, staje si jednak w odczuciu zrozpaczonej Baukis znakiem trwaej fizycznej nieobecnoci towarzysza ycia. Skamieniaa z blu ona profesora Norgesa daremnie, gdy zaborcze morze, przestrze mierci i uwizienia, nie wydaje martwego ciaa, (...) od witu do nocy wyczekuje na ustronnym skrawku play (...). Kuca trzymajc rce na padoku jak ony miejscowych rybakw, gdy czekaj na powrt mw z poowu (Andri 1974: 21). mier pozbawiona zwok postrzegana jest zwykle jako zdarzenie nierealne i niemoliwe do zaakceptowania przez bliskich. Sytuacja taka dotyczy zwykle osb zmarych na wygnaniu, zaginionych na morzu, trudnych do zidentyfikowania ze wzgldu na oszpecenie czy
18 19
Por. J. Wierzbicki, Posowie, [W:] tomie I. Andri, Przeklte podwrze, op. cit., s. 132.
Destrukcyjne dziaanie morskiego ywiou dostrzega znakomity woski pisarz Claudio Magris. Morze bowiem, jak przekonuje prozaik i profesor Uniwersytetu w Triecie, niszczy, trawi, pochania. (...) Epickie morze uczy wolnoci tak, abymy mogli uzna si za pokonanych nie przerywajc walki; uwalnia [ono] od dzy potwierdzania si i zwycistwa, ktra jest oznak obsesji niemocy. Ten blask czasami zbyt intensywny jest take zaproszeniem do odprenia si, zanicia; owa wielka woda gasi pragnienie, pozwala zrozumie, e waciwie nie jest zbyt tragicznie, jeli kipiel morska zaciera lad na play. Mio do morza i mio do mierci, jak chcia Tomasz Mann. W (...) falach [morza] uczymy si wasnej znikomoci. [W:] Tego Mikrokosmosy. Prze. J. Ugniewska i A. Osmska-Mtrak, Czytelnik, Warszawa 2002, s.161.
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te zwglenie ciaa (Brhant 1993: 170). Bliscy, zwizani emocjonalnie ze zmarym zaginionym bd nierozpoznanym oczekuj w niepewnoci na precyzyjny komunikat dotyczcy czasu, miejsca i okolicznoci zgonu. Odzyskanie zwok i zoenie ich w ziemi redukuje za lk, przynosi ukojenie i umoliwia przejcie wszystkich etapw aoby.20 Pogrzeb bowiem, prcz tradycyjnej funkcji higieniczno-sanitarnej, religijnej i spoecznej, posiada take wyran waciwo uspokajajc i moc terapeutyczn (Brhant 1993: 188; Ostrowska 1997: 24). Definiowany jako mier przez nieobecno przypadek wiedeskiego turysty ksztatuje wrd mieszkacw nadmorskiego miasteczka osobliwy nastrj niepewnoci i melancholii. Jedynie bowiem zgon wskutek choroby, staroci czy nieszczliwego wypadku pozwala postrzega kres ludzkiego ycia w kategoriach zjawiska oswojonego. Niewyjanione zniknicie, czy te zaginicie czowieka nosi natomiast cechy zdarzenia zagadkowego. mier innego uzmysawia take nieuchronno koca naszego wasnego istnienia, owego przejcia od mierci abstrakcyjnej do mierci realnej. Hodie mihi cras tibi. Opowiadanie Ivo Andricia Wakacje na poudniu zaliczy naley do krgu utworw podejmujcych motyw marzenia o szybowaniu w przestworzach. Od czasw staroytnych, co potwierdzaj greckie mity o Ikarze, Featonie czy te Helle oraz starotestamentowe historie Henocha i Eliasza, istota ludzka wyraa bowiem usilne pragnienie wzbicia si w rejony grnego wiata, obszar niepodzielnego wadztwa bytw nadprzyrodzonych. Jako swoisty paradygmat kulturowy biblijne i mityczne opowieci o wznoszeniu si czowieka do nieba poddane zostaj zabiegowi transpozycji w dzieach literackich i malarskich rnych epok. Mityczna osnowa suy zatem budowaniu metaforycznych czy symbolicznych obrazw wzlotu i upadku istoty ludzkiej. Utwr jugosowiaskiego noblisty, wspczesna realizacja mitu o Ikarze, stanowi oryginalny zapis marzenia dziennego o locie aktywnym, ktre dojrzewa w warunkach kontemplacji nadmorskiego krajobrazu. Tre przeycia estetycznego stanowi przede wszystkim ywioy akwatyczne (choreogrfia morskich fal) i powietrzne (bkit nieboskonu, dal horyzontu), w mniej za stopniu pierwiastki solarne, telluryczne oraz teriomorficzne. Dowiadczenie pikna i adu natury tosame jest w przypadku podmiotu percypujcego, istoty poszukujcej i refleksyjnej, z wejciem w wiat wyszy i wzniosy, rdo bezgranicznej wolnoci du20
Francuski tanatolog Louis Vincent-Thomas podkrela, e (...) cho obecno trupa niepokoi jako symbol utraty, nietrwaoci ycia ludzkiego i nieuniknionego rozkadu, jest ona take uspokajajca: nieboszczyk jest rozpoznany przez swoich; (...) a pewno jego mierci znosi si lepiej ni niepewno, towarzyszc jego nieobecnoci i milczeniu. [W:] Tego Trup. Od biologii do antropologii. Prze. K. Kocjan, Wydawnictwo dzkie, d 1991.
cha. Naley podkreli, i w opowiadaniu Andricia rojenie na jawie o wzbiciu si ku niebu nie jest jedynie, a fakt ten eksponowano nadmiernie w dotychczasowych odczytaniach utworu, aktem psychicznym czy te wyobraeniowym. Lot zyskuje bowiem konkretn, tragiczn w skutkach realizacj w postaci samobjczego skoku z wysokoci, otcha i wodna kipiel po Friedrichowsku wabi i mami marzyciela, w morskie gbiny. Niewyjanione zniknicie czy te zaginicie protagonisty posiada zatem wyrane cechy sytauacji tanatycznej. Pragnienie mierci, jak rwnie unicestwienia bytu cielesnego, stanowi ukryt, acz istotn, tre obecnego w utworze Andricia motywu marzenia o locie.
LITERATURA:
Ackerman, Diane. Historia naturalna zmysw. A.B. Matusiak i M. Ochab. Warszawa: Ksika i Wiedza, 2002. Andri, Ivo. Wakacje na poudniu, w: tomie Kobieta na kamieniu. Wyboru dokona i przeoy A. Dukanovi. Warszawa: Ksika i Wiedza, 1974. Andri, Ivo. Letei nad morem, u: Kua na osami, Sabrana djela Ive Andria. Sarajevo: Svjetlost; Zagreb: Mladost, 1977. Bachelard, Gaston. Wyobrania poetycka. Wybr pism. Prze. H. Chudak i A. Tatarkiewicz. Przedm. J. Boski. Warszawa: Pastwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1975. Bachelard, Gaston. Poetyka marzenia. Przekad, opracowanie i posowie L. Brogowski. Gdask: Sowo, obraz/terytoria, 1998. Brhant, Jacques. Chory i lekarz w obliczu mierci. Przedm. E. Wolff. Prze. U. Sudolska. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo ANCHER, 1993. Byron Gordon, George. Sen, w: Tego Wiersze, poematy. Wdrwki Czajld Harolda. Prze. A. Mickiewicz. Warszawa: PIW, 1986. Czaja, Dariusz, Ciao w kilku odsonach, w: Metamorfozy ciaa. wiadectwa i interpretacje. Warszawa: Contago, 1999. Chwin, Stefan. Samobjstwo jako dowiadczenie wyobrani. Gdask: Tytu, 2010. Danielewicz Zbigniew. Niebo. Historia przyszoci. Warszawa: Biblioteka Wizi, 2005. Eliade, Mircea. Traktat o historii religii. Prze. J. Wierusz Kowalski. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo KR, 2000. Eliade, Mircea. Obrazy i symbole. Szkice o symbolizmie magiczno-religijnym. Prze. M. i P. Rodakowie, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo KR, 1998. Evert Hopmann, Ellen. Co do nas mwi drzewa ? w: Teje Drzewa magiczne, drzewa lecznicze. Warszawa: Wyd. Alfa, 1995.
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Goethe, Johann Wolfgang. Faust. Tragedii cz pierwsza. Przeoy i przedmow oraz przypisami opatrzy A. Sandauer. Krakw: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1987. Goaszewska Maria. Istota i istnienie wartoci. Studium o wartociach estetycznych na tle sytuacji aksjologicznej, Warszawa: PWN, 1990. Grochowiak, Stanisaw. Ikar, w: Tego Wybr poezji. Oprac. J. ukasiewicz. Wrocaw-Warszawa-Krakw: Zakad Narodowy im. Ossoliskich, 2000. Guitton, Jean. Sens czasu ludzkiego. Prze. W. Sukiennicka. Warszawa, 1998. Herbert, Zbigniew. Dedal i Ikar, w: Tego Struna wiata. Wrocaw: Wydawnictwo Dolnolskie, 1994. Korpikiewicz, Hanna. Niebo jest w nas. Szkice z poznania Nieba. Warszawa: Ksika i Wiedza, 1989. Kowalski, Piotr. Odyseje nasze byle jakie. Droga, przestrze i podrzowanie w kulturze wspczesnej. Wrocaw: ATLA 2, 2002a. Kowalski, Piotr. Woda ywa. Opowie o wodzie, zdrowiu, higienie i dietetyce. Wrocaw: Towarzystwo Przyjaci Ossolineum, 2002b. Kowalski, Piotr. Wdrowanie i poszukiwanie, czyli przekraczanie granic, w: tomie O granicach i ich przekraczaniu. Pod red. P. Kowalskiego i M. Sztandary. Opole: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Opolskiego, 2004. Matvejevi, Predrag. Brewiarz rdziemnomorski. Prze. D. Cirli-Straszyska. Przedmowa C. Magris. Sejny: Pogranicze, 2003. Ostrowska, Antonina. mier w dowiadczeniu jednostki i spoeczestwa. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo IFIS PAN, 1997. Sacha-Pieko, Magorzata. Powietrze, w: Estetyka czterech ywiow. Pod red. K.Wilkoszewskiej. Krakw: Universitas, 2002. Walicki, Micha. Breugel, Wydawnictwo Sztuka, Warszawa 1958.
Przestrzenie Ikara, glbie Posejdona: motywy aeryczne i akwatyczne | 83 w opowiadaniu Wakacje na poudniu Ivo Andricia Miosz Bukwalt
ICARUS SPACES, POSEIDONS DEPTHS: AERIAL AND AQUATIC MOTIFS IN SHORT STORY SUMMER IN THE SOUTH BY IVO ANDRI
Summary: This article is an attempt to explore the aerial and aquatic motifs in short story Summer in the South by Ivo Andri. The main disquisition is preceded by cultural reflection on the motif of the dream of flight that has been present in the world literature since ancient times. The Greek myths constitute the record of such primeval human dream. Full of drama history of Icarus who falls from the height of the sky into the depths of the sea inspires the imagination of such contemporary poets as Zbigniew Herbert, Stanisaw Grochowiak, and Jarosaw Iwaszkiewicz. That young mans tragic faith also inspires such painters as master Bruegel the Peasant, Peter Paul Rubens, William Blake Richmond, and Marc Chagall. Strong desire to ascend to the upper world governed by soul is also expressed in selected works from the age of romanticism (Goethe, Mickiewicz), which was proved during the analysis. Andris short story thus becomes a part of literature and paintings dealing with the motif of the dream of flight and the theme of death in the depths of the sea. The motif of flight, which is the key to the work by this Yugoslavian prose writer, was explored with the use of the conceptual apparatus in the scope of theory of beauty, day dreaming, aesthetics of the elements, thallasology, anthropology of journey, and anthropothanatology. Keywords: Ivo Andri, daydream, evanescence, flight, beauty, water, death, suicide, bereavement
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UDC 327:811.163.41
Dr Lilianna Miodoska-R czka1 Akademia Techniczno-Humanistyczna w Bielsku-Biaej Katedra Studiw rodkowoeuropejskich Polska
GLOBALIZACJA A JZYK SERBSKI

Streszczenie: Popularne wspczenie pojcie globalizacji odnoszone byo zwykle do zagadnie natury przemysowo-ekonomicznej. Dzi ju nikt nie ma wtpliwoci co do jej ogromnego wpywu rwnie na sfer jzykow, zwaszcza jzykw mniej popularnych i uywanych przez stosunkowo niewielk liczb rozmwcw. Do takich wanie naley jzyk serbski. Postpujca internacjonalizacja jest typowym efektem globalizacji. Jzyk serbski w trakcie swojej niezbyt dugiej historii ulega stopniowym modyfikacjom, ktre objy gwnie leksyk, jak rwnie fonetyk, prozodi, morfologi i syntaks. Na wspczesny jzyk serbski wpywaj przede wszystkim media, a w duym stopniu take politycy. W ostatnim okresie szczeglne zaniepokojenie jzykoznawcw budz zjawiska jzykowe ksztatowane przez uytkownikw Internetu, a zwaszcza jego portali spoecznociowych. Serbia, podobnie jak inne kraje byej Jugosawii, pretenduje do doczenia do rodziny pastw europejskich skupionych w Unii Europejskiej, co bdzie dla niej sporym wyzwaniem, jeli chodzi o polityk jzykow. Poza wszelk wtpliwoci pozostaje jednak konieczno zwikszenia jzykowej wraliwoci, ktra zahamuje lub uniemoliwi pojawianie si niepodanych wpyww i przemian w obrbie jzyka. Kluczowe wyrazy: globalizacja, modyfikacje, fonetyka, prozodia, morfologia, syntaksa, jzyk serbski, Unia Europejska, polityka jzykowa

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lmiodonska@ath.bielsko.pl (Lilianna Miodoska-Rczka, University of Bielsko-Biaa, Department of Central European Studies, Poland)
86 | Lilianna Miodoska-Rczka
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1. Globalizacja i koncepcje ksztatowanej przez ni rzeczywistoci

Rozpoczcie procesu globalizacji zwyko si wiza ze spektakularnym wydarzeniem, jakim byo w 1989 r. obalenie Muru Berliskiego. Jednak przyjmuje si za jej dat pocztkow podpisanie w 1648 r. Pokoju westfalskiego, jednego z najbardziej znaczcych traktatw w nowoytnej Europie, bdcego pocztkiem jej nowego midzynarodowo- prawnego adu. Kolejna fala globalizacji trwa od 1850 r. daty rewolucji przemysowej do wybuchu I wojny wiatowej. Wydarzeniem decydujcym o jej dalszym przebiegu bya rewolucja padziernikowa i powstanie w jej wyniku socjalistycznego pastwa, ktre stao si zarwno ekonomicznym, jak i politycznym kontrastem dla dotychczasowego wiata. Za rok 1989 oznacza pocztek koca okresu zimnej wojny i upadku blokw politycznych. Od tej chwili ju nic nie stao na drodze swobodnego przepywu idei, towarw oraz kapitau, ktre uzyskay dostp do odgrodzonych elazn kurtyn rejonw wiata. Wolne kraje czy coraz bardziej zoony ukad wzajemnych zalenoci o bardzo rnorodnym charakterze: politycznym, wojskowym, ekonomicznym, kulturalnym, ekologicznym itd. Rwnoczenie za powstaj formacje ponadnarodowe, w ktrych ksztatuj si nowe formy globalnej wadzy politycznej przykadem Unia Europejska wraz z jej instytucjami politycznymi, rynkiem oraz wspln walut. Rzeczywisto formuj dwa trendy: szerzca si demokracja, z drugiej jednak strony zaznaczaj si bardzo wyranie przejawy autorytarnej wadzy organizacji wiatowych. Dzi nie sposb wyobrazi sobie pastwa na wzr staroytnych filozofw Arystotelesa i Platona, postrzegajcych je jako doskonae jedynie w tym wypadku, jeli nie posiadao ono stosunkw zewntrznych. Pastwo-miasto miao by samowystarczalne i cakowicie niezalene od ukadw midzynarodowych, za obecne spoeczestwa tworz organizmy powizane ze sob niezliczonymi nimi wzajemnych
Globalizacja a jzyk serbski | 87
zalenoci, skadajcych si na wiatowy ad oraz podlegaj trwajcemu procesowi formowania si globalnego porzdku. Globalizacja jest sowem, ktre w ostatnich dwch dekadach zrobio zawrotn karier. Wrd licznych jej teoretykw formuujcych zwizane z ni wizje przyszoci wyrnia si D. Held i dokonany przez niego podzia na: hiperglobalistw, sceptykw oraz transformacjonistw (Held 1999). Pierwsi postrzegaj globalizacj jako nieuchronn historyczn konieczno. Dawny wiat odszed w przeszo. Nastaje kres pastwa narodowego, a rzdy poszczeglnych krajw s odpowiedzialne nie wobec swoich obywateli, ale przed ponadnacjonalnymi organizacjami. Rwnoczenie ponadnarodowy kapita, korporacje oraz Midzynarodowy Fundusz Walutowy, penicy rol midzynarodowego arbitra, przeksztacaj narodowe gospodarki w swoje lokalne jednostki. Rewolucja informatyczno-medialna wraz z jej kulturalnymi wytworami typu: filmy, wiadomoci, seriale TV oznaczaj kres narodowej kultury i tosamoci. Znikaj wielkie ideologie, a wiat przeksztaca si w jednobiegunowy. Rynek i demokracja staj si uniwersalnymi formuami spoecznymi. Skoczyy si konflikty i wojny, zapanowa harmonijny porzdek, w ktrym zostay rozwizane wszystkie yciowe problemy, za spoeczestwo konfrontuje si wycznie z technicznymi zagadnieniami tranzycji i wprowadzeniem w ycie modeli funkcjonowania wyprbowanymi wczeniej przez zamone kraje. Wizja wiata w oczach sceptykw ksztatuje si diametralnie odmiennie. Globalizacja ekonomiczna jest tylko mitem, a wiat jest mniej zintegrowany anieli przed wybuchem I wojny wiatowej. Przeciwiestwem globalizacji jest regionalizacja, ktra prowadzi do powstania trzech ogromnych blokw finansowo-handlowych: europejskiego, Azji-Pacyfiku i amerykaskiego, dzielcych w istocie wiat. Ronie ekonomiczna marginalizacja krajw Trzeciego wiata, a obrt inwestycji i handel odbywa si gwnie pomidzy wymienionymi wyej blokami. Poszczeglne kraje s same twrcami globalizacji i ustalaj reguy ksztatujce ekonomi wiatow. Sam proces globalizacji oraz zarzdzanie instytucjami ponadnarodowymi prowadzi do przewagi znaczenia Zachodu. Wzrasta znaczenie pastwa narodowego, co wicej powstaj nowe niezawise kraje. Cech za midzynarodowego adu jest wzajemna zaleno. Zapomniana zostaje idea integracji narodw, a nastpuje ich podzia. Do gosu dochodz fundamentalizm i rnorodne formy nacjonalizmu, dzielce wiat na skcone wzajem bloki cywilizacyjne i enklawy etniczne. Transformacjonici reprezentuj pogldy porednie pomidzy dwoma wczeniej wymienionymi grupami. Globalizacja jest nieuchronnym zjawiskiem w postpujcym procesie historycznym i wszystkie kraje staj wobec koniecznoci konfrontacji z ni. Nie istniej ju zdecydowane rnice pomidzy czym krajowym a zagranicznym, wewntrznym a zewntrznym. Najistotniejsze jest jednak to, e nieznane s drogi rozwoju globalizacji. Moe ona prowadzi zarwno do konsolidacji,
jak i do rozczonkowania wiata, do wsppracy i konfliktw, do uniwersalizacji i partykularyzacji. Odmienna jest rwnie funkcja pastwa narodowego, ktre wzmaga sw aktywno, gdy staje wobec koniecznoci dostosowania do nowego globalnego porzdku wiata (Peulji 2005:10-14). Rzeczywisto nie przystaje w peni do adnej z tych koncepcji. Jednak z ca pewnoci jest bardziej skomplikowana ni mona przypuszcza.
2. Jzyk w konfrontacji z procesami globalizacyjnymi

Popularne wspczenie pojcie globalizacji odnoszone byo zwykle do zagadnie natury przemysowo ekonomicznej. Dzi ju nikt nie ma wtpliwoci jej ogromnego wpywu rwnie na sfer jzykow, zwaszcza jzykw mniej popularnych i uywanych przez stosunkowo niewielk liczb rozmwcw. Do takich wanie naley jzyk serbski. W wiecie zapanowaa nowa sytuacja jzykowa sprowadzajca si do tego, i wikszo populacji posuguje si kilkoma najbardziej popularnymi jzykami, wrd ktrych pierwszestwo przypado jzykowi angielskiemu. Peniona przeze funkcja midzynarodowego lingua franca sprawia, i wywiera znaczcy wpyw na inne, mae jzyki, powodujc ich modyfikacj, przeksztacajc obowizujce w nich do tej pory standardy. Relacjami pomidzy maymi a wielkimi jzykami i ich otoczeniem zajmuje si lingwistyczna ekologia (ekolingwistyka), bdca stosunkowo mod dziedzin nauki. Jej narodziny wi si z publikacj norweskiego lingwisty E. Haugena (Haugen: 1972). To wanie w jej ramach pojawio si pojcie glottofagii dla okrelenia kolektywnego kulturowego i duchowego kanibalizmu. W obrbie warstwy kulturowej dotyka on najwaniejszego jej elementu jzyka. Odpowied na pytanie, wedug jakich wyznacznikw naley przeprowadza kwalifikacj na jzyki mae i wielkie, nie jest prosta i jednoznaczna. Zwykle bierze si tu pod uwag kilka czynnikw, spord ktrych najbardziej istotne to: 1) rozpowszechnienie posugiwania si jakim jzykiem na terytorium danego pastwa, 2) funkcjonalne rozprzestrzenienie jego stosowania pomidzy rnymi narodami, 3) dugo jego istnienia oraz 4) stopie rozwoju literacko-jzykowego. Rwnoczenie naley podkreli, e wielko danego jzyka wyraa si rwnoczenie na rnych paszczyznach, z ktrych nie wszystkie s jednakowo wane ani te nie pokrywa si ze stopniem ich wyrazistoci (Piper 2004: 18-20). Zdania lingwistw na temat zagroenia istnienia tzw. maych jzykw s podzielone, jednak uwaga wikszoci skupia si zwaszcza na jzyku angielskim, nalecym do najbardziej rozpowszechnionych poza krajami, w ktrych jest jzykiem ojczy-
stym. Prowadzi si w nim 75% wiatowej korespondencji oraz przekazuje 80% informacji w wersji elektronicznej (Piper 2004: 27). Jaka jest zatem pozycja jzyka serbskiego? Rozpatrujc prestiowy status jzykw w Europie okrelany na podstawie zakresu poliwalencji, wieloci uytkownikw, a take tradycji historycznej i aktualnej witalnoci, naley on do jzykw o szerokiej poliwalencji, ale umiarkowanej randze prestiowej (Luba 2009: 105). Biorc to pod uwag, wydawaoby si, e nie ma podstaw do obaw dotyczcych jego przyszoci. Jednak krytyczne spojrzenie na jego obecn kondycj budzi niezbyt optymistyczne konstatacje. Przykadem komentarz serbskiego jzykoznawcy P. Pipera: Status srpskog jezika u hijerarhiji velikih i malih jezika se promenio i srpski je danas sve blii ovim drugim malim jezicima: manji je i teritorijalno i brojem ljudi kojima je srpski maternji jezik, manja je drava, manje je srpskih dijalekata, manji je znaaj srpskog jezika u svetu, manje se ui u svetu, manje se koristi i u Srbiji i u kolstvu i u oblasti javne i slubene komunikacije, manje se prevodi sa srpskog jezika na druge jezike, manje se koristi srpska irilica, manje je pismenih Srba, sve je manje sprskih rei u srpskom jeziku, a sve je nia srpska govorna kultura. Sve je vie radova o srpskom jeziku u ijim naslovima nema prideva srpski, kao da je tu re zazorno upotrebiti (Piper 2004: 80).
3. Zmiany w standardzie jzyka serbskiego pod wpywem postpujcej globalizacji

Internacjonalizacja jest typowym zjawiskiem dla jzykw sowiaskich przeomu XX/XXI w. Mwi si o niej dzi, e jest bardzo zoonym procesem, ktrego przejawy uwidaczniaj si na poziomie systemu sowotwrczego i leksykalnego tych jzykw, a take na poziomie realizacji tych systemw w tekstach (Ohnheiser 2003). Jednoczenie zwraca si uwag, e adaptacja i integracja internacjonalizmw w jzykach sowiaskich sprzyja takiej unifikacji, ktra wywouje niepokj o zachowanie ich narodowej tosamoci (Waszakowa 2009: 12). Jzyk serbski w trakcie swojej niezbyt dugiej historii ulega stopniowym modyfikacjom, ktre objy gwnie leksyk, jak rwnie fonetyk, prozodi, morfologi i syntaks. Jego zasb leksykalny zosta oparty przez Vuka St. Karadicia na jzyku ludowym. Pod wpywem innych jzykw zosta wzbogacony o zapoyczenia, ktre dostosowano do formy i fonetyki jzyka serbskiego. Stopniowo ewoluujc, do wybuchu II wojny wiatowej przeszed on cakowite przeobraenie z fazy okrelanej mianem folklorystycznej, do fazy miejskiej (Klajn 1996: 40). Jednake intensywne przemiany, zwaszcza w warstwie leksykalnej, nastpiy w drugiej poowie ubiegego stulecia, co wizao si bezporednio z przypadajcym na ten okres gwatownym rozwojem myli technicznej oraz nowymi technologiami, rozwojem bada medycz-
nych i nowych, poczynionych na tym polu odkry. Wiek XX to rwnie rozwj kultury. ycie stopniowo zdominowaa telewizja, ktra staa si najpopularniejszym rodkiem masowego przekazu. Sporo nowego sownictwa pojawio si w dziedzinie literatury, muzyki, sztuki, filmu, polityki, gospodarki, sportu i turystyki, a take i mody. Ostatnia dekada minionego stulecia to gwatowny rozwj sieci komputerowej, a Internet sta si nie tylko podstawowym rdem informacji, ale rwnie powszechnym sposobem komunikowania si. Dostosowanie nowej leksyki do potrzeb jzyka serbskiego napotykao zawsze na powane problemy zwizane z obowizujcymi w nim dwoma alfabetami cyrylic i alfabetem aciskim, przy czym pierwszy z nich zajmuje pozycj prymarn i jest otoczony szczegln trosk wobec ekspansji acinki, wicej si przede wszystkim z wszechobecn komputeryzacj. Bezporedni konsekwencj pojawienia si nowego, zapoyczonego sownictwa stao si zachwianie obowizujcego dotychczas, bardzo przejrzystego systemu fonologicznego, obejmujcego 31 fonemw 25 spgosek i 6 samogosek, wrd ktrych znalazo si rwnie zgoskotwrcze r. Rwnoczenie z przyjmowaniem obcej leksyki pojawiaj si w funkcji zgoskotwrczej take inne sonany, np.: l i n (bicikl, dentlmen). Wspczesny standard jzyka serbskiego znacznie odbieg od rygorystycznych tradycyjnych norm jzykowych w zakresie wystpowania zarwno grup samogoskowych, jak i spgoskowych. Dotychczasowe badania nad systemem fonetycznym jzyka serbskiego wykazay, i na pocztku wyrazu obok grup spgoskowych zoonych z dwch spgosek, utworzonych najczciej poprzez zestawienie spgoski bdcej obstruentem (spg. szczelinowe, zwarto-szczelinowe, zwarto-wybuchowe) i sonantu, np.: snaha, snanost, ljivar, nicla, snaga itp, bywaj take zestawienia dwch obstruentw, zdarza si to jednak znacznie rzadziej, np.: pela, ptica, sto. Grupy zoone z trzech spgosek moliwe s tylko w nastpujcych kombinacjach: obstruent + sonant + sonant, np.: smraiti, smrad, smraviti lub w zestawieniach obstruent + obstruent + sonant, np.: strpati, zdrav, spremati, mrk. Jeszcze wiksze ograniczenia dotycz wystpowania grup sonantw. Jest to moliwe tylko w tym przypadku, kiedy na pocztku wyrazu wystpuj wycznie spgoski v oraz m, np.: vlada, vlak, vlasnik, mnogo, mlakav, mlitavost itp. Trzy- lub czteroczonowe grupy spgoskowe wystpuj najczciej wewntrz wyrazw. Ta ostatnia moliwo jest spotykana gwnie w wyrazach z sufiksem -stvo: vojvodstvo, gospodstvo, kumstvo, avolstvo, poglavarstvo. Bywa, i grupy spgoskowe s rozdzielone granic morfemu. Z zagadnieniem tym pozostaje w cisym zwizku podzia wyrazw na sylaby, ktry wyjania nam sposb tworzenia si grup spgoskowych w zalenoci od rodzaju wystpujcych spgosek. Wspomniane ju zmiany w dotychczasowej dystrybucji spgosek w grupach nastpiy pod wpywem naporu obcej leksyki, ktry zaznaczy si w okresie powo-
jennym i trwa nadal. W przejtych wyrazach moemy znale najrnorodniejsze poczenia spgoskowe, obce systemowi fonetycznemu jzyka serbskiego, np.: stj(stjuardesa), -ksk- (ekskavator), -ftv- (softver), -mpj- (kompjuter), -nsn- (transnacionalan), -gst- (dragstor), -nsf- (transfer), -jtb- (skejtbord) itd. Dotychczasowe badania jzykoznawcze odnotoway istnienie przeszo 270 grup spgoskowych zoonych z trzech spgosek oraz okoo 40 z czterech (Petrovi 1996: 106-107) , jedn za zoon a z piciu spgosek. Zmiany w systemie spgoskowym dotkny take sufiksw. Obok -st, -t, -zd, - d, charakterystycznych dla jzyka serbskiego, pojawiy si zupenie nowe, np.: -ks (kompleks, faks, hobist), -lm (film), -gl(singl, dingl), -tl (atl), -id (humanoid), -ik (dojstik), -nk (dank), -rk (pavork), -ft (draft), -nt (apstinent), -lt (kult, stelt), -rn (retern),-nd (bekgraund), -jk (brejk), -rt (ekspert) itd. Dotychczas potwierdzono istnienie 70 takich grup (Petrovi 1996: 106-107). Wspczesny standard jzyka serbskiego rwnie w zakresie prozodii odbiega znacznie od ustalonego schematu. Jest ona systemem bardzo skomplikowanym i tworz j wysoko tonu poszczeglnych gosek (rosnca lub opadajca), ruchomy akcent muzyczny oraz rnice iloczasowe (zachowanie obocznoci dugich i krtkich samogosek). Wyrniamy w nim cztery akcentowane prozodemy i dwa nieakcentowane, ktrych dystrybucja jest cile okrelona. Tak przedstawia si system idealny, opracowany przez Vuka Karadicia i uzupeniony przez . Daniicia. Intensywny napyw obcej leksyki powoduje jego postpujce zmiany, zwaszcza w zakresie dystrybucji akcentw. Klasyczny system rozkadu akcentw przesta obowizywa. Dotyczy to akcentw opadajcych (dugosilazni i kratkosilazni), ktrych pooenie w wyrazie precyzyjnie okrelay normy serbskiej prozodii, a ktre coraz czciej spotykamy poza pierwsz sylab. Ove akcenatske realizacije sa silaznim tonom na unutranjem ili ak na poslednjem slogu postaju toliko rasprostranjene i prevagujue, da ih pojedini renici (npr. Ani 3003.), pravei ustupke, oznaavaju kao dublete u zagradama, posle normativnih oblika (Thomas 2010: 29). Na przestrzeni lat jzyk ulega ewolucji. Dziki przemianom i cigemu doskonaleniu sta si jzykiem gotowym sprosta wspczesnym wymogom zintelektualizowanej rzeczywistoci. Aby to osign, musiao doj nieuchronnie do pewnego osabienia przyjtych regu zarwno gramatycznych, jak i semantycznych. Nastpio zauwaalne zredukowanie wariantowoci oraz cech redundantnych. Dotyczy to zwaszcza odmiany rzeczownikw, przymiotnikw, zaimkw i liczebnikw. Jedynie czasownik wykaza si niezwyk stabilnoci i nie zosta dotknity szczeglnymi zmianami. Podobnie jak w innych jzykach europejskich, obserwuje si zjawisko intensywnej nominalizacji, prowadzcej wskutek uywania rzeczownikw odczasownikowych oraz odprzymiotnikowych do wysokiego stopnia kondensacji zdania.
Nastpio zdecydowane ograniczenie uycia imiesowu przyswkowego uprzedniego i prawdziwa ekspansja imiesoww biernych. Sprzyja to powstawaniu konstrukcji nieosobowych, charakterystycznych dla stylu administracyjnego. Ponadto obserwuje si wyjtkow produktywno konstrukcji rzeczownik + rzeczownik, czy te zanik deklinacji niektrych rzeczownikw i przymiotnikw obcego pochodzenia. Ponadto od dawna obserwuje si postpujc argonizacj, zwaszcza w zakresie form rzeczownikowych.
4. Wpyw rodkw masowego przekazu na ksztat jzyka

Jzyk serbski, podobnie do innych jzykw europejskich, za srazmerno kratko vreme dobio je razuene oblike funkcionisanja u oblastima medija, informatike i marketinga, s razliitim dobrim i loim posledicama koje takav razvoj podrazumeva. Dodue, proiruje se sfera u kojoj on nesmetano funkcionie, to je uostalom karakteristino za sve brojnije sredine u svetu u kojima se demokratizacijom kulture naziva zapravo njena vulgarizacija i prodiranje prostote verbalnog i svakog drugog izraza tamo gde joj ranije nije bilo mesta (Piper 2004: 43). Panuje powszechne przekonanie, e wspczesny jzyk serbski ksztatuj przede wszystkim dziennikarze, a w duym stopniu take politycy. Wystarczy przeledzi tre pojedynczych stron internetowych dotyczcych kwestii jzykowych, by znale tego potwierdzenie, np.: Opta briga o srpskom knjievnom jeziku je veoma slaba, a meu glavnim kvariteljima naeg knjievnog jezika su elektronski mediji (...)Utvrenog standarda trebalo bi da se dre svi oni ija re, nain izgovora, utie na milione ljudi, ipak svakodnevno moemo videti i uti kako se u udarnim informmativnim emisijama omai u akcentu, izrazu (...) (Mediji kvare... http://www.smedia.rs/kultura/detalji.php?id=7214) czy: Jezik medija bi trebalo da bude uzoran, ali naalost, kao dominantan namee se jezik tabloida (Jezik tabloida... http://www.b92.net/kultura/vesti. php?navcategory=1087&yyyy=2011&mm=06&dd). Bogactwa materiau w tym zakresie dostarcza take prowadzona przez prof. Ivana Klajna na amach belgradzkiej Politiki rubryka, zawierajca komentarze do nadsyanych przez czytelnikw listw, wytykajce bdy jzykowe mediw. W ostatnim okresie szczeglne zaniepokojenie jzykoznawcw budz zjawiska jzykowe ksztatowane przez uytkownikw Internetu, a zwaszcza jego portali spoecznociowych, m.in. Facebook. Przywoujc wyniki dokonanych w tej dziedzinie analiz, zaobserwowano nastpujce tendencje: prawie cakowit rezygnacj z zasad ortograficznych, zwaszcza w zakresie stosowania wielkiej litery oraz cznej i rozdzielnej pisowni wyrazw; niedostosowanie do wymogw morfologii; mikka syntaksa z nieprawidowym szykiem wyrazw w zdaniu, brakiem kongruencji, licz-
nymi elipsami i anakolutami, elizje i formy cignite; argonizacja, wulgaryzacja, powszechne stosowanie pustych frazesw, powiedzonek i innych form niestandardowej leksyki oraz wystpujce nagminnie pocztkowe i finalne sygnay niewerbalne oraz niewerbalne tudzie parawerbalne elementy, wczajc tzw. emotikony oraz inne sygnay graficzne (Durbaba 2010: 269).
5. Jzyk serbski i polityka jzykowa Unii Europejskiej

Serbia, podobnie jak inne kraje byej Jugosawii, pretenduje do doczenia do rodziny pastw europejskich skupionych w Unii Europejskiej. Obecnie gromadzi ona 27 krajw, posugujcych si 23 jzykami. Naley podkreli, e Unia jako jedyna organizacja midzynarodowa gwarantowaa od samego pocztku istnienia cakowit rwnoprawno jzykow wszystkich jej czonkw, co oznaczao, e kady jzyk uzyskiwa status jzyka oficjalnego Unii, a zarazem jej jzyka roboczego. Pocigao to za sob konkretne decyzje dotyczce obiegu dokumentacji oraz ich tumaczenia. Biorc pod uwag, e rodzina krajw europejskich poszerzaa si stopniowo, pocztkowo kwestie jzykowe nie nastrczay zbyt wielkich problemw i nie stanowiy balastu finansowego Wsplnoty. Aktualna sytuacja przysparza coraz wicej kopotw, a chcc zachowa poszanowanie dla dotychczasowych regu funkcjonowania Unii, trzeba by dokonywa a 506 moliwych kombinacji tumacze z jednego jzyka na inny (Bugarski 2010: 110). Nietrudno zatem zrozumie, e wydatki ponoszone tylko na zatrudnianie tumaczy s ogromne. Prawdopodobnie bdzie konieczne podjcie jakich rozwiza, ktre uatwi dotychczasowe procedury. Mona przypuszcza, e prymat w dalszym cigu bdzie nalea do jzyka angielskiego, francuskiego i by moe niemieckiego. Tymczasem Wsplnota stawia na wielojzyczno i stara si wprowadza w ycie model JO + 2, co oznacza posugiwanie si jzykiem ojczystym plus znajomo przynajmniej dwch jzykw Unii. Rwnoczenie naley podkreli, e Wsplnota z ca moc akcentuje warto rnorodnoci jzykowej i kulturowej krajw w niej stowarzyszonych. Polityka jzykowa prowadzona przez poszczeglne kraje ubiegajce si o czonkowstwo, w tym Serbii, bdzie dla nich z ca pewnoci sporym wyzwaniem, m. in. stan wobec koniecznoci dostosowania si do Europejskiej Karty jzykw regionalnych lub mniejszociowych uchwalonej w Strasburgu w 1992 r. czy Deklaracji o prawach jzykowych, przyjtej w Barcelonie w 1996 r., co bdzie jednak wymagao stosownych decyzji politycznych.
6. Uwagi kocowe
Obecnie ju nikt nie ma wtpliwoci, e globalizacja jest faktem dokonanym, pozostaje tylko kwesti otwart pytanie, czy moemy jej w jaki sposb przeciwdziaa, take w zakresie ochrony jzyka. Zaobserwowane przemiany skaniaj do zastanowienia si nad dalszym losem mniej rozpowszechnionych jzykw, do ktrych serbski naley. Poza wszelk wtpliwoci pozostaje konieczno zwikszenia jzykowej wraliwoci, ktra zahamuje lub uniemoliwi pojawianie si niepodanych wpyww i przemian w obrbie danego jzyka. Na gruncie serbskim gwna odpowiedzialno w tym zakresie spoczywa na barkach powstaego pod koniec 1997 r. z inicjatywy czonkw SANU (Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti) Odbora za standardizaciju srpskog jezika. Zaoycielami s: Akademie Nauk Serbii, Czarnogry i Republiki Serbskiej, Institut za srpski jezik w Belgradzie, Matica srpska oraz wikszo wydziaw filologicznych. W dokumencie zaoycielskim zosta precyzyjnie okrelony cel powoanego organu, ktrym jest systematyczne normowanie jzyka serbskiego i opracowywanie odpowiednich dokumentw i stosownych podrcznikw (Klajn 2003: 125). Ponadto trudno nie zgodzi si z nastpujc konstatacj: etiri glavna stuba na kojima stoji kultura govora u jednom drutvu su porodica, kola, dobri primeri uglednih pojedinaca i lektorska sluba u izdavakim i medijskim kuama. Sve to mora biti vrsto oslonjeno na jeziki standard, odnosno na knjievnojeziku normu (Piper 2004: 73). Tylko takie podejcie do kwestii jzykowych moe by gwarantem sukcesu w walce o zachowanie pikna jzyka nie tylko serbskiego. Pozostaje mie nadziej, e spoeczestwa Europy bd broni swej tosamoci, walczc rwnoczenie o zachowanie jej wielojzycznoci i stawiajc opr tzw. makdonaldyzacji kultury czy te stanowicemu element kultury globalnej kosmopolityzmowi, zwanemu czasem kultur Davos elitarn, niezakorzenion w kulturach poszczeglnych krajw. Pielgnowanie za naszych maych i duych ojczyzn, do czego namawia Wsplnota Europejska, pozwoli otoczy trosk kady z jzykw. Ograniczenie, bowiem, lub zniknicie ktrego z nich oznaczaoby cakowite zredukowanie naszej kulturowej i intelektualnej bazy, za jzyk jest intelektualnym, kulturowym i historycznym kodem dla spoeczestw i ich przedstawicieli. Jego zaginicie byoby bardzo kosztowne (Holmboe 2004: 122-123). Natomiast zapdom globalizacyjnym, take tym w zakresie jzyka, powinna by przestrog nastpujca sentencja T. Fridmana: Dva su naina na koja pojedinac ostaje bez doma jedan je da se razori njegov vlastiti dom, a drugi je da svi domovi sveta izgledaju potpuno isto (Friedman 1999) (za: Peulji 2005:182).
LITERATURA:
Bugarski, Ranko. Jezici. Beograd: igoja tampa, 2010. Durbaba, Olivera. Osobenosti restringovanog koda drutvene mree fejsbuk (Facebook) na internetu: Evo me faceboochim. Nauni sastanak slavista u Vukove dane, Jezik i kultura, no. 39/1, Beograd, s. 269. Fridman, Thomas L. The Lexus and the Olive Tree, Understanding Globalization. New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1999. Haugen, Einar. The Ecology of Language. Stanford. CA: Stanford University Press, 1972. Held, David, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt, and Jonathan Perraton. Global Transformation, Politics, Economics and Culture. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999. Holmboe, Henrik. Less Widely Used Languages Including the Nordic Perspective. W: The Euro Language Net project and the international conference Best Practices of Teaching Less Widely-useg Languages in Multicultural and Multinational Europe. Vilnius, s. 122-123. Klajn, Ivan. Leksika. W: Najnowsze dzieje jzykw sowiaskich, Srpski jezik. Opole, 1996. Klajn, Ivan. Normativna lingvistika u Srbiji danas. W: Bosansko Hrvatski Srpski: meunarodni skup Aktuelna pitanja jezika Bonjaka, Hrvata, Srba i Crnogoraca. Ed. Gerhard Neweklowsky. Wiener Slawistischer Almanach, Sonderband 57. Wien, 2003. 123-134. Luba, W adysaw. Polityka jzykowa, Komparacja systemw i funkcjonowania wspczesnych jzykw sowiaskich 4. Opole: Uniwersytet Opolski, 2009. Ohnheiser, Ingeborg. Komparacja systemw i funkcjonowania wspczesnych jzykw sowiaskich. 1: Sowotwrstwo/Nominacja. Opole, 2003. Peujli, Miroslav. Globalizacija: dva lika sveta. Beograd: Gutenbergova galaksija, 2005. Petrovi, Dragoljub. Fonetika. W: Najnowsze dzieje jzykw sowiaskich, Srpski jezik. Opole, 1996. Piper, Predrag. Srpski izmeu velikih i malih jezika, Beograd: Beogradska knjiga, 2004. Thomas, Paul-Louis. O nekim razvojnim procesima i inovacijama u savremenom srpskom jeziku (u poreenju sa bosanskim, hrvatskim, crnogorskim). Nauni sastanak slavista u Vukove dane, Jezik i kultura, no. 39/1, Beograd, 2010. Waszakowa, Krystyna. Internacjonalizacja polskiej leksyki stan obecny, prognozy na najblisz przyszo. W: Przejawy internacjonalizacji w jzykach sowiaskich. Siedlce: Wyd. Akademii Podlaskiej, 2009.
96 | Lilianna Miodoska-Rczka Lilianna Miodoska-R czka
GLOBALISATION AND THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE

Summary: The concept of globalisation, which is popular in our times, has been referred to industrial and economic issues. It also hugely influences the language sphere, above all languages that are less popular and used by a relatively small number of interlocutors, with the Serbian language among others. A progressing internationalisation is the most conspicuous result of globalisation. It is manifested on the level of the system of word formation and on the lexical level. It results in a gradual modification of the Serbian language, which has also encompassed phonetics, prosody, morphology and syntax. The contemporary nature of language has been moulded mainly by mass media. Linguists are particularly alarmed by linguistic issues that are initiated and retained by Internet users, above all by social portals. Serbia, like other countries of former Yugoslavia, aspires to joining the family of European countries within the European Union, which will be a considerable challenge for the countrys language policy. Nonetheless, increasing language sensitiveness is necessary beyond all doubt. It will stop unwelcome influences upon the language or prevent them from occurring. Keywords: globalisation, modification, phonetics, prosody, morphology, syntax, Serbian language, the European Union, language policy
97
UDC 821.163.41-32.09 Pavi M.
Mr Marijana Teri1 Univerzitet Crne Gore Filozofski fakultet Niki Crna Gora
RECEPCIJA TEKSTA I SMISAONE NOVINE U FANTASTIKI OBLIKOVANOJ UNUTRANJOJ STRANI VETRA MILORADA PAVIA
Saetak: Prepoznatljiv po transpoziciji poetike grae iz jednog djela u drugo, Milorad Pavi se poigrava smislom svojih pria. Sluei se postupkom autocitatnosti, kao i metatekstulanim relacijama, autor kreira osobeni svijet knjievnog djela, u kome se neobinost naracije ogleda u proimanju realnog i fiktivnog. Njegujui knjievni fenomen fantastikog, Pavi intencionalno odstupa od uobiajene narativne logike, zastupajui ideju hiperteksta, odnosno reverzibilne umjetnosti, zbog ega se smatra rodonaelnikom postmodernizma. Najznaajniji pripovjedaki postupci ovog autora ogledaju se, prvenstveno, u ispoljavanju brojnih oblikovnih i smisaonih novina, interferenciji razliitih anrova, metapoetskom govoru upuenom itaocu, zagonetnom kazivanju, ukidanju granice izmeu realnog i fantastikog, proizvoenju vika znaenja, kao i destabilizaciji temporalnih i prostornih struktura romanesknih djela. Pojava fantastikog diskursa, kao nemimetike strategije konstituisanja djela, otvorila je razliite mogunosti pripovijedanja, to je naroito karakteristino za autore postmodernistike struje. U tom pogledu, dolazi do produbljivanja tekstualnih znaenja, nelinearnog toka izlaganja dogaaja, jeziko-koncepcijskog inoviranja, uz specifinu projekciju fantastikog, intertekstualnog i razliitih oblika citatnosti, ime se komponuje Unutranja strana vetra kao polivalentno prozno tkivo. Kljune rijei: Pavi, fantastiki diskurs, postmodernizam, tekstualnost, inovacijski postupci, citatnost, nova recepcijska literarna praksa
Rodonaelnik srpske postmoderne proze, pjesnik, esejista, pripovjeda, dramski pisac i romansijer, Milorad Pavi je ostavio za sobom knjievno bogatstvo neprocjenjive vrijednosti. Poznat kao autor neklasinih djela, uspio je izgraditi nove pripovjedne puteve, te time svaki svoj tekst uiniti lavirintom, iz kojeg italac moe
1
marijana.teric@yahoo.com (Marijana Teri, University of Montenegro, Faculty of Philosophy Niki, Montenegro)
98 | Marijana Teri
izai samo ukoliko poznaje odgovarajui kd. Pavievi literarni radovi trpe transformacije kako na unutranjem tako i na spoljanjem planu, pri emu isti tee da budu proitani na potpuno nov nain. Protok pripovjednog materijala je takav da se razliva u vie rukavaca, konstituiui dendrinu (razgranatu) strukturu umjetnikog djela, pri emu italac gubi kontrolu nad redosledom dogaaja koji mu je dat. Naravno, Pavi zna da je nainjeni nered red, te da nema razloga stvarati nered, koji je red, i ako je nered ono to sam italac moe da proizvede, ukoliko sve to nema dimenziju smisla, koji bi se morao nalaziti na mestu ukrtanja glasova, na mestu apsolutnog oznaitelja (Kordi 1998:7). Zanimljivo je uoiti da ovog autora ne karakterie samo odstupanje od kanonskih oblika pripovijedanja, ve i promjena odnosa pripovjednih sredstava, to, svakako, ostavlja itaoca pred tajnom komponovanja ili dekomponovanja narativnih tekstova. Sluei se mitom, istorijom, dokumentom ili priom tradicionalne koncepcije, Pavi uspostavlja sintezu izmeu starog i novog i proizvodi polivalentnu knjievnu strukturu. Stoga, ulazak u Paviev knjievni svijet zahtijeva od recipijenta prolongiranu recepciju i uee u razotkrivanju smisaonih veza smjetenih ispod teksta. To bi znailo da se pred itaocem nalazi nedovrena literarna cjelina, koja svoju konanu formu dobija procesom itanja. Time se onemoguava linearno odgonetanje semantikih slojeva prie i postie autentinost u izlaganju siejne grae. Pavi transformie i osvjeava tradicionalne postupke, kombinuje svoje i tue tekstove, poigrava se stvarnou, itaocem i itanjem, te, kao takav, plijeni jedinstvenou svojih ostvarenja. Konstituiui knjievne tekstove nastale, uglavnom, na principima postmodernistikog kda, Pavi svjesno naruava tradicionalni nain itanja i stvara djelo koje e itaocu omoguiti da ga koristi kao interaktivnu prozu. To podrazumijeva naputanje linearnog toka percipiranja teksta u cilju uvoenja nove poetike itanja. U Predgovoru androginom izdanju Hazarskog renika Pavi objanjava zato njegovi romani nemaju klasian poetak i kraj. U tom kontekstu, on iznosi stav o postojanju dvije vrste umjetnosti: reverzibilne i nereverzibilne. Prvima naziva one koje korisniku (recipijentu) omoguuju da delu prie sa razliitih strana2 (npr. arhitektura, slikarstvo, vajarstvo...), dok druge lie na jednosmerne ulice, po kojima se sve kree od poetka ka kraju, od roenja ka smrti.3 Pavi posebno naglaava elju da knjievnost, koja je nereverzibilna, uini reverzibilnom u emu, zaista,
2
Vidi: Milorad Pavi, Poetak i kraj romana (Predgovor androginom izdanju Hazarskog renika), preuzeto sa: www.khazars.com, 12. 03. 2011.
3
Ibid.
Recepcija teksta i smisaone novine u fantastiki oblikovanoj | 99 Unutranjoj strani vetra Milorada Pavia
uspijeva. Gotovo sva njegova djela poivaju na paljivo odabranoj organizaciji itanja. Da pojasnimo: itaocu se ostavlja mogunost da sam odabere da li e neki tekst itati na osnovu redosleda odrednica koje u njemu pronalazi (Hazarski renik), horizontalno ili vertikalno kao to je to sluaj u romanu-ukrtenica Predeo slikan ajem, ili za dvostrano itanje poput romana-klepsidre Unutranja strana vetra. Takvom koncepcijom literarne grae, nelinearni fenomen, kao nova knjievna tehnika, namee itaocu grafiki vid djela koje mu se nae u rukama. Naime, da bi skrenula panju na sebe, nova tekstualnost zahteva od itaoca da izroni iz oblikovanog sveta i da stalno pred sobom ima spoljanju stranu knjievnog teksta kako tekst izgleda, kakve su veze izmeu njegovih delova, kakav je oblik knjige i kakva je vrsta tampe ( Jerkov 1996:114). Ovakva konstatacija nas ne iznenauje, s obzirom na injenicu da je svijet Pavieve proze veoma difuzan, te da se njegova djela ne mogu itati u kontinuitetu. Tako, njegov italac upada u vrtlog dogaanja uspostavljajui veze sa likovima teksta iji je i on dio. Istome se dodjeljuje uloga aktivnog recipijenta, od kojeg zavisi dalji tok pripovijedanja. Pomenuti modeli strukturiranja literarnog tijela tjeraju nas da se zapitamo emu slui odreena re-organizacija knjievnog tkiva i koja je funkcija komponovanja takvih tvorevina. U tom kontekstu, osvrnuemo se na jedan dio teksta iz romana Predeo slikan ajem:
Zato sada uvoditi nekakav nov nain itanja knjige, umesto onog, koji vodi, kao i ivot, od poetka ka kraju, od roenja do smrti? Odgovor je jednostavan: zato, to bilo kakav novi nain itanja knjige koji ide nasuprot matici vremena to nas vue ka smrti, jeste jedan uzaludan, ali astan napor oveka da se odupre neumitnosti svoje sudbine bar u knjievnosti, ako ne i u zbilji. (...) Zato bi onda italac morao uvek da bude k policijski inspektor, zato bi morao uvek da staje u svaku stopu svog prethodnika kojeg sledi? Zato ne dati itaocu bar negde da vrdne? A o junakinjama i junacima knjige da i ne govorimo! Moda i oni ele ponekada da pokau drugi profil, da protegnu ruku na drugu stranu. Sigurno im je dosadilo da itaoce vide uvek u istom nizu k jato gusaka to leti na Jug, ili k kosae na konjskim trkama. Moda bi ti junaci iz knjige hteli da ponekog od italaca izdvoje iz te sive povorke, ako ni zbog ega drugog, a ono da se ponekad opklade na nekog od nas. ta mi znamo? (Pavi 2000: 11)
Navedena cjelina jo jednom potvruje Pavievu intenciju da se mora napustiti jednolinijski sistem itanja koji vlada u nauci o knjievnosti. To znai da je neophodno izvesti recipijenta iz kolosjeka u kojem se dugo vremena nalazio i dopustiti mu slobodu kretanja u narativnom okruenju. Ipak, nije samo italac instanca koja
100 | Marijana Teri
eli da se oslobodi okova tradicionalnog poimanja umjetnikog teksta, ve se tekst namee itaocu traei od njega da bude proitan na drugaiji nain. Time se uspostavlja interaktivna komunikacija izmeu itaoca i knjievnog teksta, pri emu italac postaje koautorom Pavievog univerzuma, uestvujui u oblikovanju materijala koji nalazi u njemu. S obzirom na to da je poveana uloga recipijenta u procesu knjievne komunikacije, stie se utisak da je upravo on (recipijent) tvorac umjetnikog teksta. Kako se time ne bi problematizovao odnos autor italac, Jovan Deli (1991:228) naglaava da nije italac stvaralac zato to je po prirodi kreativan, ve prije svega zato to mu je to pisac omoguio i to ga je strukturom djela izazvao na stvaralatvo. Kreativnog itaoca, onog sutranjeg, kako bi rekao Pavi, treba stvoriti, a moe ga stvoriti jedino pisac. Dakle, Deli itaoca vidi kao srenog pronalazaa i dobrog saigraa, iju igru reira autor. Pisac komponuje literarno djelo, ali isto poinje da ivi onog trenutka kada se italac susretne sa njim. Otvarajui vrata jedne knjige, recipijent pronalazi put koji vodi ka njenom izlazu. Tako se itaocu Hazarskog renika prua mogunost da sam odabere da li e djelo proitati u mukoj ili enskoj verziji. Postojanje ova dva primjerka rezultiralo je razliitim zavrecima jedne knjige, to je dovelo do odreenja Hazarskog renika kao dvopolne vrste. Gotovo isti sluaj imamo i sa romanom Unutranja strana vetra u kojem epiloka granica teksta nee biti ista za onog koji itanje zapone priom o Heri i onog koji se odlui da krene od Leandra. Kao jedan od najznaajnijih pisaca postmoderne proze, Milorad Pavi je prekoraenjem knjievnih konvencija i vjetom kombinatorikom igrom sa tradicijskim motivima i odreenim arhetipskim obiljejima, omoguio protok fantastikog materijala u Unutranjoj strani vetra i time ukazao, kako na produbljivanje tekstualnih znaenja i globalnih simbola, tako i na preplitanje vie planova unutar jednog teksta. Na taj nain, vano je obratiti panju na fantastiko tkivo Pavievog romana koje, duboko ukorijenjeno u narativnu strukturu, pomjera granice knjievnog djela. Uplitanjem elemenata fantastike u realistiki diskurs, dobijamo literarno ostvarenje u kojem je problem odnosa izmeu nadstvarnog i loginog rijeen njihovim sjedinjavanjem i postepenim usklaivanjem. Iz tog razloga, moemo rei da Unutranja strana vetra pripada takozvanom fantastikom realizmu.4 Satkana od tajanstvenih mitskih tragova i sloene vremenske dimenzije, ovo literarno tivo bitie u prostoru gdje se gube obrisi realnog svijeta s tenjom da se dosegne nadstvarna stvarnost, da se jedna realnost zamijeni drugom. Time, ono to je nadstvarno i imaginativno poinje funkcio-
Osnivaem fantastikog realizma smatra se arl Fort (Charles Fort), autor romana Knjiga o prokletim, nastao na osnovama jednog fanatstikog realizma.
Recepcija teksta i smisone novine u fantastiki oblikovanoj | 101 Unutranjoj strani vetra Milorada Pavia
nisati kao realno, stvarno, konstituiui poredak drugaiji od uobiajenog, poredak koji poiva na nekoj svojoj logici i smislu. Pored toga to predstavlja meavinu mate i stvarnosti, sudar izmeu stvarnog i imaginarnog (Mii 1968: X), fantastiki realizam hoe da kae da smo okrueni realnim udima, i da je stvarnost u kojoj ivimo punija misterije i stravinog od one iz doba vampira i demona.5 Tako, pria o Heri i Leandru, pored odgovarajue doze realnosti, poiva na metafiziki projektovanoj dimenziji svijeta. Ulaskom u prostore irealnog i nadstvarnog, italac trai opravdanje za odreene postupke likova ili nain odvijanja dogaaja u romanu. Stoga, fantastian roman, kao i realistiki, govori o realnosti, o oveku i njegovom poloaju u svetu (Stojanovi 2004:76), dok je potreba da se izae iz ustaljenih zakona, otvorila put fantastici i omoguila oneobiajen pristup knjievnom djelu. Pria o Heri i Leandru, junacima jedne od najpoznatijih antikih legendi o ljubavi i smrti,6 postmodernistiki je oblikovana, pa je, kao takva, proirila semantiki horizont narativnog teksta. U tako izmijenjenom kontekstu, grka tema, kao podnaslov romana uliva se u Unutranju stranu vetra, da bi na njenim pojedinim mjestima bila, naizgled sluajno, pomenuta u malo izmijenjenoj formi. Na mitski sloj prie ukazivae niz elemenata, poput eksplicitnog pominjanja mjesta Sest i Abidos, sa kojeg potie ljubavni par, zatim Leandrov san o moru i baklji do koje treba doplivati, deset stihova o Heri i Leandru koje djeak (sin branog para Simonovi) prevodi iz francuskog udbenika, lajtmotiv kule i svjetlosti koja se vidi sa nje, kao i tragini zavretak Here i Leandra, u kojem se spajaju njihova tijela. Sve to govori da se, upravo, interakcijom mimetikog i nemimetikog tekstualnog modela, naroito postie efekat fantastikog. Njegovi tragovi prisutni su i u snovima, kroz koje se alje poruka, kao nosilac neke vie realnosti. Fantastiko se moe posmatrati na nivou likova, njihovih postupaka, ali i pojedinih karakternih osobina dodijeljenih od strane narativnog subjekta. Tako je, na primjer, modelovanje protagonista romana, Here i Leandra, obojeno tajanstvenim, zauujuim i nadstvarnim nitima, koje se vezuju za sferu transcedentnog. Da Paviev fantastiki svijet prekorauje granice mime5 6
Boo Vukadinovi, Ka fantastinom realizmu, Delo, XV, br. 3, str. 282.
Pria o Heri i Leandru potie od mita o uvenom ljubavnom paru iz antikog svijeta, iju je ljubav poslednji obradio Musej Gramatik (pjesnik Muzaja iz 5. vijeka n. e.) u svom kratkom remek-djelu Heroja i Leander. Prema pomenutom mitu, Leander (porijeklom iz grada Abida) se zaljubio u Afroditinu svetenicu Heroju koja je ivjela na u kuli na Sestu na obali Helesponta. Svake noi, voen svjetlom svetiljke koju je Heroja u sumrak postavljala na kuli, Leander je plovio k njoj kroz opasnu morsku struju. Ipak, njihovoj ljubavi uslijedio je tragini zavretak. Jedne olujne noi vjetar je ugasio Herojinu svetiljku a Leander se, izgubivi u tami smjer, utopio. Njegovo tijelo izbaeno na obalu ispod kule, ugledala je Heroja, koja se u oajanu bacila u provaliju. Njihove ljubavi sjedinjuju se u smrti. (Opirnije vidjeti u knjizi: Vojtjeh Zamarovski, Junaci antikih mitova, Beograd, 2002, str. 288-289.
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zisa (Julijan Kornhauzer),7 govori i autocitatno sjedinjavanje raznih tekstova unutar jednog, te kreiranje novog univerzuma, u kojem sve funkcionie na principu znaka simbola, lavirinta, zagonetke. Imajui u vidu da je Pavieva knjiga zamiljena poput jednog pjeanog sata, moemo rei da je protok fantastikog materijala uspjeno ostvaren izmeu uskih grla pomenute sprave, koja spajajui prostor i vrijeme, omoguavaju fantastiku komunikaciju razdvojenih pria. Osim toga, tampanje romana u obrnutom smjeru ukazuje na funkcionalno pretakanje dogaaja iz jednog u drugo narativno tkivo, pa se Pavi poigrao sa prostorom i vremenom u romanu. Obrtanjem toka vremena, on uspijeva spojiti vremenski udaljene likove, Heru i Leandra, koji se pronalaze u svojim smrtima. Ukrtanjem motiva iz pria o Heri i Leandru, pripovjeda je uronio u mitsku vremensku dubinu, sjedinio dva pola, prizivajui njihova tijela iz vremenski udaljenih svjetova. Iako zarobljeni izmeu stakala pjeanika, pomenute likove doivljavamo kao raspoluene polovine koje trae jedna drugu, dok jedinstvo i jedini mogui dodir nalaze u smrtima koje ih povezuju. Postojanje dvije proloke i dvije epiloke granice teksta, koje se poput pijeska u pjeaniku prelivaju jedna u drugu, omoguava njihovo suavanje u samo jednu i to onu koju predstavlja plava stranica, koja, ujedno, otvara novo semantiko polje za itaoca u ijoj se svijesti konstituie slika o metafizikoj ljubavi dvoje mladih, njihovim polovinama koje se upotpunjuju. Time se plava stranica ne doivljava kao prepreka dvijema priama, ve postaje narativnim filterom koji im omoguava cjelovitost. Pored toga, Unutranja strana vetra postaje dvopolni roman podeljen pregradnim listom kroz koji se iz svog mitskog sveprisustva dozivaju Leander i Hera (Pijanovi 1998: 251). Na taj nain, temporalnost u romanu dobija mitska obiljeja, pa autor unosi specifinu koncepciju vremena, obavijenu nitima fantastike zamisli. Ovakvom de/konstrukcijom vremenskog modela, te aktiviranjem slojeva arhetipskog, Pavi pravi zaokret u savremenoj knjievnosti i donosi potpuno drugaiju temporalnu strategiju od one koju su njegovali autori literarnih djela XIX i XX vijeka. itajui Unutranju stranu vetra zakljuujemo da je aktiviranjem mitskih, athetipskih obrazaca ukazano na vieslojnost romaneskne strukture, pri emu dolazi do naruavanja realistikih postulata u tekstu, te uslonjavanja znaenja u istome. Budui da je rije o postmodernistiki kodiranom djelu pisac nikada do kraja ne otkriva tajnu stvaranja. ak i onda kada imamo utisak da nam je sve rekao, ostaje onaj najvaniji element, koji nije ni naslee tradicije, ni steeno znanje, ve individualni kreativni peat koji konkretan autor dodaje optoj prii. Upravo taj skriveni sasto7
Citirano prema: Silvija Novak-Bajcar, Znaci pitanja. Proza Milorada Pavia u svetlu njene postmodernistike recepcije, str. 57, u: Pavievi palimpsesti: zbornik radova, priredio Sava Damjanov, Raanska batina, Bajina Bata, 2010, preuzeto sa: www.rastko.org.rs, 03.10.2012.
jak knjievno delo ini umetnikim (Stojanovi 2004:20). Koncipirajui gotovo sva svoja literarna tkiva, Milorad Pavi je imao na umu paljivog itaoca, koji e uestvujui u kreiranju djela, uviijek tragati za brojnim rjeenjima i moguim semantikim asocijacijama, koje e mu omoguiti vjeno putovanje u razliitim prostornim poljima. Interaktivnim itanjem romana, italac traga za skrivenim smislom koji lei u rekonstrukciji drevnog mita, ali i mnotvu aluzivno obiljeenih segmenata teksta. Kao pisac otrovne erudicije (Alen Boske),8 Milorad Pavi kreira tekstualno polje prepuno receptivnih kljueva, znaajnih za razumijevanje procesa oblikovanja ili preoblikovanja djela. Uticaj fantastike imaginacije na fabularno-siejnu organizaciju romana ukazuje na specifino modelovan literarni svijet u kome je fantastika sva izgraena po naelima simbola ili jednaina s vie nepoznatih.9 Ovako komponovana Unutranja strana vetra se odlikuje naglaenim intertekstualnim vezama sa svojim ranijim knjievnim ostvarenjma, tako da motivi, likovi, pa i sam tekst uporno prelaze iz jednog dela u drugo, dok na kraju itanje jedne Pavieve knjige ne bude podrazumevalo poznavanje svih Pavievih knjiga.10 Iz tog razloga se za njegov opus esto kae da djeluje kao jedna integralna cjelina. Imajui u vidu da je Unutranja strana vetra sainjena od ve postojeih Pavievih pripovijedaka (Zapis u znaku device, Borba petlova, Jaje, Obed na poljski nain), autor je, dekonstrukcijom svake od navedenih pria, vrio selekciju odgovarajuih djelova teksta i tako ih prilagoavao novom narativnom ambijentu. Ovakav postupak u graenju literarnog svijeta predstavlja Paviev pripovjedaki manir u izlaganju narativnog materijala. Meutim, transponovanjem literarne grae iz jednog djela u drugo, te njenim uklapanjem u osobeni literarni univerzum, uvjerili smo se da Pavi nije autor koji kombinuje, imitira ili reprodukuje ve napisano, nego je rije o knjievnom stvaraocu koji je pokazao kako se preuzeti citat, motiv ili fragment teksta, moe rekontekstualizovati, modifikovati odnosno obogatiti potpuno novim kontekstom i tako konstituisati autentino narativno tivo. Ulazak u Paviev knjievni svijet implicira i traganje za svim onim jezikim specifinostima smjetenim ispod povrine teksta. Stoga, italac, zapoinjui proces odgonetanja tajne stvaranja narativnog tkiva, nailazi na ukrtena znaenja i paralelne svjetove, koji ga udaljavaju od izlaza iz kompleksne literarne tvorevine. Meutim, takva poetika itanja, koja zahtijeva dodatni napor recipijenta, ne umanjuje vrijednost
8 9 10
Citirano prema: Radovan Popovi, Mala pria o velikom piscu, u: Pavievi palimpsesti, 100. Milorad Pavi, Poetak i kraj romana, preuzeto sa: www.khazars.com, 28.11.2012.
Aleksandar Jerkov, Od nove tekstualnosti do kulturne poetike, u: Milorad Pavi, Za uvek i dan vie, Dragani, Beograd, 1996, str. 119.
104 | Marijana Teri
djela, jer, ukoliko izlaza i nema, izlaz je u potrazi ili, drugim reima, smisao puta nije u stizanju na cilj nego u putovanju (Pijanovi 1998:282). Kao i sva djela postmodernistikog obiljeja, tako i Pavieva Unutranja strana vetra omoguava itaocima vjeno metafiziko putovanje u daleke i neistraene krajeve narativnog entiteta. Uspostavljajui vezu izmeu dvije stvarnosti u tekstu, Pavi svoj leksiki materijal prilagoava modelovanju fabularnog toka u romanu. U tom smislu, brojni kritiari istiu Paviev neobian stil, dok posebnu panju skreu na iznenaujue detalje i obrte, koji su pravilo njegovog pisanja. Naglaavanjem kljunih simbola i motiva, sugestivno djeluje na itaoca, dajui mu prave smjernice za razumijevanje djela. Tako, Paviev knjievni svijet znai hod u meuznaenju jezika, prie, stvarnosti, istorije, mita i sna. Taj hod je sferina putanja kojom se kree onaj ko eli da domai iskustva ovoga i onoga sveta i da se tako priblii tajni (Pavi, USV, 2000: 10). Poto se Unutranja strana vetra odlikuje slojevitou svega izreenog, italac od knjige dobija onoliko koliko u nju uloi sebe, svoje intelektualne sposobnosti i asocijativne moi. Budui da je rije o interaktivnoj prozi, te autoru koji potencira novu poetiku itanja, a ne novi nain pisanja, moe se rei da se iza, naizgled, jednostavne sintaksike strukturiranosti teksta, kriju semantiko-stilistika obiljeja romana. Paljivom selekcijom verbalnih jedinica, Pavi vjeto kombinuje razliite motive i simbole, pravi neobine spojeve rijei, postepeno uranjajui u svijet fantastike. Kao to primjeuje Predrag Palavestra postupak oneobiavanja i prodor nestvarnog u fantastinu priu, kod Pavia, meutim, poinju ve u samoj reenici, gde se esto zaglave i odmah sagore mnogi fantastini efekti.11 Pri tome, svaki element Pavieve proze ukazuje na odgovarajue znaenje i zahtijeva posebnu panju. Neemo pogrijeiti ako kaemo da je Milorad Pavi jedan od rijetkih autora koji je spoznao mnoge neiskoriene mogunosti pripovjedne umjetnosti, te pokazao kako se osporavana prolost ugrauje u novu tekstualnost.12 Poigravanje formama starih tekstova autor gradi autentini stvaralaki postupak, zalaui se za slobodne knjievne oblike i kontekstualizaciju. Zapravo, prekoraenjem granice fikcije i stvarnosti, fragmentarnou, naruavanjem pripovjedakog sveznanja, mistifikacijom, kao i jezikom igrom kombinovanja razliitih djelova teksta, Pavi pomjera granice postmodernistike strategije komponovanja knjievnoumjetnikih djela. Voen postmodernistikom strategijom pripovijedanja, stvaralakim postupkom ars combinatoria, te fantastikim diskursom, Pavi je uspio uiniti Unutranju
11
Predrag Palavestra, Pavievi romani opsene i preruavanja, Knjievnost, god. 44, knj. 82, sv. 11, 1988, str. 1748.
12
Sintagma Aleksandra Jerkova.
stranu vetra romanom arolike knjievne strukture. Pod uticajem stilskih mehanizama kumulacije i amplifikacije, udnih metafora i neobinih poreenja, poremetio je uobiajeni red stvari i odnos rijei u tekstu, dajui fantastine razmjere mnogim opisima. Naglaena slikovitost prikazanih dogaaja u romanu stvara iluziju realistinosti, koja nestaje onog trena kada se italac suoi sa fantastikim opisom prepunim bizarnih, neobinih, a esto i neshvatljivih detalja. Zahvaljujui gustoj mrei svih tih udesnih relacija, dobijamo literarnu tvorevinu iji se smisao nalazi u unutranjoj strani teksta. Ocijenjena kao semantiki nesaglediva,13 proza Milorada Pavia omoguava itaocu da, odabranim nainom itanja, krene u potragu za skrivenom sutinom svijeta i da, na tom putu, pronae klju za odgonetanje tajne autorovog kazivanja, obavijenog slojevima fantastikog diskursa. Sve to govori da Pavieve prie potvruju svog tvorca kao velikog majstora fantastike, ali i fantastiku kao njegovu (literarnu) sudbinu (Damjanov 2011:349). Tako konstituisanim tekstualnim poljem, opravdava se teza kritike da Milorad Pavi njeguje, prije svega, modernu fantastiku, fantastiku koja prevazilazi ve postojee oblike, a koja poiva na novoizgraenim komponentama. Osobenost Pavievog stila naroito se ogleda u stalnom razdvajanju mukog i enskog, gornjeg i donjeg, lijevog i desnog, uspostavljajnju udnovatih i efektnih opozicija izmeu djelova istog iskaza, kao i raznim kontradikcijama (up. Jerkov 1990:205) Upravo takva izdiferenciranost polova, koja poiva na dekonstrukciji racionalistikog modela svijeta i kombinovanju razliitosti, jeste osnovno sredstvo oblikovanja proze Milorada Pavia. Pod uticajem jezike imaginacije, te bajkolikim elementima utkanim u strukturu teksta, remeti se ustaljeni poredak knjievnog svijeta, u kojem esto izostaju motivacioni mehanizmi. U prilog tome govore i mnoge Pavieve sintagme i kombinacije iskaza, koji katkad dovode do paradoksalne leksike konstrukcije, iju semantiku stranu nije uvijek mogue jasno definisati. Ovakvom, nestandardnom formom romana, itaocu je data potpuna sloboda da izabere svoj put knjievnoumjetnikog shvatanja tekstualne zbilje Unutranje strane vetra. Meutim, do odgonetanja Pavievih proznih ostvarenja, a time i naeg djela, nije mogue doi, jer nas autor, kroz rijei upuene jednoj svojoj studentkinji: Do moje prie niste stigli, jer to mi i nije bio cilj. Ja elim da ujem vau priu koja se izlegla iz moje posejane u va um,14 upozorava da se recepcija knjievnog teksta ne zavrava u tre-
13
Vidi: Marina imak, Ako je vreme veno prisutno: paralelno itanje pripovedaka Milorada Pavia i Viazoslava Hronjeca, Polja, god. 50, br. 431, 2005, 128-144.
14
Milenko Paji, Zidari vremena i lovci snova: O pripovedakoj umetnosti Milorada Pavia, u: Pavievi palimpsesti, 110.
106 | Marijana Teri
nutku sklapanja korica knjige. Naprotiv, njen proces se nastavlja u svijesti onog itaoca, spremnog da zaroni ispod povrine vode, uprkos strujama koje mu oteavaju put ka tome. Iz tog razloga se, plivanje u moru literarnih kljueva, moe nastaviti u beskonanosti. Ono to, takoe, moemo konstatovati jeste injenica da je Pavi, u Unutranjoj strani vetra, posredstvom imaginarnih veza i udesnih spona, formirao novi natativni oblik, koji poiva na reverzibilnom modelu percepcije postmodernistikih tekstova. Takva strukturiranost tekstualnog polja, nepoznatog itaocu ranijih narativnih tkiva, donosi jednu novu paradigmu komponovanja, koja poiva na dekonstrukciji tradicionalnog romana. Dakle, neoekivanim pripovjedakim tehnikama, nestandardnom formom, koautorstvom recipijenta, kao i snanim fantastikim efektima, Pavi je u potpunosti razgradio mimetike modele stvaranja. Pristupivi analizi odgovarajuih naratolokih aspekata Unutranje strane vetra, potrudili smo se da ponudimo odgovore na najvanije teorijske probleme vezane za najnovije modele pripovjedakog tkanja, postmodernistiko poigravanje sa tekstom, nain uspostavljanja kontaktnih veza sa drugim djelima, i na kraju, razliite mogunosti percipiranja tako oblikovanog svijeta. Naglasili smo da je Pavievo romaneskno djelo postavilo itaoca u sredite umjetnikog teksta, omoguivi mu da u odreivanju pravca kretanja u itanju, preuzme ulogu autora i postane instanca u kojoj tekst dobija znaenje. Pored toga, treba istai injenicu da se posebnost knjievnog stvaralatva Milorada Pavia krije upravo u poetici itanja, znanju ili neznanju recipijenta da pronikne u najdublje predjele narativnog tkiva. Jer, svaka je Pavieva posebna pria i ta posebnost ne moe se uvek prepoznati na optem licu njegove pripovedne proze. Otud i stav da se sud o priama moe stvoriti sporim i ponovljenim itanjem, odnosno miljenjem koje sazreva u vremenu. Stoga ne treba niti se moe uriti (Pijanovi 1998:129). Usredsreen na poetike probleme itanja, recipijent postepeno prihvata umjetniki smisao onoga to je ispripovijedano traei izlazna vrata iz narativnog lavirinta.
LITERATURA:
Bajcar-Novak, Silvija. Znaci pitanja. Proza Milorada Pavia u svetlu njene postmodernistike recepcije. U: Pavievi palimpsesti: zbornik radova. Priredio Sava Damjanov. Bajina Bata: Raanska batina, 2010. Damjanov, Sava. Vrtovi nestvarnog. Beograd: Slubeni glasnik,2011. Damjanov, Sava. Novo itanje tradicije. Novi Sad: Dnevnik, 2002. Deli, Jovan. Hazarska prizma: tumaenje proze Milorada Pavia. Beograd: Prosveta; Gornji Milanovac: Deje novine, 1991.
Recepcija teksta i smisone novine u fantastiki oblikovanoj | 107 Unutranjoj strani vetra Milorada Pavia Jerkov, Aleksandar. Nova tekstualnost. Knjievnost, god. 45, knj. 90, br. 11/12 (1990): 1886-1916. Jerkov, Aleksandar. Od nove tekstualnosti do kulturne poetike. U: Milorad Pavi, Za uvek i dan vie. Beograd: Dragani, 1996. 111-180. Kordi, Radoman. Postmodernistiko pripovedanje. Beograd: Prosveta, 1998. Mii, Zoran. Antologija francuske fantastike. Beograd: Prosveta, 1968. Paji, Milenko. Zidari vremena i lovci snova. O pripovedakoj umetnosti Milorada Pavia. U: Pavievi palimpsesti: zbornik radova. Palavestra, Predrag. Pavievi romani opsene i preruavanja. Knjievnost, god. 44, knj. 82, br. 11 (1988): 1743-1754. Pijanovi, Petar. Pavi. Beograd: Filip Vinji, 1998. Radovan, Popovi. Mala pria o velikom piscu. U: Pavievi palimpsesti: zbornik radova. Stojanovi, Milena. Knjievni vrt Borislava Pekia: citatnost i intertekstualnost u negativnim utopijama. Beograd: Institut za knjievnost i umetnost; Panevo: Mali Nemo, 2004. imak, Marina. Ako je vreme veno prisutno: paralelno itanje pripovedaka Milorada Pavia i Viazoslava Hronjeca. Polja, god. 50, br. 431 (2005): 128-144.
Marijana Teri
RECEPTION OF TEXT AND SENSE RELATED NOVELTIES IN FANTASY-FORMED NOVEL THE INNER SIDE OF THE WIND BY MILORAD PAVI
Abstract: Distinguished by transposition of the poetic components from one creative piece to another, Milorad Pavi recreates the substance of his stories. By use of autocitation and metatextual relations, the author creates a distinctive world of the literary piece where the singularity of narration reflects through the interpenetration of the real and the fictional. While fostering the literary phenomenon of fantasy, Pavi intentionally deviates from the usual narrative logics, presenting the idea of hypertext, i.e. of reversible art instead - this is why he is considered the founder of postmodernism. The most important narrative methods of this author are primarily present in a number of form and sense related novelties, interference of different genres, metapoetic speech directed to the reader, enigmatic telling, elimination of borders between the realistic and the fantastic, generation of meaning surplus and destabi-
108 | Marijana Teri
lisation of temporal and spatial structures of the novels. The appearance of the fantastic discourse in a role of non-mimetic strategy of creating a literary piece has opened new paths to narration, and this principally applies to the authors of the era of postmodernism. Further to this regard, textual sense, non-linear presentation of events, and linguistic-conceptual innovation are deepened, along with specific projection of the fantastic, the intertextual and different forms of citation, what is used for composition of The Inner Side of the Wind as a polyvalent narrative piece. Key words: Milorad Pavi, fantasy discourse, postmodernism, textuality, innovative methods, citation, new perceptual literary practice
109
UDC 821.112.2-31.09
Dr Zorana Gluevi1 University of Massachusetts Amherst Department of Languages, Literatures and Cultures United States of America
RETHINKING SPACES: HETEROTOPIC SPACES IN FONTANES EFFI BRIEST

Abstract: The article focuses on the spatial representation of Prussia in Theodor Fontanes novel Effi Briest within a wider Central European imperial context and through cross-cultural and trans-national relations. The author argues that Fontanes representation of a regionally diverse, culturally contradictory, and vocally and ideologically polyphonic Prussia has not received due attention in Fontane scholarship and proposes to explore spatialityin the context of the spatial turn in general and by drawing on Foucaults concepts of heterotopiain particular in order to demonstrate Fontanes heterotopic strategies of composite map-making that by creating heterogeneousspaces and highlighting contingencies of location and events prefigure 20th century spatial turn. Keywords: heterotopia, spatial turn, governmentality, map-making, Prussia, Imperial Germany
In 1979, Richard Lwenthal, German-Jewish journalist, publicist, and influential post-World War Two FRG scholar, noted a very special lack of chronological continuity, geographic unity and spiritual form and coherence of Germany (Gesellschafts-wandel, 240-42). James Sheehan, an American historian of modern Germany has repeatedly stressed diversity and discontinuity, richness and fragmentation, fecundity and fluidity, as essential character of the German past and the German present. Sheehan has also taken German post-World War Two historians to task for treating Germany, Europes most fragmented polity, as if it were a cohesive entity. If Germany did not exist as a coherent entity either in terms of language, politics, or physical boundaries in the eighteenth century, as Sheehan points out, the notion of a single German culture is not sensible. It is an abstraction, whether it is supposed to apply to the whole of the German-speaking territories or to those
1
debarska16@gmail.com
110 | Zorana Gluevi
later incorporated into the Bismarckian state. Furthermore, while one can speak of German state-builders and their supporters, a narrative which omits opponents and those indifferent to German nationalism, not to mention the millions with ties to German social, cultural, economic and political life who were excluded from the Bismarckian state, does violence to the facts (Sheehan 1981, 1998). More recently, Etienne Balibar, a French Marxist philosopher, has suggested that in the past (particularly in Mitteleuropa but more generally in all Europe) . . . we are dealing with triple points or mobile overlapping zones of contradictory civilizations rather than with juxtapositions of monolithic entities. And he goes on to explain In all its points, Europe is multiple; it is always home to tensions between numerous religious, cultural, linguistic, and political affiliations, numerous readings of history, numerous modes of relations with the rest of the world, whether it is Americanism or Orientalism. (5) Such observations serve as an apt reminder of the impact traditional historiography has made on German literary studies in general and Fontane scholarship in particular in their approach to Germany of the Bismarcks era as a nation-state with Prussian Germans as crucial factors in giving the space that was once Imperial Germany its meaning and coherence. The received wisdom of contemporary Germany in Fontanes late novels as a stable, homogenous and organic Prussia is further compounded by an image of Fontane as a Prussian patriotic poet so intimately bound up with the specific locality (Mark Brandenburg) who attempts to recover and receive the values of the past (Cusack, 149) through his literary engagement,and whose fictional women offer a chance of realistically representing survival of Poesie (Bance) in an increasingly prosaic and modernizing Prussia. Common reference to Berlin Novels for Fontanes contemporary novels is also instructive because it commonly defines the context and scope, i.e. the coverage, range of reference and the field of vision in Fontane scholarship. One necessary consequence of analytical strategies that focus on the metropolis, is that it runs the risk of imposing a single metropolitan label on a much more complex and intertwined context. The case in point is the attachment of Berlin novel to Effi Briest2 as a label too restrictive by half for the novel located mostly outside of Berlin and beyond the geography of Mark Brandenburg: to be precise, eighteen out of the total thirty-six chapters are located in Kessin, a fictional place in a predominately Polish space (the actual province of Pommern/Pomerania). Furthermore, the novel centers on a love-triangle plot involving a half-Polish lover that precipitates the protagonists ulti2
Unless otherwise stated references to Fontanes Effi Briest and page numbers given in parentheses are taken from Theodor Fontane: Werke, Schriften und Briefe, ed. Walter Keitel, section 1, vol. 4 Smtliche Romane, Erzhlungen, Gedichte, Nachgelassenes. Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1970, pp. 7-296.
Rethinking Spaces: Heterotopic Spaces in Fontanes Effi Briest | 111
mate demise and unfolds in Kessin against the background of the Kulturkampf of the 1870s. The ensuing duel in which a Pole is killed by a German is dramatized in the same location and coincides with the Bismarck Governments implementation of attitous anti-Polish measures in 1885/6. Fontane was not only aware that the Polish territories loomed again to the forefront of Prussian/German internal politics but he was also convinced that Poland would rise again sooner rather than later at Prussias expence (e.g in a letter to Friedrich Stephany of June 16, 1898). The point I want to make is that this geographic location is not simply an insignificant and chance backdrop against which Fontanes metropolitan story plays out, but an important active participant in Effi Briest, both constitutive as well as representative. Sheehans verdict, however, has to be revised in view of the disciplinary paradigm shifts in social sciences and humanities following Edward Saids seminal Orientalism (1978) and the emergence of postcolonial, cross-cultural and transnational approaches in the U. S. German studies and their adoption by a growing number of German historians and literary scholars. As a trans-disciplinary field, Postcolonial studies has provided the impetus for important critical interventions in the study of German history and culture in the context of German imperialism and colonialism including Prussias relations with its internally colonized territories and peoples, especially Poland, by highlighting the common heritage Germans and Poles (as well as Eastern Jews and other minorities) share in Prussia as the site of their intertwined histories and overlapping territories (Aust and Fischer; Baker; Engel; Blackbourn and Retalleck; Friedrich; Bartlett and Schnwlder; Friedrichsmeyer; Kontje; Kopp; Lennox; Peterson; Zantop; Zimmerman). A recent book Spatial Turns. Space, Place, and Mobility in German Literary and Visual Culture (2010) is an important contribution to the study of space and spatiality in the context of German culture, history and literary theory which by employing new theoretical approaches to space also problematizes old and narrow territorial/ national paradigms. In this respect, my focus on spatiality in Fontanes Effi Biest is both a contribution to this growing interest in space in cultural and literary studies as well as an intervention into current approaches to space in Fontane scholarship prompted by the need to change the lens through which spatiality in Fontanes narratives is viewed. It can also be argued that Fontane had his own spatial turn when he turned to writing contemporary novels and reinvented himself, to use Foucaults quip, as a determined inhabitant of space.In other words, Fontanes turn from historicity to contemporaneity is marked by a shift in focus from temporal to spatial dimension. As a fine example that illustrates this shift Effi Briest is especially well suited to spatial analyses. In what follows, I will approach Effi Briest in the context of Fontanes own spatial turn and by drawing on Foucaults concept of heterotopiaand to a less-
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er extent to his concept of governmentality as a theoretical framework for examining the novels representation of a regionally diverse, culturally contradictory, and vocally and ideologically polyphonic Prussia. In so doing I wish to demonstrate Fontanes heterotopic strategies of composite map-making which by creating heterogeneous spaces and by highlighting contingencies of location and events prefigure 20th century spatial turn. One of the key moments in the spatial turn in culture, history literature and related disciplines of the 1980s and 90s can be traced to the lecture On Other Spaces Michael Foucault gave to architecture students in 1967,3 in which he introduced the concept of heterotopia by observing that the twentieth century is the epoch of space of the near and far, of the side-by-side, of the dispersed in a network that connects points and intersects with its own skein. Closely related to spatiality are aspects of governmental regulation of space in Foucaults concept of governmentality as developed in his lectures at the College de France in 1978 where he traces the ways governments attempt to produce spaces and populations best suited to their purposes by stressing the central importance of knowledge in exercising political power. Foucault introduces heterotopia as a relational concept that characterizes lived and socially produced spaces, in which we live inside a set of relations that delineates sites, which are irreducible to one another and absolutely not superimposable on one another (On Other Spaces, 22). Foucault argues that such spaces are universal and necessary components of human civilization, but that their function shifts over time in response to societal and cultural changes. Among them Foucault is particularly interested in the spaces that have a curious property of being in relation with all other sites/places, but in such a way as to suspect, neutralize, or invert the set of relations that they happen to designate, mirror, or invert (On Other Spaces, 24). According to Foucault the two unique sites/places are utopias and heterotopias. While utopia is fundamentally unreal, heterotopia, by contrast, is a real space but simultaneously mythic and real (On Other Spaces, 24). Foucaults concepts seem appropriate to account for the complex nature of states/countries, which,as real spaces, are both abstract and real and have different meanings for different people in different contexts and times. Take Poland: at least since the Enlightenment, Prussian discourse had claimed that Poland was a non-land and Polish culture was never able to separate reality from myth. Seen through the
3
The lecture was published in 1984 for an exhibition in Berlin under the title Des Espaces Autres, (On Other Spaces) in the French journal Architecture /Mouvement/ Continuit. Unless otherwise stated references to Foucaults On other Spacesand page numbers given in parentheses are taken from Michael Foucault: Of Other Spaces. Trans. Jay Miskowiec. Diacritics 16.1 (1986): 22-27.
Prussian lens, Poland was different, extreme, and backward and it badly needed to be controlled by Prussian governmental regulation. However, Poland was not always the inferior other in relation to Prussia/Germany, on the contrary. At the peak of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth the Polish elites considered their own golden freedom superior to other governmentalities and looked down upon their Prussian-German counterparts. While Poles were themselves subjugated by the Russian and German imperial governments, a number of non-Polish peoples were subjugated by the Polish government, i.e. Ukrainians (Ruthenes) whom they continued to dominate even after the partitions. On the other hand, Kleinstaaterei was one of the most persistent symbolic images of German space defined by a multitude of petty states, dialects, social and religious divisions and delayed industrial development. The concept of heterotopia can help understand why Germany,as an extremely heterogeneous and confusing geographic, ethnic, cultural and linguistic space with no clear boundaries in the east, was an abstraction, an idea, and an ideological construct as well as an ideal rather than a self-evident reality. Fontanes novels have been considered a valuable source of historic information about late nineteenth century Prussia,believed to exemplify a realistic or truthful representation (Doebling ix-x) since Fontane based his novels on real events and his protagonists on real models. Fontane also based his settings on real places, but he often modified them or invented fictional settings. Hence he was amused by his readers who enthusiastically praised the supposed photographic and historic accuracy of his detailed descriptions and found it necessary to correct their misconceptions about the nature of his realism. In a letter Fontane pointed out that all the details in Schach von Wuthenow, everything down to the last straw, was his own invention. In another letter he even listed with mocking irony all the inaccurate details of places and things contained in his novels set in Berlin, but he also added that they were nontheless essentially realistic (qtd. in Lukcs, German Realists, 302). Fontanes own understanding of fictional spaces as a simultaneously imaginary and real contestation of the space in which we live is heterotopic. Fontanes journalism, theater critique and writing serialized novels for periodicals have important implications for his novelistic discursive strategies since, as writing practices in direct response to actual reality, they challenge temporal experience. Fontane was also the author of local travelogues (Wanderungen) and a chronicler of generational change who observed with a keen eye and a sense of place, detail and local particularities a range of different and changing communities and places in Prussia over a period of time. All these different genres and their descursive strategies have found their place in Fontanes late style and are exemplified in Effi Briest. As a novel written from late1888 to the spring of 1894, Effi Briest was long in the making and had undergone substantial revisions. By 1890, Fontane altered his earlier
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draft (the so-called Betti-complex after the name he initially gave his protagonist) and transposed his initial setting from Krotocshin in the Polish province Posen/Poznan to Kessin in Hinterpommern. Fontane wrote to the Stuttgart publisher Adolf Krner4 on July 27, 1890 about his plans for the book that was to become Effi Briest:
Zugleich frage ich an, ob ich Ihnen im Winter oder um nchsten Ostern einen neuen Roman schicken darf? Es spielt im ersten Drittel auf einem havellndischen adligen Gut, im zweiten Drittel in einem kleinen pommerschen Badeort in der Nhe von Varzin und im letzten Drittel in Berlin. Titel: Effi Briest. Es handelt sich, [] nur um Liebe, also stofflich eine art Ideal. Ob auch sonst? (Werke 4: 55)
As usual when writing to famous, respected or important persons such as publishers, Fontanes tone is characteristically modest and deceptive. While Fontanes proposal was not exactly exciting it complied with the mass market tried-and-tested formulae that required from writers to depict protagonists representative of what society holds to be proper. Surely there must be more behind this claim that the novel is a love story. Fontane privately disparaged such conventions and emphasized his interest in social themes with their political under currentsas he revealed in a letter to his friend Friedrich Stephany of July 2, 1894:
Liebesgeschichten, in ihrer schaudersen hnlichkeit, haben was Langweiliges , aber der Gesellschaftszustand, das Sittenbildliche, das versteckt und gefhrlich Politische, das diese Dinge haben . . . das ist es, was mich so sehr daran interessiert. (Werke 4: 370)
Both time and space in Effi Briest convey cultural climate and political constraints of the particular historical conjuncture. Covering a period from the late 1870s to early 1890s, Effi Briest is Fontanes evocation of the Bismarks era, a time of both intense debates about national identity and a period in which Germany emerged as an imperial power. The novel enacts a country-to-city movement characteristic for the later nineteenth century European novel of disillusionment by following his protagonist Effi Briest, from her premature engagement, through her marriage, adultery and divorce, to her premature death. At the end of the novel Effi Briest is brought back to the starting point when the story comes to rest in her childhood garden. Fontane obviously takes personal relationships as his point of reference to address vexatious issues of public domain such as marriage, adultery and
Adolf Krner was the new owner and editor of Die Gartenlaube, a popular family journal which serialized many of Fontanes novels. Effi Briest was serialized in the Deutsche Rundschau in 1894.
divorce as subversive reworking of the imperial-national narrative. The novels deliberated performance, as the story that follows the narrative pattern in which the outcome fails to match the expectation, offers a disenchanted and ironic perspective on the empire by reflecting ironically and critically on its own failed project, most notably in German-Polish relations. Fontane proceeds to engage with and question the practices of contemporary Prussia/Imperial Germany by incorporating diverse places and by moving his story between and across them. By setting his novel in three different locations: the Old March of Brandenburg, Hinterpommern (East Pomerania of the New March) and the imperial capital, Berlin, Fontane gives a cross section of contemporary Prussia through a narrative dispersal that highlights multiple spaces with a diversity of life in their coexistence and simultaneity. In other words, the story unfolds extensively in space whereby the narrative time is broken up in segments identified by these particular places/ heterotopias. The circular trajectory of the narrative together with the visible erosion through the dispersal of narrative authority constitutes the fictions historiographical demystification of the national project by exposing its uncertain politics especially at the imperial eastern frontiers against a background of the declining East-Elbian estates, Polish resistance and the socio/economic ascendancy of the middle classes. Fontanes productive fictional strategies of composite map-making that create heterogeneous spaces rather than a unified textual space resemble Foucault concept of heterotopia(s). There seem then to be productive ways in which Foucaults heterotopias can be used for analyzing dynamic and shifting relationships within and between narrative spaces in Effi Briest. As socially constructed spaces, Havelland/Hohen-Cremmen, Berlin and Hinterpommern (Eastern Pomerania)/Kessin do not stand-alone but are simultaneously coexistent and inextricably linked, even though they can be incompatible. They reveal complex and compounded geographies since they not only suspect, invert and mirror each other and bring together different incompatible sites, but they also bring together different times. Fontane is historically mindful of Berlins humble origins: the mighty capital of the new German empire originally sprung from an obscure medieval Slavic village the remnants of which were still present (Richie 7). Effi Briest makes constant references to the Slavic past inscribed in symbols, myths and memories through contemporary misconceptions and stereotypes (Effis wrong assumptions that a bloody sacrificial ritual was practiced by the barbaric Wends against whom she therefore feels aversion); in facial features (Frau Paddens broad cheekbones betray her Slavic origin); and above all in names of many Prussian toponyms and family names. Taken together they indicate not only the superimposition of the German over the submerged Slavic layers, but also patterns of a complex demographic mix, resistance
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and cultural and ethnic hybridization. Finally, fictional Kessin is situated in the real province of Pomerania (Pomorce) a homeland of the indigenous Kashubians and a highly contested space since the Middle Ages between Teutonic Knights and Slavs, Prussia and Poland, Germans and Poles. Foucault lays out six principles to explain the concepts application in reality: 1) heterotopias are divided into two main categories: the heterotopia of crisis and the heterotopia of deviation; 2) heterotopias can change function within a single society; 3) they may take the form of contradictory sites or combine several spaces which seem incompatible; 4) they disrupt traditional notion of time (heterochronia); 5) they are not open or easily accessible like public places but pose certain requirements; 6) they are singular spaces within some given social spaces whose function is different or even the opposite to all other places. Foucaults first principle involves two main categories: the heterotopia of crisis and the heterotopia of deviation. According to Foucault the heterotopia of crisis refers to sacred and forbidden places reserved for individuals who are, in relation to society and to the human environment in which they live, in a state of crisis, many of which involve women as adolescents, menstruating, initiated into womanhood, child bearing etc. Fontane is a writer acknowledged for his portrayal of womens lives in whose novels heterotopias constructed around women play a very significant role. We need think of the gloomy atmosphere of Innstettens house in Kessin where a child-bride Effi finds herself in a prolonged crisis: she is frustrated by enforced passivity, confined by restrictions, subjected to surveillance, lonely and fearful. It is also a space where she carries and gives birth to her only child. According to Foucault an important heterotopia is a site where a womans deflowering traditionally takes place out of sight, on a honey-moon trip, i na hotel room, on boats or trains (On Other Spaces, 24). Ironically, even the honeymoon in Effi Briest is associated with public places such as galleries and museums and the young brides boredom and complaints of tired feet rather than with emotions of pleasure and intimacy in the privacy of the heterotopias associates with them, according to Foucault. Foucault also suggests that in the modern world, crisis heterotopias are being replaced by heterotopias of deviation, as places for individuals whose behavior is deviant in relation to required norms, such as prisons, resting homes, psychiatric hospitals (On Other Spaces, 25). Innstettens house in Kessin increasingly assumes the aspects of heterotopia of deviation where Effi feels like a prisoner: Es brach wieder ber sie herein, und sie fhlte, da sie wie eine Gefangene sei und nicht mehr heraus knne (169).5 Furthermore, Fontane makes subtle link between the circum5
It was all descending on her again, and she felt like a prisoner, as if she would never escape.
stances of Effis married life in Kessin circumscribed by Prussian conventions and the life imagined to be the condition of Oriental women, caged behind the bars of a harem. Effi likens her husband to the proverbial Oriental despot whose image she has seen in a picture book,
Ich habe mal ein Bildbuch gehabt, wo ein persischer oder in dicher Frst (denn er trug einen Turban) mit utergeschlgenen Beinen auf einem roten Seidenkissen sa, und in seinem Rcken war auerdem noch eine groe rote Seidenrolle, die links und rechts ganz bauschig zum Vorschein kam, und die Wand hinter dem in dischen Frsten starrte von Schwertern und Dolchen und Parderfellen und Schilden und langen trkischen Flinten. Und sieh, ganz so sieht es hier bei dir aus, und wenn du noch die Beine unterschlgst, is die hnlichkeit vollkommen (53).6
Indeed, Effis punishment for her long-past adultery at the hands of her husband and parents in late nineteenth-century Prussia/Germany evokes despotic, male-dominated societies and their cruel treatment of women alleged to have characterized Muslim societies such as the practice of drowning adulterous women in the temporarily and spatially far away Constantinople of the Ottoman Empire which Effi enacts with her friends at the opening of the novel, whereby she discards the possibility of such cruelty taking place in her society. This heterotopic principle characterizes the parental house (functioning something like a present-day hospice) where terminally ill and broken-hearted Effi is taken in to die. Another significant heterotopia of deviation is Effis humble apartment in a Berlin suburb, tucked away from view on the fourth floor of a building on Kniggrtzer Street overlooking the railway tracks to which she is exiled as a castaway adulteress and divorcee (as one with a social disease viewed as polluting, needing to be excluded from public life and polite society). But this deviant heterotopia, which Effi shares with her maid Roswitha, is invested with subversive potential: other social norms are breached and cultural, class and political barriers are lifted: the lady and the servant share their meals together. Moreover, the Wiener Schnitzel which Roswitha brings from the restaurant Habsburger Hofopens the possibility of more deviant influence on Effi to the detriment of her Prussian tradition. Prussian/Germanic influence is further eroded when Effi plays Chopin rather than
I once had a picture book, in which a Persian or Indian prince (for he wore a turban) sat with his feet under him on a silk cushion, and at his back there was a great red silk bolster, which could be seen bulging out to the right and left of him, and the wall behind the Indian prince bristled with swords and daggers and panther skins and shields and long Turkish guns. And see, it looks just like that here in your house, and if you will cross your legs and sit down on them the similarity will be complete.
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Wagner (whom she used to play for Innstetten, Wagners ardent admirer). The parallels between Effi, the outcast of Prussian society, and the exiled Polish revolutionary composer who also died young of tuberculosis are hard to miss, while Wagners own sense of deprivation and humiliation during his exile in Paris also come to mind. The second principle that heterotopia can change its meaning through history and/or within a single society can be easily extended to Prussia, which, in the course of a relatively short period underwent tumultuous social, political and economic changes and dislocations of territories,populations, languages and lifestyles through the annexation of Polish territories, the French occupation, the unification of Germany accomplished through three wars, the Promoters boom and subsequent economic crisis. Peoples allegiance to flag, uniform, political parties and other state symbols and institutions had changed more than once in Fontanes lifetime. Identities change over time and acquire new meaning as circumstances change. However, following the unification of Germany,new German-Protestant identity was imposed from above in opposition to non-Protestant and non-German identities and in competition with local and regional identities. Therefore it had to be forced upon many indifferent or resistant citizens by means of invented cultural symbols, official rituals, celebration of new holidays and pageants to celebrate the ties that bound them together as Germans. Not only were entirely new symbols, like flags, anthems and coats of arms, created but also the common history had to be (re)invented. This invention of an ancient past through ponderous distortion of facts that made up a lot of historic narratives of the time was what Fontane objected to when targeting historical fiction. Effi Briest demonstrates confused, contested and denied identities. For instance, Effis middle-class friends in Hohen-Cremmen have never heard of Kessin so they ask: Was ist Kessin? Ich kenne hier kein Kessin (13).7 They also find Baron von Innstettens name unfamiliar and even funny-sounding: So heit hier kein Mensch. Freilich, die adeligen Namen haben oft so was Komisches to which Effi replies: Ja meine Liebe, das haben sie. Dafr sind sie es eben Adelige. Die drfen sich das gnnen, und je weiter zurck, ich meine der Zeit nach, desto mehr drfen sie sich gnnen (11-12).8 Cantor Jahnkes allegiance lies not so much with the new German nation, but rather with the heritage of the independent north German Hansa cities on the
7 8
What is Kessin? I dont know any Kessin near here.
Nobody around here is called anything like that. These old aristocratic names can be so funny. Yes, indeed, my dear but thats aristocracy. They dont have to care, and the further back they go the less they have to care.
Baltic shore, established by the Teutonic order in the Middle Ages and ruled by the self-assured, traditionally anti-aristocratic merchant classes. He also admires purely Germanic Scandinavia and the regional cultural tradition and dialect of the rural Mecklenburg.9 Cantor Jahnke admires Mecklenburg writer Fritz Reuter, who depicted rural life in the Platt German dialect of his native Mecklenburg (and even named his twins Hertha and Bertha, to honor his favorite writers twin characters Mining and Lining, from his major novel, Ut min Stromtid, 1862-4).10 In fact, contrary to what German national mobilizers were wishing, Prussians were reluctant in realizing that they shared the same culture, identity or even language with others. Further east in Hinterpommern, ultra conservative Junkers demonstrate Prussian rather than German patriotism. During Christmas celebration (chapter nineteen) Prussian national anthem (Preuenlied) is sung while at Annies christening, which coincides with the Sedan Day, von Borke takes the occasion to toast Innstetten and to celebrate the ties that bound conservative Prussians together: solange wir noch Mnner haben wie Baron Innstetten . . . so lange hlt unser altes Preuen noch. Ja meine Freunde, Pommern und Brandenburg, damit zwingen wirs und zertreten dem Drachen der Revolution das giftige Haupt (116-17).11 The novel shows that with the political unification of 1871, little such national unity had been achieved since localism and regionalism remained powerful forces. As far as can be judged from the novel, the main links of solidarity in Prussia were regional and religious. People continued to identify themselves with their village, their city or their province much more than they did with the new nation. Jingoistic celebrations of victorious conquests of numerous vanquished neighbors and distortions of history were offensive to many minorities within the new German state who were excluded from the nation. Following the third Partition of Poland in 1795, Prussia included vast Slavic territories and was in effect a state consisting of two nations, Germans and Poles. However, after the creation of the German-nation state Poles, of whom three million (or every tenth citizen) lived in Prussia by 1890, became excluded from the nation because they refused to be Germans and especially from 1885 onwards, Polish issues became central in Prussian politics.
While Meklenburg became definitely German in character, its ruling dynasty traced its origin to Wendish/ Obodrite duke Niklot.
10
While Fontane initially criticized the novels provincialism, he also characteristically took back his former opinion and ranked it among the highest literary achievements in 1889.
11
As long as we still have men like Baron Innstetten, whom I am proud to call my friend, then things will go on, and this old Prussia of ours will survive. Yes my friends, Pomerania and Brandenburg together well see it through and stamp on the venomous head of the dragon revolution.
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Even though Poland was proverbially wiped from the map of the world the very possibility of the restoration of an independent Polish state was a source of much anxiety for Prussia. Therefore, Polands partition had to be justified by promoting images and tropes of Poland as backward and barbaric. The stereotype Polish economy was a derogatory point of reference for the description of Poland, a self-serving explanation for the failure of the Polish state of over hundred years ago due to its failed governmentality, its alleged incompetence, misrule and backwardness of its elites and the reason to continue to keep Poland subjugated. Yet, these stereotypes obviously contradicted the tangible benefits Polish society achieved through the efforts of the Organic Work underway since 1870s. Fontanes prosperous Polish patriot-publican-political tribune and the member of the provincial gentry, Golchowskiinverts and contradicts these stereotypes since he is neither Effis embodiment of a starost, a traditional representative of the pre-modern Polish village communalism, nor Innstettens model of Polish dishonesty. Rather, he is a representative of the new sober pragmatismin Polish politics that works organically from within the system to overturn the existing status quo. Moreover, Golchowskis respectable establishment inverts, suspects and contradicts the notorious image of the traditional Polish inn as a place where peasants drink themselves to stupor and their meager earnings are syphoned off by the gentry (Hagen). Furthermore, Fontane had reasons to believe that an independent Poland would rise again. He names his most influential and prosperous Pole in Innstettens district after the most powerful contemporary Pole, Count Agenor von Goluchowski, the Galician magnate, twice Galician Viceroy and the Austro-Hungarian foreign minister (1895-1906), during whose tenure Galicia acquired autonomy in Austria-Hungary in 1871 along with enviable national and social advantages for Galician Poles. Golchowski is a powerful Pole who has the whole constituency in his pocket, (er hat hier die ganze Gegend in die Tasche) and whose powerrests on his knowledge (auf zwei Meilen in der Runde wurde kein Ei gelegt, von dem er nicht wute, 83).12 The power he wields over those who dwell in his field of vision lies not in the use of force but in the efficiency and productivity of power that takes place in his inn pragmatically named after Bismarck and strategically located for complete, constant and anonymous surveillance. Hence hisgovernmentality mirrors, challenges and undermines (or in Foucaults words: represents, contests and inverts) Bismarcks hegemonic governmentality. The third principle is that within any single heterotopia several spaces may be juxtaposed in a real single place sites that are in themselves incompatible. Foucault considers the garden as a prime example for a contradictory site, particularly some
12
Within two miles around not a hen could lay an egg without his knowledge.
Oriental gardens with many superimposed meanings. The garden on the Briests estate is such a contradictory heterotopia with a specter of different meanings and variety of uses. Effi Briest is first introduced and finally buried in the garden. Referred to as a child of nature (Naturkind) Effi is initially shown as a healthy, happy, innocent and open-air being, upstanding and thriving in her own environment, like the flowers in her garden. Some commentators even refer toit as the Garden of Eden (Schuster; Mandelartz), an iconic site of creation or lost utopia. Fontanes garden mimics nature, but it is also enclosed and cultivated: it is a place where the novel begins and ends, a place of childish innocence,tragic self-knowledge and illusion,a Garden of Eden, a confinement, a hospice, and a place of Effis final rest. The opening scenes between Effi and her parents are mirrored with great poignancy at the finale. By opening and closing his novel in the garden on the Briests estate at Hohen-Cremmen, Fontane proposes backward glances at the reasons why his glance comes to be fixated to this particular space closely related to Heimat. A different kind of garden is invoked by the Plantage. As a heterotopia located in Hinterpommern and associated with servitude it brings together the nexus of domestic and colonial oppression of women, servants and laborers. The Plantage likens Pomerania to Kamerun (Cameroon), German colony (mis)ruled by its longtime Governor Jesco von Puttkamer (Bismarcks relative through marriage). It also links Germanys overseas plantation colonialism in Samoa worked by hired cheep Chinese labor with the East-Elbian estate agriculture and its cheep Polish migrant laborers. Finally, the Plantage evokes traditional feminization of Slavic eastern European geography as a submissive colonized space penetrable by Germanic masculine enterprise. Berlin is an obviously contradictory heterotopia where incompatible or contradictory places and spaces converge in the novel, since one can talk of at least three distinct Berlins: the Berlin as a spectacle of urban modernity and luxury is a point of attraction for Effi in the pre-marriage period, (here also Walter Benjamin comes to mind), the Berlin of political power and material security to which Effi belongs through her marriage, and the humble Berlin of the outskirts in which divorced Effi lives anonymous and lonely life at the margins of society. Fontanes Kessin is commonly dismissed as a remote, provincial backdrop rather than viewed as a site of intersections, crossroads, meeting-points, and contact zone of various forms of interaction and exchange within and between various heterotopias. As a Baltic seaport and resort Kessin is actively engaged in lively long-distance communications and trade. It is variously populated by a middle class foreign diaspora, indigenous rural population rooted in their land, large landowners and peasants, masters and servants. The relations between global and local (Kessin) are complex, multidimensional,disconnected and asymmetric. Thus ethnically-racially-linguisticaly-culturaly-religiously-historically heterogeneous and spatially dis-
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persed, and unstable Kessin inverts, contradicts and counters stable, orderly and homogenous image of Hohen-Cremmen as a Heimat. According to Foucault theatrical performance is both real and illusionary because it stages fictional world and thus can bring onto the stage, one after the other, a multitude of places (and times) that are alien or unfamiliar to one another. Theater in general and amateur theatrical performance figures prominently in Effi Briest. A Part from Kleists tragedy Das Ktchen von Heilbronnstaged by Pastor Niemeyeron the eve of Effis wedding brings different time and place together by representing unequal gender relations and mirrors Effis subordination. A popular contemporary comedy Ein Schritt vom Wege (1871) by Ernst Wichert, in which Effi appears as heroine is staged in Kessin by her soon-to-become-lover Crampas. The heroines/ Effis virtual misstep has a happy ending and thus prefigures, mirrors and inverts her real unforgivable and cruelly punished misstep. Foucaults fourth principle is concerned with time and its multiplicity (Heterochronia). Heterotopias are linked with various temporal discontinuities or breaks in traditional time, identifying spaces that represent either a quasi-eternity like museums or are temporal, like festivals and celebration. Effi Briest highlights timeline discontinuities and moments of chance, which break a normal course of events. When such fractures are created the narrative extends in space whereby time is broken up in segments identified by these particular heterotopias. In other words,time is not unified but characterized by multiplicity of discontinuities, breaks, circularity and uneven rhythms in which the pacing of the plot proceeds by jumps and stops. Fontane employs the conventions of expository and panoramic narration twice: at the beginning of the novel to introduce Effis environment and later on in Innstettens description of Hinterpommern (in chapter six). A relatively short period of year-and-a half of Effis life in Kessin is stretched across seventeen chapters while long periods of Effis married life in Berlin are skipped or only briefly sketched or summed up. Time appears to be dragging for Effi in Kessin and it is temporarily interrupted by a Effis six-week visit home after having a baby,while the six-years of Effis married life in Berlin are reduced to a single sentence either because they pass by fleetingly for Effi or rather because Fontane finds them too uninteresting to be worth depicting. That space and events have contingent relation is illustrated by the sudden discovery of the old letters and the collapse of Effis comfortable life in Berlin by the delayed effects of her long-past Kessin-affair. According to Foucault museums are prime examples for spaces for the indefinite accumulation of time, since they are conceived with an aim to connect the past with the present and to project the future. Conversely, festivals, exhibitions and celebrations represent transitory heterotopias that frame an experience of the immediate and the ephemeral. The quasi-eternal tradition of Briests ancestral house suspects,
inverts and contrasts Innstettens house in Kessin which lacks any tradition and only serves as temporary quarters (without reception or dining room), a stepping stone in his rising political career. Effi Briest often refers to museums, galleries, exhibitions, monuments and memorials as important sites of contemporary Germany inseparable from imperialism, capitalism, nationalism, commerce, education, science, and colonial activities. During her first visit to Berlin, Effi is taken to view the monumental St. Privat-Panorama (representing the storming of a French village by the Prussian troops). As rumor has it in Kessin, Innstetten has been entrusted with heading an Imperial delegation on an important mission sent to Morocco to demonstrate and sell a modern ice-making machine. Art Museums and galleries also play an important role in Innstettens attempts to educate young Effi, so much so that he even arranges their honeymoon as an educational excursion with the purpose,as the old Briest mockingly remarks, to (re) catalogue all the galleries. He even proposes to designate some time out of his busy schedule in Kessin for reviewing with Effi all the works of art they saw together. Innstetten is himself a kind of collector of scary and dead artifacts such as stuffed animals and a Chinese ghost. Innstettens house invert an image of home but rather invokes Adornos sepulcher for dead objectscollected and placed in a museum . . . withdrawn from the world, torn from their context of origin, and recontextualized in such a way as to participate in strategies of hegemonic power (Adorno, 175). Captain Thompsons house with its dead artifacts similarly come to new life in the person of Innstetten as their new owner who acts as new curator, interior decorator and metteur-en-scne. Innstetten refuses to remove such paraphernalia from the house or move out to escape the ghost despite Effis pleading. The fact that he never attempts to lay Effis fears to rest lives little doubt that he intends to generate a climate of fear to keep Effi under control. In an atmosphere of fear created by Innstettens scare tactics the line between Effis justified fear and her paranoia can not be clearly defined as manifested through the haunting of the Chinese ghost. Consequently,in an attempt to escape her predicament Effi take action in opposition to intended one. Baron von Innstetten is a representative of a specific form of governmentality, namely his scare techniques are a manifestation of the contradictory logic of the irrational rationality of capitalism as imperialism of the new German state. Asa man of strict principles and a law enforcer, Innstetten is familiar with the legal system, that is, the system which defines the limits of peoples behavior yet he knowingly bends the rules and principles by making up irrational and incoherent narratives that involve psychological torture with the supernatural. Innstettens pedagogical methods, based on learning/conditioning through fear, draws attention to Wilhelm Wundts new experimental psychology and the techniques for controlling
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population (to be obedient citizens) he was at the time developing at the University of Leipzig, funded by and becoming an organized practice of the Prussian military and political establishment (Keith; Savas). The fifth principle deals with heterotopias of ritual or purification as spaces that are exclusive yet penetrable, not freely accessible like public places but rather as spaces with certain selective criteria. As Foucault writes: Either the entry is compulsory, as in the case of entering barracks or a prison, or else the individual has to submit to rites and purifications. To get in one must have a certain permission and make certain gestures (On Other Spaces, 26). Foucault gives as examples of heterotopias dedicated to a kind of consecration/ purification, Scandinavian sauna or a Muslim hammam. Both the sea-resort Kessin and Bad Elm are places for purification. Military and administration hierarchy recruited from aristocratic ranks occupies a spatial place in the fictional space of Effi Brist, especially the officer corps, who seem most at home in uniforms and barracks and whose masculine and militaristic codes dominate the society. It thus represents exclusive and close-knit society with very strict criteria both towards outsiders as well insiders. To gain access one must adopt the codes of ethics of the Prussian hegemonic landowning military class, including the duel as an ultimate arbiter of disagreement. Commoners habitually do not qualify since they do not possess the same ethics of honor.Non-Germanic descent by definition excludes anyone from the trusted circle of the Prussian Officer Corps which is was exclusively reserved for the scions of the ancient Germanic blood-lines. Bismarck not only has trust in Innstetten but he also grants him a privileged access to his private residence. In order to be admitted into the society proper Effi must learn and abide by the strict rules and codes of conduct. After she had been ostracized by society Effi must again make a lot of certain gestures in order to obtain permission for a visit from her daughter, whom she has not seen in three years and who is at that point aged ten. She also has to suffer the consequences for her actions to the point of becoming seriously ill and broken-hearted, at which point she, or, rather, Dr. Rummschttel on her behalf, must perform certain gestures so that she can be readmitted to the fold by her parents and permitted to return home to die. Kessin is not a freely accessible place for the military elites and their ethics of honor and as a Kessiner gingerbread-maker remarks should the Hussars be coming everyone with a daughter would have to put bars on their windows (167). The town condemns Innstettens dueling act as murderous and refuses to host military barracks. Such disregard for the social prestige attached to the presence of Hussarsis utterly uncomprexesible to Effis cousin Dagobert von Briest. Prussia/ New Germany as a whole can just as well be taken for a heterotopia that presupposes a system of exclusion and inclusion. As the Imperial Chancellor,
and a staunch Lutheran,Bismarck used his power and authority to wage cultural war against those he viewed as un-German such as Poles, Socialists and Catholics who were identified asthe enemies of the state. These dangerous others who felt themselves to be excluded from real power and representation were both included through the strategy of surveillance and at the same time excluded through regulations (anti-Polish, anti-Catholic and anti-Socialist laws). Since Effi Briest takes place against the background of the Kulturkampf and subsequent harsh anti-Polish measures, Fontanes Polish/Slavic-hyphenated characters find themselves in a state of a permanent crisis and under pressure of continuing confrontation. Polish and German identities are contested and even on the course of collision: Like Bismarck, Innstetten considers Poles as untrustworthy, without honor, and immoral, treats them with suspicion and disregard and refuses to acknowledge Kashubian ethnicity by referring to them dismissively as different and so-called.Conversely, Crampas has little regard for Prussian norms and regulations, and questions Innstettens and Bismarcks moral integrity as honest brokers, while Golchowskis sneering remarks at the aggrandizement and money-grabbing of the Prussian establishment do not spare the Prussian arch-Junker Bismarck as he questions his acquisition of a paper mill. Prussia can also be penetrable and the access to the Prussian high society and institutions is afforded to those who fulfill certain criteria, i.e. certain half-Poles/ or half-Slavs (Germanized nobility, descendants of the once numerous Slavic and Baltic tribes). Landed nobility, the Junkers, own most arable land and their East Elbian estates also presuppose a system of opening and closing as floodgates for admitting and shutting out Polish rural migrant labor force depending on the flows of capital. There are also heterotopias in the novel related to sexuality and transgression: Effis illicit affair takes place in secluded place in the dunes, which is also the site of the fatal duel, thus very intimate and secluded but also penetrable. Effis private space, with the locked drawer of her writing desk harbors incriminating love letters but it gets penetrated and her secret is discovered. Such places of transgression also undermine conventions of order and norms and serve as escapes from the closed, repressive Prussian society. Finally, heterotopias also have the function in relation to all the places that remain [outside](On Other Spaces, 27). This function unfolds between two extreme poles: Either their role is to create a space of illusion that exposes every real space . . as still more illusory . . . Or else . . . their role is to create a space that is other, another real space, as perfect, as meticulous, as well arranged as ours is messy, ill-constructed, and jumbled. The latter type would be the heterotopias, not of illusions, but of compensation (On Other Spaces, 27).
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Effi longs for distant places when she is at home and feels homesick when she is away. Her attraction to everything distant, exotic and unfamiliar serves as compensation for the ordinary, and the everyday familiarity. But despite the tension between the longing for distant places and homesickness, Effis feelings towards the Heimat remain strong throughout her short life. Yet, when Effis parent refuse to take her back because of their reputation, what seems for Effi to be the only place with the possibility of secure human relationships and harmony with nature, turns out to be a space created out of illusion. Cantor Jahnkes preference for the North German Hansa cities and the rural, regional cultural tradition of Mecklenburg can be taken for compensation for his life conditions in Hohen-Cremmen yet his notions about Scandinavia asa purely Germanic area are based on his illusions (delusions). Foucault suggests that the Puritan colonies in New England functioned as heterotopia of compensation, meaning that the Puritan moral agency was the driving force behind setting up colonies in North America in order to crate settlements in which human perfection was effectively achieved (On Other Spaces, 27). Foucaults paradigm of the Puritans of the Wild West may be easily transposed to the European Wild East (i.e. the Baltic coast) where ever since the Teutonic Knights Germans-speaking Christians were carrying out crusading and civilizing missions among the pagans and the inferior Christians in eastern Europe. Prussian Germanization of space of Fontanes own time was spurred by similar agency to cultivate the Wild East in the image of their self-perfection. The classical image of German pioneers as settlers on the European eastern frontiers, crusading Indian-like Slavs and Balts, invokes the early Puritan American messianic role as a bulwark of civilization in their relentless push of the frontiers of the Wild West. Polish/Eastern European geography represented as wilderness and messiness was contrasted to German-Prussian order and civilization. Both instances cast a skeptical light on the high and holy mission that spurred the western modernizing project of the civilized nations to control or take the land from barbarians. Eastern European frontier as both a frontier of defense and expansion had played a central role in the formation of Prussian identity. Historically, Prussia was located much more within an east-central European context much closer to Poland and Russia than to Western Europe. It constituted Western Europes eastern frontier and was ambiguously positioned between a civilized West and a barbaric East, or what since the Enlightenment was called savage Europe. These rugged marches and their frontier societies were the result of centuries of continuous warfare, during which borderlines were never firmly established and attracted bolder free-spirits who made their living as warriors, whose lives were guarded by frontier institutions and rough codes of behavior, military cult and chivalry, guarding honor that had little in common with the life in the core societies. These ambiguous locations and
their inhabitants served and saw themselves as guardians of the gates of Christendom, but were exposed to the possibility of being polluted or pollinated by the other. Thus in many respects the gate-keeping mentality of the East-Elbian Junkers has affinities with the mind-cast of similar militarized borderland societies, whose social make-up and military culture had been shaped by hundreds of years of frontier life (e.g. the Polish szlachta, the Hungarian Szecklers, the Russian Cossaks, or the Serbo-Croat Frontiersman in the Military Frontier on the border between the Habsburg and the Ottoman Empires as well as the Ottoman Janissaries, the keepers of Islam). In Effi Briest the eastern regions of contemporary Prussia still function as a heterotopia of consolation and contestation by providing conditions in which East-Elbian Junker caste can live up to their image of themselves by fiercely guarding their pre-industrial ways and feudal values against the onslaught of changes in an increasingly industrializing and urbanizing Germany. However, their narrative is contested by the Poles manifest refusal to play the assigned role of the presumably doomed savage Indians of the official Prussian narrative. There are also the ascending middle-classes with their anti-aristocratic code of conduct, such as the international mix of inhabitants of the Baltic towns like Kessin. Faced with opposition and social and economic ascendancy of the middle classes East Elbian Junkers are forced to confront their own illusions. Finally, according to Foucault, the ship is the heterotopia par excellence: In civilizations without boats, dreams dry up, espionage takes the place of adventure, and the police take the place of pirates (On Other Spaces, 27). Indeed, Effi Briest takes place against the background of the intense parliamentary debates about the establishment of a powerful German navy. In the Baltic chapters of Effi Briest the ship is an important heterotopia which represents a counter-site that challenges the place and interrupts its everyday life. It is through ships that the entry of the outside world of trade into the small community creates a contact zone between very different worlds: the local agrarian community of peasants and Junkers on the one hand and pirates, international consuls and traders with their international backgrounds and overseas trading connections on the other. There is also an old and picturesque paddle-steamer named Phoenix that carries tourists up and down the river during the summer season. The otherwise slow rhythm of daily life in Kessin becomes livelier with the arrival of tourists. ThePhoenix also takes Effi out of Kessin and towards a new, happier and upgraded life in the capital world of court and high civil service, with a promise of a new beginning, a rebirth. So hopes Effi: Nun mit Gott, ein neues Leben! Es soll anderes werden (203)13 and she makes a promise to Inn13
Now God willing a new life! Things are going to be different.
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stetten: Nun bricht eine andere Zeit an, und ich frchte mich nicht mehr und will auch besser sein als frher und dir mehr zu Willen leben (203).14 Finally the mirror functions typically in a fantastic text as heterotopia. Effi Briest also contains a fantastic subtext inwhich the mirror is related to the supernatural haunting of the Chinese ghost. Effis aspirations, frustrations and anxieties are literally and figuratively mirrored through fantasies of haunting, splitting and doubling. Fontanes fantastic subtext subverts some of the basic conventions of realism by accepting more than one reality and note than one truth, thus questioning the very existence of perceptible reality. After this (cultural) geographic survey it becomes obvious that Fontanes conceptualization of late nineteenth century Prussia/Imperial Germany is inherently plural and composite. Its convoluted complexity becomes more pronounced as the narrative moves from the familiar terrain of the Heimat to what is considered periphery, where it demonstrates a shift from local and national, to transnational, international and even supernatural. Fontanes heterotopic strategies contest essentialist perception of Germany as an organic national community as he continually questions relations between local specificities across Prussia. Fontanes paradigm resists prevalent homogenizing and hegemonizing narratives by providing a counter model to the monolithic mapping of social space and by demonstrating complexities of social ordering and ambiguities of produced spaces. Rather than seeing Prussian modernity in terms of binary opposition between the parochialism, messiness and disorder of the marginal spaces and the modernizing and orderly progression from the centerheterotopias produce multiple and discordant meanings and models, and encourage different and contradictory narratives. Fontanes description of the town of Kessin, populated by drifters from all four corners of the world, is evidence enough as to Fontanes more comprehensive understanding of the condition of uprootedness, mobility and flux as the condition of the period. Such hybridized-hyphenated population seems to be a rule rather than an exception. Fontane also negotiates a discursive space for competing voices including the suppressed Polish counter-voices. There is no doubt that cultural studies have been indebted to the Foucauldian reconceptualization of the politics of location, the location of the standpoint of cultural studies itself as a critique of the relationship between the center and periphery. Foucauts reconception of spatial relations and characterization of heterotopias as places that contest the hegemony of dominant social and political structures can open up the text in ways which would invite the participation of many other readers
14
Its a new time, a new beginning, and Im not afraid any more and I am going to be better than I have been and behave to your liking.
who had previously not found themselves in Fontanes texts but who are more likely to be attuned to Fontanes ironic strategies and his estrangement techniques, his omissions, juxtapositions, displacements and exclusions.
LITERATURE:
Adorno, Theodor W. Valry Proust Museum. Prisms. Trans. Samuel and Shierry Weber. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981. 175-85. Aust, Hugo and Hubertus Fisher, ed. Fontane und Polen, Fontane in Polen. Wrzburg: Knigshausen & Neumann, 2008. Bade, Klaus J. From Emigration to Immigration: The German Experience in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United States. Ed. Klaus Bade and Myron Weiner. Providence, RI: Berghahn, 1997. 1-37. Baker, Geoffrey. Realisms Empire: Empiricism and Enchantment in the Nineteenth Century Novel. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2009. Balibar, Etienne. We, the people of Europe?: Reflections on Transnational Citizenship. http:// makeworlds.org/node/80 Balibar, Etienne. Europe as Borderland. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 27. 2 (2009): 190 215. Bance, Alen. Theodor Fontane: The Major Novels. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982. Bartlett, Roger and Karen Schnwlder, eds. The German Lands and Eastern Europe: Essays on the History of Their Social, Cultural and Political Relations. London: University of London, 1999. Blackbourn, David and James Retallack, eds. Localism, Landscape, and the Ambiguities of Place: German Speaking Central Europe 1860-1930. Toronto: University of Toronto press, 2007. Cusack, Andrew. The Wanderer in Nineteenth-Century German Literature Intellectual History and Cultural Criticism. Rochester, N.Y.: Camden House, 2008. Doebelling, Marion, ed. New Approaches to Theodor Fontane: Cultural Codes in Flux. Columbia, SC: Camden House, 2000. Engel, Walter. Geistiges Preuen - Preuischer Geist. Eds. Gabriele Hundrieser and HansGeorg Pott. Bielefeld: Aisthesis Verlag 2003. Fisher, Jaimey and Barbara Mennel (Eds.). Spatial Turns. Space, Place, and Mobility in German Literary and Visual Culture. Rodopi: Amsterdam/New York, NY, 2010.
130 | Zorana Gluevi Fontane, Theodor. Effi Briest. Trans. Hugh Rorrison and Helen Chambers. London: Penguin, 1995. Fontane, Theodor. Werke, Schriften und Briefe. Eds. Walter Keitel and Helmuth Nrnberger. Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1976. Fontane, Theodor. Wanderungen durch die Mark Brandenburg. Ed. Walte Keitel. Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1967/1968. Foucault, Michael. Of Other Spaces. Trans. Jay Miskowiec. Diacritics 16.1 (1986): 22-27. Foucault, Michael. Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the College de France. Ed. Michael Seullart. Trans. Graham Buchell. London: Palgrave Macmillan: 2007. Friedrich, Karin. Pomorze or Preussen? Polish Perspectives on Early Modern Prussian History. German History 22.3 (2004): 345-371. Friedrichsmeyer, Sara, Sara Lennox and Susanne Zantop, eds. The Imperialist Imagination: German Colonialism and Its Legacy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999. Hagen, W. William. Germans, Poles, and Jews: The Nationality Conflict in the Prussian East, 1772-1914. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1980. Keith, Jim. Mind Control,World Control: The Encyclopedia of Mind Control. Kempton, IL: Adventures Unlimited Press, 1997. Kontje, Todd. German Orientalisms. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004. Kopp, Kristin Leigh. Violated Borders: Fontanes Effi Briest and the Anxiety of Reverse Colonialism. Contesting Borders: German Colonial Discourse and the Polish Eastern Territories. Diss. U. of California, Berkeley 2001. 100-147. Lwenthal, Richard. Gesellschaftswandel und Kulturkrise. Zukunftsprobleme der westlichen Demokratien. Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1979. Lukcs, Georg. Der alte Fontane. Sinn und Form 3.2 (1951): 44-93. Mandelartz, Michael. Das erste Kapitel ist immer die Hauptsache: Paradies und Sndenfall der Effi Briest. Doitsu Bungaku/Die deutsche Literatur No. 99 (Fall 1997): 7179. Peterson, O. Brent. History, Fiction, and Germany: Writing the Nineteenth-Century Nation. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2005. Richie, Alexandra. Fausts Metropolis, A History of Berlin. New York: Carroll & Graf ublishers, Inc., 1998. Savas, P. Theodore. Silent Hunters: German U-Boat Commanders in World War II. Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1997. Schuster, Peter-Klaus. Theodor Fontane: Effi Briest - Ein Leben nach christlichen Bildern. Tbingen: Niemeyer, 1978. Sheehan, James J. What is German History? Reflections on the Role of the Nation in German History and Historiography. Journal of Modern History 53 (1981): 1-23.
Rethinking Spaces: Heterotopic Spaces in Fontanes Effi Briest | 131 Sheehan, James J. German History 1770-1866. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989. Zantop, Susanne. Colonial Fantasies: Conquest, Family, and Nation in Pre-Colonial Germany, 1770-1870. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997. Zimmerman, Andrew. Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001.
Zorana Gluevi
RAZMATRANJE PROSTORA: PROSTOR KAO HETEROTOPIJA U FONTANEOVOM ROMANU EFI BRIST

Apstrakt: Ovaj lanak razmatra Prusku kao prostorni konstrukt u romanu Efi Brist Teodora Fontanea u irem imperijalom kontekstu Centralne Evrope i kroz meunarodne i multikulturne veze. Autorka smatra da u literaturi nije posveeno dovoljno panje Fontaneovoj konstrukciji Pruske kao heterogene, regionalno raznolike, kulturno kontradiktorne i jeziki i ideoloki polifone. U ovom lanku se pristupa prostornosti u okviru novijih teorijskih razmatranja prostora sa posebnim naglaskom na Fukoov pojam heterotopije, sa ciljem da se prikau Fontaneove heterotopske strategije kao kompleksna kulturna kartografija koja svojim heterogenim prostorima i naglaavajui nepredvidljivost mesta i dogaanja prefigurie zaokret u prostor u 20. veku. Kljune rei: heterotopija, mentalitet vladavine, nove teorije prostora, Pruska, imperijalna Nemaka, kulturna kartografija
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UDC 821.163.6-14.09 Preern F.
Dr Zoran Boi1 Univerza v Novi Gorici Fakulteta za humanistiko Slovenija
LITERARNO VREDNOTENJE MED LITERARNO ZGODOVINO IN RECEPCIJSKO TEORIJO (OB POEZIJI FRANCETA PREERNA)
Povzetek: Preuevanje vrednotenjskih meril vodilnih slovenskih preernoslovcev in njihova primerjava z doivljanjem in vrednotenjem Preernovih pesmi pri slovenskih srednjeolcih in tudentih je pokazalo, da obstaja med literarnozgodovinskim in recepcijskim pristopom bistvena razlika. Medtem ko literarni zgodovinarji kot najbolj umetnike povzdigujejo oblikovno zelo zahtevne refleksivne pesmi iz osrednjega pesnikovega obdobja (to so predvsem pesmi z bivanjsko temtiko oz. soneti), srednjeolci in tudenti vie vrednotijo jezikovno bolj preproste Preernove pesmi, ki jih lae razumejo. Najbolj umetnike so jim tiste pesmi, ki jih zaradi dramatine zgodbe in humorne obarvanosti globlje doivijo. Kljune besede: vrednotenje, literarna zgodovina, recepcija, Preeren, empirina raziskava
KNJIEVNO VREDNOVANJE IZMEU KNJIEVNE ISTORIJE I TEORIJE RECEPCIJE (U POEZIJI FRANCE PREERNA)
Saetak: Prouavanje vrednosnih merila vodeih slovenakih strunjaka za Preernova dela i njihovo poreenje sa doivljavanjem i vrednovanjem Preernovih pesama od strane slovenakih srednjokolaca i studenata je pokazalo da izmeu knjievno-istorijskog i recepcijskog pristupa postoji sutinska razlika. Kao najvia umetnika dela knjievni istoriari istiu refleksivne pesme iz centralnog pesnikovog perioda koje su po formi veoma zahtevne (to su, pre svega, pesme sa tematikom postojanja, odnosno soneti), dok srednjokolci i studenti vie
1
zoran.bozic@guest.arnes.si (Zoran Boi, University of Nova Gorica, Faculty of Humanities, Slovenia)
134 | Zoran Boi
vrednuju jeziki jednostavnije Preernove pesme koje lake razumeju. Najvie umetnike su im one pesme koje dublje doive zbog dramatine radnje i humoristike obojenosti. Kljune rei: vrednovanje, knjievna istorija, recepcija, Preern, empirijsko istraivanje
1. Uvod
Diahrona in sinhrona raziskava recepcijske zahtevnosti Preernovih pesmi (torej njihovega razumevanja, doivljanja in vrednotenja) je pokazala, da so se prvi glasovi o teavnosti nekaterih pesmi prvega slovenskega pesnika pojavili e za asa njegovega ivljenja, da imajo lahko teave z razumevanjem njegovih pesmi tudi preernoslovci in da so brez ustrezne didaktine opremljenosti osrednje Preernove pesmi skoraj hermetine za dananje srednjeolce in celo tudente slovenistike na Filozofski fakulteti v Ljubljani (Boi 2007). V celoletnem pedagokem eksperimentu,2 katerega osrednji namen je bil potrditi uporabnost prozifikacije Preernovih pesmi kot didaktinega pripomoka za izboljanje njihovega razumevanja (Boi 2010), sem pri dijakih drugega letnika srednje ole raziskal tudi doivljanje in vrednotenje po unem nartu obravnavanih pesmi.3 Njihovo sprejemanje pesmi sem primerjal z vrednotenjskimi merili treh osrednjih preernoslovcev dvajsetega stoletja (Antona Slodnjaka, Borisa Paternuja in Janka Kosa), pri emer sem ugotovil bistvene razlike med literarnozgodovinskim in recepcijskim pristopom (Boi 2011). Ker je bil eden od osrednjih ciljev moje raziskave tudi prikaz drugane monosti olskega izbora Preernovih pesmi (seveda z namenom izboljanja recepcije in posledino poveanja tevila samostojnih bralcev), sem skual preveriti recepcijo e dodatno na nain, ki bi imbolj izloil morebitne motee dejavnike, ki nastopijo pri olski obravnavi Preernove poezije. Zato sem izbral pet manj znanih Preernovih pesmi, razlinih po asu nastanka, dolini in obliki, ki pa jih vse povezuje ljubezenska tematika. Najprej sem preveril, kako te pesmi vrednoti aktualna literarna zgodovina, potem pa sem raziskal njihovo razumevanje, doivljanje in vrednotenje pri dijakih srednje ole ter pri tudentih slovenistike.
Ta je potekal v olskem letu 2005/06, in sicer v paralelnih oddelkih na tirih gimnazijah na Severnem Primorskem: splona gimnazija Tolmin, kofijska gimnazija Vipava ter tehnina in ekonomska gimnazija Nova Gorica.
3
To so bile pesmi Here svet, Slovo od mladosti, Soneti nesree, Sonetni venec, Krst pri Savici, Pevcu, Zdravljica, Neiztrohnjeno srce in Nezakonska mati.
Literarno vrednotenje med literarno zgodovino | 135 in recepcijsko teorijo (ob poeziji Franceta Preerna)
2. Vrednotenje literanih zgodovinarjev

Kot je bilo e prej navedeno, sem za empirini preizkus izbral pet manj znanih Preernovih pesmi z ljubezensko tematiko, in sicer pesmi Dekletom, Gazele (6.), Marskteri romar gre v Rim, v Kompostelje (sonet iz cikla povennih sonetov), Ukazi in Sveti Senan. Te pesmi pokrivajo vseh pet obdobij Preernove pesnike ustvarjalnosti po periodizacijski razdelitvi Borisa Paternuja.4 Tudi pri teh petih pesmih se je pokazalo, da jih trije osrednji preernoslovci druge polovice 20. stoletja razlino vrednotijo. Pri tem najbolj izstopajo ocene Janka Kosa, ki je v nasprotju z Antonom Slodnjakom in Paternujem precej bolj kritien. Pesem Dekletam vsi trije literarni zgodovinarji oznaujejo kot manj umetniko Preernovo pesem,5 ciklus Gazele pa, kot sem e prej omenil, Slodnjak vrednoti zelo visoko, medtem ko mu Kos odreka umetniko kakovost. Paternujeva ocena se pribliuje Slodnjakovi.6 Ciklusu povennih sonetov vsi trije pripisujejo visoko umetniko vrednost (Kos sicer z doloenimi pridrki),7 Slodnjak pa posebej izpostavi ravno sonet Marskteri romar gre v Rim, v Kompostelje.8 Do pesmi Ukazi sta tako Paternu kot tudi Kos izjemno kritina, Slodnjak pa ji ne odreka umetnike vrednosti in jo oznai za preprosto, a isto lirsko besedo (n. d.: 248). Pesmi Sveti Senan Kos kot prilonostne in zato po njegovem mnenju neumetnike sploh ne interpretira, ji pa vsaj nekaj umetnike kakovosti pripieta tako Slodnjak kot Paternu.9
Pesem Dekletom sodi v obdobje Skozi pesnike tokove 18. stoletja (18241829), Gazele (6.) v Prvo obdobje Preernove romantike (18291834), Marskteri romar v drugo (18341839) in Ukazi v tretje (1839 1844), Sveti Senan pa v Zadnja leta (18441849).
5
Paternu pesem oznauje za zavesten literarni poizkus in umetniko opozicijo slabo razvitemu slogu slovenskega pesnitva in ji pripisuje zahtevnejo izdelavo estetskih funkcij izraza (Paternu 1976: 65).
6
V Gazelah vidi artizem glasovnih, besednih in stavnih ponavljalnih figur, ki doseejo raven virtuozne gazelske ornamentike in zaetek globoke interakcije kar treh bistvenih vsebinskih jeder Preernovega pesnitva: bivanjske, ljubezenske in poetoloke teme (n. d.: 226227).
7
V sonetih opaa pridvignjeno patetine primerjave ter podobe in misli, ki so pravzaprav e kar nestvarne (Kos 1966: 111).
8
V oznaitvi zapie, da je bil med novimi besedili gotovo najbolj izviren akrostini sonet Matevu Langusu in da gotovo pomeni vrh povelievanja ljubljene ene (Slodnjak 1964: 168).
9
Iz Paternujeve ocene je lepo razvidno kombiniranje literarnozgodovinskega in doivljajskega vrednotenjskega pristopa: Kljub aljivemu prigodnitvu je Preernovo besedilo Svetega Senana izdelano skrbno in je v literarni zgodovini preve zapostavljeno; zgodba je dramatino nagla in polna, brez pripovednih praznin. (Paternu 1977: 271)
136 | Zoran Boi
Zaradi primerjave z literarnim okusom in vrednotenjskimi merili srednjeolcev in tudentov slovenistike sem vrednotenju treh preernoslovcev poiskal skupni imenovalec in na ta nain razvrstil obravnavane Preernove pesmi. Posamezne oznaitve sem opredelil kot umetniko kakovostna pesem (2 toki), umetniko manj kakovostna pesem (1 toka) in kot umetniko nekakovostna pesem (0 tok) ter na ta nain dobil naslednjo preglednico:
PESEM Dekletom Gazele (6.) Marskteri romar gre v Rim Ukazi Sveti Senan SKUPAJ SLODNJAK 1 2 2 1 1 7 KOS 1 0 1 0 0 2 PATERNU 1 2 2 0 1 6
Preglednica nazorno pokae, da resnino izstopa Kosovo vrednotenje, ki nobeni od izbranih pesmi ne pripisuje visoke umetnike vrednosti, pa pa kar tri pesmi oznai za umetniko nekakovostne. V naslednji preglednici sem pesmi razvrstil po dobljeni oceni, zraven pa sem pripisal e vsebinske in oblikovne znailnosti posameznega pesnikega besedila:
PESEM TOKE Marskteri romar 5 Gazele (6.) 4 Dekletom 3 Sveti Senan 2 Ukazi 1 VSEBINA OBLIKA refleksivna lirika sonet z akrostihom refleksivna lirika gazela z notranjo rimo in refrenom refleksivna lirika tirivrstine kitice doivljajska lirika tirivrstine kitice doivljajska lirika tirivrstine kitice
Posploeni prikaz vrednotenja literarnih zgodovinarjev razodeva naslednje znailnosti: bolj umetnike so jim pesmi, ki so nastale v tridesetih letih 19. stoletja (v Preernovem zrelem obdobju),10 ki spadajo v refleksivno poezijo in ki imajo za-
10
Da lahko spodbijamo mnenje nekaterih, da je ravno osrednje ustvarjalno obdobje posameznega knjievnika nesporno tudi njegov umetniki vrh, dokazuje ustvarjalni razvoj Ivana Tavarja, ki je v starosti skoraj sedemdeset let malo pred smrtjo ustvaril svoje najpomembneje besedilo, tj. zgodovinski roman Visoka kronika.
pleteno, umetelno obliko. Pesmi, ki so nastale na zaetku ali na koncu Preernove ustvarjalne dobe, ki so tipino doivljajske in imajo preprosto kitino obliko, so jim manj umetnike, o razumljivosti posameznih pesmi v povezavi z doivljanjem pa se ne spraujejo.11
3. Recepcija dijakov ekonomske gimnazije

Decembra leta 2007 sem v dveh razredih drugega letnika ekonomske gimnazije v Novi Gorici izvedel dodatni empirini preizkus, s katerim sem e pred obravnavo Preernove poezije preverjal recepcijo petih Preernovih pesmi, razlinih po asu nastanka,12 dolini, obliki in tudi po literarnozgodovinski pomembnosti in doivljajski vrednosti. Sodelovalo je 44 dijakov, testiranje pa je potekalo v dveh zaporednih olskih urah, s imer je bil onemogoen morebitni vpliv prvega testiranja na rezultate drugega. Dijakom sem najprej predstavil namen in potek testiranja13 (5 minut), potem sem zaporedoma, a s kratkimi premori14 recitiral vseh pet pesmi15 (10 minut), nazadnje pa sem razdelil natisnjene pesmi za tiho branje (5 minut) in potem e testne vpraalnike za samostojno reevanje nalog (20 minut).
11
Celo nasprotno. Paternu ob sonetu Marskteri romar gre v Rim , ki se bo v nadaljevanju izkazal za skoraj povsem hermetino besedilo, ugotavlja, da kljub abstraktnosti nazornost in slikovitost oznaevanja nista izgubljeni (n. d.: 23).
12 13
Dekletom 1826, Gazele (6.) 1832, Marskteri romar gre v Rim 1834, Ukazi 1842 in Sveti Senan 1846.
Navajam besedilo po spominu: Kot smo se dogovorili prejnjo uro, boste sodelovali v raziskavi, s katero elim preveriti razlike v sprejemanju petih Preernovih pesmi, rezultati te raziskave pa naj bi vplivali na spremembe v olskem izboru Preernovih pesmi. Najprej bom teh pet pesmi prebral, in prosim, e pozorno posluate, potem pa vam bom razdelil natisnjena besedila pesmi in testni vpraalnik, s katerim bom preverjal vae razumevanje, doivljanje in vrednotenje. Reujte poasi in premiljeno, vzemite si as, ne ozirajte se na to, ali ste odgovorili pravilno ali nepravilno, saj je vpraalnik popolnoma anonimen.
14
Dijakom sem ob pesmi Marskteri romar povedal, da je bil Matev Langus slikar in da je slikal portret Julije Primic.
15
Zanimiva povratna informacija, ki potrjuje, da ustrezno glasno branje olaja razumevanje oz. da imajo dijaki teave z dekodiranjem tudi zato, ker sami teko poveejo besede v stavne in besedilne enote, je izjava dijaka ob zakljuku olske ure: Profesor, sem ugotovu, da jaz ful bolj tekam, e bereste vi, kot e berem sam. Druga pomembna ugotovitev je, da je e ob branju prila do izraza visoka doivljajska vrednost Svetega Senana, saj so v enem oddelku dijaki recitatorja pri tej pesmi nagradili z aplavzom.
138 | Zoran Boi
3.1. Razumevanje Razumevanje izbranih Preernovih pesmi sem preverjal z dvema nalogama. V prvi nalogi so morali dijaki izraziti vsebino posamezne kitice s svojimi besedami (v obsegu ene povedi),16 v drugi pa so morali izraziti konno sporoilo posamezne Preernove pesmi. Reitve sem razvrstil na pravilne (2 toki), delno pravilne (1 toka) in nepravilne (0 tok). Za ponazoritev rezultatov navajam po en primer za razumevanje in delno razumevanje ter nekaj primerov za nerazumevanje: 1. naloga (vsebina kitice) RAZUMEVANJE: Dekletom: Rosa je lepa zjutraj, na zaetku dneva, a ko pride sonce tudi ta lepota mine. Marskteri romar gre v Rim : / Sveti Senan: Senan sanja vse noi o tej deklici, toda zamudil je, da bi imel kaj z njo saj jo je smrt prej k sebi vzela. DELNO RAZUMEVANJE: Dekletom: Kako rosa hitro izgine ko pride sonce. Marskteri romar gre v Rim : Za verno osebo je lepo gledati verske motive. Sveti Senan: Senanu se sanja o deklici, in boji se da jo je poslal v smrt. NERAZUMEVANJE: Dekletom: Kako je prilo jutro in kako bo lep dan. Marskteri romar gre v Rim : Sanja kako lepo je grajsko ivljenje v raju z enskami. Dokler ivimo smo veseli, ko umremo priakujemo ljubezen na oni strani. Dekle se je zaljubilo v enega graaka in stalno ga opazuje. Sveti Senan: Pesniku se sanja od lepe deklice, ki je umrla. 2. naloga (sporoilo pesmi) RAZUMEVANJE: Dekletom: Pesnik sporoa dekletom, naj ne bodo preve izbirna pri fantih v mladosti, saj lepota mine, in lahko bodo ostale same. Gazele (6.): /
16
Zaradi enakovrednosti sem moral izpustiti esto gazelo kot enokitino pesem, tako da sem pri tej nalogi vkljuil samo tri primerljive kitice iz ene zaetne (Dekletam), osrednje (Marskteri romar ) in ene konne (Sveti Senan) Preernove pesmi.
Marskteri romar gre v Rim : / Ukazi: Srcu se ne da ukazovati; ljubiti lahko konamo ele, ko umremo. Sveti Senan: Ni se ti treba bati ljubezni in se ji izogibati, ker potem ti je al a takrat je prepozno in ni poti nazaj. DELNO RAZUMEVANJE: Dekletom: Mladost je minljiva, to so najlepa leta lovekovega ivljenja. Pomemben pri loveku ni samo zunanji vtis. Gazele (6.): Nobeden ne ve e bo za njegovo delo in trud tudi poplaan. Marskteri romar gre v Rim : enska, ki je njemu nedostopna, saj je kot svetnica in najlepa. Ukazi: Vse mu lahko ukae samo srce ne kako naj uti. Sveti Senan: Prilonost zamujena, ne vrne se nobena. NERAZUMEVANJE: Dekletom: e z malim nisi zadovoljen, tudi velikega nisi vreden. Gazele (6.): Usoda nam je e dana, tako da v prihodnost ne moremo vplivat. Marskteri romar gre v Rim : Matevu pomeni vera veliko ve kot enske, ker meni da enske ne zanjo govoriti resnice. Lepo je hoditi po svetu, ampak vsak ko nekaj asa pretee ima domotoje, saj najlepe je doma. elja po vrnitvi v svoje domovanje. Vsak romar gre gledat device. Nekateri gledajo boje podobe, eno dekle pa se je zaljubila, in jo vlee k njemu. Ukazi: e preve ukazujemo, nas doletijo kazni, doloena obnaanja drugih. Sveti Senan: enska v katero je zaljubljen ga je zavrnila vendar ne glede na to jo bo veno ljubil. Deklica je za Preerna sveta in mu je al ker je umrla. Pronja je vedno usliana. V spodnji preglednici navajam rezultate testiranja po posameznih kiticah (1. naloga) in posameznih pesmih (2. naloga), na desni pa e tevilo in odstotek praznih mest po posameznih rubrikah, kar tudi kae na recepcijsko zahtevnost doloenega besedila.17
17
Gre za to, da so bile nekaterim dijakom nekatere pesmi oz. njihov del tako teko razumljive, da sploh niso poskusili reevati ustrezne naloge.
140 | Zoran Boi
VSEBINA KITICE (DOSEENE VSEBINA KITICE (BREZ REITVE) TOKE) KITICA TOKE % KITICA TEVILO % Kak lepo se rosa 28 31,8 Kak lepo se rosa 6 13,6 V podobah gledat' 7 8,0 V podobah gledat' 12 27,3 Senanu se sanja 36 40,9 Senanu se sanja 2 4,5 SPOROILO PESMI (DOSEENE SPOROILO PESMI (BREZ TOKE) REITVE) PESEM TOKE % PESEM TEVILO % Dekletom 39 44,3 Dekletom 0 0 Gazele (6.) 28 31,8 Gazele (6.) 5 11,4 Marskteri romar gre 3 3,4 Marskteri romar gre 20 45,5 Ukazi 32 36,4 Ukazi 3 6,8 Sveti Senan 29 33,0 Sveti Senan 8 18,2
Rezultati kaejo, da je najbolj razumljiva pesem Dekletom, pri kateri so dijaki dosegli skoraj polovico monih tok, vsi pa so tudi poskusili navesti sporoilo pesmi. Pesmi Gazela t. 6, Ukazi in Sveti Senan so priblino izenaene (od 32 do 36 odstotkov monih tok), tudi po tem, da nekaj dijakov ni navedlo sporoila. Dale najbolj nerazumljiva pesem pa je akrostini sonet Marskteri romar gre v Rim , kjer so pri sporoilu samo trije dijaki pokazali delno razumevanje, skoraj polovica dijakov pa je pustila mesto za reitev prazno.18 Visoko recepcijsko zahtevnost, pravzaprav e kar razumevalno hermetinost tega soneta lahko razloimo z zapleteno zgradbo (znailni dvodelni sonet), abstraktno vsebino19 in izjemno zahtevno metaforiko (npr. vestopenjska metafora sled sence zarje unstranske glorje, ki je vkljuena v besedilo v obliki verznega prestopa). Zato ni udno, da kljub omembi Langusovega poklica in njegove portretiranke niti eden dijak ni uspel razbrati, da Preeren omenja obiske pri slikarju, na katerih se tolai ob pogledu na portret svoje nesojene pesnike izvoljenke.
18
Prva naloga (vsebina navedene kitice) potrjuje ugotovitve glede soneta Marskteri romar gre v Rim , zanimivo pa je, da je kitica Senanu se sanja potem vse noi recepcijsko manj zahtevna od kitice Kak lepo se rosa bliska, kar gre najbr pripisati dejstvu, da je prva bolj epina oz. narativna, druga pa izrazito metaforina.
19
Abstraktnost, kot sem e prej omenil, pripisuje temu sonetu tudi Boris Paternu.
3.2. Doivljanje in vrednotenje S tretjo nalogo na koncu vpraalnika sem najprej preverjal stalia dijakov o stopnji razumljivosti posamezne pesmi, potem pa e razlike v njihovem doivljanju in vrednotenju. Najprej navajam stalia o razumljivosti, ki se v grobem pokrivajo z rezultati empirinega preizkusa:
NAJTEE RAZUMLJIVA PESEM Marskteri romar gre v Rim 32 Gazele (6.) 8 Sveti Senan 3 Dekletom 0 Ukazi 0 NAJLAE RAZUMLJIVA PESEM Ukazi 20 Dekletom 10 Sveti Senan 9 Gazele (6.) 5 Marskteri romar gre v Rim 0
Tudi po mnenju dijakov samih je dale najtee razumljiva pesem Marskteri romar gre v Rim , in znailno je, da je niti eden ni oznail za lahko razumljivo pesem. Prav tako se nobenemu dijaku ne zdita teko razumljivi pesmi Dekletom in Ukazi, kar dve tretjini pa ju proglaata za najlae razumljivi pesmi. Zanimiva razlika je, da preizkus razumljivosti pri esti gazeli ni pokazal bistvenega odstopanja od pesmi Ukazi, vendar jo je kar osem dijakov razglasilo za najtee razumljivo pesem, po drugi strani pa so dijaki pri pesmi Dekletom izkazali nekoliko bolje razumevanje kot pri Ukazih, vendar je dvakrat ve dijakov za najlae razumljivo pesem oznailo Ukaze. Ta odstopanja si lahko razloimo s tem, da dijaki tejo razumljivost povezujejo z zapleteno obliko pesmi (esta gazela ima eno kitico, notranjo rimo in refren), preprosto obliko in malo metaforien pesniki jezik (kot npr. v pesmi Ukazi) pa mehanino povezujejo z lajo razumljivostjo pesmi. Pomembno je, da je Sveti Senan, pesem z najbolj razvidno zgodbo, po mnenju dijakov tee razumljiva kot Dekletom in Ukazi. Tudi doivljanje posameznih pesmi sem raziskal na dva naina, da bi s tem dobil kolikor je le mogoe veljaven rezultat:
PESEM Z NAJBOLJ DOLGOASNO VSEBINO Gazele (6.) 18 Marskteri romar gre v Rim 18 Ukazi 5 Dekletom 2 Sveti Senan 1 PESEM Z NAJBOLJ PRIVLANO VSEBINO Ukazi 16 Sveti Senan 15 Dekletom 11 Gazele (6.) 2 Marskteri romar gre v Rim 0
142 | Zoran Boi
e zdruimo obe opredelitvi, tako tisto z negativno kot tisto s pozitivno izbiro, lahko sklenemo, da so dijaki najmoneje doiveli pesem Sveti Senan, ki ji sledita pesmi Ukazi in Dekletom, esta gazela in sonet Marskteri romar gre v Rim pa sta zanje pesmi, ki nimata nobene doivljajske vrednosti. V nasprotju s tremi vodilnimi preernoslovci, ki se pri svojem vrednotenju Preernovih pesmi praviloma niso spraevali o njihovi razumljivosti,20 je pa pri dijakih jasno razvidna visoka korelacija med razumevanjem in doivljanjem: pesmi, ki jih ne razumejo (ali imajo samo obutek, da jih ne razumejo), se jim zdijo dolgoasne, in obratno, pesmi, ki so jim lahko razumljive, se jim zdijo vsebinsko najbolj privlane. Razumljivost pesmi pa seveda ni edini predpogoj za intenzivno doivljanje, kar dokazuje visoka uvrstitev pesmi Sveti Senan, ki se je trem dijakom zdela celo najtee razumljiva, pri izbiri najlae razumljive pesmi pa so jo dijaki uvrstili ele na tretje mesto. Zato domnevam, da je poleg razumljivosti za globlje doivljanje pesmi potrebna privlana zgodba (ta omogoa identifikacijo),21 dramatina zgradba z zasnovo, zapletom in razpletom in v tem primeru tudi humorno obarvana pripoved.22 Tudi Grosmanova poudarja pomen identifikacije za doivljanje umetnostnega besedila, in sicer se opira na stalie sodobne italijanske raziskovalke Marie Grazie Levorato,23 da vse do danes teoretiki in uitelji govorijo o bralevem razmerju do pripovednih oseb kot identifikaciji s temi osebami v romanih in drugih oblikah pripovedi (2004: 45).24
20
e ve: nekaterim so preproste pesmi, ki so priakovano lae razumljive, same po sebi manj vredne kot pesmi z zahtevno, umetelno obliko.
21
Psiholoke mehanizme, ki delujejo ob identifikaciji bralca z literarno osebo (v tem primeru ob Senanovem odnosu do spolnosti), pojasnjuje v povezavi z razbremenilno in varovalno funkcijo estetske distance Jauss, ki se sklicuje na Freudovo spoznanje, da se sme bralec brez sramu prepustiti potlaenim vzgibom, saj ima njegov uitek za predpostavko estetsko iluzijo, kar pomeni omilitev boleine zaradi gotovosti, da je, prvi, nekdo drug tisti, ki na odru deluje in trpi, in, drugi, da gre le za igro, ki ne more koditi nai osebni varnosti (Jauss 1998: 55).
22
Empirine raziskave, ki so pokazale, da dijaki bolj kot Preernove pesmi z resnobnim, eleginim ali celo traginim tonom cenijo tiste, ki so obarvane humorno oz. ironino (torej imajo do ljubezni distanco), kljub asovni oddaljenosti prepriljivo demantirajo Mahnieve trditve o kodljivosti Preernove ljubezenske lirike, e zlasti njegove navedbe, da peto- ali estoolec, otrok, ki zna komaj grko brati, izvolil si je svojo; in tedaj sanjari in blede no in dan, pesnikuje, aluje, toi luni in zvezdam svoje gorje, pri tem pa zanemarja olske naloge in jame vidno hirati od dne do dne (Mahni 1887: 152).
23 24
Levoratova je leta 2000 izdala knjigo Le emozioni della lettura.
Grosmanova v knjigi Razsenosti branja navaja tudi uporabno stalie slovenskega knjievnika Evalda Flisarja: Zdravilna mo literature je v zgodbi, v njeni strukturi. V identifikaciji, ki jo omogoa bralcu. In s tem v njeni potencialni katarzinosti. Bralec, ki ob branju romana ali pri gledanju drame vsaj nezavedno ne zauti to sem jaz, ne dobi od branja oz. od gledanja ni dragocenega in zapravlja as. (2006: 94)
V kolikni meri pa je doivljanje posameznih pesmi povezano z njihovim vrednotenjem, nam razkrivajo stalia dijakov o umetniki oblikovanosti pesmi.25 Navajam preglednico:
NAJBOLJ UMETNIKO OBLIKOVANA PESEM Sveti Senan 13 Gazele (6.) 12 Dekletom 9 Marskteri romar gre v Rim 5 Ukazi 5
Dvodelnega soneta z akrostihom Matevu Langusu srednjeolci ne uvrajo med umetniko oblikovane pesmi,26 pa pa jim je taka pesem esta gazela, katere umetelnost najbolje izraata uporaba notranje rime in refrena. Nepriakovana je bistvena razlika v uvrstitvi pesmi Sveti Senan, Dekletom in Ukazi, po obliki preprostih tirivrstinic, pri emer je Sveti Senan celo na prvem mestu, Ukazi pa na zadnjem. Razliko med vrednotenjem akrostinega soneta in gazele (obe pesmi so dijaki doivljali kot dolgoasni) morda lahko pojasnimo z delovanjem halo efekta: srednjeolci pesmim, ki so jim povsem nerazumljive, ne priznavajo niti umetnike oblikovanosti.27 Razlike v dojemanju umetnike oblikovanosti Svetega Senana in Ukazov (obe pesmi imata po mnenju dijakov zelo privlano vsebino) ne moremo pojasniti z vplivom razumljivosti, saj se zdijo srednjeolcem Ukazi celo bolj razumljivi, pa pa dijaki med umetnike prvine leposlovnega besedila oitno uvrajo tudi zanimivo zgodbo, prepriljiv zaplet in razplet ter napet slog pripovedi, torej prvine, ki so povezane predvsem z doivljanjem besedila. Na koncu tega poglavja predstavljam neposredno primerjavo med vrednotenjem literarne zgodovine (treh vodilnih preernoslovcev druge polovice 20. stoletja)
25
Namenoma sem nadgradil sintagmo umetnika pesem, da bi se s tem izognil preprostemu enaenju umetnikega z venostjo. Ne glede na to pa lahko domnevamo, da si pod izrazom umetniko oblikovana pesem klasien literarni zgodovinar in dananji dijak drugega letnika srednje ole ne predstavljata istega. Prvemu so kriteriji umetnikega ire pomembna vsebina, izpiljen slog in umetelna oblika, slednjemu pa predvsem tiste prvine pesmi, ki mu omogoajo vivetje oziroma im veji ustveni odziv.
26 27
Domnevamo lahko, da dijaki akrostiha niso prepoznali.
e je to res, je tako vrednotenje dijakov povsem v nasprotju z vrednotenjskimi merili nekaterih literarnih kritikov in zgodovinarjev: bolj ko je neko leposlovno besedilo zapleteno in sporoilno hermetino, bolj se jim zdi umetniko.
144 | Zoran Boi
in vrednotenjem dijakov srednje ole. Pri tem sem upoteval razvrstitev Preernovih pesmi s konca poglavja Vrednotenje literarnih zgodovinarjev in razvrstitev srednjeolcev, pri kateri sem kombiniral dve merili, in sicer najbolj umetniko oblikovana pesem ter pesem z najbolj privlano vsebino.28 Navajam preglednico s primerjavo:
LITERARNI ZGODOVINARJI TOKE DIJAKI SREDNJE OLE TOKE Marskteri romar gre v Rim 5 Sveti Senan 28 Gazele (6.) 4 Ukazi 21 Dekletom 3 Dekletom 20 Sveti Senan 2 Gazele (6.) 14 Ukazi 1 Marskteri romar gre v Rim 5
Oitno je, da se vrednotenji literarnih zgodovinarjev in dijakov drugega letnika mono razlikujeta. V nasprotju s preernoslovci, ki so na sam vrh povzdignili zahtevno formo akrostinega soneta in este gazele, dijaki najvie vrednotijo tiste pesmi, ki so jim bolj razumljive in ki jih lahko globlje doivijo, eprav so napisane v obliki preprostih tirivrstinih kitic. 3.3. Potrditev rezultatov empirine raziskave V obeh oddelkih ekonomske gimanzije, v katerih sem pred obravnavo Preernove poezije v drugem letniku preveril recepcijo petih Preernovih pesmi z empirino raziskavo, sem februarja leta 2008 po konani olski obravnavi Preerna kot obiajno izvedel e govorne vaje.29 Ob nastopih posameznih dijakov sem si v vnaprej pripravljeno razpredelnico zapisal, katere pesmi so se nauili na pamet, in tako dobil zani28
Razvrstitev dijakov srednje ole:

Najbolj umetn. oblikovana pesem T Pesem z najbolj privl. vsebino T SKUPAJ Sveti Senan 13 Ukazi 16 Sveti Senan Gazele (6.) 12 Sveti Senan 15 Gazele (6.) Dekletom 9 Dekletom 11 Dekletom Marskteri romar gre v Rim 5 Gazele (6.) 2 Marskteri romar Ukazi 5 Marskteri romar gre v Rim 0 Ukazi T 28 14 20 5 21
29
Dijaki so imeli tirinajst dni asa, da se na pamet nauijo tri kraje Preernove pesmi (npr. sonet ali drugano pesem z najmanj 20 verzi) ali eno daljo (najmanj 40 verzov) in eno krajo pesem. Pesmi so izbirali popolnoma prosto, po lastni afiniteti, e ob podajanju navodil pa sem dijakom predstavil tudi merila za ocenjevanje z delnimi ocenami. V razredu je vsak dijak (po moji izbiri) deklamiral samo eno pesem, lahko pa sta dva dijaka skupaj zaporedoma deklamirala vsak eno polovico dalje Preernove pesmi.
mivo povratno informacijo o recepciji srednjeolcev drugega letnika (ob domnevi, da so dijaki izbrali za deklamiranje predvsem pesmi, ki jih razumejo, ki so jih zmoni doiveti in ki jih sami vrednotijo kot lepe oz. zanimive), s katero bi lahko potrdil ali ovrgel rezultate predhodnega empirinega preizkusa. Navajam preglednico:30
NASLOV PESMI Dekletom Ukazi Pod oknom Zdravljica Zapuena Nezakonska mati Povodni mo Strunam Glosa K slovesu Zgubljena vera Apel podobo na ogled postavi tevilo 15 14 13 10 9 7 6 6 4 3 3 2 NASLOV PESMI Orglar O Vrba, srena draga vas domaa Zdravilo ljubezni ez tebe ve ne bo sovrana srea Here svet Janezu N. Hradeckemu Mornar Ribi Sila spomina Sveti Senan Vso sreo ti elim tevilo 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Med prvimi desetimi pesmimi prevladujejo iste lirske pesmi s preprosto kitino obliko in ne tako zahtevnim pesnikim jezikom,31 na samem vrhu pa sta pesmi Dekletom in Ukazi, ki sta po predhodnih raziskavah med najbolj razumljivimi in tudi vsebinsko privlanimi Preernovimi pesmimi. Sonet kot izrazito zahtevno pesniko formo je izbralo samo pet dijakov, in e to preteno besedili, ki sta recepcijsko manj zahtevni in so ju dijaki spoznali e v osnovni oli (O Vrba ter Apel in evljar).
30
45 dijakov se je nauilo 106 pesmi, od tega 23 razlinih. Izbor je bil precej iri kot pri pedagokem eksperimentu, ko je 190 dijakov navedlo le 15 razlinih neobravnavanih pesmi, ki so jih prebirali po lastni afiniteti. To dejstvo potrjuje velik didaktini pomen govornih vaj pri obravnavi Preernove poezije.
31
Da pri izbiri pesmi ni bilo odloujoe merilo njihova dolina, pa pa predvsem njihova doivljajska vrednost, potrjuje podatek, da se je kar polovica dijakov nauila eno krajo in eno daljo pesem (med te sem tel pesmi Glosa, Janezu N. Hradeckemu, Orglar, Povodni mo, Sveti Senan, Zdravilo ljubezni in Zdravljica).
146 | Zoran Boi
4. Recepcija tudentov slovenistike

Odloil sem se, da recepcijo istih petih Preernovih pesmi na isto enak nain preizkusim e pri tudentih prvega in tretjega letnika slovenistike na FH Univerze v Novi Gorici, in sicer iz dveh razlogov: prvi, da raziem morebitne razlike v razumevanju, doivljanju in vrednotenju, in drugi, da ugotovim, ali gre vrednotenje srednjeolcev pripisati zgolj literarnemu okusu manj izobraenih mladih ljudi,32 ali pa gre dejansko za velik razkorak med splonimi vrednotenjskimi merili in ekskluzivnim vrednotenjem peice literarnih zgodovinarjev. Rezultate empirinih raziskav, ki sem jih izvedel v mesecu februarju 2008 (prvi letnik 21 sodelujoih, tretji letnik pa 11 v obeh letnikih samo dekleta), navajam v spodnjih preglednicah: Razumevanje
VSEBINA KITICE I. letnik toke % III. letnik toke Dekletom 18 43 Dekletom 13 Sveti Senan 14 33 Sveti Senan 11 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 5 12 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 3 SPOROILO PESMI I. letnik toke % III. letnik toke Ukazi 19 45 Dekletom 12 Dekletom 17 40 Ukazi 12 Gazela (6.) 14 33 Gazela (6.) 8 Sveti Senan 12 29 Sveti Senan 7 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 3 7 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 0 % 59 50 14 % 55 55 36 32 0
Marko Stabej (1997: 64) v svoji disertaciji problematizira Paternujevo stalie, da je zadnje Preernovo ustvarjalno obdobje razkroj njegovega pesnikega ustvarjanja, in sicer s trditvijo, da lahko preusmeritev k drugemu naslovniku interpretiramo tudi kot zavestno jezikovnonartovalno odloitev. Stabej v opombi najprej pojasnjuje spremembo naslovnika s Preernovo izjavo, da ta as dela na kranjskih pesmih, ki naj bi bile ve kmekim fantom (pismo Vrazu z dne 12. 12. 1843), za tem pa navaja zapis Ivana Prijatelja, da je Ljubljanski asnik 27. 3. 1850 poroal, da fantje na deeli ne pojajo ve kvantakih pesmi, temve Preernove in Tomanove, najbolj pogosto ravno Mornarja in Pesem od elezne ceste (Prijatelj 1955: 111).
32
Doivljanje in vrednotenje
NAJTEE RAZUMLJIVA PESEM I. letnik III. letnik Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 15 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... Sveti Senan 3 Dekletom Gazele (6.) 2 Gazele (6.) Dekletom 1 Sveti Senan Ukazi 0 Ukazi NAJLAE RAZUMLJIVA PESEM I. letnik III. letnik Ukazi 9 Dekletom Dekletom 6 Ukazi Gazele (6.) 5 Gazele (6.) Sveti Senan 2 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 0 Sveti Senan NAJBOLJ DOLGOASNA PESEM I. letnik III. letnik Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 8 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... Sveti Senan 5 Gazele (6.) Gazele (6.) 3 Ukazi Ukazi 3 Dekletom Dekletom 1 Sveti Senan NAJBOLJ PRIVLANA PESEM I. letnik III. letnik Sveti Senan 9 Dekletom Gazele (6.) 6 Gazele (6.) Ukazi 6 Sveti Senan Dekletom 1 Ukazi Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 0 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ...
11 0 0 0 0
7 4 0 0 0
8 1 1 0 0
6 2 2 1 0
148 | Zoran Boi
NAJBOLJ UMETNIKA PESEM I. letnik III. letnik Dekletom 9 Gazele (6.) Gazele (6.) 7 Sveti Senan Sveti Senan 3 Dekletom Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... 1 Ukazi Ukazi 0 Marskteri romar gre v Rim ...
5 4 1 1 0
Prvi dve nalogi, s katerima sem preverjal razumevanje, prinaata zelo podobne rezultate kot raziskava pri srednjeolcih: najbolj razumljivi pesmi sta Ukazi in Dekletom, dale najbolj nerazumljivo besedilo pa je sonet Marskteri romar gre v Rim ... tudenti tretjega letnika so razen pri tem sonetu izkazali nekoliko bolje razumevanje, kar bi lahko pripisali njihovi veji interpretativni zrelosti oz. dejstvu, da je bil preizkus izveden po obravnavi Preerna na univerzitetni ravni.33 Tretja naloga, s katero sem preverjal doivljanje in vrednotenje, tudi na ravni bolj izobraenih bralcev potrjuje izjemno visoko korelacijo med razumljivostjo, privlanostjo in umetniko vrednostjo: najtee razumljiva pesem (Marskteri romar gre v Rim ...) je tudentom tudi najbolj dolgoasna in ima zanje zanemarljivo umetniko vrednost; najlae razumljiva pesem (Dekletam) je tudentom tudi najbolj privlana (III. letnik) in ima zanje najvijo umetniko vrednost (I. letnik). Torej ima pri recepciji Preernovih pesmi za osnovnoolce in srednjeolce (Krakar Vogel 2000/01) ter tudi za novogorike tudente slovenistike izjemno vlogo razumljivost pesmi, je tako reko kljuno recepcijsko merilo. V primerjavi s srednjeolci drugega letnika je opazna razlika v razvrstitvi este gazele in Svetega Senana. esta gazela se zdi tudentom bolj razumljiva, manj dolgoasna34 in tudi bolj umetnika kot Sveti Senan. Domnevamo lahko, da gre za delno spremenjen odnos do fabulativnih prvin, saj v nasprotju s srednjeolci, ki najvie vrednotijo prav Preernove pesmi z izrazito zgodbo,35 tudenti dajejo veji pouda33
To sklepanje je treba vzeti s pridrkom, saj gre za zelo majhen vzorec testirancev, poleg tega pa se je preizkusa udeleila le polovica letnika, in to tudenti, ki so pred testiranjem imeli vaje iz latinine, torej verjetno tisti bolj sposobni in ambiciozni.
34
Dejstvo, da je kar pet tudentov prvega letnika proglasilo Svetega Senana za najbolj dolgoasno pesem, je teko razloljivo, morda pa gre za podoben vrednotenjski pristop kot pri nekaterih literarnih zgodovinarjih, ki jim je pesem s tematiko spolnosti ali z izrazito humornim pristopom vnaprej manj vredna.
35
To trditev dodatno potrjuje empirini preizkus v olskem letu 2003/04, ko sem na zaetku drugega letnika v enem oddelku ekonomske gimnazije pisno preveril, kateri naslovi leposlovnih besedil, obravnavanih v prvem letniku, so ostali dijakom v dolgoronem spominu. Velika veina dijakov je navedla besedila, ki smo
rek oblikovnim in slogovnim prvinam. To razliko bi morda lahko pojasnili s tem, da gre za bolj kvalificirane bralce v primerjavi s srednjeolci, za katere tudi Grosmanova ugotavlja, da niti enega ne zanimajo oblikovni vidiki umetnostnega besedila (2004: 254). Grosmanova tovrsten razvoj bralnih interesov in zmonosti pojasnjuje z razloevanjem med ustvenimi odzivi nestrokovnih in strokovno usposobljenih bralcev. Pri tem navaja ugotovitve nizozemskega raziskovalca Elsa Andringa,36 da se navadni bralci (v poskusu je uporabil kar dijake srednjih ol) bolj odzivajo na osebe in dogajalno plast pripovedi, strokovno usposobljeni bralci pa se odzivajo tudi na jezikovne, besedilne, zgradbene posebnosti ter da so slednji pripravljeni veliko ve vloiti v svoje branje, zato lahko procesirajo bolj zapletena leposlovna besedila brez negativnih obutkov in doivijo drugane bralne uitke37 (2004: 61).
LITERATURA:
Andringa, Els. Narrative Complexity and Emotional Involvement. Differences between Expert and Non-Expert Readers. In Empirical Approaches to Literature. Ed. G. Rusch. Siegen: Lumis Publications, 1995. 272-281. Boi, Zoran. Sprejemanje Preernovih pesmi: razumevanje, nerazumevanje, oboevanje. Slavistina revija 55, no. 4 (2007): 653-674. Boi, Zoran. Slovenska literatura v oli in Preeren. Ljubljana: Tangram, 2010. Boi, Zoran. Vrednotenje Preernovih pesmi kot recepcijski problem. Slavistina revija 59, no. 2 (2011): 131-146. Grosman, Meta. Zagovor branja: bralec in knjievnost v 21. stoletju. Ljubljana: Zaloba Sophia, 2004. Grosman, Meta. Razsenosti branja. Ljubljana: Zaloba Karantanija, 2006.
jih obravnavali kot obvezno domae branje (Romeo in Julija 22, Don Kihot 21, Hamlet 20, Matejev evangelij 18, Stare grke bajke 18, Antigona 17, Dafnis in Hloa 15, Kralj Ojdip 15). Gre za dalja besedila, bodisi epska bodisi dramatska, pri katerih zgodba omogoa identifikacijo. V nasprotju s temi besedili lirske pesmi niso ostale v dolgoronem spominu (Pesem nosaev ita 2, Visoka pesem 1).
36 37
Andringa 1995: 272.
V nadaljevanju Grosmanova natanneje razloi recepcijske mehanizme, ki delujejo pri vzgoji kvalificiranih bralcev: V tem smislu estetske znailnosti - z njimi pa seveda tudi monost estetske funkcije - obstajajo samo za tiste bralce, ki jih kot take lahko prepoznajo na podlagi poprejnjega poznavanja in priznavanja literarne institucije in medbesedilne izkuenosti. // Prav tako simetrija v razporeditvi posameznih besed v nekem besedilu postane estetska lastnost le za tistega bralca, ki ji lahko pripie estetsko funkcijo, medtem ko je za vse druge zgolj besedilna lastnost oziroma doloena ponovitev. (2004: 76)
150 | Zoran Boi
Jauss, Hans Robert. Estetsko izkustvo in literarna hermenevtika. Ljubljana: Literarno umetniko drutvo Literatura, 1998. Kos, Janko. Preernov pesniki razvoj. Ljubljana: Dravna zaloba Slovenije, 1966. Krakar Vogel, Boa. Obravnavanje literarne klasike v sodobni oli na primeru Preerna. Jezik in slovstvo 46, no. 4 (2000/2001): 125-136. Levorato, Maria Grazia. Le emozioni della lettura. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2000. Mahni, Anton. Dvanajst veerov: pogovori doktorja Junija z mladim prijateljem. Gorica: samozaloba, 1887. Paternu, Boris. France Preeren in njegovo pesniko delo 1. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1976. Paternu, Boris. France Preeren in njegovo pesniko delo 2. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1977. Prijatelj, Ivan. Slovenska kulturnopolitina in slovstvena zgodovina 18481895. Ljubljana: Dravna zaloba Slovenije, 1955. Slodnjak, Anton. Preernovo ivljenje. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1964. Stabej, Marko. Slovenski pesniki jezik med Preernom in moderno. Doktorska disertacija. Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta, 1997.
Zoran Boi
LITERARY EVALUATION BETWEEN LITERARY HISTORY AND RECEPTION THEORY (BASED ON THE POETRY OF FRANCE PREEREN)
Abstract: The study of the evaluation criteria of the leading Slovenian Preeren experts and their comparison with the experience and evaluation of Preeren poems by Slovenian secondary school and university students have revealed a significant difference between the literary and receptive approach. While literary historians appreciate very complex reflective poems created during the poets most productive period (mostly the ones dealing with existential problems and the sonnets), high school and university students show more appreciation for Preerens linguistically simpler poems, which they can understand better. The latter consider the poems they can experience more intensively, due to their dramatic stories and humour, to have a higher artistic value than others. Keywords: evaluation, literary history, reception, Preeren, empirical research
151
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(1875-1876) | 163
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40
. . . , . 64, 6/18. 1875.

41 42
, . 73, 8/20. 1875. .
164 |
. , . . 1876. ( ) . . . .43 1875/1876 - . . , , . .44 , , .45 , - : , . .46 , . . ,

43
, , 2007, 137-139; , 1875-1878, 194-213; , 1790-1918, 2, 291-292; , , 92-106; , , . 3, 2010, 217-218.

44 45 46
, . 80, 5/17. 1875. . , . 81, 8/20. 1875.
(1875-1876) | 165
.47 , . .48 , , . .49 . . , , . , , . , .50 -, .51 , , 47
. . , . . , . . , . ( , 1790-1918, 2, 294-295, 297-299).

48 49 50 51
, . 85, 26. / 8. 1875. . , . 87, 3/15. 1875. .
166 |
. . , .52 . , . , . - , ! - , .53 . - : ( -.), . , , .54 .55 1876, , . .56

52 53 54 55 56
, . 92, 20. / 1. 1876. , . 10, 11/23. 1876. . , . 16, 3/15. 1876.
!- , , - . , , - . , , . , . , a , ! (, . 31, 24. /7. 1876).
(1875-1876) | 167
, . . , , . -. , . , . , .57 . - , . .58 , . -- , , .59 .60

57 58
, . 24, 31. /12. 1876.
1876, . . - . 1876. 1875, 1876, . 1876. 15. 1876. (: , , I, 265-279, 285-288; , , 1, 220-224, 311-320; , , , 1538-1918, 2008, 302-305). , . 30, 28. / 10. 1876.
59 60
, . 32, 5/ 17. 1876.
3. 1876, . . . , .
168 |
, , . . , , . . . , . . , , .61 - - . . - , . . - .62 , , , . , . , , , .63 1876, , ( ), -
- . - . ( , , , 2004, 171-173; , , 288-290).

61 62
, , III, 595-598.
11-12. 1876, , . - , . . . , 29/30. .

63
. 1876, , . ( , , III, 604-608; , , 89; . , , 118-119).
(1875-1876) | 169
. 25 29 . , . , .64 . - , . , . : , , , . , , !65 , , , - . , -, 1861 , .66 , 5. 1876, . - .67

64
- . . , . ( , , III, 46-48).
65 66
, . 42, 16/28. 1876.
, . 44, 23. / 5. 1876. ( ).

67
, , -
170 |
, , - . , . . 1876-1878, .68 (- ) : , !69 8. 1876, - . , .70 .

. , , . 18 , . 1876, 20.000-30.000 , , . 6/18. 1878. . , 15/27. 1879. , 1870-1871. , . ( , , 1939, 83-93; , , 91; , , 118-121).
68
: . ? , ? ! 8 , , , , , . : , , , ; , , . ( , , III, 614-615).
69 70
, . 45, 26 / 8 1876.
, 19. , 2008, 163; , , , 1538-1918, 2008, 305-312).
(1875-1876) | 171
-, 1918...
- 1875-1876, . , . - , . , . , . . -, . 1876, . , 1878 . - , .
LITERATURA:
, . 1875-1878. : , 1996. (Ekmei, Milorad. Ustanak u Bosni 1875-1878. Beograd: Balkanoloki institt SANU, 1996). , . 1791-1914. : , 1980. (Kresti, Vasilije . Istorija srpske tampe u Ugarskoj 1791-1914. Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 1980). , . . : , 2007. (Mikavica, Dejan. Mihailo Polit Desani. Novi Sad: Filozofski fakultet, 2007).
172 | , . 1690-1918. : , 2011. (Mikavica. Dejan. Srpsko pitanje na Ugarskom saboru: 16901918. Novi Sad: Filozofski fakultet, 2011). , . 1875-1878. : , 1996. (ubrilovi, Vasa. Bosanski ustanak 1875-1878. Beograd: Balkanoloki institut SANU, 1996).
Goran Vasin
SVETOZAR MILETI AND UPRISING IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1875-1876)

Abstract: Serbian press in Austro-Hungarian Monarchy devoted a great attention to the Serbian uprisings in Bosnia and Herzegovina against Turkish rule. Each volume of Zastava and Srbski narod used to bring news on clashes between Serbian rebels and Turkish units. Further more, in those newspapers it had been extensively written about relations between the two Serbian principalities of the time (Serbia and Montenegro) and had been reported on their internal political developments shortly before the war against the Ottoman Empire started. It is of great importance to underline that Serbian press was aware of the fact of obvious Austro-Hungarian interfering in Serbo-Turkish war under the veil of protection of the Christianity and civilization standards. Military occupation (1878) and later annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1908) came as a final result of this action, which strongly confirms that the initial aim of the Austro-Hungary was not the defence of civilization nor Christianity, but the bumptious occupation of these provinces. Keywords: uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina, liberals, Principality of Serbia, Svetozar Mileti, Serbo-Turkish wars
Received 21.01.2013 / 19.04.2013.
173
UDC 94(=163.41) UDC 94(=163.42)
. 1 ()

: . () , ( ) . : , , , ,
, 1989. , , , , . [Andrew C. Janos] , , : -
vladislav-b-sotirovic@crucified-kosovo.eu (Vladislav B. Sotirovi, Mykolas Romeris University Vilnius, Faculty of Politics and Management, Political Science Department, Lithuania)
174 | .
-- .2 / , . : 1. (, , ...), 2. 1989. . (, , , ), 3. / 19. 20. (, , , , ), 4. 20. (, , , ) 5. - (, , , ...).3 , , - - , de facto , . . , . .4 , -- par excellence de facto 2 3
East Central Europe: A Historical Overview, [Janos 2000, 2954].
. (Lonnie R. Johnson) - . 1789. . 1918. . : (Nations without states) (states without nations) [Johnson 1996, 124198]. , . , , . / , . , , , , , . : , ( [Stirk 1994]. [Sugar 1977]).
4
19. 20. , . [Berend, Rnki, 1977].
| 175
de iure , . - , , , , . 1102. ., 357 (1459. .) 5 19411945. ., . , , , de facto 137 (1804. .) , de iure 1878. . [Castellan 1992, 227323]. / . (re-writing), . - : - . - - : 1. ( ) 2. - ( ) 3. ( ).6 ( 20. 21. ) - 5
[Fine 1994a; Fine 1994b].

6
, . Govor predsjednika Hrvatskoga sabora Vladimira eksa povodom obiljeavanja Dana neovisnosti Zagreb, 7. listopada 2004. : http://www.sabor.hr/Default.aspx?art=1336&sec=421
176 | .
, , .7 , , 1102. , () - ( ). , , , , .8 , . .9 :
Early medieval Croatian history fits the concluding line to the old jingle: the more you study the less you know. When I was an undergraduate studying Balkan history I thought I knew quite a bit about Croatia; but as I study more about Croatia, one by one the facts that I knew before turn out to be dubi7 8
[Rajievi-Psunjski 2006].
, . [Bideleux, Jeffries 1998, 5861] , . , . , III (. ) (5961). 9. . 818. 822. , , , . ( ). 818. . , [Einhard 1926].
9
| 177 ous, based on questionable sources or no sources at all. Most of the existing literature in western languages on medieval Croatia is extremely poor; and frequently it is marred by nationalistic bias. A basic problem making early Croatian history difficult for everyoneincluding the most serious scholarsis the scarcity of sources and the question of the authenticity of some of the few that do exist. Furthermore, the authors of most of the sources for early medieval Croatia were distant from the events they described. Either they lived in places distant from Croatia (e.g., Byzantium, Italy) or they lived several centuries later... Byzantine writers knew little about Croatia...Most Byzantine historians did not mention Croatia at all. Much of the information about medieval Croatian history comes from later (seventeenth- and eighteenth-century) narrative histories. These were written by enthusiastic people but contain a mixture of fact and legend; and since many of the documents they based their works on are now lost, it is extremely difficult to judge whether their information came from reliable sources or not [Fine 1994a, 248].
, , . - (910928), , (925. .) , . , . - . IV (10581074) , ( ). , (10751089), - 200 ( , , ). ( ) ( . -- ) : 1. . . [Macan 1992, 2831]. , , - , , , 19. ,
178 | .
2. 1102. . (10951116. .) Pacta conventa regna socia (. ), [Peri 1997, 5260], 10 - partes subjectae . - 1102. , . , Pacta conventa 1102. . , , partes subjectae.11 :
The Hungarians had gradually become a more active factor in the Balkans. They had occupied considerable territory nominally Byzantine, conquering Sirmium and the surrounding region of Srem. In addition, they annexed Croatia in 1102 and took over, as well, various cities in Dalmatia which belonged to the empire [Fine 1994a, 234].
, , 1102. , . , , . 1091. 1102. : . . :

10
, .
11
, Groer Historischer Weltatlas. Zweiter Teil. Mittelalter ( 3435) 1138. . 1254. . 1091. (Kgr. Ungarn) [Groer 1979, 3435]. Historical Atlas of the World. , 15. 1200. , : Hungary, , , [Hammond 1984, 15].
| 179 In 1090, as the Croatian throne became vacant, chaos ensued and one of the baronial factions turned to Ladislas to occupy it. The annexation of Croatia took place in 1091 without substantial resistance, although a raid of nomadic Cumans in Eastern Hungary compelled him to return, leaving the occupation of Dalmatia (the Latin towns of the shore and the islands) to his successor. For the time being Ladislas appointed his younger nephew Prince lmos as governor. Thus begun the historic association of the Kingdom of Hungary and Croatia, which lasted until the end of the First World War [Kontler 1999, 63].
79. 13. , . , , . 1102. . - 9. 1918. . / , , ( ) . , . 1868. . 1102. . [Pavlievi 2000, 271273]. , 419 ( 1459. . 1878. .) . , , . : (. . , ) , - ,12 .
12
9. . [ 1922].
180 | .
, - 1995. . (. ). , . / 19411945. . 19911995. .13 , , 1918. . (. , )14 .15 , , . , , . 1102. . , . 1000. , 1420/1433. . ( 1797. ., 1918. .) ( 18. 1358. .)
13
[ 2002]. 19911995. . [ 2005; Guskova 2003, 175301; Guskova 2003b, 232253]. - [Guskova 2003b, 251]. [ 1999; 2011]. 1990/1991. . , , 24. / 1992. .: , , [ 2011, 102].
14 15
, [Sotirovi 2007].
1990. . 1991. . 1918. . - - . , .
| 181
. (. ) . . , . (16521713. .) 1700. . (Croatia Rediviva) , . , - . : Croatia Alba ( ) Croatia Rubea ( ). , . : Croatia Alpestris (), Croatia Maritima (, , ), Croatia Mediterranea ( ) Croatia Interamnia ( ).16 , . 1701. . 56 - . ( ) .17 . 19. .18 , . 16. (1510. .) antemurale christianitatis. , , (
16 17 18
Pavao Ritter Vitezovi, Croatia rediviva: Regnante Leopoldo Magno Caesare, Zagreb, 1700. [Sotirovi 2003].
, - 1700. . Politika povijest Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1990, Polet i pad ilirstva, 18351843.
182 | .
), (. ) ( ), ( ) .19 22. 1593. . . , , . , , . Historiji Turskog/Otomanskog Carstva ( , , 1979. .) () (. 119) , , , ( ) , . , 1389. . . : (, , ) - . . , ; , .20
19 20
[Mihalji 1989].
1911. . . .
| 183
, 1941. . . 1844. . ( ) ( 21) . - , ( ) 1517. 1796. . ( 1812. .) 100.000 . , - 1812. . ( ) . , . , , , , -, , . . 1881. - ( ) . - 16. 1881. ., . . , , 16. 1881. .: , ( ) .22
21 22
http://www.matica.hr/www/wwwizd2.nsf/AllWebDocs/knjigeMHosmanskupninaslov
., Groer Atlas zur Weltgeschichte, Westernmann Schulbuchverlag GmbH, Braunschweig, 1985, Buch-Nr. 047126 1580. 102103 . (Serbien) ( ) . () 1699. . ( ) 115. . , ,
184 | .
819. . . , . (, , ),23 (banus, rex, interex croatorum, .) 9. . , (1924. .), (18731947. .) 245 , 1102 .. [Horvat 1924]. 925. . 1102. . . , , ( ) , . (Lietuvos Didioji Kunigaiktyst - LDK) , .24 () . , -
, . .
23
1102. . 1867. . - . - 1867. . . 1918. . , . , , . 1929. . , . , (, ) 1815. . 73. Atlante Storico, Instituto geografico de Agostini S.p.A., Novara, 1987.
24
[Kiaupa 2000; Gudaviius 1999].
| 185
. / [Orlov, Saganovich 2001].25 - . . 1996. . , , , ( 1941. . ).26 , 1937. . 1939. . 1991. . : , , . , . , - - .27 , . , ,
25
[Ioffe 2003, 12631266].

26
: Stjepan Srkulj i Josip Lui, Hrvatska povijest u dvadeset pet karat. Proireno i dopunjeno izdanje, Zagreb: Hrvatski informativni centar, TRSAT, 1996 (ISBN 983-174-030-5, str. 115).
27
, . , . , .
186 | .
: - , 1102. ( , ).
LITERATURA:
Govor predsjednika Hrvatskoga sabora Vladimira eksa povodom obiljeavanja Dana neovisnosti Zagreb, 7. listopada 2004. http://www.sabor.hr/Default.aspx?art=1336&sec=421 ( 6. 2012. .) Atlante Storico. Novara: Instituto geografico de Agostini S.p.A., 1987. Berend, Ivn T. & Rnki, Gyrgy. East Central Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries. Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad, 1977. Bideleux, Robert, Jeffries, Ian. A History of Eastern Europe. Crisis and Change. LondonNew York: Routledge, 1998. Castellan, Georges. History of the Balkans. From Mohammed the Conqueror to Stalin. New York: Columbia University Press, 1992. Einhard. Annales regni Francorum, Monumenta Germaniae historica (ed. Pertz). Hannover, 1826. Fine, John V. A. JR. The Early Medieval Balkans. A Critical Survay from the Sixth to the Late Twelfth Century. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1994a. Fine, John V. A. JR. The Late Medieval Balkans. A Critical Survay from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1994b. Groer Atlas zur Weltgeschichte. Braunschweig: Westernmann Schulbuchverlag GmbH, 1985. Buch-Nr. 047126. Groer Historischer Weltatlas. Zweiter Teil. Mittelalter, Herausgegeben vom Bayerischen Schulbuch-Verlag (Redaktion: Josef Engel), Mnchen: Bayerischer Schulbuch-Verlag, 1979. Gudaviius, Edvardas. Lietuvos istorija. I tomas. Nuo seniausi laik iki 1569 met. Vilnius: Akademinio skaut sjdio vydno fondas ikagoje-Lietuvos raytoj sjungos leidykla, 1999. Guskova, Jelena. Istorija jugoslovenske krize (19902000). Knjiga prva. Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje M, 2003a. Guskova, Jelena. Istorija jugoslovenske krize (19902000). Knjiga druga. Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje M, 2003b. Historical Atlas of the World. Maplewood, New Jersey: Printed by Hammond incorporated, 1984.
| 187 Horvat, Josip. Politika povijest Hrvatske. Zagreb, 1990. Horvat, Rudolf. Povijest Hrvatske. Zagreb, 1924. Ioffe, Grigory. Understanding Belarus: Belarusian Identity. Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 55, No. 8, 2003, 12411272. Janos, Andrew C. East Central Europe in the Modern World: The Politics of the Borderlands from Pre- to Postcommunism. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2000. Johnson, Lonnie R. Central Europe. Enemies, Neighbors, Friends. New York-Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Kiaupa, Zigmantas; Kiaupien, Jrat & Kunceviius, Albinas. The History of Lithuania Before 1795. Vilnius: Lithuanian Institute of History, 2000. Klai, Nada. Povijest Hrvata u srednjem vijeku. Zagreb: Globus, 1990. Kontler, Lszl. Millenium in Central Europe. A History of Hungary. Budapest: Atlantisz Publishing House, 1999. Macan, Trpimir. Povijest hrvatskoga naroda. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske-kolska knjiga, 1992. Mihalji, Rade. The Battle of Kosovo in History and Popular Tradition. Belgrade: BIGZ, 1989. Orlov, Vladimir & Saganovich, Gennadz. Desyat vekov Belorusskoi istorii. Vilnius: Nasha Buduchynia, 2001. Pavlievi, Dragutin. Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo, izmijenjeno i znatno proireno izdanje sa 16 povijesnih karata u boji. Zagreb: Naklada P.I.P. Pavii, 2000. Peri, Ivo. Povijest Hrvata. Zagreb: Centar za transfer tehnologije, 1997. Rajievi-Psunjski, Velia. Hrvati u svetlu istorijske istine. S predgovorom Zmage Jelinia Plemenitog. 2006 (originalno izdanje iz marta 1940. g., Beograd). Sotirovi, Vladislav B. The Idea of Greater Croatia in the Seventeenth-Century. Conference proceeding material Statehood Beyond Ethnicity: Comparative and Trans-National Perspectives in Europe, Sdertrns hgskola, University College Baltic and East European Graduate School, Fleminsberg near Stockholm, 2003, 149189. Sotirovi, Vladislav B. Creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 19141918. Vilnius: Vilnius University Press, 2007. Srkulj, Stjepan & Josip, Lui. Hrvatska povijest u dvadeset pet karata. Proireno i dopunjeno izdanje. Zagreb: Hrvatski informativni centar, TRSAT, 1996. Stirk, Peter. (ed). Mitteleuropa. History and Prospects. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994. Sugar, Peter F. Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 13541804. Seattle-London: University of Washington Press, 1977. , ( ). . . : , 2005.
188 | . , . . . : , 2002. . . : . , . XIII, 4750, 2011. , . . , , 19411945. , 1999. , . , . , 1922.
Vladislav B. Sotirovi
CROATIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF RIGHTS AND THE SERBS

Abstract: The aim of this article is to present the main tasks of and methods in writing Croatian politically colored historiography of rights of Croatia and Croats with references to the Serbs and their history. Writing and rewriting of the history of the Croats and Croatia within the framework of the historical rights had and have for the ultimate goal to prove thousand years of Croatian statehood and status of the Croats as historic nation. A specific aim was to minimize really subordinated position of the Croat national history compared to the national histories of the Croat neighbors but above all compared to the history of the Serbs as exactly the Serbs have been traditional regional rival to the Croats. Keywords: Croats, Serbs, history, South Slavs, Southeast Europe
189
UDC 316.647.5:2(540)
Dr Abdul Azim Akhtar1 Glocal University (Saharanpur) School of Media and Cultural Studies India
COMMUNALISM IN INDIA: A COLONIAL LEGACY

Abstract: India has no answer to communalism, which has been one of the evils affecting life of millions of Indians. India was partitioned because of this, and after independence in August 1947, many pogroms and communal riots has claimed thousands of innocent lives in the country. The social fabric is so fragile that it takes just a rumor of any kind to spread and Hindus and Muslims living side-by-side, rise against each other most of the time for trivial reasons. Recently one police officer was lynched in broad daylight, in the presence of his junior and subordinate policemen in the province of Uttar Pardesh Indias most populous state because he was a Muslim (Zia-ul-Haque) and worse, he was probing a communal riot, which had taken place near the state capital Lucknow. In the last one year, there have been 27 communal riots in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, and curfew was clamped in many cities. In eastern state of Bihar, one opposition Member of Legislative Assembly (Akhtar-ul-Iman) was branded a Pakistani agent by the ruling Bhartiya Janta Party / NDA minister for protesting against the state governments directive to government schools for making Suryanamaskar (offer of prayer to Sun god) compulsory. The opposition MLA was contesting that the order was against the teachings of Islam, and an example of government interfering in the religious matters of the citizens and influencing young minds. In Hyderabad, a Muslim MLA (Akbaruddin Owaisi) was arrested for making hate speech and released on bail. Varun Gandhi, Member of Parliament and grandson of former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, was acquitted in a case related to making hate speech against Muslims. Many politicians have gone to places by polarising voters on communal lines, and over the years it has become intrinsic part of public life, which divides people on the basis of religion and creates distrust for each other among the citizens. In this paper, an attempt has been made to trace the origin of communalism, how it made a slow beginning during the rule of the British East India Company, and emerged as one of the most potent enemy of the Indian society over a period of time. Keywords: communalism, secularism, colonial and modern India, HinduMuslim conflict, British East India Company
azimakhtar@gmail.com
190 | Abdul Azim Akhtar
When the European powers started coming to India in the late 15th century, India was inhabited by different faiths and sects including followers of Santana Dharma Jainism, Buddhism, followers of Vedic order (later on called Hindu2), Muslims, Christians, Jews and followers of different tribal and regional cults based on local and family tradition. Everyone was welcome, and there are no records to suggest that faith of any individual was ever reason to hate or dislike. India became an important colony supplying raw materials as well cheap labor for the expansion of colonialism in the world and also became a huge market for the finished goods. The British East India Company, which was the most ambitious of all the traders, set its feet India during the golden days Mughal rule. Gradually, the East India Company realized that the mighty Mughal Empire was doomed, and smelled a future for itself in the political space due to the internecine battle among different powers for the supremacy. It foresaw a great future for not only trade but also the possibility of becoming a master instead of trading in the name of master (Mughal Empire). The 18th century hastened the decline of the Mughal Empire, and its prestige and power went for a toss owing to the war of succession among different Mughal princes, where the regional powers became an active participant in the court polity. The British East India Company seized the opportunity with both hands and became an active participant in the power struggle taking place, supporting one against the other and enriching itself with booties and a pie for itself. Before the arrival of the British, Hindus and Muslims lived in harmony with each other and many Mughal emperors also enjoyed the Hindu festivals. Muslim saints Nizamudddin Auliya (Delhi), Muinuddin Chishti (Ajmer), Baba Farid (Punjab) not only blessed people of all casts and creeds, but many of them interacted with Hindu Bhakti saints such as Dadu Dayal. Due to this interaction, there emerged a third group of saints who called for synthesis between the Islamic and Hindu tradition, and the famous saints of this genre were: Kabir and Nanak founder of Sikhism. During the centuries of Mughal rule, many princes and Kings were married to Hindus and Emperor Akbar cemented ties with Rajputs (a Hindu warrior caste) through matrimonial alliances. Even puritan Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, who ruled till 1707 A.D., employed large number of Hindus in his army, and there are figures to suggest that the number of Hindus in Mughal army increased during his rule. Perhaps, an example of the good relations between Hindus and Muslims can be provided by the Battle of Panipat in 1761, where Marathas (leading Hin2
The word Hindu does not occur at all in our ancient literature. The first reference to it in an Indian book, I am told, in a Tantrik work of eight century A.C. , where Hindu means a people and not the followers of a particular religion. But it is clear that the word is a very old one, as it occurs in the Avesta and in old Persian The word is clearly derived from Sindhu, the old, as well as the present Indian name for the Indus. From this Sindhu came the words Hindu and Hindustan, as well as Indus and Indian (Nehru, Discovery of India, p.74).
Communalism in India: A Colonial Legacy | 191
du confederacy) was up against Afghan King Ahmed Shah Abedali. In the battle, an Afghan Ibrahim Khan Gardi was in-charge of the Martha artillery on whose firing prowess the fate of the battle depended. Gardi wiped out thousands of Pathans in the battle and spurned all the move of the Afghan King to switch loyalty. Afghans were an integral part of the Martha confederacy and many other princely states in India, while Hindus were posted in key positions in many Muslim princely states. The relation between Hindus and Muslims started to deteriorate with the coming of the English, and worsened as they struggled to wrest power and become Masters of India. In this pursuit, they came across this unique opportunity of playing one against another, which has been classically described as divide and rule. The English presented a distorted version of Indian History and came up with the communal division of the Historical period: Ancient was declared Hindu India (ignoring Buddhists, Jains, and several other sects) Medieval was declared Muslim India (ignoring the role of Bhakti and Sufi mystics, and the power struggle between Afghans and Turks). Ironically, the modern period was not dubbed as Christian period, although all the European powers were followers of different versions of Christianity: Portuguese, Dutch, French and British. Maulana Muhammad Ali, an important leader of the National Movement said: If there is one other sin with which I charge Great Britain, in addition to charge of emasculating India, it is the making of wrong histories about India and teaching them to us in our schools.3 History teaching and theories of division were meticulously developed and passed on to the people, so that they become aware of our heroes and stories related to their valour were circulated through text books. James Mills division of Indian history into three phases ancient, medieval and modern became a framework for communalists, from which they could construct their past and their identities. The idea of the glorious past and the separateness of communities emanates from such constructions (Thapar 1990; Sharma 1990).4 The stream of Hindu separatism began to flow like the Pataal Ganga5 soon after the British overthrew the Mughal dynasty and established their rule all over India. It gathered strength from reviving and exaggerating memories real and imaginary of all the wrongs the Muslim invaders had done in India: humiliating Hindu rulers on battlefields, destroying Hindu temples,
Muhammad Ali, addressing the plenary session of First Round Table Conference, November 19, 1930, London.
4
Surya Prakash Upadhyay and Rowena Robinson, Revisiting Communalism and Fundamentalism in India, Economy and Political Weekly, vol. 47, no. 36, 2012.
5
An important river in India, which is sacred to Hindus.
imposing the Jaziya6 tax and treating non-Muslims as lower than second class citizens. Hindu and Sikh warriors like Prithviraj Chauhan, Guru Gobind Singh and Shivaji who resisted the Muslim rulers, were portryed as national heroes.7 The struggle for power was presented as war between two religions, deliberately ignoring the periods of assimilation and highlighting the strife, discord and acrimony, even though it was purely political in nature. Naturally, stories of a Muslim leading an army of a Hindu ruler, or a Hindu being in command of the Muslim ruler were suppressed, and even political battlefields were presented as holy war. If Maharana Partap had Hakim Khan Sur leading his army, the commander in chief of the opposing Mughal army was Raja Man Singh. The campaign against Shivaji was led by Mirza Raja Jai Singh. The most vehement protest against the execution of the Gurus two sons came from the then Nawab (king) of Malerkotala8, whose descendants still display with pride the letter of grateful appreciation the Nawab received from the Guru.9 Shivaji, though he fought Aurangzeb, freely employed Moslems.10 In 1668, Shivajis repeated petitions to Aurangzeb won him the title Raja and Chakan fort. After the Mughal treasury refused to reimburse him for a trip he took to Agra, he took up arms again. With Aurangzeb the battle was over power and resources, rather than on religious grounds.11The rulers hardly made any distinction among subjects on the basis of religion, and rebels of all sorts were suppressed with an iron hand, to not only prove the power of the Kingdom but also to act this as a lesson to future traitors. Loyalty to the ruler was an important issue, and treason was dealt with seriously, and it is ironical that such punishment has been given religious colour to suit the interests of the colonial masters. With the beginning of the English rule, the relations between Hindus and Muslims deteriorated and with incidents such as cow slaughter, music outside mosque, insult to Peepal12 tree, pelting of stones at the Hindu / Muslim festival procession,
6 7 8 9
Toll tax on non-Muslim under the Islamic rule to ensure their security of life, property and honour. Khushwant Singh, End of India, Penguin Books India, 2003 p. 46-47. A princely state in India during British rule.
D. R. Goyal, Some observations on the origin of communalism in India, in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.), Communal Riots in post-Independence India, Sangam Books, Hyderabad, 1991, p.43 .
10 11 12
Jawaharlal Nehru, Discovery of India, p.272. Vijay Prashad, Assistant Professor, Trinity College, http://www.proxsa.org/history/shivaji.html.
Peepal tree is held sacred by Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and many women even today tie thread and seek blessing.
Urdu13 vs. Hindi14, love / affair / elopement involving Muslim girl and Hindu boy and vice-versa, it worsened on occasions tearing apart the social fabric, and claiming thousands of innocent lives, and creating distrust. It is pertinent to mention here that procession of Muslim festivals, where procession are taken out such as Muharram15 has no religious significance and found encouragement from the British, as an answer to Hindu festivals, where immersion of idols was a necessity and a tradition. These encouragements were meant to promote animosity and acrimony between the two communities on regular basis at every level. It is believed that the first Hindu-Muslim strife began on the issue of cow slaughter, just when the East India Company was emerging as the most powerful power center, and indigenous powers had no vision and plan to counter this onslaught. In the issue of September 1947, Nadeem16 published very informative article related to the first incident of the Hindu-Muslim riot: The deposed nawab of Bengal17 Qasim Ali Khan sought the help of Oudh18 Nawab Shujaud Daula in December 1767 AD. Shujaud Daula sought assistance from Rohilkhand ruler Nawab Hafizul Mulk Rahmat Khan, who sent the trooper for his support under his son Enayat Ali Khan...so as to provide united force to Qasim Ali Khan and take back the territories from the BritishA combined force led by Shuja-ud-Daula, Mughal Emperor Shah Alam, Qasim Ali Khan, and Enayat Ali Khan marched to take back the state of Bengal and Azimabad19A large part of Oudh force consisted of Nagas and it also included Raja Beni Prasad a confidant of Shujauddaula also accompanied though the seed of Hindu-Muslim discord has been sown nowBut till this period of time, this tree has not grownonly few years back Ibrahim Khan Gardi was the main gunner in charge of the cannon of the Marathasalike many Nawabs had Hindu at key positions, and the Muslim soldiers occupied pride of place in the Maratha armyThis mixed united troops of India was marching as one unit with common
13
Written in Persian script, developed in India, and is understood by Afghans, Kurds, and even Turks. In India, it became a victim of communalism and was branded as a Muslim language.
14 15 16
Hindustani written in Devnagri script, and has Sanskirit words. The martyrdom of Husain on the 10th of Muharram (Arabic month).
Nadeem was an important literary journal of India, published in Ordoo / Urdu language. It began publication in 1931 and continued till 1949 AD.
17 18 19
An eastern province in India; Bangladesh was a part of this province until 1947. A northern Indian state, is known as Uttar Pradesh now.
Named after Prince Azim-ush-Shan, the son of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. Modern Indian states of Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand were part of this province.
aim of throwing out the English, when one Rohilla Pathan from Enayat Khans command slaughtered a cowNagas came to know about this and attacked the Pathan with full force and he was about to be killed when he was rescuedthis did not end herewhen the youthful Enayat Khan came to know about this, he ordered the killing of Nagas in an emotionally charged moodAnd this very force which was marching as one battalion towards its target cut a very sorry figure and became an ugly scene of civil warNagas and Pathans fought pitched battle in which two hundred Nagas and twenty Pathans were killed, around a dozen were injuredShujaud Daula and Raja Beni Prasad soon forgot this and putting this incident behind, it was decided to separate Nagas from Pathans so that they dont fightthis was the first instance of communal riot which happened in the name of cow slaughter after India came in contact with the British. And this was the first decision of communal riot to keep these two communities apart, and it is also be noted that this riot took place in the united force, which was marching ahead shoulder-to-shoulder to fight the third force i.e. the British. And the more surprising part is when it entered Benaras20, ..Muslim ambassador Nurul Hasan Bilgarami of Benaras King Raja Balvant(d) Singh appeared before the same cow slaughtering pathans commander Enayat Ali Khan and after formal etiquettes and protocol, implored for a favour in the form of an audience with Nawab Shujaud Daula, and thus Raja Balwant Singh also became part of this united forceso, we come to know that till now this incident of cow slaughter had not affected senses, else the Hindu Raja would not have willingly offered to serve the Oudh Nawab and sought favour from the Nawab who has ordered swords to be unsheathed for defending the big crimeNow turn to the important aspect, as to how within this force the spies and insiders were playing their partHistory has uncovered the mask of some faces, and one such person was Maharja Kalyan Shatab Rai (Governor Bihar), who was an integral part of Shujauddaulas troops and was regularly updating the East India company about the strength, numbers and movement of the marching forces which he mentions with pride in his Khulasatut Tawarikh21 Thus, he played a key role in the pact which was signed between the British and Shujaud Daula. And it resulted in Diwani22 rights for the three states and the power of the British was strengthened. The secret relations of Kalyan Singh is also known from various other sources of English Missionaries, which have been published in various volumes.
20 21 22
A holy city for Hindus. An important source for Modern Indian History, written in Persian. The right to collect revenue, without and responsibility.
The second person was official Zainul Abedin, who came with the forces, and he himself has boasted of this espionage in his letter addressed to Major Munro23 The third person was Syed Ghulam Hussain Khan, author of Siyar-u-Mutakhrin24 who was drawn to the campaign, due to his relations with the commanders of the marching troops. He has more freedom and was free to move around the troops and used to watch the moves from a distance. His father Hidayat Ali Khan was a step ahead in this double game keeping relations with the English as well as Shah Alam, and entered into the service of Shah Alam on the pretext of paying a courtesy visit and offer respects. When the combined Indian forces were defeated, the father-son duo impressed upon the emperor and also were hobnobbing with the Britishhis espionage continued even after the defeat of the Indian royal forces and the father-son duo was at the forefront of the deal being drafted and getting it signed without the knowledge of Shuja ud Daula..these incidents have been mentioned by Ghulam Hussain with great pride and details by himself in Siyarul Mutakharin. Due to the presence of these spies in the rank and file of Indian forces, the war was a one-sided affair. Shujaud Daula was forced to retreat to his campAnd the same were the incidents at Buxar25, where Qasim Ali Khan and Shuja-ud-Daula were defeated. It is a historical fact that when this troopers left from Avadh, a contingent of English sympathisers entered the ranks, and came along who were obviously going to fight the British, but were actually following the secret English command and also providing them(English) useful information and details..among these Maharaja Kalyan Singh(1), Zainul Abedin(2), Syed Ghulam Hussain(3) and Nawab Asad Jung (4), Syed Hidayat Ali Khan(5) have been exposednow we dont know what kind of services they provided to their masters, but we have clarified that these spies and British supporters were very active where the first incident of Hindu-Muslim communal riot took place, and which resulted in the order to separate Hindus from Muslims26 Thus, began the tradition of the troubled relation between the two communities, who had lived together for centuries. Situations changed drastically in the 19th century. Hindustani, which was the language of the common people, became victim of these divisive forces. Urdu had
23 24 25
Quoted Rise of Christian power in India, p. 392. Another very important source for study of Modern Indian History, in Persian.
Battle of Buxar, in 1764 exposed the weakness of Indian military, established the supremacy of the British in India, and ended the hope of any Indian redemption.
26
Syed Risalat Ali Nadvi, essay in Urdu, (Translated in English by Abdul Azim Akhtar) September 1947, Risala Nadeem Selections (1931-49), Tarikh- e- Hind- o- Mumalik- Ghair, Khuda Bhakhs Oriental Public Library, Patna, 1999, pp. 132-136.
the court patronage, and Urdu poets such as Mirza Ghalib and Zauq were regulars at the Mughal court, and the last Mughal Emperor was himself an Urdu poet. In the beginning, civil servants working for the East India Company, had to pass Urdu language exams to be eligible to work in India. Urdu was also the language of the courts introduced by the Company. The movement started in response to Act 29 of 1837 by which the British colonial government replaced Persian with Urdu/Hindustani as the official language of the courts of law in the North West Provinces and parts of the Central Provinces of India. Act 29 of 1837 sparked off a series of petitions and memoranda from Hindus to the British government, demanding the introduction of Hindi in the Devanagari script in place of Urdu written in the Persian script.27 Before the advent of the British, there were very few fields for competition and contestations but these were modified during the 19th century by the dual influences of modernization and westernization ( Jones 1968: 39). New fields of employment and economic activities opened more areas for competition. Communities adopted various new instruments to improve and consolidate their position in the changing political and economic spheres. English education was taken as an important tool for upward mobility by upper-caste Hindus.28 In 1843, Lord Ellenbourough, then Governor General, advised the authorities in London to adopt a policy of Divide and Rule. He wrote: I cannot close my eyes to the belief that Muhammadan race is fundamentally hostile to us and our true policy is to reconciliate the Hindus.29This started the war of words between the Hindus and Muslims, with the one accusing the other of being inferior and even poking fun at each other. Three to four centuries ago, Hindi and Urdu were not separate languages. The language for common conversation remained unchanged but for certain reasons, Hindi moved closer to Sanskrit and Urdu to Arabic and Persian. Both the languages should prosper in their own way, but the closer they remain to each other the better it will be for them.30 This Urdu-Hindi controversy became widespread after the revolt of 1857 the first major threat to the British Empire. The revolt was blamed on Muslims, the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar was banished to Myanmar (then known as Burma), and Muslims were not allowed to return to Delhi(centre of the revolt) for
27
Rizwan Ahmad, Scripting a new identity: The battle for Devanagari in nineteenth century India, Journal of Pragmatics, vol. 40, no. 7 (2008): 11631183.
28 29
Surya Prakash Upadhyay and Rowena Robinson, op. cit.,
Quoted in Abdul Azim Akhtar, Colonialism, Nationalism and Journalism: A Case Study of Bihar, PhD thesis submitted to Patna University, October 2012, p.55.
30
Indira Gandhi, Convocation address to Jamia Millia Islamia University, Delhi, November 13, 1975.
many years. Delhis Jama Masjid, which was built by Mughal Emperor ShahJahan became a barrack for the Sikh army, and no prayers were allowed for many years. After the revolt, the British adopted a policy of selectively promoting Hindus in all the available avenues and tagged Muslims as conspirators. This policy of open discrimination was viewed by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, who was then serving in the Company, as unjust and he wrote a book entitled Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind31. Apart from working for education and social reform among Muslims, Sir Syed also worked arduously to translate scientific books in Urdu and promote Urdu language, which was facing imminent danger from Hindi. Around this time, the Hindi-Urdu controversy, and movement for cow protection emerged as the twin issues of uniting Hindus. A number of influential Hindus such as Raja Shiva Prasad of Benares, and Madan Mohan Malviya, petitioned the British government for introduction of Hindi in Devanagri script as the court language. The association of leaders like Madan Mohan Malviya with this campaign gave it an obvious political colour.32It has been argued that homogeneous religious identity, as we find it today, was not present in the pre-colonial period. As Thapar asserts, In the pre-colonial period the recognition of a religious community was more limited since language, ethnicity, caste and region are more apparent bonds. Religious perceptions and hostilities were more localised (1990: 17-18). The extension of the idea of homogeneous religious consciousness and its politicisation has grown over a period of time and depends on available means of communication; for example, print technology was in considerable use by the Arya Samaj in the later decades of the 19th century.33 Muslims resisted taking up instruments for upward mobility; for example, Persian was given importance over English. Muslims were viewed as the main opponents by the British. Their expectation of regaining political power someday deteriorated their socio-economic position. The official views of the revolt of 1857 and later the Wahabi Movements challenge to the British made them see Muslims as their main opponents. The British deliberately repressed and systematically kept them out from various fields of activity. A new class the educated middle class primarily composed of upper-caste Hindus was emerging during this period and had its own stake in strengthening the British administration. In Mahatma Gandhis view, communal tension was also to a certain extent the product of rivalries between the Hindu and Muslim middle classes for government jobs and seats in elected bodies
31
Or, the Cause of the Revolt in Urdu language, where he blamed the wrong policies of the British for the outbreak of the revolt.
32 33
Shekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition, Orient Blackswan, Delhi, 2007, p.243. Surya Prakash Upadhyay and Rowena Robinson, op. cit.
such as municipal corporations and legislatures (Chandra 2004).34 Seeing this alienation of Muslims from the mainstream, Sir Syed advocated reform and stressed on modern education as key to progress of the Muslims. He also advised Muslims to keep away from politics and focus on education alone for their advancement. It is indeed ironical that a man like Sir Syed is accused of making fierce intolerance and perversity and for making a prophecy about the imminent partition of the country by Amrit Raj whereas Babu Shiva Prasad and Bhartendu Harishchandra are glorified..it is frequently alleged that the seeds of the two nation theory were sown in the last two decades of the nineteenth century.35 On April 18, 1900 Sir A P MacDonnell issued a circular: All persons may present their petition or complaints either in Nagri or in the Persian character, as they shall desire. 36Swami Dyanand Saraswati, the founder of Arya Samaj which carried out Hindu revivalist movement said in 1876: My eyes are thirsty to see the day when from Kanyakumari to Kashmir all Indians speak and understood one language.37Now, the Muslim intelligentsia became more apprehensive of the British policies and the selected neglect of the Muslims sent alarm bells across the community. The distance gave way to suspicion and trust was replaced by distrust for each other. Indian National Congress (INC), founded in 1885 by A. O. Hume did not attract the Indians to its annual sessions. For many years in its inception, it was dominated by lawyers, journalists and other neo-professionals, which is called as moderate period of its journey, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale the political guru of Mahatma Gandhi was its one of the prominent leaders.The growth of Indian Nationalism, with heavy dose of Hindu tradition (Ganapati festival, Shivaji festival) and Hindu motifs (equating nation with motherhood, chanting Bande Matram38 and bowing) in it, also alarmed Muslims. Ganapati Puja was always a domestic or family affair. In 1893, however, following the cow-protection movement, Tilak and other Chitpawan Brahmans of Poona decided to organise it (Ganapati worship) as an annual public festival and to imbue
34 35 36 37 38
Ibid. Asloob Ahmed Ansari, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, A centenary Tribute, Adam Publishers, 2001, p.418. Quoted in Abdul Azim Akhtar, op. cit., p.142. Quoted in ibid., p. 143.
Bande Mataram is derived from Bengali novel, Anand Math, written by Bankim Chandra Chattarji. It tells the story of a secret religious-political society of Hindus plotting the overthrow of the Muslim rule in the 18th century Bengal. To overthrow the Muslim rule in Bengal, Hindus are recruited to a secret society, and they recite Bande Mataram as a vow before Hindu gods and goddesses. Every new recruit to the secret society chanted Bande Mataram and vowed to overthrow the Muslim rule. Due to the polytheistic and communal nature of this plot, Muslims objected to this. This has been one of the contentious issues for Muslims, who dub it idolatrous and a hymn of hatred for Muslims.
politics in it, as a means to bridge the gap between the Brahman-dominated Congress and the non-Brahman masses.39Muslim alienation from the national movement has also been seen in relation to the Hinduised nature of the national movement such as Bal Gangadhar Tilaks Ganapati pooja and the Shivaji festival, Aurobindos Aryanised India (Heehs 1997, 2006), the idea of Ram Rajya, dips in the Ganges, Hindu methods of oaths, vows, worship and the greater incorporation of Hindu gods and goddesses. The Hinduised practices created suspicion among Muslims and were perceived as a threat to Muslim cultural identity. Muslims were also agitated as well as alienated because of the work of cow protection societies, the propaganda of linguistic groups such as the Nagiri Pracharini Sabha, and the Arya Samajs shuddhi programme.40 By the end of the 19th century, the INC was looking forward to widen its base and appeal among Indians, and sought to exploit to exploit the religious beliefs of the Hindus for this end. It heralded the emergence of extremism phase of the Indian National Congress, where Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan became the slogan and a source of inspiration. As it has been commonly understood, Hindu-Muslim communalism originated during the last decades of the 19th century and grew alongside the national movement. Perhaps even more specifically it could be said that it was structured during the colonial period. What emerges as the spread of full-blown communalism is the bringing of all the discrete, unstructured, localised issues under one homogeneous category.41 As for as social relations are concerned the intimate contact which the two communities had with each other before 1857 was considerably reduced by the end of the nineteenth century, partly due to the clash of political and economic interests between their higher and middle classes during British rule and partly to the revivalist movements which induced narrow-mindedness and intolerance in both of them.42 By the end of the 19th century, the Hindu elites consolidated their position while Muslims became marginalised and the Muslim threat to British power completely faded. What is clear is that the Hindu elite was getting depoliticised while the Muslim elites obsession with political power was complete (Shakir 1979: 470). The British were faced with new challenges from the INC. The members of the INC mobilised around the deteriorating economic and social conditions of Indian society, questions of representation and the determination of rights.43 Madan
39 40 41 42 43
Shekhar Bandyopadhyay, op. cit., pp. 243-244. Surya Prakash Upadhyay and Rowena Robinson, op. cit. Ibid. S. Abid Husain, The Destiny of Indian Muslims, Asia Publishing House, 1965, New Delhi, p. 237. Surya Prakash Upadhyay and Rowena Robinson, op. cit.
Mohan Malaviya started the Hindu Samaj (Hindu Society ) in Allahabad in 1880 to promote Hindu institutions, as the local Magh Mela whose idolatry was criticised by Christian missionaries...The Hindu Sabhas championed Nagari and cow protection, provoking an agitation by Hindu publicists.44 The overdose of Hindu motifs and tradition gave a new lease of life to the Muslim elites, who were natural sufferers due to the eclipse of the Mughal Empire. The perception of insecurity under the shadow of majority Hindus, was blown out of proportion. The climax came in the foundation of the Muslim League at Dacca in 1906, by the Muslim elite comprising of princes and upper castes Muslims. The Muslim League, in the initial years, vowed to champion the cause of Muslims. Many Muslim leaders of the time were members of the League as well the INC and there was hardly any clash of ideology. And there was no call for two-nation theory at this time. For the British Empire, which has consolidated its rule by this time, these developments were an opportunity, which came on the platter. After promoting the Hindus in the 19th century, they developed sympathy for the Muslims in the 20th century, with clear objective to play one against the other. Hindus, who were already organised by the Arya Samaj and its movement for cow protection and Devnagri, responded with the foundation of Hindu Mahasabha. One prominent influence behind the birth of Hindu Sabha movement in the Punjab was Rai Bahadur Lal Chand (1852-1912), a prominent Arya Samajists and a judge in Lahore...he wrote in 1909 a series of 15 articles in the Punjabee of Lahore, the newspaper founded by Lajpat Rai under the title Self Abnegation in Politics...Lal Chand favoured a Hindu politics as an alternative to the Congresss national politics, proposing the substitution of Hindu Mahasabha for Congress committees and of Hindu press for Congress press as a basis for protection of Hindu interests. The point I wish to urge, he went on is that patriotism ought to be communal and not merely geographical.45 The Punjab provincial Hindu conference opened in Lahore on 21-22 October 1909 and attended by nearly 3000 leaders from Punjab, United Provinces and north India. Lala Lajpat Rai in his speech to conference urged the need to strengthen the sentiment of Hindu nationality and unity reiterating that Hindus a distinct and separate nation needed to unite and organise in order to defend themselves in view of the rapid expansion of the Muslim League and the continued government hostility.46
44
Prabhu Bapu, Hindu Mahasabha in colonial North India, 1915-1930: Constructing Nation and History, Routledge, 2012, p. 19-22.
45 46
Prabhu Bapu, op. cit. Ibid.
Around this time, when the leaders of the both communities were affected by the communal virus, rays of hope were provided by the coming together of the INC and the Muslim League for the common objective of extinction of colonialism. In 1916, Mazharul Haque played crucial role in cementing ties between the Muslim League and the Congress and Home Rule League. Largely due to the efforts of Mazharul Haque, the Raja of Mahmudabad and other Muslim leaders, the Muslim League and the Congress came to an understanding and the Lucknow Pact was signed.47 Sarojini Naidu applauding the unity between the Muslim League and the Congress said in her address: ...I ask you in the name of nation that is born today in the city of Lucknow to offer yours thanks to three men...the Raja of Mahmudabad, that fearless and independent spirited Mazharul Haque and thirdly Mr. M. A. Jinnah...we are united today...48 Mazharul Haques work for Hindu Muslim unity, was a thorn in the eyes of the British government. About Haque, Lord Hardinge said: I am not quite happy at the meeting of the National Congress and of the Muslim League at Bombay...Mazharul Haque who is to preside over the League is a dangerous extremist and in my humble opinion, very disloyal.49 In 1920s, Mazharul Haque was again working on the Hindu-Muslim unity in Bihar and at many places he had to face the wrath of the both communities. He advised Muslims to desist from slaughtering cow, if it was the cause of attrition in the society. He also criticised the tablighi movement of the Muslims and the Shuddhi movement of the Arya Samaj.50 Notwithstanding his and many other leaders role in promoting communal harmony at this time, communalism was on the rise among the both communities. In April 1923 the Muhammadans of Aligarh under the leadership of Kunwar Abdul Wahab Khan, Rajput Muslim, formed a society known as Tabligh-ul-Islam to counter the Arya influence at Agra.51 In the summer of 1923, the political ideas underlying the work of Shudhi found expression in the Sangathan (unity) movement which was inaugurated with the object of strengthening the Hindu community...the Hindu Mahasabha took the work of Sangathan with the approval and support of Lajpat Rai and Bhai Ramanand. Mahabir Dal were started to train Hin-
47
Qeyamudddin Ahmed and Jata Shankar Jha, Mazharul Haque, Pulications Division, New Delhi, 1976. p. 26-27.
48
Quoted in Nirmal Kumar, Mazharul Haque, A political biography, Hemkunt Press, p. 117. Ibid., p. 99. Qeyamudddin Ahmed and Jata Shankar Jha, op. cit. p. 82. National Archives of India, Delhi, Home, Political, 1924, 6/IX
49 50 51
du youths in wrestling and other physical exercises.52 The activists of the cow-protection movement singled out Bakr-Id53 for targeting the Muslims. The calamitous Bakr-Id disturbances which took place in 1917 in Shahabad and adjoining districts should not only how very deep rooted was the cause of trouble, but also how difficult it was to foresee the possibility of a serious outbreak.54 Meanwhile, the issue of Khilafat (Caliphate) was taken up by the Muslim leaders and Mahatma Gandhi approved of this cause. Khilafat, although related to Muslims, was a purely political issue, and by calling for the continuation of the Caliphate and the security of the Holy places of the Muslims in the Arabia and Palestine. Non-Muslims were not expected to offer prayers or do some ritual, which might pollute their faith. The end of Caliphate in Turkey put an end to this movement, and the unifying cause was lost. It was followed by outbreak of communal violence at many places. The situation became so bad that the British Government found it difficult to maintain law and order. It resulted in the formation of conciliation committees in my provinces. The Governor in council has recently made enquiries regarding the working of the conciliation committees which came into existence after the conference of 1920, and has found that they have been established by the local authorities in most areas where disputes were of frequent or probable occurrence...the function of these committees are confined to settling disputes at the time of the Bakr-id or other festivals, and while it reported that in some cases their efforts have been attended with success, there appears to be no single instance, in which a conciliation committee has settled a dispute without the assistance of local officers or has reported a dispute which was not already known to the police.55 It was under these circumstances when Mazharul Haque, who was seeking election to the Bihar Legislative Council in November 1926. He was defeated due to the joint opposition of Hindus and Muslims. Around this time, the voices of two-nation theory emerged, and Lala Lajpat Rai called for separate Hindu nation, much before it became the battle-cry for the Muslim League during 1936-1947. The first rumblings of the two-nation theory are heard in the Hindi camp. It may be pointed out here that the great Hindu political leader, Lala Lajpat Rai (1856-1928) suggested in one of his statements the separation of Muslim India from the rest of the country. (The
52 53
National Archives of India, Delhi, Home, Political, 1925, F.140
Or, Eid-ul-Azha, when Muslims slaughter animals to commemorate the tradition of Prophet Ibrahim / Abraham.
54 55
National Archives of India, Delhi, Home, Political, 1925, F.140. National Archives of India, Delhi, Home, Political, 1925, F. 140 .
Tribune, 14 Dec. 1925)56 In 1920s Lala Lajpat Rai wrote 13 articles saying that Hindus and Muslims cannot live together; Bengal and Punjab should be partitioned and in 1925, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sang (RSS) was formed.57 Lala Lajpat Rai took the lead role in opposing C.R. Dass Bengal Pact (at the Cocanada Congress held in December 1923), and was again mainly responsible for the failure of the All Parties Conference in January 1925 to evolve a National Pact in place of Lucknow Pact. It is not surprising that Lajpat Rai, who was the principal Arya Samajist leader in politics as Hans Raj was in education, was the first to suggest (December 1924) a partition of the Punjab (and of Bengal) though he presumed that Hindu and Muslim governments would be united under a National Federal Government. The Arya Samajists from Punjab (also) led the agitation against the Nizam of Hyderabad. Their biggest impact was, however in the Punjab itself, where the Muslims were the main victims of their exclusiveness and discrimination....they even tried to take over from Muslims the few professions like the leather business which remained open to them owing to Hindu orthodoxy. Bhalla, a cousin of Mahatma Hans Raj, opened the first Hindus own Shoes Shop. The Tribune newspaper, although founded to promote nationalism has never had a Muslim Trustee or a Muslim Editor, or a Muslim manager.58The last two decades preceding the Indian independence proved to be the worse period of communal strife, with the introduction of electoral politics, where the majority got the everything and the minority votes was not decisive. The Muslim politicians raised the banner of Islam in danger and insecurity of the Muslims under the Majority Hindu rule. Not to be left behind, Hindu politicians became more aggressive given the fact that numbers (majority) were with them, and they ignored even the genuine grievances of the Muslims. The Muslim League, though not originator of the theory, first enunciated by Lala Lajpat Rai in 1925 and later propounded by RSS chief Guru Golawalkar in his book in 1938, made it the sheet anchor of its divisive politics. It launched an intensive campaign to divide the people on the basis of religious beliefs.59 Still, upto 1937, in spite of the communal riots engineered by politicians, normal relations between Hindus and Muslims were on whole tolerable. But between 1937 and 1947 the general political trend and specially the rowdyism of the volunteer organisations of the Hindus and the Muslims modelled to some extent on those of German Nazis and Italian fascists, led not only to political but also to social tensions, resulting
56 57 58 59
Asloob Ahmed Ansari, op. cit., p.418. Ram Puniyani, Communal politics: Facts versus Myths, Sage Publications, p.105. Sheikh Mohamad Ikram, Indian Muslims and Partition of India, Atlantic Publishers, 1995, p.222. Ravindra Kumar, Problem of Communal India, Mittal Publications, 1990, p.67.
in horrible massacres and plunders at the time of the partition.60 Ordinary Muslims were unsure of their political loyalty, and the Muslim League and the INC quarrelled to claim them as their vote bank. The first provincial elections under the 1935 Act were held in 1937, as a result of these elections, the congress was invited to form ministries in seven provinces. During the elections, the INC rejected the Muslim League demand for fighting election jointly. After the elections, in which the League did not fare well, the request for coalition government from the League was turned down by the INC. The Muslim League leadership following this debacle reviewed its plan and programmes to woo the Muslims. Ulemas from the UP, Punjab, Bengal and Sind and local pirs61 threatened Muslims with excommunication, which included a refusal to allow their dead to be buried in Muslim graveyards and a threat to debar them from joining in mass Muslim prayers, if they did not vote for the League. Those who opposed the League were denounced as infidels, and copies of the holy Quran were carried around as an emblem peculiar to the Muslim League.62 This paved the way for the consolidation of Muslim vote bank, and rousing the religious passion for political ends. At many places, the situation went out control, and the Muslim League raised its famous demand for two-nation theory, which was later on accepted by the INC. Savarkar was also the first to propound the two nation theory, referring to the Hindus and Muslims as separate nations. Other Hindu leaders who accepted this two-nation theory were Dr. Moonje of the Hindu Mahasabha, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, founder of the BHU, Bhai Parmanand and Swami Shraddhanand. The eminent Bengali writer Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay also supported the notion.63 Hindus and Muslims have got along reasonably well but have always kept their distance from each other. There has never been any real integration...The British fostered the feeling of separateness between the two. As the time neared for the British to leave, Muslim began to feel uneasy at the prospect of living in a Hindu-dominated India. Years before partition, Lala Lajpat Rai had made a rough map dividing India along communal lines...But long before Jinnah had come up with the two nation theory, it was people like Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai and V D Savarkar who had come up with the Hindu-nation theory.64 At this juncture, the healing
60 61 62
S. Abid Husain, op. cit., p. 237. Caretaker of the graveyard, who claim traditional position.
Anita Inder Singh, The origins of the partition of India 1936-47, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1987, p. 134.
63 64
Khushwant Singh, End of India, Penguin Books India, 2003 p. 46-47. Khushwant Singh, Khushwantnama: The lessons of my life, Penguin.
touch was provided by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the renowned Oriental scholar, a revolutionary journalist, and a firebrand orator of his time. Azad said: Full eleven centuries have passed by since then. Islam has now as great a claim on the soil of India as Hinduism. If Hinduism has been the religion of the people here for several thousands of years Islam also has been their religion for a thousand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride that he is an Indian and follows Hinduism, so also we can say with equal pride that we are Indians and follow Islam. I shall enlarge this orbit still further. The Indian Christian is equally entitled to say with pride that he is an Indian and is following a religion of India, namely Christianity.65 His fiery speeches often laden with historical facts, dissuaded Muslims from subscribing to the two-nation theory. His voices though respected in all quarters, could not prevent the partition of the nation in 1947, which was followed by one of the worst ethnic violence in the history of mankind. However, the birth of the two nations did not guarantee an end to communalism. In post-independence India, the old scars and old issues continue to haunt the both communities. For the Muslim supporters of the two-nation, the cry of faith proved hollow, as linguistic based nationalism tore into the religion based Pakistan, and eastern portion of Pakistan emerged as an Independent nation Bangladesh in 1971. Two-Nation theory turned into a three-nation theory. Moreover, the general perception was that the partition was due to Muslims, and they are to blamed for this. Now, Hindu Nationalists gave a call for Akhand-Bharat or undivided India. The series of communal riots in India seem to be unending. The reasons for this killing spree are many, including the distorted history taught in schools, and unending anti-Muslim campaign by communal elements and adherents of two nation theory, like RSS, who seek to reduce Indians of Islamic faith to the status of aliens... However the root cause and the original sin which is now bearing these gory fruits is partition of the country on the basis of false two nation theory.66 Hindu communalists added the name of Vallabbhai Patel, in their list of Hindu icons. And listen to what Patel said almost a century ago, when the National Movement was still at pubescent stage. To the Bardoli peasants, he gave the mantra of how to build a united front: Make friends of even your bitterest enemies. Only that way can you present a united front.67 On another occasion, addressing an audience, Patel hailed as Iron Man, said: Ours is a secular state. We cannot fashion our policies or shape our conduct in the way Pakistan does it. We must see that our secular ideals are actually re65 66 67
From the Presidential Address - Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, I.N.C. Session, Ramgarh, 1940. Ravindra Kumar, Problem of Communal India, Mittal Publications, 1990, p.67 . Quoted in Bipan Chandra, Essays on Indian Nationalism, HarAnand Publication, 1993, p. 171.
alized in practice...here every Muslim should feel that he is an Indian citizen and has equal rights as an Indian. If we cannot make him feel like this, we shall not be worthy of our heritage and of our country.68 During the Noakhali peace mission, Mahatma Gandhi was surprised to find that no elders from the Hindu or Muslim community turned up. He (Gandhi) played for half an hour and then he told the villagers: You have no courage but if you want that courage, induct it from your children. A child belonging to the Muslim community is not afraid of the child belonging to the Hindu community and so also, a Hindu child is not frightened of a Muslim child. They have come together, they were playing with me for half an hour. Please learn something from them. If you have no inner courage, try to emulate it from your children.69 The leaders of the independent India cared more about their political interests rather than the national interests. That is why we find people voting on the basis of caste and creed. A Jat candidate contests election from a constituency predominantly inhabited by the Jats while a Muslim candidate contests election from a Muslim constituency: votes are demanded on the basis of caste and religion. Thus our representatives are not the best available, but those who could enlist the strong support of a particular caste or creed. From the most secular parties to the worst communal parties all resort to the same tactics.70 Indian Muslims now, if they want a permanent solution to their problems, have to deal not with the government, but with the people and specially with the Hindu majority...it is far more important that they should improve their relation with their countrymen because a government is a passing shadow of the solid and permanent entity the people.71 Indira Gandhi72, speaking in Indian Parliament said: Secularism and democracy are the twin pillars of our state, the very foundations of our society. From time immemorial, the vast majority of our people are wedded to concepts of secularism, religious tolerance, peace and humanity. It is understandable that they should feel outraged and deeply disturbed at the aberrations which appear here and there and afflict small sections of society, and which arouse or exploit communal passions or promote disharmony,
68 69
Quoted in ibid., p. 176.
http://www.mkgandhi.org/humantouch.htm / Gandhis Human Touch, A Lecture by Professor Madhu Dandwate

70
G. N. Saxena, National Integration, The Aligarh Magazine, 1972-73, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, p. 118.
71 72
S. Abid Husain, op. cit., p.236.
Daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru, and former Indian prime Minister, who was killed by her own Sikh bodyguard in 1984. She is hailed and criticised for being the most powerful Indian Prime Minister, who imposed emergency in the country.
tension and violence.73 In recent times, some people have campaigned against the menace of corruption, but no such voices are heard against communalism at national stage, which is more evil and dangerous, as it takes innocent lives and endangers the very peaceful co-existence of the two communities across the country. Worse, people speaking for communal harmony are side-lined and silenced by the mainstream political parties, who use this phenomenon for their own narrow political gains at the ballot.
LITERATURE:
Ahmad, Rizwan. Scripting a new identity: The battle for Devanagari in nineteenth century India, Journal of Pragmatics, vol. 40, no. 7 (2008): 11631183. Ahmed, Qeyamuddin, and Jata Shankar Jha. Mazharul Haque. New Delhi: Publications Division, 1976. Akhtar, Abdul Azim. Colonialism, Nationalism and Journalism: A Case Study of Bihar. PhD thesis, Patna University, 2012. Ansari, Asloob Ahmed. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. A centenary Tribute. New Delhi: Adam Publishers, 2001. Bandyopadhyay, Shekhar. From Plassey to Partition. New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2007. Bapu, Prabhu. Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India, 1915-1930: Constructing Nation and History. London and New Delhi: Routledge, 2012. Chandra, Bipan. Essays on Indian Nationalism. New Delhi: HarAnand Publication, 1993. Goyal, D. R. Some Observations on the origin of communalism in India. In Communal Riots in post-Independence India, ed. Asghar Ali Engineer, Hyderabad: Sangam Books, 1991. Husain, S. Abid. The Destiny of Indian Muslims. New Delhi: Asia Publishing House, 1965. Ikram, Sheikh Mohamad. Indian Muslims and Partition of India. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers, 1995. Kumar, Ravindra. Problem of Communal India. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1990. Nehru, Jawaharlal. Discovery of India. Oxford and New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997. Singh, Anita Inder. The origins of the partition of India 1936-47. Oxford and New Delhi: Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1987.
73
Indira Gandhi, statement in Lok Sabha / elected Indian Parliament, December 22, 1967.
208 | Abdul Azim Akhtar Singh, Khushwant. End of India. New Delhi: Penguin Books India, 2003. Upadhyay, Surya Prakash, and Rowena Robinson. Revisiting Communalism and Fundamentalism in India. Economy and Political Weekly, vol. 47, no. 36, 2012.
:
: ( / ), . , 1947. , . , . , . , , . : , , e , ,
Accepted 24.03.2013 / Received 11.06.2013.
209

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| 211
15. : , . 16. (): (, .) , . , , ( -). , . , . . ( , , .) : [ ] Jeli, Vojislav. Antika i srpska retorika, Beograd: igoja tampa, 2001. [ ] Milutinovi, Dejan. anr pojam, istorija, teorija, Philologia Mediana (Ni), god. 1, br. 1 (2009): 11-37. [ ] Radulovi, Milan. Filosofski izvori Pekieve knjievnosti. U: Poetika Borislava Pekia, ur. Petar Pijanovi i Aleksandar Jerkov. Beograd: Slubeni glasnik Institut za knjievnosti i umetnost, 2009. 57-72. a, b, c , , , .: 2007a, 2007b 2009a, 2009. , , .: , ; : ( ) et al . [ : : Times New Roman, Normal; : 11; Before: 0; After: 0; Line spacing: Single; : , (Col 1: Hanging, Format)] : [ on-line] , . . . . .: Veltman, K. H. Augmented Books, knowledge and culture. http: //www. isoc.org/inet2000/cdproceedings/6d.. 02.02.2002. [ on-line] , . . , . . .
212 |
.: Du Toit, A. Teaching Info-preneurship: students perspective. ASLIB Proceedings, February 2000. Proquest. 21.02.2000. [ on-line] . . . . .: Tesla, Nikola. Encyclopedia Britannica. http: //www.britannica.com/ EBchecked/topic/588597/Nikola-Tesla. 29. 3. 2010. 17. : . , . , . . [ : : Times New Roman, Normal; : 11; Before: 0; After: 0; Line spacing: Single; (Col 1).] Serbian Studies Research
213
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CIP , 811.163.41 821.163.41 SERBIAN Studies Research / . - . 1, . 1 (2010)- . - : , 2011-. - 25 cm . - . - . . . ISSN 2217-5210 COBISS.SR-ID 262351623

Clanak Hrvatska Pravaska Istoriografija I Srbi Vladislava B. Sotirovica 2013

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SERBIAN STUDIES RESEARCH

POLIGLOSIJA GORSKOG VIJENCA U TRANSLATOLOKOJ PERSPEKTIVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Dr Jelena Milojkovi-uri

THE LEGACY OF THERESE ALBERTINE LUISE VON JAKOB-TALVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

GLOBALIZACJA A JZYK SERBSKI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Mr Marijana Teri

RETHINKING SPACES: HETEROTOPIC SPACES IN FONTANES EFFI BRIEST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109

. . . . . . 173 Dr Abdul Azim Akhtar

Nayda Ivanova, PhD

POLYGLOSSIA OF MOUNTAIN WREATH FROM TRANSLATOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

GLOBALISATION AND THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Marijana Teri, MA

RETHINKING SPACES: HETEROTOPIC SPACES IN FONTANES EFFI BRIEST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109

Zoran Boi, PhD

: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

Serbian Studies Research Vol. 4, No. 1 (2013): 11-34.

POLIGLOSIJA GORSKOG VIJENCA U TRANSLATOLOKOJ PERSPEKTIVI2

U ovom radu koristi se izdanje: , , , , 1952.

1. Jezika heterogenost Gorskog vijenca

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 13

2. Translatoloki aspekti jezike heterogenosti Gorskog vijenca

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 15

Dalje u primerima skraeno .

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 19

Dalje u primerima skraeno .

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 21

- razgovor serdara Janka sa Vukom Miunoviem o morama koje ga mue

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 23

- ironine primedbe Vuka Miunovia o itanju popa Mia

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 25

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 27

28 | Najda Ivanova . 1164 1165 1454 .

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 29

5. Uloga sociokulturnog konteksta

Poliglosija Gorskog vijenca u translatolokoj perspektivi | 31

POLYGLOSSIA OF MOUNTAIN WREATH FROM TRANSLATOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE

Received 24.09.2013 / Accepted 24.11.2013.

Serbian Studies Research Vol. 4, No. 1 (2013): 35-49.

THE LEGACY OF THERESE ALBERTINE LUISE VON JAKOB-TALVI

The Legacy of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi | 37

The Legacy of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi | 39

The Legacy of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi | 41

The Legacy of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi | 43

The Legacy of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi | 45

The Legacy of Therese Albertine Luise von Jakob-Talvi | 47

ZAVETANJ TEREZE ALBERTINE LUJZE FON JAKOB-TALVI

Received 20.02.2013 / Accepted 10.05.2013.

Serbian Studies Research Vol. 4, No. 1 (2013): 51-65.

1920- ( . , . , . , . ) 1930- (. . -) 20. . (Mikowski, Machcewicz 1998: 394), o . 70- 20. . 1

margo115@wp.eu (Magorzata Filipek, University of Wrocaw, Institute of Slavic Studies, Poland)

Viva Yugoeslavia! Viva Panam!; , (- 1975); ( 1975) ; (- 1976) . . M. , , , 1978, . 104.

. , , , . 147, . 407, . 4, 1971, . 197-231.

1499. . 1500. 1501. 1502. (Pragmtica), , , . 80- 16. . III 1609. . , .

. cante, a canto, . cantaor, a cantador, bailaor, bailador, tocaor, tocador.

. , . , , a . , . ( 1971: 228). , o . . , . . . e . . , , , . , . , , , . , , , , , ( 1971: 230). , , , ( 1971: 231) , , . . , 7, . (); , ,

. . , , , 1. . 1952, . 57-62; , , 2. . 1952, . 130-132; , , 6. . 1952, . 429-432; , 5. 1958, . 459-477.

( 1971: 221) . , , (Kowalski 2001: 16). , (Kowalski 2001: 18), .

Received 03.04.2013 / Accepted 23.06.2013.

Serbian Studies Research Vol. 4, No. 1 (2013): 67-83.

Dr Miosz Bukwalt1 Uniwersytet Wrocawski Instytut Filologii Sowiaskiej Polska

milos_bukwalt@wp.pl (Miosz Bukwalt, University of Wrocaw, Institute of Slavic Studies, Poland)

Received 29.08.2013 / Accepted 30.10.2013.

Serbian Studies Research Vol. 4, No. 1 (2013): 85-96.

GLOBALIZACJA A JZYK SERBSKI

1. Globalizacja i koncepcje ksztatowanej przez ni rzeczywistoci