Luteef, Nawab Abdool (1828-1893) a prominent personality of mid 19th century Bengal, the pioneer of Muslim modernization and

the architect of the Muslim Renaissance, was one of those great men who appeared as saviours of their frustrated, humiliated, demoralized and disorganised fellow countrymen under colonial rule.

Nawab Abdool Luteef came from a very good Muslim family of the district of Faridpur. His father Fakir Mahmud, a pleader of Sadar Diwani Adalat of Calcutta, anticipated the need of western education under British rule, and got his son admitted to Calcutta Madrasa for Anglo-Arabic studies. Abdool Luteef started his career as a teacher in Dhaka Collegiate School. Afterwards, he joined Calcutta Madrashah as a professor of English and Arabic. In 1849 he was appointed Deputy Magistrate and promoted to the post of Presidency Magistrate in 1877. He retired from government service in 1884 and died on 10 July 1893.

Nawab Abdool Luteef

While in service, he always upheld the cause of his fellow countrymen. When posted in Satkhira as a Magistrate, he did a lot for the mitigation of the sufferings of poor indigo-cultivating peasants. His efforts contributed much to the setting up of the INDIGO COMMISSION of l860. In recognition of his feelings for his co-religionists, his merit in public services, and benevolent activities, he was made the first Muslim member of the Bengal Legislative Council in 1862. A year later, he was nominated Fellow of Calcutta University. He was awarded the title of Khan Bahadur in 1877 and was invested with the dignity of the title of a NAWAB in 1880. He was honoured with the Order of CIE in 1883 and invested with the higher dignity of Nawab Bahadur in 1887. His chief contribution was in the field of education. He was among the first to understand that young Bengali Muslims should receive modern education. He understood that the Muslims of Bengal had fallen behind in everything because of their prejudices against modern education. He, therefore, devoted his whole life to removing this self-destructive prejudice from their minds. To secure a modern education for them he adopted two different policies. Firstly, he worked to enable them to share the benefits of the new system of the British Government; secondly, he strove to promote among them a loyalist policy to colonial authority, allaying thereby the suspicion of Englishmen towards

Muslims. He believed that educated Muslims would understand the intention, power and skill of the Government and thus develop a sense of loyalty to the colonial power. To achieve this goal, he avoided any conflict with the ruling authority. Through Maulana KARAMAT ALI JAUNPURI, he had it declared that India under the British rule was not a Dar ul-Harb and thereby tried to settle the main political debate of Muslims in the 19th century. He announced a prize for the best essay written on 'How far would the inculcation of European sciences benefit the Mahomedan students in the present circumstances of India and what are the most practical means of imparting such instruction'. This was done in order to arouse awareness about modern education among the Muslims of Bengal. His next important step was the establishment of the MOHAMMEDAN LITERARY SOCIETY (Mahomedan Literary Society) in Calcutta in 1863 in order to formulate public opinion in favour of modern education and modern scholarship, and to bring enlightened Muslims, Hindus, and Englishmen in close intercourse for mutual benefits. Though the Society was not a political organisation, it presented before the Government the demands and aspirations of the Muslims. Abdool Luteef's efforts to start an Anglo-Persian Department in the Calcutta Madrasah and to also teach its students Bengali and Urdu were remarkable. His undaunted efforts convinced the Government of the need of higher education for Muslims. As a result, HINDU COLLEGE was turned into PRESIDENCY COLLEGE and made open for all in 1854. Among his other contributions towards Muslim education were 'A Minute on the Hooghly Mudrussah' and 'A Paper on Mahomedan Education in Bengal'. The latter, was in effect, a report on the Hughli Madrasah. On its basis, the Anglo-Persian Department was opened and scholarships for its students announced. Through the Mohammedan Literary Society, he advanced the cause of Muslim education. At the same time he took an active part in contemporary Muslims politics. Through his efforts the Mohsin Endowment Fund was set apart for Muslims. Though not a progressive, he could be called a liberal conservative. Nawab Abdool Luteef was a self-made man and owed his position in life to his own exertions. From a Madrasah teacher he rose to be a leader of his people and one of the prominent public men of the day. As a mark of respect to him, a marble bust of Nawab Abdool Luteef was unveiled at the Senate House of Calcutta University in 1915. [MA Khaleque]

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KK AZIZ, Ameer Ali: His Life and Work, Lahore, 1968; SR WASTI, Memoirs and Other Writings of Syed Ameer Ali, and Syed Ameer Ali on Islamic History and Culture, Lahore, 1968; ABDULLAH AHSAN, A Late Nineteenth Century Muslim Response to the Western Criticism of Islam- an Analysis of Amir Alis Life and Works, American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 11:2, 1985, 179-206; MARTIN FORWARD, The Failure of Islamic Modernism? Syed Ameer Alis Interpretation of Islam, Bern, 1999.

Ali, Syed Ameer (1849-1928) lawyer, spokesman on Indian Muslim concerns, and writer on Islamic history and society, was born on 6 April 1849 at Cuttack in Orissa. He was the fourth of five sons of Syed Saadat Ali, a descendant of a Shia family from Meshed in Iran. Ameer Ali's great-grandfather had migrated from Iran with the army of Nadir Shah in 1739, serving thereafter at the Mughal and Awadh courts. Soon after his birth his father, who had trained in yunani medicine, and was by inclination scholarly, moved the family first to Calcutta, and then to Chinsura, where they upheld in modest comfort the lifestyle of the ashraf elite. His family's origins were to influence strongly Ameer Ali's sense of his own identity, leading to some criticism of him as alienated from the Bengali environment of his own childhood. At a time when many Muslim families were reluctant to make use of English government educational facilities, Syed Saadat Ali, who had many English friends, took advantage of the new opportunities for his sons. The three eldest brothers were educated first in the CALCUTTA MADRASA, and subsequently at the Hooghly Collegiate School and Madrasa. They then entered government service. Ameer Ali soon surpassed his brothers' educational attainments and prominence. Syed Ameer Ali Assisted by very close relationships with the British teachers at the Hooghly Madrasa, and supported by several competitive scholarships, he achieved outstanding examination results, graduating from Calcutta University in 1867, and gaining the MA with Honours in History in 1868. The LLB followed in 1869, after which he began legal practice in Calcutta. He was already one of the few outstanding Muslim achievers of his generation. Initiation into Islamic

learning had not meanwhile been neglected. He attributed to his mother a strong religious influence especially after his father's early death when Ameer Ali was only seven years old. The family employed a resident moulavi who taught him the Qur'an, Arabic and Persian. Later he received more advanced Arabic tuition outside the home. A significant influence in the forming of his lifetime's interest in the origins, rise and nature of Islamic society was the nearby Hooghly IMAMBARA, where the mutawalli, Maulwi Syed Karamat Ali Jaunpuri, befriended him while he was still a schoolboy, and included him in weekly discussions with local religious scholars. Consequently, the seventeen-year old Ameer Ali, assisted in the translation into English of Karamat Ali's Urdu work on the transmission of knowledge between Greek, Islamic and European societies, a theme which he would take up later in his own historical publications (Makhaz-i-uloom/or a Treatise on the Origin of the Sciences, trans. Moulavi Obeyd-Ulla al-Obeydee and Moulavi Syed Ameer Ali, Calcutta, 1867). He was to maintain his links with the Hooghly Imambara throughout his career in Bengal. His LLB completed, Ameer Ali won a government scholarship to study in Britain. During this first residence in London (1869 to 1873) he was called to the Bar, but was also deeply involved in numerous political and social reform activities, ranging from discussions with the SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA on the problems of Indian Muslims, to campaigning with the nascent suffragette movement for British women's property and civil rights. He also lectured publicly on Indian Muslim problems, and published the first edition of his most famous work, The Spirit of Islam, which he had initially entitled, A Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of Mohammed (London, 1873). His most characteristic ideas on the progressive nature of the Islamic dispensation, its rationality, the superiority of medieval Islamic society to medieval Christendom, but the need in the late nineteenth century for some social changes, particularly concerning the position of women, were explicitly stated in that youthful publication. On return to Calcutta Ameer Ali quickly made his name not only in legal practice where he rose from being chief Presidency magistrate (1879) to becoming a judge of the High Court of Calcutta (1890-1904), but also as a teacher and writer on the 'Personal Law of the Mahommedans'. His lectures to Calcutta University law students in the 1870s and 1880s were published in two volumes (1880 and 1884) and have been in print ever since as Mahommedan Law, Compiled from Authorities in the Original Arabic (eg, 5th edition, reprinted New Delhi, 1985). In these judicial roles he was able to influence Muslim opinion on some important social issues, notably polygamy, which he had criticised in his earlier Critical Examination. However, it was in the political sphere that he stepped most firmly into the controversies of the period. Other Muslims in Bengal had already begun to organise opinion on the need to regenerate their community. Ameer Ali, however, differed strongly with the hitherto most prominent of these spokesmen, Nawab Abdul Latif (1828-93), and

favoured a more radical break with conservative social traditions. Ignoring Latif's Mohammadan Literary Society (founded 1863), which held monthly meetings on social as well as literary topics, Ameer Ali founded the National Mahommedan Association in 1877, which, after the affiliation of branches in other provinces of India, he renamed the CENTRAL NATIONAL MUHAMEDAN ASSOCIATION. His work for this organisation, of which he was the secretary for twenty-five years, justifies the claim that Ameer Ali was the initiator of the political awakening of Indian Muslims at a time in the 1880s when Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was urging non-involvement with politics. Critics argue, however, that his constantly loyal support for the Raj blunted the impact he might otherwise have had as a member of the Bengal Legislative Council (1878-83) and the Governor General's Legislative Council (1883-85); an example being his willingness to compromise during the Ilbert Bill furore. He was also reluctant to play an active part in the implementation of social reforms, such as the education of women, which he had advocated earlier. It is to his credit, however, that he made effective use of the press throughout his period of judicial and political service to disseminate some challenging views in both British and English-knowing Indian circles. Among his seminal publications were a new edition in 1891 of the Critical Examination (now subtitled The Spirit of Islam on the advice of his wife), and A Short History of the Saracens (1899). More topical concerns were strongly addressed in leading British journals, such as the Nineteenth Century, in which he published articles such as 'A Cry from the Indian Mohammedans' (1882) and 'The Real Status of Women in Islam' (1891). His links with Britain were strengthened by frequent visits to London, where he married in 1884, in a Unitarian church, Isabelle Ida Konstam, who resided with him in Calcutta during the remaining twenty years of his service. He decided to retire permanently to England in 1904 and seldom returned to Bengal before his death in 1928, possibly because of Isabella's influence (their two sons went to public schools in Britain), but his own preference was also for a western-style family and social life. Throughout the twenty-four years of his life in retirement, however, he continued to play an active role in supporting Islamic causes and the advancement of Indian Muslims. These led him into public controversy with an Anglican cleric, Canon Malcolm Maccoll, over his criticisms of Christian civilisation in The Spirit of Islam; with Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, who had impugned his motives in his own publications; and with a broader spectrum of British public opinion over the so-called 'Bulgarian atrocities' and other matters connected with Turkey's role in the Middle East. In 1908 he founded, and became president of the London branch of the MUSLIM LEAGUE, and pressed for separate electorates for Muslims, a demand that was conceded in 1909. Events leading up to the First World War threatened his support for the Raj, which had been confirmed by his appointment to the Privy Council in 1909. However, using his many contacts in the Establishment, he continued to plead 'Muslim' causes, notably through establishing the British Red Crescent, and later through

his support for the KHILAFAT MOVEMENT. Yet, absence from India when the Freedom Struggle was intensifying, effectively sidelined him from politics by the mid-1920s. Indeed, Ameer Ali's greatest contribution was not political, for the confidenceboosting effects of his major publications which eulogised the 'golden ages' of Islam, and stressed the need for Muslims to come to terms with some of the changes caused by colonisation and Westernisation were his major achievements. If he had a lawyer's approach to historical evidence, both in highlighting Islamic achievements and in condemning the shortcomings of other cultures, such buttressing of Muslim self-esteem was certainly a need of the hour. His progressive stance on the status and rights of women in Islam was one of his most notable contributions. While he was admired by Islamic 'modernists' for his leadership in these causes, he was criticized by others for his disinterest in the concerns of the Bengali masses. However, his voice, particularly in the crucial period of the 1870s, when Muslim spokespersons were few, was very influential in countering much misinformed or prejudiced Western criticism of Islamic history and society. Syed Ameer Ali died in England on 3 August 1928. He was survived by his wife and two sons, Warns Amir Ali and Torick Ameer Ali, who followed his instructions to destroy his private papers. His 'Memoirs', published in five issues of Islamic Culture (1931-1932), were compiled by the family. [Avril A Powell]
Bibliography KK Aziz, Ameer Ali: His Life and Work, Lahore, 1968; SR Wasti, Memoirs and Other Writings of Syed Ameer Ali, and Syed Ameer Ali on Islamic History and Culture, Lahore, 1968; Abdullah Ahsan, 'A Late Nineteenth Century Muslim Response to the Western Criticism of Islam- an Analysis of Amir Ali's Life and Works', American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 11:2, 1985, 179-206; Martin Forward, The Failure of Islamic Modernism? Syed Ameer Ali's Interpretation of Islam, Bern, 1999.

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wefwi weiG weGvGfi dGj wU i` Kiv nGj Zv gymjgvbG`i Ici bwZevPK cfve dGj| gymjgvbG`i msLvMwi Ask wefw-weGivax AvG`vjGb KsGMGmi mg^b `vbGK mybRGi `GL wb| ivRbwZKfvGe mGPZb gymjgvbMY Dcjw KGi h, gymwjg msLvMwi cG`k MVGbi weiG wn`yG`i weGvfGK KsGMm mg^b KGiGQ| wU ZvG`i cPwjZ wekvmGK bZzbfvGe ejxqvb KGi h, KsGMGmi nvGZ ZvG`i v^mgn wbivc` bq| ZvB Zviv ZvG`i Z mvc`vwqK cwiwPwZGK Rvi`vi KiGZ AwaKZi Dw nGq cGo es Awef fviGZ msLvMwi wn`yG`i KZGZi weiG wbGRG`i v^ msiGYi DGGk gymwjg jxGMi cwZ SzuGK cGo| evOvwj gymjgvbG`i fvevGeMGK kv KiGZ 1912 mvGji 31 Rvbyqvwi mwjgyvn&i bZGZ KwU gymwjg cwZwbwa`j jW nvwWGi mvG^ `Lv KiGZ MGj wZwb ZuvG`i wbKU XvKvq KwU wekwe`vjq cwZvi AxKvi KGib| 1905 mvGji ef fviGZi ivRbwZK BwZnvGm Mfxi cfve iGLGQ| ivRbwZK `wGKvY ^GK eevwU Z`Gj wn`y-gymwjg gZGf`GK Rvi`vi KGiGQ| 1905 mvGj gymjgvbG`i Avjv`v fGMvwjK cwiPq es 1909 mvGj gGj-wgGv msvGii gvaGg mvc`vwqK wbevPKgjx c`vb KGi wewUk miKvi mfvGe fviZxq RvZxq KsGMGm AwaK msLK gymjgvGbi AskMnGYi mvebvGK e^ Kivi Pv KGiwQj eGjI KwU aviYv cPwjZ iGqGQ| ef mZB fviGZ RvZxqZvevG`i BwZnvGm KwU hyMvKvix NUbv| Uv ejv hGZ cvGi h, evsjvi cme-hYvi ga w`Gq fviZxq RvZxqZvev` RMnY KGi| KBfvGe, wefwi weiG weGvf es Zv h mvmevG`i R `q mUvB gymwjg RvZxqZvevG`i mcvZ NUvGZ I ZvG`iGK Zev`x ivRbxwZGZ hvM`vb KiGZ AbycvwYZ Kivi evcvGi AbZg cavb Dcv`vb wnGmGe KvR KGi| 1906 mvGj XvKvq gymwjg jxGMi Rjvf i mv enb KGi| wefwi i` aygv h evsjvi gymjgvbG`iGKB `viYfvGe wbivk KGiwQj ZvB bq, eis Zv mgM fviGZi gymjgvbG`iGKI mgfvGe nZvk KGiwQj| Zviv Dcjw KGi h, ivRvbyMZ mydj eGq AvGb bv, wK weGvGf KvR nq| AZtci, nZvkvM gymjgvbMY gk wewUk weGivax gGbvfve MnY KGi| [mywdqv AvnGg`] Partition of Bengal, 1905 effected on 16 October during the viceroyalty of LORD CURZON (18991905), proved to be a momentous event in the history of modern Bengal. The idea of partitioning Bengal did not originate with Curzon. Bengal, which included Bihar and Orissa since 1765, was admittedly much too large for a single province of British India. This premier province grew too vast for efficient administration and required reorganisation and intelligent division. The lieutenant governor of Bengal had to administer an area of 189,000 sq miles and by 1903 the population of the province had risen to 78.50 million. Consequently, many districts in eastern Bengal had been practically neglected because of isolation and poor communication which made good governance almost impossible. Calcutta and its nearby districts attracted all the energy and attention of the government. The condition of peasants was miserable under the exaction of absentee landlords; and trade, commerce and education were being impaired. The administrative machinery of the province was under-staffed. Especially in east Bengal, in countryside so cut off

by rivers and creeks, no special attention had been paid to the peculiar difficulties of police work till the last decade of the 19th century. Organised piracy in the waterways had existed for at least a century. Along with administrative difficulties, the problems of famine, of defence, or of linguistics had at one time or other prompted the government to consider the redrawing of administrative boundaries. Occasional efforts were made to rearrange the administrative units of Bengal. In 1836, the upper provinces were sliced off from Bengal and placed under a lieutenant governor. In 1854, the Governor-General-in-Council was relieved of the direct administration of Bengal which was placed under a lieutenant governor. In 1874 Assam (along with Sylhet) was severed from Bengal to form a Chief-Commissionership and in 1898 Lushai Hills were added to it. Proposals for partitioning Bengal were first considered in 1903. Curzon's original scheme was based on grounds of administrative efficiency. It was probably during the vociferous protests and adverse reaction against the original plan, that the officials first envisaged the possible advantages of a divided Bengal. Originally, the division was made on geographical rather than on an avowedly communal basis. 'Political Considerations' in this respect seemed to have been 'an afterthought'. The government contention was that the Partition of Bengal was purely an administrative measure with three main objectives. Firstly, it wanted to relieve the government of Bengal of a part of the administrative burden and to ensure more efficient administration in the outlying districts. Secondly, the government desired to promote the development of backward Assam (ruled by a Chief Commissioner) by enlarging its jurisdiction so as to provide it with an outlet to the sea. Thirdly, the government felt the urgent necessity to unite the scattered sections of the Uriya-speaking population under a single administration. There were further proposals to separate Chittagong and the districts of Dhaka (then Dacca) and Mymensigh from Bengal and attach them to Assam. Similarly Chhota Nagpur was to be taken away from Bengal and incorporated with the Central Provinces. The government's proposals were officially published in January 1904. In February 1904, Curzon made an official tour of the districts of eastern Bengal with a view to assessing public opinion on the government proposals. He consulted the leading personalities of the different districts and delivered speeches at Dhaka, Chittagong and Mymensigh explaining the government's stand on partition. It was during this visit that the decision to push through an expanded scheme took hold of his mind. This would involve the creation of a self-contained new province under a Lieutenant Governor with a Legislative Council, an independent revenue authority and transfer of so much territory as would justify a fully equipped administration. The enlarged scheme received the assent of the governments of Assam and Bengal. The new province would consist of the state of Hill Tripura, the Divisions of Chittagong, Dhaka and Rajshahi (excluding Darjeeling) and the district of Malda amalgamated with Assam. Bengal was to surrender not only these large territories on the east but also to cede to the Central Provinces the five Hindi-speaking states. On the west it would gain Sambalpur and a minor tract of five Uriya-speaking states from the Central Provinces. Bengal would be left with an area of 141,580

sq. miles and a population of 54 million, of which 42 million would be Hindus and 9 million Muslims. The new province was to be called 'Eastern Bengal and Assam' with its capital at Dhaka and subsidiary headquarters at Chittagong. It would cover an area of 106,540 sq. miles with a population of 31 million comprising of 18 million Muslims and 12 million Hindus. Its administration would consist of a Legislative Council, a Board of Revenue of two members, and the jurisdiction of the Calcutta High Court would be left undisturbed. The government pointed out that the new province would have a clearly demarcated western boundary and well defined geographical, ethnological, linguistic and social characteristics. The most striking feature of the new province was that it would concentrate within its own bounds the hitherto ignored and neglected typical homogenous Muslim population of Bengal. Besides, the whole of the tea industry (except Darjeeling), and the greater portion of the jute growing area would be brought under a single administration. The government of India promulgated their final decision in a Resolution dated 19 July 1905 and the Partition of Bengal was effected on 16 October of the same year. The publication of the original proposals towards the end of 1903 had aroused unprecedented opposition, especially among the influential educated middle-class Hindus. The proposed territorial adjustment seemed to touch the existing interest groups and consequently led to staunch opposition. The Calcutta lawyers apprehended that the creation of a new province would mean the establishment of a Court of Appeal at Dacca and diminish the importance of their own High Court. Journalists feared the appearance of local newspapers, which would restrict the circulation of the Calcutta Press. The business community of Calcutta visualised the shift of trade from Calcutta to Chittagong, which would be nearer, and logically the cheaper port. The Zamindars who owned vast landed estates both in west and east Bengal foresaw the necessity of maintaining separate establishments at Dhaka that would involve extra expenditure. The educated Bengali Hindus felt that it was a deliberate blow inflicted by Curzon at the national consciousness and growing solidarity of the Bengali-speaking population. The Hindus of Bengal, who controlled most of Bengal's commerce and the different professions and led the rural society, opined that the Bengalee nation would be divided, making them a minority in a province including the whole of Bihar and Orissa. They complained that it was a veiled attempt by Curzon to strangle the spirit of nationalism in Bengal. They strongly believed that it was the prime object of the government to encourage the growth of a Muslim power in eastern Bengal as a counterpoise to thwart the rapidly growing strength of the educated Hindu community. Economic, political and communal interests combined together to intensify the opposition against the partition measure. The Indian and specially the Bengali press opposed the partition move from the very beginning. The British press, the Anglo-Indian press and even some administrators also opposed the intended measure. The partition evoked fierce protest in west Bengal, especially in Calcutta and gave a new fillip to Indian nationalism. Henceforth, the INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS was destined to become the main platform of the Indian nationalist movement. It exhibited unusual strength and vigour and shifted from a middle-class pressure group to a nation-wide mass organisation.

The leadership of the Indian National Congress viewed the partition as an attempt to 'divide and rule' and as a proof of the government's vindictive antipathy towards the outspoken Bhadralok intellectuals. Mother-goddess worshipping Bengali Hindus believed that the partition was tantamount to the vivisection of their 'Mother province'. 'Bande-Mataram' (Hail Motherland) almost became the national anthem of the Indian National Congress. Defeat of the partition became the immediate target of Bengalee nationalism. Agitation against the partition manifested itself in the form of mass meetings, rural unrest and a SWADESHI MOVEMENT to boycott the import of British manufactured goods. Swadeshi and Boycott were the twin weapons of this nationalism and Swaraj (self-government) its main objective. Swaraj was first mentioned in the presidential address of Dadabhai Naoroji as the Congress goal at its Calcutta session in 1906. Leaders like SURENDRANATH BANERJEA along with journalists like Krishna Kumar Mitra, editor of the Sanjivani (13 July 1905) urged the people to boycott British goods, observe mourning and sever all contact with official bodies. In a meeting held at Calcutta on 7 August 1905 (hailed as the birthday of Indian nationalism) a resolution to abstain from purchases of British products so long as 'Partition resolution is not withdrawn' was accepted with acclaim. This national spirit was popularised by the patriotic songs of DWIJENDRALAL ROY, RAJANIKANTA SEN and RABINDRANATH TAGORE. As with other political movements of the day this also took on religious overtones. Pujas were offered to emphasise the solemn nature of the occasion. The Hindu religious fervour reached its peak on 28 September 1905, the day of the Mahalaya, the new-moon day before the puja, and thousands of Hindus gathered at the Kali temple in Calcutta. In Bengal the worship of Kali, wife of Shiva, had always been very popular. She possessed a two-dimensional character with mingled attributes both generative and destructive. Simultaneously she took great pleasure in bloody sacrifices but she was also venerated as the great Mother associated with the conception of Bengal as the Motherland. This conception offered a solid basis for the support of political objectives stimulated by religious excitement. Kali was accepted as a symbol of the Motherland, and the priest administered the Swadeshi vow. Such a religious flavour could and did give the movement a widespread appeal among the Hindu masses, but by the same token that flavour aroused hostility in average Muslim minds. Huge protest rallies before and after Bengal's division on 16 October 1905 attracted millions of people heretofore not involved in politics. The Swadeshi Movement as an economic movement would have been quite acceptable to the Muslims, but as the movement was used as a weapon against the partition (which the greater body of the Muslims supported) and as it often had a religious colouring added to it, it antagonised Muslim minds. The new tide of national sentiment against the Partition of Bengal originating in Bengal spilled over into different regions in India Punjab, Central Provinces, Poona, Madras, Bombay and other cities. Instead of wearing foreign made outfits, the Indians vowed to use only swadeshi (indigenous) cottons and other clothing materials made in India. Foreign garments were viewed as hateful imports. The Swadeshi Movement soon stimulated local enterprise in many areas; from Indian cotton mills to match factories, glassblowing shops, iron and steel foundries. The agitation also generated increased demands for national education. Bengali teachers and students extended their boycott of British goods to English schools and college classrooms. The

movement for national education spread throughout Bengal and reached even as far as Benaras where Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya founded his private Benaras Hindu University in 1910. The student community of Bengal responded with great enthusiasm to the call of nationalism. Students including schoolboys participated en masse in the campaigns of Swadeshi and Boycott. The government retaliated with the notorious Carlyle Circular that aimed to crush the students' participation in the Swadeshi and Boycott movements. Both the students and the teachers strongly reacted against this repressive measure and the protest was almost universal. In fact, through this protest movement the first organised student movement was born in Bengal. Along with this the 'Anti-Circular Society', a militant student organisation, also came into being. The anti-partition agitation was peaceful and constitutional at the initial stage, but when it appeared that it was not yielding the desired results the protest movement inevitably passed into the hands of more militant leaders. Two techniques of boycott and terrorism were to be applied to make their mission successful. Consequently the younger generation, who were unwittingly drawn into politics, adopted terrorist methods by using firearms, pistols and bombs indiscriminately. The agitation soon took a turn towards anarchy and disorder. Several assassinations were committed and attempts were made on the lives of officials including Sir ANDREW FRASER. The terrorist movement soon became an integral part of the Swadeshi agitation. Bengal terrorism reached its peak from 1908 through 1910, as did the severity of official repression and the number of 'preventive detention' arrests. The new militant spirit was reflected in the columns of the nationalist newspapers, notably the Bande Mataram, Sandhya and Jugantar. The press assisted a great deal to disseminate revolutionary ideas. In 1907, the Indian National Congress at its annual session in Surat split into two groups - one being moderate, liberal, and evolutionary; and the other extremist, militant and revolutionary. The young militants of Bal Gangadhar Tilak's extremist party supported the 'cult of the bomb and the gun' while the moderate leaders like Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Surendranath Banerjea cautioned against such extremist actions fearing it might lead to anarchy and uncontrollable violence. Surendranath Banerjea, though one of the front-rank leaders of the anti-Partition agitation, was not in favour of terrorist activities. When the proposal for partition was first published in 1903 there was expression of Muslim opposition to the scheme. The MOSLEM CHRONICLE, the CENTRAL NATIONAL MUHAMEDAN ASSOCIATION, CHOWDHURY KAZEMUDDIN AHMAD SIDDIKY and Delwar Hossain Ahmed condemned the proposed measure. Even Nawab SALIMULLAH termed the suggestion as 'beastly' at the initial stage. In the beginning the main criticism from the Muslim side was against any part of an enlightened and advanced province of Bengal passing under the rule of a chief commissioner. They felt that thereby, their educational, social and other interests would suffer, and there is no doubt that the Muslims also felt that the proposed measure would threaten Bengali solidarity. The Muslim intelligentsia, however, criticised the ideas of extremist militant nationalism as being against the spirit of Islam. The Muslim press urged its educated coreligionists to remain faithful to the government. On the whole the Swadeshi preachers were not able to influence and arouse the predominantly Muslim masses in east Bengal. The anti-partition trend in the thought process of the Muslims did not continue for long. When the wider scheme of a self contained separate province was known to the educated section of the Muslims they soon

changed their views. They realised that the partition would be a boon to them and that their special difficulties would receive greater attention from the new administration. The Muslims accorded a warm welcome to the new Lieutenant-Governor BAMPFYLDE FULLER. Even the Moslem Chronicle soon changed its attitude in favour of partition. Some Muslims in Calcutta also welcomed the creation of the new province. The MOHAMMEDAN LITERARY SOCIETY brought out a manifesto in 1905 signed by seven leading Muslim personalities. The manifesto was circulated to the different Muslim societies of both west and east Bengal and urged the Muslims to give their unqualified support to the partition measure. The creation of the new province provided an incentive to the Muslims to unite into a compact body and form an association to voice their own views and aspiration relating to social and political matters. On 16 October 1905 the Mohammedan Provincial Union was founded. All the existing organisations and societies were invited to affiliate themselves with it and Salimullah was unanimously chosen as its patron. Even then there was a group of educated liberal Muslims who came forward and tendered support to the anti-partition agitation and the Swadeshi Movement. Though their number was insignificant, yet their role added a new dimension in the thought process of the Muslims. This broad-minded group supported the Indian National Congress and opposed the partition. The most prominent among this section of the Muslims was KHWAZA ATIQULLAH. At the Calcutta session of the Congress (1906), he moved a resolution denouncing the partition of Bengal. ABDUR RASUL, Khan Bahadur Muhammad Yusuf (a pleader and a member of the Management Committee of the Central National Muhamedan Association), Mujibur Rahman, AH ABDUL HALIM GHAZNAVI, ISMAIL HOSSAIN SHIRAJI, Muhammad Gholam Hossain (a writer and a promoter of Hindu-Muslim unity), Maulvi Liaqat Hussain (a liberal Muslim who vehemently opposed the 'Divide and Rule' policy of the British), Syed Hafizur Rahman Chowdhury of Bogra and Abul Kasem of Burdwan inspired Muslims to join the anti-Partition agitation. There were even a few Muslim preachers of Swadeshi ideas, like Din Muhammad of Mymensingh and Abdul Gaffar of Chittagong. It needs to be mentioned that some of the liberal nationalist Muslims like AH Ghaznavi and Khan Bahadur Muhammad Yusuf supported the Swadeshi Movement but not the Boycott agitation. A section of the Muslim press tried to promote harmonious relations between the Hindus and the Muslims. AK FAZLUL HUQ and Nibaran Chandra Das preached non-communal ideas through their weekly Balaka (1901, Barisal) and monthly Bharat Suhrd (1901, Barisal). Only a small section of Muslim intellectuals could rise above their sectarian outlook and join with the Congress in the anti-partition agitation and constitutional politics. The general trend of thoughts in the Muslim minds was in favour of partition. The All India MUSLIM LEAGUE, founded in 1906, supported the partition. In the meeting of the Imperial Council in 1910 Shamsul Huda of Bengal and Mazhar-ul-Huq from Bihar spoke in favour of the partition. The traditional and reformist Muslim groups - the Faraizi, Wahabi and Taiyuni - supported the partition. Consequently an orthodox trend was visible in the political attitude of the Muslims. The Bengali Muslim press in general lent support to the partition. The Islam Pracharak

described Swadeshi as a Hindu movement and expressed grave concern saying that it would bring hardship to the common people. The Muslim intelligentsia in general felt concerned about the suffering of their co-religionists caused by it. They particularly disliked the movement as it was tied to the anti-partition agitation. Reputed litterateurs like MIR MOSHARRAF HOSSAIN were virulent critics of the Swadeshi Movement. The greater body of Muslims at all levels remained opposed to the Swadeshi Movement since it was used as a weapon against the partition and a religious tone was added to it. The economic aspect of the movement was partly responsible for encouraging separatist forces within the Muslim society. The superiority of the Hindus in the sphere of trade and industry alarmed the Muslims. Fear of socio-economic domination by the Hindus made them alert to safeguard their own interests. These apprehensions brought about a rift in Hindu-Muslims relations. In order to avoid economic exploitation by the Hindus, some wealthy Muslim entrepreneurs came forward to launch new commercial ventures. One good attempt was the founding of steamer companies operating between Chittagong and Rangoon in 1906. In the context of the partition the pattern of the land system in Bengal played a major role to influence the Muslim mind. The absentee Hindu zamindars made no attempt to improve the lot of the RAIYATs who were mostly Muslims. The agrarian disputes (between landlords and tenants) already in existence in the province also appeared to take a communal colour. It was alleged that the Hindu landlords had been attempting to enforce Swadeshi ideas on the tenants and induce them to join the anti-partition movement. In 1906, the Muslims organised an Islamic conference at Keraniganj in Dhaka as a move to emphasise their separate identity as a community. The Swadeshi Movement with its Hindu religious flavour fomented aggressive reaction from the other community. A red pamphlet of a highly inflammatory nature was circulated among the Muslim masses of Eastern Bengal and Assam urging them completely to dissociate from the Hindus. It was published under the auspices of the ANJUMAN-I-MUFIDUL ISLAM under the editorship of a certain Ibrahim Khan. Moreover, such irritating moves as the adoption of the Bande Mataram as the song of inspiration or introduction of the cult of Shivaji as a national hero, and reports of communal violence alienated the Muslims. One inevitable result of such preaching was the riot that broke out at Comilla in March 1907, followed by similar riots in Jamalpur in April of that year. These communal disturbances became a familiar feature in Eastern Bengal and Assam and followed a pattern that was repeated elsewhere. The 1907 riots represent a watershed in the history of modern Bengal. While Hindu-Muslims relations deteriorated, political changes of great magnitude were taking place in the Government of India's policies, and simultaneously in the relations of Bengali Muslim leaders with their non-Bengalee counterparts. Both developments had major repercussions on communal relations in eastern Bengal. The decision to introduce constitutional reforms culminating in the MORLEY-MINTO REFORMS of 1909 introducing separate representation for the Muslims marked a turning point in Hindu-Muslim relations. The early administrators of the new province from the lieutenant governor down to the juniormost officials in general were enthusiastic in carrying out the development works. Bampfylde

Fuller was accused by the anti-Partition movement leaders as being extremely partial to Muslims. He, because of a difference with the Government of India, resigned in August 1906. His resignation and its prompt acceptance were considered by the Muslims to be a solid political victory for the Hindus. The general Muslim feeling was that in yielding to the pressure of the anti-Partition agitators the government had revealed its weakness and had overlooked the loyal adherence of the Muslims to the government. Consequently, the antagonism between the Hindus and Muslims became very acute in the new province. The Muslim leaders, now more conscious of their separate communal identity, directed their attention in uniting the different sections of their community to the creation of a counter movement against that of the Hindus. They keenly felt the need for unity and believed that the Hindu agitation against the Partition was in fact a communal movement and as such a threat to the Muslims as a separate community. They decided to faithfully follow the directions of leaders like Salimullah and Nawab Ali Chowdhury and formed organisations like the Mohammedan Provincial Union. Though communalism had reached its peak in the new province by 1907, there is evidence of a sensible and sincere desire among some of the educated and upper class Muslims and Hindus to put an end to these religious antagonisms. A group of prominent members of both communities met the Viceroy Lord Minto on 15 March 1907 with suggestions to put an end to communal violence and promote religious harmony between the two communities. The landlord-tenant relationship in the new province had deteriorated and took a communal turn. The Hindu landlords felt alarmed at the acts of terrorism committed by the anti-partition agitators. To prove their unswerving loyalty to the government and give evidence of their negative attitude towards the agitation, they offered their hands of friendship and co-operation to their Muslim counterparts to the effect that they would take a non-communal stand and work unitedly against the anti-government revolutionary movements. In the meantime the All-India Muslim League had come into being at Dacca on 30 December 1906. Though several factors were responsible for the formation of such an organisation, the Partition of Bengal and the threat to it was, perhaps, the most important factor that hastened its birth. At its very first sitting at Dacca the Muslim League, in one of its resolutions, said: 'That this meeting in view of the clear interest of the Muhammadans of Eastern Bengal consider that Partition is sure to prove beneficial to the Muhammadan community which constitute the vast majority of the populations of the new province and that all such methods of agitation such as boycotting should be strongly condemned and discouraged'. To assuage the resentment of the assertive Bengali Hindus, the British government decided to annul the Partition of Bengal. As regards the Muslims of Eastern Bengal the government stated that in the new province the Muslims were in an overwhelming majority in point of population, under the new arrangement also they would still be in a position of approximate numerical equality or possibly of small superiority over the Hindus. The interests of the Muslims would be safeguarded by special representation in the Legislative Councils and the local bodies.

succeeded Minto and on 25 August 1911. In a secret despatch the government of India recommended certain changes in the administration of India. According to the suggestion of the Governor-General-in-Council, King George V at his Coronation Darbar in Delhi in December 1911 announced the revocation of the Partition of Bengal and of certain changes in the administration of India. Firstly, the Government of India should have its seat at Delhi instead of Calcutta. By shifting the capital to the site of past Muslim glory, the British hoped to placate Bengal's Muslim community now aggrieved at the loss of provincial power and privilege in eastern Bengal. Secondly, the five Bengali speaking Divisions viz The Presidency, Burdwan, Dacca, Rajshahi and Chittagong were to be united and formed into a Presidency to be administered by a Governor-in-Council. The area of this province would be approximately 70,000 sq miles with a population of 42 million. Thirdly, a Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council with a Legislative Council was to govern the province comprising of Bihar, Chhota Nagpur and Orissa. Fourthly, Assam was to revert back to the rule of a Chief Commissioner. The date chosen for the formal ending of the partition and reunification of Bengal was I April 1912.
LORD HARDINGE

Reunification of Bengal indeed served somewhat to soothe the feeling of the Bengalee Hindus, but the down grading of Calcutta from imperial to mere provincial status was simultaneously a blow to 'Bhadralok' egos and to Calcutta real estate values. To deprive Calcutta of its prime position as the nerve centre of political activity necessarily weakened the influence of the Bengalee Hindus. The government felt that the main advantage, which could be derived from the move, was that it would remove the seat of the government of India from the agitated atmosphere of Bengal. Lord Carmichael, a man of liberal sympathies, was chosen as the first Governor of reunified Bengal. The Partition of Bengal and the agitation against it had far-reaching effects on Indian history and national life. The twin weapons of Swadeshi and Boycott adopted by the Bengalis became a creed with the Indian National Congress and were used more effectively in future conflicts. They formed the basis of Gandhi's Non-Cooperation, Satyagraha and Khadi movements. They also learned that organised political agitation and critical public opinion can force the government to accede to public demands. The annulment of the partition as a result of the agitation against it had a negative effect on the Muslims. The majority of the Muslims did not like the Congress support to the anti-partition agitation. The politically conscious Muslims felt that the Congress had supported a Hindu agitation against the creation of a Muslim majority province. It reinforced their belief that their interests were not safe in the hands of the Congress. Thus they became more anxious to emphasise their separate communal identity and leaned towards the Muslim League to safeguard their interest against the dominance of the Hindu majority in undivided India. To placate Bengali Muslim feelings Lord Hardinge promised a new University at Dacca on 31 January 1912 to a Muslim deputation led by Salimullah. The Partition of Bengal of 1905 left a profound impact on the political history of India. From a political angle the measure accentuated Hindu-Muslim differences in the region. One point of view is that by giving the Muslim's a separate territorial identity in 1905 and a communal electorate through the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909 the British Government in a subtle

manner tried to neutralise the possibility of major Muslim participation in the Indian National Congress. The Partition of Bengal indeed marks a turning point in the history of nationalism in India. It may be said that it was out of the travails of Bengal that Indian nationalism was born. By the same token the agitation against the partition and the terrorism that it generated was one of the main factors which gave birth to Muslim nationalism and encouraged them to engage in separatist politics. The birth of the Muslim League in 1906 at Dacca (Dhaka) bears testimony to this. The annulment of the partition sorely disappointed not only the Bengali Muslims but also the Muslims of the whole of India. They felt that loyalty did not pay but agitation does. Thereafter, the dejected Muslims gradually took an anti-British stance. [Sufia Ahmed]

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1952 mvGji 27 Rvbyqvwi LvRv bvwRgyxb KivwP ^GK XvKvq AvGmb| wZwb cb gq`vGb K Rbmfvq eGjb h, cG`Gki miKvwi KvRKGg Kvb fvlv eenZ nGe Zv cG`Gki RbMYB wVK KiGe| wK cvwKvGbi ivfvlv nGe Kej D`y| mG mG i Zxe cwZwqv nq es ivfvlv evsjv PvB kvMvGb Qviv weGvf i KGib| 30 Rvbyqvwi XvKv wekwe`vjGq agNU cvwjZ nq| 31 Rvbyqvwi AvIqvgx jxGMi mfvcwZ gIjvbv fvmvbxi mfvcwZGZ AbywZ wewf ivRbwZKmvswZK `Gji cwZwbwaG`i K mfvq me`jxq K`xq ivfvlv msMvg cwil` MwVZ nq, hvi AvnvqK wQGjb KvRx Mvjvg gvneye| mgq miKvi Aviwe niGd evsjv jLvi cve ck KGi| i weiGI Zxe cwZev` RvbvGbv nq| ivfvlv msMvg cwil` 21 deqvwi (KzGk deqvwi) mgM ce cvwKvGb niZvj, Rbmfv I weGvf wgwQj AvGqvRGbi wmv bq| me KgmwPi AvGqvRb Pjvi mgq miKvi XvKv knGi 144 aviv Rvwi KGi mgvGek-kvfvhvv wbwl Nvlbv KGi| 20 deqvwi mvq Aveyj nvwkGgi (1905-74) mfvcwZGZ K`xq ivfvlv msMvg cwilG`i mfv nq| 144 aviv Agvb Kiv nGe wK-bv cGk mfvq wgZ `Lv `q ZGe Qviv 144 aviv fvvi mG AUzU ^vGK| ciw`b mKvj 11Uvq XvKv gwWGKj KGjGRi KvsGk AewZ XvKv wekwe`vjGqi AvgZjvq QvG`i mfv nq| mfv i nGj wekwe`vjGqi KGqKRb wkKmn DcvPvh 144 aviv f bv Kivi Rb QvG`i AbyGiva KGib| ZGe Qv bZe`, weGkl KGi Ave`yj gwZb es MvwRDj nK wbGRG`i AevGb Abo ^vGK| XvKv knGii zj-KGjGRi nvRvi nvRvi Qv wekwe`vjGq mgGeZ nq| Qviv cuvP-mvZRb KGi QvU QvU `Gj ivfvlv evsjv PvB kvMvb w`Gq ivvq ewiGq AvmGj cywjk ZuvG`i Dci jvwVPvR KGi, QvxivI Avgb ^GK invB cvq wb| QvQvxiv cywjGki w`GK BU-cvUGKj Qvov i KiGj cywjk Kuv`vGb Mvm eenvi KGi| wez QvG`i mvgjvGZ e^ nGq MYcwil` feGbi w`GK AMmiiZ wgwQGji Dci cywjk wj Pvjvq| wjGZ iwdK Dwb Avng`, Ave`yj Revi, Aveyj eiKZ (ivwevGb g. kYxi Qv) wbnZ nq| e AvnZGK nvmcvZvGj fwZ Kiv nq es ZuvG`i gGa mGUvwiGqGUi wcqb Ave`ym mvjvg gviv hvq| AwnDvn& bvGg AvU-bq eQGii K wKGkviI mw`b wbnZ nq| mgq MYcwilG`i AwaGekb emvi cwZ PjwQj| cywjGki wj PvjvGbvi Lei cGq MYcwil` m`m gIjvbv ZKevMxk es weGivax `Gji m`mmn AviI KGqKRb mfvK ZvM KGi wez QvG`i cvGk `uvovb| AwaGekGb ce cvwKvGbi gyLgx bij Avgxb evsjv fvlvi `vwei weGivwaZv AevnZ iGL ee `b| ciw`b 22 deqvwi wQj MYweGvf I cywjwk wbhvZGbi w`b| RbZv wbnZG`i MvGqevbv RvbvRvi bvgvh cGo I kvKwgwQj ei KGi| wgwQGji Ici cywjk I wgwjUvwi cybivq jvwV, wj I eGqvGbU Pvjvq| GZ kwdDi ingvbmn KGqKRb knx` nb es AGbGK AvnZ Aevq Mvi nb| Qviv h vGb wji AvNvGZ wbnZ nq mLvGb 23 deqvwi KwU wZ wbgvY Kiv nq| 1963 mvGj B Avqx wbgvGYi RvqMvq KwU KsxGUi vcbv wbwgZ nq|

MYcwil` evsjvGK cvwKvGbi AbZg ivfvlvi xKwZ w`Gq KwU wej cvm KGi| 1956 mvj ch fvlv AvG`vjb AevnZ wQj| cvwKvb RvZxq cwilG` D`yi cvkvcvwk evsjvGKI cvwKvGbi ivfvlv wnGmGe AbyGgv`Gbi gvaGg B AvG`vjb Zvi j ARb KGi| RvZxq cwilG` welqwU wbGq weZGKi (16 deqvwi 1956) K chvGq i m`m dwi`cyGii AvG`jDwb AvngG`i (1913-1981) `Iqv msGkvabx cve Abyhvqx evsjv I D`y Dfq fvlvB cvwKvGbi ivfvlv wnGmGe xKwZ jvf KGi| 1952 mvGji ci ^GK 21 deqvwi gvZfvlvi Rb evOvwjG`i mB AvZZvMGK iY KGi w`bwU D`&hvcb Kiv nq| 1999 mvGji 17 bGfi BDGbGv 21 deqvwiGK AvRvwZK gvZfvlv w`em NvlYv KGi| B wmvGi gvaGg AvRvwZK mc`vq evsjvG`Gki fvlv AvG`vjbGK KwU ghv`vi AvmGb AwawZ KGi| [ekxi Avj njvj] Mcw Aveyj gbmyi Avng`, Avgvi `Lv ivRbxwZi cvk eQi, XvKv, 1975; Ave`yj nK, fvlv-AvG`vjGbi Avw` ce, XvKv, 1976; e`ixb Dgi, ce evOjvi fvlv AvG`vjb I ZrKvjxb ivRbxwZ, 1g L, XvKv, 1979|

Language Movement began in 1948 and reached its climax in the killing of 21 February 1952, and ended in the adoption of Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The question as to what would be the state language of Pakistan was raised immediately after its creation. The central leaders and the Urdu-speaking intellectuals of Pakistan declared that URDU would be the state language of Pakistan, just as Hindi was the state language of India. The students and intellectuals of East Pakistan, however, demanded that Bangla be made one of the state languages. After a lot of controversy over the language issue, the final demand from East Pakistan was that Bangla must be the official language and the medium of instruction in East Pakistan and for the central government it would be one of the state languages along with Urdu. The first movement on this issue was mobilised by Tamaddun Majlish headed by Professor Abul Kashem. Gradually many other non-communal and progressive organisations joined the movement, which finally turned into a mass movement. Meanwhile, serious preparation was being taken in various forums of the central government of Pakistan under the initiative of Fazlur Rahman, the central education minister, to make Urdu the only state language of Pakistan. On receipt of this information, East Pakistani students became agitated and held a meeting on the Dhaka University campus on 6 December 1947, demanding that Bangla be made one of the state languages of Pakistan. The meeting was followed by student processions and more agitation. The first Rastrabhasa Sangram Parishad (Language Action Committee) was formed towards the end of December with Professor Nurul Huq Bhuiyan of Tamaddun Majlish as the convener. The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was in session at Karachi-then the capital of Pakistanfrom 23 February 1948. It was proposed that the members would have to speak either in Urdu or in English at the Assembly. DHIRENDRANATH DATTA, a member from the East Pakistan Congress Party, moved an amendment motion to include Bangla as one of the languages of the Constituent

Assembly. He noted that out of the 6 crore 90 lakh population of Pakistan, 4 crore 40 lakh were from East Pakistan with Bangla as their mother tongue. The central leaders, including LIAQUAT ALI KHAN, prime minister of Pakistan, and KHWAJA NAZIMUDDIN, chief minister of East Bengal, opposed the motion. On receiving the news that the motion had been rejected, students, intellectuals and politicians of East Pakistan became agitated. Newspapers such as the Azad also criticised of the politicians who had rejected the motion. A new committee to fight for Bangla as the state language was formed with Shamsul Huq as convener. On 11 March 1948 a general strike was observed in the towns of East Pakistan in protest against the omission of Bangla from the languages of the Constituent Assembly, the absence of Bangla letters in Pakistani coins and stamps, and the use of only Urdu in recruitment tests for the navy. The movement also reiterated the earlier demand that Bangla be declared one of the state languages of Pakistan and the official language of East Pakistan. Amidst processions, picketing and slogans, leaders such as Shawkat Ali, Kazi Golam Mahboob, Shamsul Huq, Oli Ahad, SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN, Abdul Wahed and others were arrested. Student leaders, including Abdul Matin and ABDUL MALEK UKIL, also took part in the procession and picketing. A meeting was held on the Dhaka University premises. Mohammad Toaha was severely injured while trying to snatch away a rifle from a policeman and had to be admitted to hospital. Strikes were observed from 12 March to 15 March. Under such circumstances the government had to give in. Khwaja Nazimuddin signed an agreement with the student leaders. However, although he agreed to a few terms and conditions, he did not comply with their demand that Bangla be made a state language. MUHAMMED ALI JINNAH, the governor general of Pakistan, came to visit East Pakistan on 19 March. He addressed two meetings in Dhaka, in both of which he ignored the popular demand for Bangla. He reiterated that Urdu would be the only state language of Pakistan. This declaration was instantly protested with the Language Movement spreading throughout East Pakistan. The Dhaka University Language Action Committee was formed on 11 March 1950 with Abdul Matin as its convener. By the beginning of 1952, the Language Movement took a serious turn. Both Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan were dead-Jinnah on 11 September 1948 and Liaquat Ali Khan on 16 October 1951. Khwaja Nazimuddin had succeeded Liaquat Ali Khan as prime minister of Pakistan. With the political crisis, the economic condition in East Pakistan also deteriorated. The people of East Pakistan started losing faith in the Muslim League. A new party, the Awami Muslim Leaguewhich would later become the AWAMI LEAGUE-was formed under the leadership of MAULANA ABDUL HAMID KHAN BHASANI in 1949. There was a growing sense of deprivation and exploitation in East Pakistan and a realisation that a new form of colonialism had replaced British imperialism. Under these circumstances, the Language Movement got a new momentum in 1952. On 27 January 1952, Khwaja Nazimuddin came to Dhaka from Karachi. Addressing a meeting at Paltan Maidan, he said that the people of the province could decide what would be the provincial language, but only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. There was an instantaneous, negative reaction to this speech among the students who responded with the slogan, 'Rashtrabhasha Bangla Chai' (We want Bangla as the state language).

A strike was observed at Dhaka University on 30 January. The representatives of various political and cultural organisations held a meeting on 31 January chaired by Moulana Bhasani. An All-Party Central Language Action Committee was formed with Kazi Golam Mahboob as its convener. At this time the government also proposed that Bangla be written in Arabic script. This proposal was also vehemently opposed. The Language Action Committee decided to call a hartal and organise demonstrations and processions on February 21 throughout East Pakistan. As preparations for demonstrations were underway, the government imposed Section 144 in the city of Dhaka, banning all assemblies and demonstrations. A meeting of the Central Language Action Committee was held on 20 February under the chairmanship of ABUL HASHIM. Opinion was divided as to whether or not to violate Section 144. The students were determined to violate Section144 and held a student meeting at 11.00 a.m. on 21 February on the Dhaka University campus, then located close to the Medical College Hospital. When the meeting started, the Vice-Chancellor, along with a few university teachers, came to the spot and requested the students not to violate the ban on assembly. However, the students, under their leaders - Abdul Matin and Gaziul Huq - were adamant. Thousands of students from different schools and colleges of Dhaka assembled on the university campus while armed police waited outside the gate. When the students emerged in groups, shouting slogans, the police resorted to baton charge; even the female students were not spared. The students then started throwing brickbats at the police, who retaliated with tear gas. Unable to control the agitated students, the police fired upon the crowd of students, who were proceeding towards the Assembly Hall (at present, part of Jagannath Hall, University of Dhaka). Three young men, RAFIQ UDDIN AHMED, ABDUL JABBAR and ABUL BARKAT (an MA student of Political Science) were fatally wounded. Many injured persons were admitted to the hospital. Among them Abdus Salam, a peon at the Secretariat, subsequently succumbed to his wounds. A nineyear-old boy named Ohiullah was also killed. At the Legislative Assembly building, the session was about to begin. Hearing the news of the shooting, some members of the Assembly, including MAULANA ABDUR RASHID TARKABAGISH and some opposition members, went out and joined the students. In the Assembly, NURUL AMIN, chief minister of East Pakistan, continued to oppose the demand for Bangla. The next day, 22 February, was also a day of public demonstrations and police reprisals. The public performed a janaza (prayer service for the dead) and brought out a mourning procession, which was attacked by the police and the army resulting in several deaths, including that of a young man named Shafiur Rahman. Many were injured and arrested. On 23 February, at the spot where students had been killed, a memorial was erected. In 1963, the temporary structure was replaced by a concrete memorial, the SHAHEED MINAR (martyrs' memorial). The East Bengal Legislative Assembly adopted a resolution recommending the recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The language movement continued until 1956. The movement achieved its goal by forcing the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in adopting both Bangla and Urdu as the state languages of Pakistan. While the Assembly was debating on the language issue, Member Adel Uddin Ahmed (1913-1981; Faridpur) made an important

amendment proposal, which was adopted unanimously by the Assembly (16 February 1956). Both Bangla and Urdu were thus enacted to be the state languages of Pakistan. Since 1952, 21 February has been observed every year to commemorate the martyrs of the Language Movement. With UNESCO adopting a resolution on 17 November 1999 proclaiming 21 February as INTERNATIONAL MOTHER LANGUAGE DAY. It is an honour bestowed by the international community on the Language Movement of Bangladesh. [Bashir Al Helal]

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cwkYiZ gywevwnbx wcj gvGmi 4 ZvwiGL gywevwnbxi EaZb KgKZviv Pv evMvGb cwieZ Avav-cvnvwo jvKv Zwjqvcvovq AewZ wZxq B eGji m`i`Gi KwZ nb| KGbj g..wR Imgvbx, jdGUbv KGbj Ave`yi ie, jdGUbv KGbj mvjvn Dwb gvnv` iRv, gRi KvRx byivgvb, gRi LvGj` gvkviid , gRi byij Bmjvg, gRi kvdvZ Rvwgj, gRi gBbyj nvGmb Payix es AviI AGbGK mLvGb DcwZ nb| mfvq PviRb wmwbqi KgvviGK AcvGikGbi `vwqZ `Iqv nq| gRi mwdDvnGK wmGjU-evYevoxqv AGji AwabvqGKi `vwqZ `Iqv nq| Kzwgv-bvqvLvwj AGji AwabvqGKi `vwqZ cvb gRi LvGj` gvkviid| PMvg I cveZ PMvg AGj gRi wRqvDi ingvb es Kzwqv-hGkvi AGji AwabvqK nb gRi Avey Imgvb Payix| mfvGZB gywhyG AskMnYKvix evwnbx mwKZ mvsMVwbK aviYv es Kgv KvVvGgvi icGiLv cYxZ nq| KGbj g..wR ImgvbxGK gywevwnbxi megq bZZ `Iqv nq| 10 wcj ZvRDwb AvnGg`i bZGZ AvbyvwbKfvGe MYcRvZx evsjvG`Gki KwU cevmx miKvi gywRebMi miKvi MwVZ nq| ciw`bB cavbgx ZvRDwb Avng` AviI wZbRb AvwjK AwabvqGKi bvg NvlYv KGib| KvGb bIqvwRk wKGkvi gywGhvv iscyi AGji, gRi

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ivBGdjGmi mbiv| Qv, KlK, kwgK I ivRbwZK KgxG`i cv^wgK cwkGYi ci wewf mGi MYevwnbxGZ wbGqvM Kiv nGZv| MYevwnbxi m`mG`i evsjvG`Gki AfGi ki weiG Mwijv hy cwiPvjbvi Rb cvVvGbv nq| wbqwgZ evwnbxi m`miv mkevwnbxi c^vMZ hyG wbGqvwRZ wQGjb| RW dvm bvGg cwiwPZ wbqwgZ evwnbxi c^g weGMWwU RyjvB gvGm MwVZ nq| B weGMGWi Kgvvi gRi wRqvDi ingvGbi bvGgi BsGiwR Av`i RW AbymvGi weGMWwUi bvgKiY Kiv nq| weGMWwU 1g, 3q I 8g B ej iwRGg wbGq MwVZ nq| m dvm bvGg cwiwPZ wZxq wbqwgZ weGMWwU wZxq I Kv`k B ej iwRGgGi mwbKG`i wbGq AGveGi MwVZ nq| weGMGWi AwabvqK wQGjb mwdDvn| LvGj` gvkviiGdi AwabvqKGZ K dvm MwVZ nq 4^, 9g I 10g B eGji m`mG`i wbGq| bvMvjvGi w`gvcyGi 28 mGi evsjvG`k wegvbevwnbx MwVZ nq| i msMVK wQGjb qvi KGgvWi .K L`Kvi| vqvWb wjWvi myjZvb gvngy`, dvBU jdGUbv e`ij Avjg, KvGb LvGjK, mvvi, kvnveywb, gywKZ, AvKivg, kidzwb es 67 Rb wegvbGmbv wbGq evsjvG`k wegvbevwnbxi hvv i nq| ZvG`i mj wQj gv KGqKwU WvGKvUv, AUvi UvBc wegvb es AvjyGfU nwjKvi| AbyicfvGe, cvwKvb bevwnbx ^GK ewiGq Avmv bGmbvG`i wbGq evsjvG`k bevwnbx MwVZ nq| 1971 mvGji 9 bGfi c^g beni eez beni DGvab Kiv nq| GZ Afz wQj gv 6wU QvU bhvb| wbqwgZ weGMW, mi Uyc I Mwijv evwnbx, evsjvG`k wegvbevwnbx es evsjvG`k bevwnbx wbGq evsjvG`k mk evwnbx mymsMwVZ wQj| gywevwnbx iGZ cwZGivagjK gywGhvvG`i nvGZ e`x nvbv`vi AGbKwj hyG evwnbx ki weiG mdjfvGe jovB KGi| wK A mgGqi gGa ZvG`i mvgwqK cv`cmiY KiGZ nq| gywevwnbx Aek

cGi msMwVZ nGq DZZi Ak wbGq KvGii wcj-g gvGmi ci ^GK be Dxcbvq hyG AeZxY nq| evsjvG`Gki gywhy PjvKvGj AvRvwZK chvGq gvwKb hyiv I MYcRvZx Pxb cvwKvbGK KkjMZ mg^b `q| cvGi, fviZ, mvwfGqZ BDwbqb I ZvG`i wg `kmgn es Rvcvb I cwGgi AGbK `Gki mvaviY RbMY evsjvG`Gki cG Aevb bq| Pxb-hyiv-cvwKvb AGi weiG KkjMZ myweav ARGbi jG 1971 mvGji 9 AvM fviZ miKvi mvwfGqZ BDwbqGbi mG KwU gxPzw vi KGi| Pzw vwiZ nIqvq evsjvG`Gki vaxbZv hyG K bZzb gvv hvM nq| w`GK gywevwnbxi m`i`Gi cvwKvwb mbG`i weiG jovBGqi Kkj cyLvbycyL weGklY Kiv nq| wPivPwiZ iYGKkj cvwKvwb mbG`i civwRZ Kivi cG AbyKj nGe bv fGe mvivG`Gk mevZK Mwijv hy cwiPvjbvi wmv MnxZ nq| mgGZ mi KgvviG`i `Gki Afi ^GK gywGhvv wizU KGi cGqvRbxq cwkY w`Gq Mwijv hvv wnGmGe wbGqvGMi wbG`k `Iqv nq| 1971 mvGji bGfi gvGm gywevwnbx I fviZxq evwnbxi h^ Kgv MwVZ nq| fviZxq mbvevwnbxi cevjxq KgvGi AwabvqK jdGUbv RbvGij RMwRr wms AGiviv h^ evwnbxi cavb wbhy nb| Aek 3 wWGmi mvq AgZmi, kxbMi I Kvkxi DcZKvq cvwKvb wegvbevwnbxi evgv elGYi ci ^GKB gywevwnbx I fviZxq evwnbxi h^ Kgv KvhKi fwgKv MnY KGi| ZLbB fviZxq mk evwnbxi Dci wbG`k AvGm cvwKvwb mbvevwnbxGK cZvNvZ Kivi| gywevwnbx I fviZxq mbvevwnbx evsjvG`Gki AfGi gk AMmi nGZ ^vGK| dGj cvwKvwb mbG`i civRq I AvZmgcY Awbevh nGq IGV| evsjvG`k mY kgy nIqvi cvvGj RvwZmsN wbivcv cwilG` KwU hy weiwZi cve Dvcb Kiv nq| mvwfGqZ BDwbqb GZ fGUv cGqvM Kivq B cGPv bmvr nGq hvq|

fviZxq mb es MvGiv bi mGii gywGhvviv 14 wWGmi XvKvi Uxi KvGQ cuGQ| 16 wWGmi mKvGj Zviv mvfvGi Aevb bq| cvwKvb mbvevwnbxi 36 bi wWwfkGbi AwabvqK gRi RbvGij RgGk` XvKv bMixi mwKGU gxicyi mZzi KvGQ fviZxq AwabvqK gRi RbvGij bvMivGK Af^bv Rvbvb| mKvj `kUvq gywevwnbx I fviZxq mbiv XvKvq cGek KGi| fviZxq mbvevwnbxi cevjxq KgvGi Pxd Ae vd gRi RbvGij RvKe cvwKvwb evwnbxi AvmgcGYi `wjGj vi AvZmgcGYi Lmov `wjj wbGq KiGQb jdGUbv RbvGij Acivn K NwUKvq XvKv RMwRr wms AGiviv es wegvbe`Gi AeZiY KGib| jdGUbv RbvGij jdGUbv RbvGij AGiviv wbqvRx K nwjKvi enGi Zuvi mnKgxG`i wbGq weKvj PviUvq XvKv wegvbe`Gi cuGQb| gywevwnbxi cwZwbwaZ KGib WcywU Pxd Ae vd Mc-KvGb .K L`Kvi| civwRZ cvwKvwb AwabvqK jdGUbv RbvGij ..K wbqvRx jdGUbv RbvGij AGivivGK AvZmgcYmPK Af^bv Rvbvb| 1971 mvGji 16 wWGmi weKvj cuvPUv K wgwbGU igbv imGKvGm (eZgvb mvnivIqv`x D`vb) h^ KgvGi cG jdGUbv RbvGij RMwRr wms AGiviv es cvwKvb evwnbxi cevjxq KgvGi cG jdGUbv RbvGij wbqvRx cvwKvGbi AvZmgcGYi `wjGj vi KGib| [iwdKzj Bmjvg] gywhyGi iYvb (mi) 1971 mvGj evsjvG`Gki gywhy cwiPvjbvi mvgwiK Kkj wnGmGe ZrKvjxb ce cvwKvGbi mgM fGMvwjK jvKvGK 11wU mi ev iYvGb fvM Kiv nq| cwZ mGi KRb mi Kgvvi (AwabvqK) wbGqvM Kiv nq| hy cwiPvjbvi myweavi Rb cwZwU miGK KGqKwU mve-mGi wef Kiv nq es cwZwU mvemGi KRb KGi Kgvvi wbGqvwRZ nb|

1bs mi PMvg I cveZ PMvg Rjv es bvqvLvwj Rjvi gyix b`xi cevsGki mgM jvKv wbGq MwVZ| mGii nWGKvqvUvi wQj nwibvGZ| mi cavb wQGjb c^Gg gRi wRqvDi ingvb es cGi gRi iwdKzj Bmjvg| B mGii cuvPwU mve-mi (I ZuvG`i KgvviG`i bvg) nGQ: FwlgyL (KvGb kvgmyj Bmjvg); kxbMi (KvGb gwZDi ingvb es cGi KvGb gvndzRyi ingvb); gbyNvU (KvGb gvndzRyi ingvb); ZejQwo (myGe`vi Avjx nvGmb); es wWgvwMix (RbK myGe`vi)| B mGi B.wc.Avi, cywjk,

mbvevwnbx, bevwnbx I wegvbevwnbxi m`mG`i mgGq MwVZ evwnbxGZ mb msLv wQj cvq `yB nvRvi es MYevwnbxi msLv wQj cvq AvU nvRvi| B evwnbxi MwijvG`i 137wU MGc `Gki AfGi cvVvGbv nq| 2 bs mi XvKv, Kzwgv, dwi`cyi es bvqvLvwj Rjvi Ask wbGq MwVZ| mi Kgvvi wQGjb c^Gg gRi LvGj` gvkviid es cGi gRi .wU.g nvq`vi| B mGii AaxGb cvq 35 nvRvGii gGZv Mwijv hy KGiGQ| wbqwgZ evwnbxi msLv wQj cvq 6 nvRvi| B mGii QqwU mve-mi (I mMywji KgvviG`i bvg) nGQ: MvmvMi, AvLvDov I Kmev (gvneye es cGi jdGUbv dviK I jdGUbv gvqyb Kexi); g`fve (KvGb Mvddvi); kvj`vb`x (Ave`ym mvGjK Payix); gwZbMi (jdGUbv w``vij Avjg); wbfqcyi (KvGb AvKei es cGi jdGUbv gvn&eye); es ivRbMi (KvGb Rvdi Bgvg es cGi KvGb knx` I jdGUbv Bgvgyvgvb)| 3 bs mi DGi wmGjGUi PovgbKvwV (kxgGji wbKU) es `wGY evYevoxqvi wmviwej ch jvKv wbGq MwVZ nq| mi Kgvvi wQGjb gRi K.g kwdDvn es cGi gRi .b.g bivgvb| B mGii AaxGb 19wU Mwijv NuvwU MGo DGVwQj| bGfi gvm ch Mwijvi msLv `uvovq 30 nvRvGii gGZv| B mGii `kwU mve-mi (I mwji KgvviG`i bvg) nGQ: Avkgevwo (KvGb AvwRR es cGi KvGb RvR); evNvBevwo (KvGb AvwRR es cGi KvGb RvR); nvZKvUv (KvGb gwZDi ingvb); wmgjv (KvGb gwZb); ceUx (KvGb bvwmg); gbZjv (KvGb g.m. fuBqv); weRqbMi (g.m. fuBqv); KvjvQov (jdGUbv gRyg`vi); KjKwjqv (jdGUbv Mvjvg njvj gviGk`); es evgywUqv (jdGUbv mvC`)| 4bs mi DGi wmGjU Rjvi nweM gnKzgv ^GK `wGY KvbvBNvU cywjk kb ch 100 gvBj weZ mxgv jvKv wbGq MwVZ| mi Kgvvi wQGjb gRi wPib ` es cGi KvGb ie| nWGKvqvUvi wQj c^Gg KwigM es cGi gvwmgcyGi| mGi Mwijvi msLv wQj cvq 9 nvRvi es wbqwgZ evwnbx wQj cvq 4 nvRvi| B mGii QqwU mve-mi (I mwji KgvviG`i bvg) nGQ: Rvjvjcyi (gvmy`yi ie kv`x); eocyx Avgjvwm` (jdGUbv Rwni); KzwKZj KvG`i es cGi KvGb kwidzj (jdGUbv DqvwKDvgvb); es Kgjcyi (KvGb . ie); (dvBU jdGUbv nK); Kjvk kni (KvGb bvg)|

5 bs mi wmGjU Rjvi `yMvcyi ^GK WvDwK (Zvgvwej) es i cemxgv ch jvKv wbGq MwVZ| mi Kgvvi wQGjb gRi gxi kIKZ Avjx| nW KvqvUvi wQj euvkZjvGZ|

B mGii nGQ:

QqwU

mve-mi

(I

mwji

KgvviG`i

bvg)

gyvcyi (myGe`vi bwRi nvGmb es mGK Bb Kgv d.d. dviK); WvDwK (myGe`vi gRi we.Avi Payix); kjv (KvGb njvj; mnGhvMx Kgvvi jdGUbv gvneyevi ingvb es jdGUbv Ave`yi iDd); fvjvM (jdGUbv ZvGni Dwb AvLx; mnGhvMx Kgvvi jdGUbv m.g LvGj`); evjvU (myGe`vi Mwb es cGi KvGb mvjvDwb I d.d bvgyj nK Payix); es eoQov (KvGb gymwjg Dwb)| 6 bs mi iscyi Rjv es w`bvRcyi Rjvi AskweGkl wbGq MwVZ nq| mi Kgvvi wQGjb DBs Kgvvi g.K evkvi| mGii nWGKvqvUvi wQj cvUMvGgi wbKU eyoxgvwiGZ| Ryb gvGm mGii mbmsLv wQj 700 es G`i cvq meB wQj B.wc.Avi evwnbxi m`m| wWGmi ch mGii mbmsLv `uvovq cvq 11 nvRvi| B mGii cuvPwU mve-mi (I mwji KgvviG`i bvg) nGQ: fRbcyi (KvGb bRij es cGi vqvWb jxWvi m`iDwb I KvGb kvnwiqvi); cvUMvg (c^Gg KGqKRb B.wc.Avi Rywbqi Kwgk AwdmviMY Kgv KGib| cGi KvGb gwZDi ingvb B mve-mGii `vwqZ bb, mvGneM (KvGb bIqvGRk Dwb); gvMjnvU (KvGb `jIqvi); es wPjvnvwU (dvBU jdGUbv BKevj)| 7 bs mi ivRkvnx, cvebv, eov es w`bvRcyi Rjvi AskweGkl wbGq MwVZ nq| mi cavb wQGjb gRi bvRgyj nK es cGi myGe`vi gRi .ie I gRi KvRx bivgvb| B mGii nWGKvqvUvi wQj Zicyi| cvq 15 nvRvi gywGhvv B mGi hy KGi| wbqwgZ evwnbxi mbmsLv wQj cvq 2,500 es 12,500 wQj MYevwnbxi m`m| B mGii AvUwU mve-mi (I mwji KgvviG`i bvg) nGQ: gvjb (B.wc.Avi R.wm.I-MY es cGi KvGb gwnDwb Rvnvxi); Zcb (gRi bRgyj nK es cGi KGqKRb B.wc.Avi R.wm.I); gGn`xcyi (myGe`vi Bwjqvm es cGi KvGb gwnDxb Rvnvxi); nvgRvcyi (KvGb Bw`m); Avwbvev` (KRb MYevwnbxi m`m); kLcvov (KvGb ikx`); VvKivevwo (myGe`vi gvqvGg); es jvjGMvjv (KvGb wMqvmDwb Payix)| 8bs mi wcj gvGm B mGii AcvGikbvj jvKv wQj Kzwqv, hGkvi, Lyjbv, ewikvj, dwi`cyi I cUzqvLvwj Rjv| g gvGmi kGl AcvGikb jvKv mzwPZ KGi Kzwqv I hGkvi Rjv, Lyjbv Rjvm`i, mvZxiv gnKzgv es dwi`cyGii Divsk wbGq B mi cybMwVZ nq| B mGii cavb wQGjb gRi Avey Imgvb Payix es cGi gRi g. gyi| B mGii nWGKvqvUvi ebvGcvGj ^vKGjI KvhZ

nWGKvqvUvGii KUv weivU Ask wQj fviGZi KjvYx knGi| mGii mbG`i gGa 2 nvRvGii gGZv wQj wbqwgZ evwnbx es 8 nvRvi wQj MYevwnbx| B mGii mvZwU mve-mi (I mwji KgvviG`i bvg) nGQ: eqiv (KvGb Lv`Kvi bRgyj `v); nvwKgcyi (KvGb kwdK Dvn); fvgiv (KvGb mvjvnDwb es cGi KvGb kvnveyxb); jvjevRvi (KvGb .Avi Avhg Payix); evbcyi (KvGb gyvwdRyi ingvb); ebvGcvj (KvGb Ave`yj nvwjg es cGi KvGb ZwdK-B-jvnx Payix); wkKvicyi (KvGb ZwdK-B-jvnx Payix es cGi jdGUbv Rvnvxi)| 9 bs mi ewikvj I cUzqvLvwj Rjv es Lyjbv I dwi`cyi Rjvi AskweGkl wbGq MwVZ| mi Kgvvi wQGjb gRi g. Rwjj es cGi gRi g. gyi (AwZwi `vwqZ) I gRi Rqbvj AvGe`xb| B miGK UvwK, wnjM I kgGmibMi wZbwU mve-mGi wef Kiv nq| 10 bs mi b-KgvGv evwnbx wbGq B mi MwVZ nq| B evwnbx MVGbi DG`vv wQGjb dvG cwkYiZ cvwKvb bevwnbxi AvU Rb evOvwj b-KgKZv| uiv wQGjb Pxd cwU Awdmvi MvRx gvnv` ingZDvn, cwU Awdmvi mq` gvkviid nvGmb, cwU Awdmvi Avwgb Dvn kL, g.B-1 Avnmvb Dvn, Avi.I-1 .WweD.Payix, g.B-1 ew`Dj Avjg, B.b-1 .Avi wgqv, es zqvW-1 AvGe`yi ingvb| B AvURb evOvwj bvweKGK fviZxq bevwnbxi eevcbvq w`wi cvkeZx hgybv b`xGZ weGkl b-cwkY `Iqv nq| i `vwqGZ wQGjb fviZxq bevwnbxi jdGUbv m.K `vm| cGi fviZxq Kgvvi g.b myg bZZ `b| 11 bs mi gqgbwmsn es UvvBj Rjv wbGq MwVZ| mi Kgvvi wQGjb gRi g. Avey ZvGni| gRi ZvGni hyG iZi AvnZ nGj vqvWb jxWvi nvwg`yvnGK mGii `vwqZ `Iqv nq| gGn`M wQj mGii nWGKvqvUvi| B mGi cvq 25 nvRvi gywGhvv hy KGiGQ| B mGii AvUwU mve-mi (I mwji KgvviG`i bvg) nGQ: gvbKviPi (vqvWb jxWvi nvwg`yvn); gGn`M (jdGUbv gvvb); cyivLvwmqv (jdGUbv nvGkg); Xvjy (jdGUbv ZvGni es cGi jdGUbv Kvgvj); isiv (KvGb gwZDi ingvb); wkeevwo (KGqKRb B.wc.Avi R.wm.I); evMgviv (KGqKRb B.wc.Avi R.wm.I); es gGnkGLvjv (RbK B.wc.Avi m`m)| [mq`v ggZvR wkixb] AviI `Lyb gywevwnbx ; vaxbZvi NvlYvc ; MYnZv 1971; mvZB gvGPi fvlY |

War of Liberation, The began on 26 March 1971 and ended with the liberation of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The armed struggle was the culmination of a series of events, situations and issues contributing to the progressively deteriorating relations between East and West Pakistan. The questions of land reforms, state language, inter-wing economic and administrative disparities, provincial autonomy, the defense of East Pakistan and many other consequential questions had been straining the relations between the two wings of Pakistan ever since independence of the country from Britain in 1947. The general elections of 1970 had made SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN, the leader of the AWAMI LEAGUE which bagged 167 seats out of 169 allotted for East Pakistan, the sole spokesman of the people of East Pakistan and majority leader in the Pakistan National Assembly. But the Pakistan civil and military ruling clique had refused to transfer power to the majority leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party. Sheikh Mujib also refused to yield to the pressure put on him for undue accommodation. Sheikh's historic address on 7 March 1971 made this point quite clear to the Pakistani military junta. Then began the civil disobedience movement. Meanwhile talks started between Mujib and Yahya to resolve the outstanding issues. While holding talks, the Pakistani military junta was bringing more troops to Bangladesh and at the same time wantonly killing innocent civilians all over the country. This clearly showed that they were totally insincere about handing over power to the elected representatives of Bangladesh. No sooner the talks failed, the genocide began, with the Pakistan army's crackdown on the people of East Pakistan on the midnight of 25 March 1971. The Bengali soldiers serving in the then Pakistan Armed Forces and para militia forces declared instantly their solidarity with the people's liberation war. The Pakistan Army was ordered to launch operation on Bengali people at midnight of 25 March. According to the plan for operation Search Light two headquarters were established. Major General Rao Farman Ali with 57 Brigade under Brigedier Arbab was responsible for operation in Dhaka city and its suburbs while Major General Khadim Raja was given the responsibility of the rest of the province. Lieutenant General Tikka Khan assumed the overall charge of the operation. The students and the nationalist political activists put up resistance outside the cantonment. Road blocks were raised to obstruct the march of the Pakistani column to the city areas. The wireless set fitted jeeps and trucks loaded with troops groaned on the streets of Dhaka City at midnight of 25 March.

The first column of the Pakistan army faced obstruction at Farmgate about one kilometre from the cantonment due to a huge road block created by placing big tree trunks across the road. The hulks of old cars and unserviceable steam roller, were also used. Genocide, 1971 Several hundred people chanted the slogan Joi Bangla which lasted for about 15 minutes. But soon guns silenced them. The army moved into the city before scheduled time and started the GENOCIDE. The military forces killed everybody in sight on the footpath and destroyed everything on their way. The tanks roared through the streets of Dhaka blasting indiscriminately at the people and official and residential buildings. They gunned down clusters of settlements and set fire on them. Scores of artillery bursts were pounded, while the tanks rumbled into the city roaring the main streets. The student halls of residence at Dhaka University were raided and numerous students residing there were brutally killed and maimed. They also killed many teachers of Dhaka University. The Hindu concentrated areas of old Dhaka were particularly targeted. They started killing the people, burnt their houses, looted their valuables and raped their women. The genocide that was perpetrated on the unarmed people was flashed in the world press. On 26 March Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was taken prisoner by the Pakistan army. At about the same time, Major ZIAUR RAHMAN announced Bangladesh's independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujib from Kalurghat radio station at Chittagong. There were spontaneous uprisings throughout Bangladesh following the call of independence. These uprisings were participated by government officials, political activists, students, workers, peasants, professionals and members of the public. After initial resistance, many freedom fighters crossed over into Indian territory to have safe sanctuary, due mainly to the enemy's overwhelming superiority of trained soldiers and modern weapons. The scattered and temporarily retreating rudimentary liberation forces were soon brought under a unified command. On 4 April, the senior officers of the liberation army assembled at the headquarters of 2nd East Bengal at Teliapara, a semi hilly area covered by tea

gardens where Colonel MAG Osmany, Lieutenant Colonel Abdur Rob, Lieutenant Colonel Salahuddin Mohammad Reja, Major Kazi Nuruzzaman, Major KHALED MOSHARRAF, Major Nurul Islam, Major Shafat Jamil, Major Mainul Hossain Chowdhury and others were present. In this meeting four senior commanders were entrusted with the responsibility of operational areas. SylhetBrahmanbaria area was placed under the command of Major Shafiullah. ComillaNoakhali area was given to Major Khaled Mosharraf while ChittagongChittagong Hill Tracts was given to Major Ziaur Rahman. Kushtia-Jessore area was placed under command of Major Abu Osman Chowdhury. In the meeting the organisational concept of the freedom fighter forces and the command structure were chalked out. Colonel MAG Osmany was to command the liberation forces, later named as MUKTI BAHINI. An exile government called the People's Republic of Bangladesh alias MUJIBNAGAR GOVERNMENT headed by TAJUDDIN AHMED was formed on 10 April. On the next day Tajuddin Ahmed announced the names of three more regional commanders. Captain Newazish for Rangpur region, Major Najmul Haque for Dinajpur-Rajshahi-Pabna and Major Jalil for Barisal-Patuakhali region. All these regions were later named as sectors. All of Bangladesh was divided into eleven such sectors and different sub-sectors for operational purposes during the Sector Commander's conference held from 10 to 17 July 1971. On 27 March, Prime Minister of India Mrs. Indira Gandhi expressed full support of her government to the freedom struggle of the Bengalis. Indian Border Security Force (BSF) opened Bangladesh-India border to allow the tortured and panick stricken Bengalis to have safe shelter in India. The governments of West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura established refugee camps along the border. These camps became ready ground for recruitment of the freedom fighters. The students, peasants, workers and political activists joined the Mukti Bahini with high spirit to liberate Bangladesh from the Pakistan army. They were given training on tactics and the use of arms and explosives. On completion of training, they were posted to different sectors to fight the enemy. The headquarters of the Bangladesh Forces was established at 8 Theatre Road, Calcutta which started functioning from 12 April 1971. Lieutenant Colonel M A Rab and Group Captain A K Khandaker were appointed as Chief of Staff and Deputy Chief of Staff respectively

Refugees, 1971

Besides Mukti Bahini, many other bahinis were organised inside Bangladesh at different places to fight Pakistan Army. These Bahinis included Kader Bahini of Tangail, Latif Mirza Bahini of Sirajganj, Akbar Hossain Bahini of Jhinaidah, Hemayet Bahini of Faridpur, Quddus Molla and Gafur Bahini of Barisal, Afsar Bahini of Mymensingh and Aftab Bahini of Mymensingh. A crack platoon consisting of daring youths operated most valiantly in Dhaka city as well. These bahinis were established as a local force based on their own strength taking part in a number of battles with the occupation army. Siraj Sikdar, leader of Sorbohara Party, also organised his force in Barisal.

Freedom fighters taking training

Another Bahini named as Mujib Bahini was organised in India with the active assistance of Major General Oban of the Indian army an expert on guerilla warfare. Mujib Bahini was trained at Dehradun. Student League leaders SHEIKH FAZLUL HAQ MANI, Tofael Ahmed, Abdur Razzak and Sirajul Alam Khan were organisers of this Bahini. Mukti Bahini consisted of the regular and the irregular forces. The regulars were later called 'Niomita Bahini' (regular force) and the irregulars were called 'Gono Bahini' (people's Force). The regulars included East Bengal Regiment and EPR troops. The irregular forces, which after initial training joined different sectors, consisted of the students, peasants, workers and political activists. Irregular forces were inducted inside Bangladesh territory to adopt guerilla warfare against the enemy. The regular forces were engaged in fighting in conventional way. The first conventional brigade named as 'Z' Force was created in July. Major Ziaur Rahman was appointed commander of this brigade and the brigade was named as 'Z' Force after the first letter of his name. This brigade consisted of 1, 3 and 8 East Bengal.

Second regular brigade 'S' Force was created in October and consisted of 2 and 11 East Bengal. 'S' Force was named after the initial letter of the name of its commander Shafiullah. Similarly the 'K' Force created with 4, 9 and 10 East Bengal which was commanded by Khaled Mosharraf.

Teenagers at war

Bangladesh Air Force, which was organised by Air Commodore A K Khondaker, was created in Dimapur of Nagaland on 28 September. Squadron Leader Sultan Mahmud, Flight Lieutenant Badrul Alam, Captain Khaleq, Sattar, Shahabuddin, Mukit, Akram and Sharfuddin and 67 airmen initially joined the Bangladesh Air Force, which had only few Dakota, Auter type air plane and Aluvet helicopters. Similarly, Bangladesh Navy was also established with the Naval troops deserted from the Pakistan Navy. On 9 November 1971, the first naval fleet 'Bangabandhu Naubohar' consisting of six small ships was inaugurated. The command structure of the Bangladesh Forces was fully organised with the regular brigades, sector troops and guerilla forces, the Bangladesh Airforce and the Navy. The Mukti Bahini had fought many successful battles in putting up initial resistance.

But within a short time, they were temporarily contained by the Pakistan army and were compelled to withdraw to the safe sanctuary in the Indian territory. The Mukti Bahini was, however, reequipped, reorganised and retrained. As a result, it got into fighting with fresh zeal after April-May 1971.

Pak prisoners captured by freedom fighters

At the international level, the United States and the People's Republic of China considered the crisis as an internal affair of Pakistan. On the other hand, India, Soviet Union and her allies and general masses in Japan, and Western countries stood solidly behind Bangladesh. In order to gain strategic advantage vis-a-vis

Sino-US-Pakistan axis, Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty was signed on 9 August 1971. It provided a new dimension to the War of Liberation. Having realised that the Pakistan army could not be defeated by conventional warfare method, it was decided to create large guerilla forces all over the country. All Sector commanders were accordingly ordered to recruit, train and induct guerillas inside the country. The joint command of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian army was underway from November 1971. Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, Commander, Eastern Command of Indian Army, became the commander of the joint forces. The joint command of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, however, started operation from the evening of 3 December, when the Pakistan Air Force bombed Amritsar, Sree Nagar and the Kashmir valley. Immediately, the Indian armed forces were ordered to hit back the Pakistan army and thus the Indo-Pak war broke out. The Mukti Bahini and the Indian army continued advancing inside Bangladesh and the defeat and surrender of the Pakistan army became a matter of time. International efforts for a cease-fire before Bangladesh is fully liberated failed due to Soviet veto in the United Nations Security Council.

The Indian troops and the freedom fighters of No 11 Sector reached Tongi on 14 December and Savar in the morning of 16 December. Major General Jamshed, commander 36 Division of the Pakistan Army received Major General Nagra at Mirpur Bridge near Dhaka City. The Mukti Bahini and the Indian forces entered Dhaka city at 10.10 a. m. Major General Jacob, the Chief of Staff of the Indian Eastern command landed at Dhaka airport at 1 p.m. with the draft instrument of surrender. Lt. Gen. Niaz signs surrender documents at Ramna Racecourse A fleet of helicopters landed on the tarmac of Dhaka airport at about 4 p.m. with Lieutenant General Aurora and his staff. Group Captain AK Khandaker, Deputy Chief of Staff, Bangladesh Forces represented the Mukti Bahini. Lieutenant General AAK Niazi received Lieutenant General Aurora. The instrument of surrender was signed by Lieutenant Jagit Sing Aurora and Lieutenant General

Niazi at the RAMNA RACECOURSE (now Suhrawardy Uddyan) at one minute past 5 p.m. on 16 December 1971. [Rafiqul Islam] Sectors of the War of Liberation In the War of Liberation in 1971 the whole geographical area of the then East Pakistan was strategically divided into eleven sectors with a sector commander for each of them. For better efficiency in military operations each of the sectors were divided into a number of sub-sectors under a commander.

Sector 1 comprised the districts of Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts, and the entire eastern area of the Noakhali district on the banks of the river Muhuri. The headquarters of the sector was at Harina. The sector commander was Major Ziaur Rahman, later replaced by Major Rafiqul Islam. The five sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Rishimukh (Captain Shamsul Islam); Sreenagar (Captain Matiur Rahman, later replaced by Captain Mahfuzur Rahman); Manughat (Captain Mahfuzur Rahman); Tabalchhari (Subedar Ali Hossain); and Dimagiri (a Subedar, whose name is not known). A contingent of nearly ten thousand freedom fighters fought in this sector. They included about two thousand members of the EPR, police, army, nave and air forces and about eight thousand paramilitary troops. The guerilla fighters of this sector were deputed to operate inside the country in 137 groups. Sector 2 comprised the districts of Dhaka, Comilla, and Faridpur, and part of Noakhali district. The sector commander was Major Khaled Mosharraf, later replaced by Major ATM Haider. About thirty five thousand guerilla fighters fought in this sector. Nearly six thousand of them were members of regular armed forces. The six sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Gaugasagar, Akhaura and Kasba (Mahbub, later replaced by Lieutenant Farooq, and Lieutenant Humayun Kabir); Mandabhav (Captain Gaffar); Shalda-nadi (Abdus Saleq Chowdhury); Matinagar (Lieutenant Didarul Alam); Nirbhoypur (Captain Akbar, later replaced by Lieutant Mahbub); and Rajnagar (Captain Jafar Imam, later replaced by Captain Shahid, and Lieutenant Imamuzzaman). Sector 3 comprised the area between Churaman Kathi (near Sreemangal) and Sylhet in the north and Singerbil of Brahmanbaria in the south. The sector commander was Major KM Shafiullah, later replaced by Major ANM Nuruzzaman. Nineteen guerilla bases operated in this sector. By November 1971, the number of the guerilla fighters in the sector stood at nearly thirty thousand. The ten sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Asrambari (Captain Aziz, later replaced by Captain Ejaz); Baghaibari (Captain Aziz, later replaced by Captain Ejaz); Hatkata (Captain Matiur Rahman); Simla (Captain Matin); Panchabati (Captain Nasim); Mantala (Captain MSA Bhuyan); Vijoynagar (Captain MSA Bhuyan); Kalachhora (Lieutenant Majumdar); Kalkalia (Lieutenant Golam Helal Morshed); and Bamutia (Lieutenant Sayeed). Sector 4 comprised the area from Habiganj sub-division of Sylhet district on the north to Kanaighat Police Station on the south along the 100 mile long border with India. The sector commander was Major Chittarajan Datta, later replaced by Captain A Rab. The headquarters of the sector was initially at Karimganj and later at Masimpur. The freedom fighters in this sector included about nine thousand guerilla fighters and about four thousand regular members of the armed forces. The six sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Jalalpur (Masudur Rab Sadi); Barapunji (Captain A Rab); Amlasid (Lieutenant Zahir); Kukital (Flight Lieutenant Kader, later replaced by Captain Shariful Haq); Kailas

Shahar (Lieutenant Wakiuzzaman); and Kamalpur (Captain Enam). Sector 5 comprised the area from Durgapur to Danki (Tamabil) of Sylhet district and the entire area upto the eastern borders of the district. Sector commander was Major Mir Shawkat Ali. The headquarters of the sector was at Banshtala. The six sub-sectors of this sector (and their commanders) were: Muktapur (Subedar Nazir Hossain, freedom fighter Faruq was second in command); Dauki (Subedar Major BR Chowdhury); Shela (Captain Helal, who had two assistant commanders, Lieutenant Mahbubar Rahman and Lieutenant Abdur Rauf); Bholajanj (Lieutenant Taheruddin Akhunji who had Lieutenant SM Khaled as assistant commander); Balat (Subedar Ghani, later replaced by Captain Salahuddin and freedom fighter Enanmul Haq Chowdhury); and Barachhara (Captain Muslim Uddin). Sector 6 comprised Rangpur district and part of Dinajpur district. Wing Commander M Khdemul Bashar was the sector commander. The headquarters of the sector was at Burimari near Patgram. The number of soldiers in this sector was 700, which rose to about eleven thousand in December. The five sub-sectors of the sector (and their commanders were: Bhajanpur (Captain Nazrul, later replaced by Squadron leader Sadruddin and Captain Shahriyar); Patgram (initially, some junior commissioned officers of the EPR and later, Captain Matiur Rahman); Sahebganj (Captain Nawazesh Uddin); Mogalhat (Captain Delwar); and Chilahati (Flight Lieutenant Iqbal). Sector 7 comprised the districts of Rajshahi, Pabna, Bogra and part of Dinajpur district. The sector commander was Major Nazrul Haq, later replaced by Subedar Major A Rab and Kazi Nuruzzaman. The headquarters of the sector was at Taranngapur. About fifteen thousand freedom fighters fought in this sector. The eight sub-sectors of the sector (and their commanders were): Malan (initially some junior commanding officers and later, Captain Mohiuddin Jahangir); Tapan (Major Nazmul Haq, later replaced by some junior commanding officers of the EPR); Mehdipur (Subedar Iliyas, later replaced by Captain Mahiuddin Jahangir); Hamzapur (Captain Idris); Anginabad (a freedom fighter); Sheikhpara (Captain Rashid); Thokrabari (Subedar Muazzam); and Lalgola (Captain Gheyasuddin Chowdhury). Sector 8 In April 1971, the operational area of the sector comprised the districts of Kushtia, Jessore, Khulna, Barisal, Faridpur and Patuakhali. At the end of May the sector was reconstituted and comprised the districts of Kusthia, Jessore and Khulna districts, Satkhira sub-division, and the northern part of Faridpur district. The sector commander was Major Abu Osman Chowdhury, later replaced by Major MA Manzur. The headquarters of the sector was at Benapole. About ten thousand freedom fighters fought in this sector. The seven sub-sectors of the sector (and their commanders) were: Boyra (Captain Khondakar Nazmul Huda); Hakimpur (Captain Shafiq Ullah); Bhomra (Captain Salahuddin later replaced by Captain Shahabuddin); Lalbazar (Captain AR Azam Chowdhury); Banpur

(Captain Mostafizur Rahman); Benapole (Captain Abdul Halim, later replaced by Captain Tawfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury); and Shikarpur (Captain Tawfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury, later replaced by Lieutenant Jahangir). Sector 9 comprised the districts of Barisal and Patuakhali, and parts of the district of Khulna and Faridpur. The sector commander was Major MA JALIL, later replaced by Major MA Manzur and Major Joynal Abedin. The three subsectors of the sector were: Taki, Hingalganj, and Shamshernagar. Sector 10 This sector was constituted with the naval commandos. Eight Bengali officers of Pakistan Navy trained in France were the pioneers in forming this force. These officers were Ghazi Mohammad Rahmatullah (Chief Petty Officer), Syed Mosharraf Hossain (Petty Officer), Amin Ullah Sheikh (Petty Officer); Ahsan Ullah (M E-1), AW Chowdhury (RO-1), Badiul Alam (ME-1), AR Miah (EN-1), Abedur Rahman (Steward-1). These eight officers were given special training on the river Jamuna near Delhi under the auspices of the Indian Navy. The force was later commanded by Indian commander MN Sumanta. Sector 11 comprised the districts of Mymensingh and Tangail, Major M Abu Taher was the sector commander. After Major Taher was seriously wounded in a battle, he was replaced by Squadron Leader Hamidullah. The headquarters of the sector was at Mahendraganj. About twenty five thousand freedom fighters fought in this sector. The eight sub-sectors of the sector (and their commanders) were: Mankarchar (Squadron Leader Hamidullah); Mahendraganj (Lieutenant Mannan); Purakhasia (Lieutenant Hashem); Dhalu (Lieutenant Taher, later replaced by Lieutenant Kamal); Rangra (Matiur Rahman); Shivabari (some junior commanding officers of the EPR); Bagmara (some junior commanding officers of the EPR); and Maheshkhola (a member of the EPR). [Syeda Momtaz Sheren]

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MVGbi cwqv i nq| BZtcGe ZrKvjxb fvBm cwmGW gI`y` Avng` c`ZvM KGib es wePvicwZ kvnveywb Avng` Zuvi jvwfwl nb| ici RbvGij ikv` cavb wePvicwZi nvGZ `Gki fvicv cwmGW es ZveavqK miKvi cavGbi `vwqZfvi AcY KGi wbGR gZv ^GK mGi `uvovb| wePvicwZ mvnveywb AvngG`i ZveavqK miKvGi gvU mGZGiv Rb DcG`v wbGqvM Kiv nq| LvGb DGL, Kvb mvsweavwbK msGkvabx QvovB 1990 mvGj ZveavqK miKvi MVb Kiv nGqwQj, KviY mgGqi Zvi KviGY ZLb msm` AwaGekb Avnvb me wQj bv| wePvicwZ mvnveywb AvngG`i ZveavqK miKvGii gj wfw wQj mvaviY gvbyGli AKz mg^b; KvGRB i KgZrciZvi eaZv wbGq Kvb ck IGV wb| ZvB ZveavqK miKvGii MnxZ mKj c`GcB 1991 mvGj wbevwPZ cg RvZxq msmG`i gvaGg AbyGgvw`Z nGqwQj| 1996 mvGji ZveavqK miKvi I mvsweavwbK wfw 1990 mvGj gjZ ikv` miKviGK gZvPzZ Kiv es Q wbevPGbi gvaGg MYZGK cybixweZ Kivi j wbGqB weGivax ivRbwZK `jwji c ^GK AaxGb miKvGii `vwe DPvwiZ nGqwQj| KvGRB weGivax `jwji h^ NvlYvq fwelGZI wbevPGbi mgGq ic ZveavqK miKvi MVGbi cGqvRb nGZ cvGi evcviwU weGePbvq Avbv nq wb| evgcx `jwj ^GK cieZx wZbwU wbevPb ZveavqK miKvGii ZveavGb AbyvGbi cve Kiv nGjI cavb `yB weGivax `j webwc I AvIqvgx jxM ZvGZ KYcvZ KGi wb| 1991 mvGj HKgGZi wfwGZ msm`xq cwZi cybixeb KwU BwZevPK c`GGci mPbv KGi| wK msm`xq MYZ cybtceZGbi gv `yeQGii gGaB cwZx weGivax ivRbwZK `jwji gGa wewf RvZxq BmyGZ AbK, cviwiK AmwnzZv I AwekvGmi dGj evsjvG`Gki ivRbxwZGZ ZveavqK miKvGii aviYvwU K`xq BmyGZ cwiYZ nq| weGivax `j ZvG`i wbiewQ msm` eRb, weGvf I AvG`vjGbi ga w`Gq `kevcx gb KwU RbgZ mwi Pv KiwQj h, miKvwi `j wbevPb cwqvq Aea nGc KGi MYZvwK Av`k bmvr KGiGQ| AvG`vjGbi cv^wgK chvGq weGivax `jwji gGa ZveavqK miKvGii cvweZ icGiLv wbGq Kvb AbK wQj bv| cavb wZbwU weGivax `j AvIqvgx jxM, RvZxq cvwU I

RvgvqvGZ Bmjvgx evsjvG`k ZveavqK miKvGii icGiLvmn wZbwU c^K wej h^vGg 1991, 1993-i AGvei I bGfGi RvZxq msm` mwPevjGq Rgv `q| ZveavqK miKvGii cavb wnGmGe KvGK gGbvbxZ Kiv nGe ck Qvov wejwji gwjK welq cvq AwfB wQj| AvIqvgx jxM AeZx miKvGii cavb wnGmGe cavb wePvicwZGK gGbvbqb `vGbi cG gZ `q| RvZxq cvwUi cve wQj ZveavqK miKvGii cavb wnGmGe KRb wbiGc ewGK wbevwPZ Kiv| Abw`GK RvgvqvGZ Bmjvgxi `vwe wQj KwU DcG`v KvDwj MVb KGi i cavb wnGmGe ivcwZ KZK KRb wbiGc ewGK wbGqvM `vb| Aek wZbwU wej weGivax `jwji msm` eRb I miKvwi `Gji AwbQvGnZz RvZxq msmG`i AvGjvPmwPGZ vb cvq wb| dGj wZbwU cavb weGivax`j ZveavqK miKvGii `vwe evevqGbi jG HKe nGq weGvf I niZvj i KGi| miKvwi `Gji Dci Pvc mwi jG 147 Rb weGivax`jxq mvsm` 1994 mvGji wWGmGii 28 ZvwiGL KGhvGM c`ZvMc `vwLj KGib| weGivax `jwji mwwjZ AvG`vjGbi gyGL AeGkGl cg RvZxq msm` wejy NvlYv Kiv nq es ZveavqK miKviGK mvsweavwbK msGkvabxi gvaGg eaZv `vGbi Rb l RvZxq msm` MVGbi cwZ MnY Kiv nq| ici 1996 mvGji 19 gvP l RvZxq msm` MVGbi ci miKvwi `j webwc weGivax `jwji Avv ARGb e^ nGq ZfvGeB ZveavqK miKvGii eaKiGYi c`Gc bq| fvGe 1996 mvGji 21 gvP Gqv`k msGkvabxi gvaGg wejwU RvZxq msmG` DvwcZ nq es 26 gvP 268-0 fvGU wejwU cvm nq| Gqv`k msGkvabxGZ msweavGb AbyGQ` 58 (L) (M) (N) (O) Afz Kiv nq| me AbyGQG` ZveavqK miKvi mGK wbGv gwjK welqwji AeZviYv Kiv nq: msm` wejywi ci cavb DcG`vi bZZvaxb 11 m`m wewk wb`jxq ZveavqK miKvi MVb Kiv nGe; ZveavqK miKvi h^fvGe ivcwZi wbKU `vqe ^vKGe; cavb DcG`v ivcwZ KZK wbGqvMKZ nGeb, Abw`GK cavb DcG`vi civgkGg 10 Rb DcG`v gGbvbxZ nGeb; cavb DcG`v cavbgxi es DcG`vMY gxi Abyic c`ghv`vi AwaKvix nGeb; wb`jxq ZveavqK miKvi KwU AeZxKvjxb miKvi wnGmGe i Kvhvewj, weGklZ `bw`b ckvmwbK Kvh mv`Gb evcZ ^vKGe es wbZv cGqvRb bv nGj bxwZ wbaviYx Kvb wmv MnGY weiZ ^vKGe; ZveavqK miKvi KwU wbiGc, Q I kvwcY mvaviY

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Caretaker Government In the parlance of institutional government, a caretaker government is one which normally takes care of state administration for an interim period until the regular new government is formed. In established parliamentary system, there is a convention of transformation of the outgoing government into a caretaker government for the time being before the holding of general election. Such temporary government exists only to perform day to day administrative jobs, and is not supposed to deal with policy initiating functions which may influence the election results. During the period the caretaker government maintains neutral status for ensuring free and fair general elections. In the parliamentary framework, after the dissolution of one ministry, the

practice of establishing caretaker government for organising general polls has been observed in all democratic countries. Caretaker government of 1990 In Bangladesh the demand for neutral caretaker government largely originated from a lack of general agreement among the competing parties to maintain legitimate means of changing government and uphold unbiased election system. During the pre-independence days, the elections of 1954 and 1970 were widely acclaimed as fair polls having significant impact on the people's movements which ultimately led to the emergence of sovereign Bangladesh in 1971. In the period since independence, there was, however, a gradual public alienation from the election process owing to alleged electoral malpractices. As such, election results were always a foregone conclusion rendering no positive effects on the political process. The crisis of people's confidence in the stage-managed election system reached its peak during the rule of General HUSSAIN M ERSHAD. Restoration of democracy through fair polls was ultimately transformed into a united anti-Ershad movement by the combined opposition parties with a forceful demand for a neutral caretaker government. Opposition formula for the formation of neutral caretaker government was categorically mentioned in the 1990 Joint Declaration of the Three (political) Party Alliances. The Declaration specified inter alia that the political alliances would participate in the elections only when conducted by a neutral non-partisan caretaker government; but before that Ershad government would have to be forced to resign and an interim caretaker government would be formed; thereafter, ELECTION COMMISSION would be reconstituted by the caretaker government to hold free and fair election. In the face of the anti-government public outburst and mass upsurge, General Ershad had to yield to the movement. As such the framework for the formation of caretaker government advanced when the Joint Declaration was translated into reality on 6 December 1990 through the handing over state power to the nominee of the combined opposition Justice SHAHABUDDIN AHMED, the CHIEF JUSTICE of Bangladesh. Earlier, the then Vice President Moudud Ahmed resigned and Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was installed as the Vice President. Then General Ershad stepped down from the presidency giving his charge to the Chief Justice emerging as the country's Acting President and head of the neutral caretaker government. Subsequently, 17 Advisers of the caretaker government were appointed. It may be mentioned that the neutral caretaker government of 1990 was constituted without any prior constitutional amendments. It was understandable that there was indeed a difficulty in convening the existing JATIYA SANGSAD owing to shortage of time. The caretaker government of Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, however, had the basis of support from the general people and parties and thus the legality of its activities was never questioned. All measures taken by the caretaker government were thus subsequently ratified in 1991 by the

popularly elected Fifth Jatiya Sangsad. Caretaker government, 1996 In 1990 the demand for caretaker government was raised by the mainstream opposition political parties with the immediate objective of removing Ershad government from power and restoring democracy through fair polls. Thus any future necessity for such caretaker administration during elections was not considered by the Joint Declaration of the opposition. Although there was a proposal from the left parties for conducting subsequent three elections under a caretaker government, this was not supported by the two major parties, AWAMI LEAGUE and BANGLADESH NATIONALIST PARTY (BNP). In 1991, the restoration of parliamentary system on the basis of consensus marked a positive development. But soon disagreements on major national issues, mutual intolerance and lack of trust among the competing parties confirmed that the issue of caretaker government became the central theme of Bangladesh politics only two years after the reintroduction of parliamentary democracy. The opposition through sustained boycott of the Sangsad and frequent hartals tried to force the ruling party to accept their demand. At the initial phase of their movement, opposition parties did not have unanimity with regard to the framework of the proposed caretaker government. This was visualised by three separate bills submitted by the JAMAAT-E-ISLAMI BANGLADESH, Awami League and JATIYA PARTY to the parliamentary secretariat in 1991, October 1993 and mid November 1993 respectively. The essence of these bills was more or less similar, but differed on selection of the head of the caretaker government. While Awami League was in favour of appointing the Chief Justice as the head of the interim government, Jatiya Party proposed for selecting a neutral person as the head of the caretaker government, and Jamaat-eIslami demanded for forming an advisory council headed by a neutral person to be appointed by the PRESIDENT. These bills, however, were not placed in the Jatiya Sangsad because of opposition boycott of the Sangsad and government's reluctance to consider the case. This made the three major opposition parties to come closer and materialise their caretaker demand through agitation and hartals. To press the ruling party, they went to the extent of submitting en masse resignation of 147 opposition parliamentarian on 28 December 1994. In the face of continuous agitation of the combined opposition, the Fifth Sangsad was dissolved and preparations were underway for forming the Sixth Sangsad to enact constitutional amendment for caretaker government. Having failed to convince the mainstream opposition, the ruling BNP moved unilaterally to legalise the caretaker government after the Sixth Jatiya Sangsad was constituted on 19 March 1996. Thus on 21 March 1996 the Thirteenth Amendment bill was raised in the Sangsad, and on 26 March 1996 it was passed by 268-0 vote. With the passage of Thirteenth Amendment, Articles 58(B) (C) (D) (E) were included in the CONSTITUTION which keep the following major provisions

regarding caretaker government: (a) after the dissolution of the parliament there will be an 11-member non-party caretaker government headed by the Chief Adviser; (b) the caretaker government will be collectively responsible to the President; (c) the Chief Adviser will be appointed by the head of the state while other ten Advisers will be selected as per advice of the Chief Adviser; (d) the Chief Adviser will hold the status of PRIME MINISTER while an Adviser will enjoy the status of a minister; (e) the non-party caretaker government will discharge its functions as an interim government and will carry on routine jobs, except in the case of necessity it will not make any policy decisions; (f) the caretaker government will assist the Election Commission to hold general polls impartially, fairly and peacefully; (g) this caretaker government will be dissolved on the date a new Prime Minister assumes his office. After formalising the measures for caretaker government and in the midst of massive opposition agitation, the controversial Sixth Jatiya Sangsad was dissolved on 30 March 1996. Subsequently a caretaker government was formed under the Thirteenth Amendment and the former Chief Justice, Justice MUHAMMAD HABIBUR RAHMAN, took over the charge as the Chief Adviser. Four days later on 3 April 1996, ten distinguished personalities were sworn in as the Advisers of the caretaker government. The caretaker government successfully discharged its duty of holding the free and fair seventh constitutional parliamentary election on 12 June 1996, and continued in office till 23 June 1996, when the newly elected Awami League led by SHEIKH HASINA formed the govrnment. Caretaker government of 2001 Following the provision for caretaker government through Thirteen Amendment of the Constitution the third caretaker government was formed on 15 July 2001 and the former Chief Justice, Justice Latifur Rahman, took over charge as the Chief Adviser. After two days, ten Advisers of the caretaker government were sworn in. The caretaker government discharged its prime duty of holding the eighth parliamentary election on 1 October 2001, and continued in office till 10 October 2001 when the new elected BNP government led by BEGUM KHALEDA ZIA assumed state power. The neutral caretaker governments of Bangladesh had been the products of intense opposition movement centering on the forceful demand for free and fair general polls. By legalizing caretaker government through Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution in 1996, Bangladesh has founded a unique example in the existing parliamentary systems. [Al Masud Hasanuzzaman]
Bibliography Al Masud Hasanuzzaman, Role of Opposition in Bangladesh Politics, University Press Limited, 1998; Mizanur Rahman Khan, Shangbidhan O Tattvabadhayak Sarkar Bitarka, Dhaka City Prakashani, 1995.

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nq; (6) ivcwZi c` I B cG`i cv^x mGK weGkl weavb Kiv nq; (7) msweavGb KwU bZzb (Kv`k) fvM mshy Kiv nq; es (8) msweavGb 73K I 116K AbyGQ` `ywU mshy Kiv nq| cg msGkvabx AvBb B msweavb AvBb RvZxq msmG` AbyGgvw`Z nq 1979 mvGji 6 wcj| B AvBb viv msweavGbi PZz^ ZdwmGji msGkvab Kiv nq es ZvGZ 18 cvivMvd bvGg KwU bZzb cvivMvd hy Kiv nq| GZ ejv nq h, 1975 mvGji 15 AvM ZvwiLmn IB w`b ^GK 1979 mvGji 9 wcj ZvwiL ch (H w`bmn) mvgwiK AvBb KZcGi h KvGbv NvlYv ev AvG`k eGj mvw`Z msweavGbi mKj msGkvabx, mshyw, cwieZb, cwZvcb I wejyw eafvGe mvw`Z eGj weGewPZ nGe es KvGbv KviGYB KvGbv Av`vjZ ev UvBeybvGj mGei evcvGi KvGbv ck Zvjv hvGe bv| l msGkvabx AvBb 1981 mvGji msweavGbi 51 I 66 AbyGQ` msGkvaGbi jG RvZxq msm` KZK B AvBb KvhKi nq| mg msGkvabx AvBb 1986 mvGji 11 bGfi B AvBb cvm nq| B AvBb viv msweavGbi 86 AbyGQ` msGkvab Kiv nq; i viv msweavGbi PZz^ ZdwmGji msGkvab Kiv nq es ZvGZ 19 cvivMvd bvGg KwU bZzb cvivMvd mshy Kiv nq| GZ ejv nq h, 1982 mvGji 24 gvP ZvwiLmn H w`b ^GK 1986 mvGji 11 bGfi ch (H w`bmn) mgqKvGji gGa MnxZ mKj NvlYv, NvlYv AvG`k, cavb mvgwiK AvBb ckvmGKi AvG`k, mvgwiK AvBb weavbvejx, mvgwiK AvBb AvG`kmgn, mvgwiK AvBb wbG`kbvmgn, AavG`kmgn es Abvb AvBb eafvGe mvw`Z eGj weGewPZ nGe es KvGbv KviGY mGei weiG KvGbv Av`vjZ, UvBeybvj ev KvGbv KZcGi KvGQ KvGbv ck Zvjv hvGe bv| Ag msGkvax AvBb 1988 mvGji 7 Ryb B msGkvabx AvBb cvm nq| i viv msweavGbi 2, 3, 5, 30 I 100 AbyGQ` msGkvab Kiv nq| B msGkvabx AvBbeGj (1) Bmjvg ivag wnGmGe NvwlZ nq; (2) XvKvi evBGi nvBGKvU wefvGMi QqwU vqx e vcGbi ga w`Gq wePvi wefvGMi weGK`xKiY Kiv nq; (3) msweavGbi 5 AbyGQG` Bengali kwU cwieZb KGi Bangla Kiv nq es Dacca cwieZb KGi Dhaka Kiv nq; (4) msweavGbi 30 AbyGQ` msGkvab KGi evsjvG`Gki

ivcwZi cevbygwZ Qvov G`Gki KvGbv bvMwiK KZK KvGbv weG`kx ivGi c` KvGbv LZve, mvbbv, cyivi ev Awfav MnY wbwl Kiv nq| DGL Kiv hGZ cvGi h, cieZx mgGq mycxg KvU msweavGbi 100 AbyGQG`i msGkvabxGK AmvsweavwbK NvlYv KGi, KviY Zvi viv msweavGbi gwjK KvVvGgv cwiewZZ nGqGQ| beg msGkvabx AvBb msweavb AvBb, 1989 (beg msGkvabx) cvm nq 1989 mvGji RyjvB gvGm| B msGkvabx viv ivGi Dc-ivcwZ cG` cZ wbevPGbi weavb Kiv nq; ivcwZi cG` KB ewi `vwqZ cvjb ci ci `yB gqvG`i gGa mxgve Kiv nq (cwZ gqv`Kvj 5 eQi)| B msGkvabxGZ AviI ejv nq h, kbZv mw nGj KRb DcivcwZ wbGqvM Kiv hGZ cvGi, ZGe mB wbGqvGMi cG RvZxq msmG`i AbyGgv`b AvekK nGe| `kg msGkvabx AvBb 1990 mvGji 12 Ryb `kg msGkvabx AvBb KvhKi nq| i viv, AbvGbi gGa, msweavGbi 65 AbyGQ` msGkvab KGi cieZx 10 eQGii Rb RvZxq msmG` bvixG`i Rb 30wU Avmb msiGYi weavb Kiv nq, hme AvmGb bvixiv wbevwPZ nGeb msm` m`mG`i fvGU| Kv`k msGkvabx AvBb B AvBb cvm nq 1991 mvGji 6 AvM| B AvBbeGj msweavGbi PZz^ Zdwmj msGkvab Kiv nq es ZvGZ 21 bs bZzb cvivMvd mshy Kiv nq; B cvivMvd evsjvG`Gki Dc-ivcwZ cG` cavb wePvicwZ mvnveyxb AvngG`i wbGqvM I kc^ MnY es 1990 mvGji 6 wWGmi Zuvi wbKU ivcwZ BP.g ikvG`i c`ZvM c ck, es wbevwPZ ivcwZ Avyi ingvb wekvm KZK 1991 mvGji 9 AGvei ivcwZ cG` `vwqZ MnYGK eaZv `vb KGi| B msGkvabx AvBb 1990 mvGji 6 wWGmi ^GK 1991 mvGji 9 AGvei mgqKvGji gGa Avqx ivcwZ wnGmGe Dc-ivcwZ KZK cGqvMKZ mKj gZv, cewZZ mKj AvBb I AavG`k, RvwiKZ mKj AvG`k I AvBb es MnxZ mKj c`Gc I KvhcYvjxGK AbyGgv`b `q, wbwZ KGi I eaZv `q| B AvBb Avqx ivcwZi `vwqZ cvjb kGl wePvicwZ mvnveyxb AvngG`i ceeZx c`, A^vr evsjvG`Gki cavb wePvicwZi cG` cZveZbGK me KGi I evcvGi wbqZv `q| v`k msGkvabx AvBb evsjvG`Gki mvsweavwbK weKvGki BwZnvGm mevwaK iZcY gvBjdjK wnGmGe LvZ B

msGkvabx AvBb cvm nq 1991 mvGji 6 AvM| i viv msweavGbi 48, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 70, 72. 109, 119, 124, 141K es 142 AbyGQ` msGkvab Kiv nq| B msGkvabxi gvaGg evsjvG`Gk msm`xq miKvi cwZi cybtceZb NGU; ivcwZ ivGi mvsweavwbK cavb nb; cavbgx nb ivGi cavb wbevnx; cavbgxi bZGZ gwcwil` RvZxq msmG`i KvGQ `vqe nq; Dc-ivcwZi c` wejy Kiv nq, RvZxq msmG`i m`mG`i fvGU ivcwZ wbevPGbi weavb Kiv nq| ZvQvov, msweavGbi 59 AbyGQG`i gvaGg B AvBGb vbxq miKvi KvVvGgvGZ RbcwZwbwaG`i AskMnY wbwZ Kiv nq, hv `Gk MYZGi wfw my`p KGi| Gqv`k msGkvabx AvBb msweavb AvBb, 1996 (Gqv`k msGkvabx) cvm nq 1996 mvGji 26 gvP| i viv KwU wb`jxq ZveavqK miKvi eevi weavb Kiv nq, hv KwU AeZxKvjxb ckvmb wnGmGe KvR KiGe es myz, Aeva I wbiGcfvGe RvZxq msmG`i wbevPb AbyvGb wbevPb KwgkbGK meGZvfvGe mvnvh-mnGhvwMZv KiGe| KRb cavb DcG`v I Aba 10 Rb DcG`vi mgGq MwVZe ZveavqK miKvi mgwMZfvGe ivcwZi wbKU `vqe ^vKGe es bZzb msm` MVGbi ci bZzb miKvGii cavbgx `vwqZ MnGYi ZvwiGL wejy nGe| [gvRDxb Avng`]

Constitutional Amendments The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh has been amended several times. The following is a brief account of these acts and orders. First Amendment Act The Constitution (First Amendment) Act 1973 was passed on 15 July 1973. It amended Article 47 of the constitution by inserting an additional clause which allowed prosecution and punishment of any person accused of 'genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes and other crimes under international law'. After Article 47 it inserted a new Article 47A specifying inapplicability of certain fundamental rights in those cases. Second Amendment Act The Constitution (Second Amendment) Act 1973 was passed on 22 September 1973. This act resulted in the (i) amendment of Articles 26, 63, 72 and 142 of the constitution; (ii) substitution of Article 33 and (iii) the insertion of a new part ie IXA in the constitution. Provisions were made through this amendment for the suspension of some fundamental rights of citizens in an emergency. Third Amendment Act The Constitution (Third Amendment) Act 1974 was enacted on 28 November 1974 by bringing in changes in Article 2 of the

constitution with a view to giving effect to an agreement between Bangladesh and India in respect of exchange of certain enclaves and fixation of boundary lines between India and Bangladesh . Fourth Amendment Act The Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act 1975 was passed on 25 January 1975. Major changes were brought into the constitution by this amendment. The presidential form of government was introduced in place of the parliamentary system; a one-party system in place of a multi-party system was introduced; the powers of the JATIYA SANGSAD were curtailed; the Judiciary lost much of its independence; the SUPREME COURT was deprived of its jurisdiction over the protection and enforcement of fundamental rights. This Act (i) amended articles 11, 66, 67, 72, 74, 76, 80, 88, 95, 98, 109, 116, 117, 119, 122, 123, 141A, 147 and 148 of the constitution; (ii) substituted Articles 44, 70, 102, 115 and 124 of the constitution; (iii) amended part III of the constitution out of existence; (iv) altered the Third and Fourth Schedule; (v) extended the term of the first Jatiya Sangsad; (vi) made special provisions relating to the office of the president and its incumbent; (vii) inserted a new part, ie part VIA in the constitution and (viii) inserted articles 73A and 116A in the constitution. Fifth Amendment Act This Amendment Act was passed by the Jatiya Sangsad on 6 April 1979. This Act amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by adding a new paragraph 18 thereto, which provided that all amendments, additions, modifications, substitutions and omissions made in the constitution during the period between 15 August 1975 and 9 April 1979 (both days inclusive) by any Proclamation or Proclamation Order of the Martial Law Authorities had been validly made and would not be called in question in or before any court or tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever. Sixth Amendment Act The Sixth Amendment Act was enacted by the Jatiya Sangsad with a view to amending Articles 51 and 66 of the 1981 constitution. Seventh Amendment Act This Act was passed on 11 November 1986. It amended Article 96 of the constitution; it also amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by inserting a new paragraph 19 thereto, providing among others that all proclamations, proclamation orders, Chief Martial Law Administrator's Orders, Martial Law Regulations, Martial Law Orders, Martial Law Instructions, ordinances and other laws made during the period between 24 March 1982 and 11 November 1986 (both days inclusive) had been validly made and would not be called in question in or before any court or tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever. Eighth Amendment Act This Amendment Act was passed on 7 June 1988. It amended Articles 2, 3, 5, 30 and 100 of the constitution. This Amendment Act (i) declared ISLAM as the state religion; (ii) decentralised the judiciary by setting up six permanent benches of the High Court Division outside Dhaka; (iii) amended the word 'Bengali' into 'Bangla' and 'Dacca' into 'Dhaka' in Article 5 of the

constitution; (iv) amended Article 30 of the constitution by prohibiting acceptance of any title, honours, award or decoration from any foreign state by any citizen of Bangladesh without the prior approval of the president. It may be noted here that the Supreme Court subsequently declared the amendment of Article 100 unconstitutional since it had altered the basic structure of the constitution. Ninth Amendment Act The Constitution (Ninth Amendment) Act 1989 was passed in July 1989. This amendment provided for the direct election of the vicepresident; it restricted a person in holding the office of the PRESIDENT for two consecutive terms of five years each; it also provided that a vice-president might be appointed in case of a vacancy, but the appointment must be approved by the Jatiya Sangsad. Tenth Amendment Act The Tenth Amendment Act was enacted on 12 June 1990. It amended, among others, Article 65 of the constitution, providing for reservation of thirty seats for the next 10 years in the Jatiya Sangsad exclusively for women members, to be elected by the members of the Sangsad. Eleventh Amendment Act This Act was passed on 6 August 1991. It amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by adding a new paragraph 21 thereto which legalised the appointment and oath of SHAHABUDDIN AHMED, Chief Justice of Bangladesh, as the vice-president of the Republic and the resignation tendered to him on 6 December 1990 by the then President HUSSAIN M ERSHAD. This Act ratified, confirmed and validated all powers exercised, all laws and ordinances promulgated, all orders made and acts and things done, and actions and proceedings taken by the vice-president as acting president during the period between 6 December 1990 and the day (9 October 1991) of taking over the office of the president by the new President ABDUR RAHMAN BISWAS, duly elected under the amended provisions of the constitution. The Act also confirmed and made possible the return of vice-president Shahabuddin Ahmed to his previous position of the Chief Justice of Bangladesh. Twelfth Amendment Act This Amendment Act, known as the most important landmark in the history of constitutional development in Bangladesh, was passed on 6 August 1991. It amended Articles 48, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 70, 72, 109, 119, 124, 141A and 142. Through this amendment the parliamentary form of government was re-introduced in Bangladesh; the president became the constitutional head of the state; the PRIME MINISTER became the executive head; the cabinet headed by the prime minister became responsible to the Jatiya Sangsad; the post of the vice-president was abolished; the president was required to be elected by the members of the Jatiya Sangsad. Moreover, through Article 59 of the constitution this act ensured the participation of the people's representatives in local government bodies, thus stabilising the base of democracy in the country.

Thirteenth Amendment Act The Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act 1996 was passed on 26 March 1996. It provided for a non-party CARETAKER GOVERNMENT which, acting as an interim government, would give all possible aid and assistance to the Election Commission for holding the general election of members of the Jatiya Sangsad peacefully, fairly and impartially. The non-party caretaker government, comprising the Chief Adviser and not more than 10 other advisers, would be collectively responsible to the president and would stand dissolved on the date on which the prime minister entered upon his office after the constitution of the new Sangsad. [Emajuddin Ahamed]

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cvwKvGbi `yB AsGki gaKvi elg es ce evsjvq cwg cvwKvGbi AfixY JcwbGewkK kvmGbi AemvGbi jG AvIqvgx jxM NvwlZ KgmwP| ZvmL` Pzwi gvaGg 1965 mvGji cvK-fviZ hyGi AemvGbi ci ce cvwKvGbi wbivcvi evcvGi K`xq miKvGii Pig AeGnjv I J`vmxGbi weiG AvIqvgx jxM cavb kL gywReyi ingvb mvPvi nb| w`GK cwg cvwKvGbi weGivax`jxq bZviv ZvmL`-Di ivRbxwZi MwZaviv wbicGYi DGGk 1966 mvGji 6 deqvwi jvGnvGi K RvZxq mGjb Avnvb KGib| AvIqvgx jxGMi kxlvbxq bZvG`i wbGq eez kL gywReyi ingvb mGjGb hvM`vGbi Rb 4 deqvwi jvGnvi cuGQb| ciw`b mveGR KwgwUi mfvq wZwb ce cvwKvGbi RbMGYi `vwe wnGmGe Qq`dv cve ck KGib es Zv mGjGbi AvGjvPmwPi Afz Kivi `vwe Rvbvb| wK mGjGbi DG`vviv cve cZvLvb KGib es ciw`b cwg cvwKvwb ccwKvq Qq`dvi weeiY QvwcGq kL gywReGK wewQZvev`xiGc wPwZ Kiv nq| dGj kL gywRe 6 deqvwii mGjb eRb KGib| 1966 mvGji 21 deqvwi AvIqvgx jxGMi IqvwKs KwgwUi mfvq Qq`dv cve es `vwe Av`vGqi jG AvG`vjGbi KgmwP MnxZ nq| ici 18 gvP AvIqvgx jxGMi KvDwj AwaGekGb kL gywReyi ingvGbi bvGg AvgvG`i euvPvi `vwe: 6-`dv KgmwP kxlK KwU cywKv cPvi Kiv nq| Qq `dvq weaZ `vwemgn wbic: 1. jvGnvi cvGei wfwGZ msweavb iPbv KGi

cvwKvbGK KwU dWvGikGb cwiYZ KiGZ nGe, hLvGb msm`xq cwZi miKvi ^vKGe es cveq bvMwiKG`i fvGU wbevwPZ msm` I ivRcwil`mgn mveGfg nGe; 2. dWvGij miKvGii nvGZ ^vKGe ay `ywU welq, cwZiv I eG`wkK mK; 3. ce I cwg cvwKvGbi Rb `ywU c^K A^P mnGR wewbgqGhvM gy`v Pvjy KiGZ nGe| gy`veev AvwjK miKvGii wbqGY ^vKGe, es `yB AGji Rb `ywU Avjv`v U ev ^vKGe; A^ev mgM cvwKvGbi Rb dWvGij miKvGii wbqYvaxb KwUB gy`veev ^vKGe, KwU dWvGij wiRvf ev I `ywU AvwjK wiRvf ev ^vKGe| ZGe GG ce cvwKvb ^GK cyuwR hvGZ cwg cvwKvGb cvPvi nGZ bv cvGi Zvi eev mwjZ mywbw` wewa msweavGb mwwe KiGZ nGe; 4. meaiGbi Ki I ky avh I Av`vq Kivi gZv ^vKGe AvwjK miKvGii nvGZ| ZGe ivGRi Av`vqKZ AG^ KG`i wbw` Ask ^vKGe es Av`vGqi mG mGB m Ask dWvGij ZnweGj Rgv nGe| AG^B dWvGij miKvi PjGe; 5. `yB AGji eG`wkK gy`v AvGqi c^K wnmve ^vKGe es AwRZ eG`wkK gy`v ivGRi nvGZ ^vKGe| ZGe dWvGij miKvGii Rb cGqvRbxq eG`wkK gy`v `yB Aj ^GK mgvbfvGe wKsev DfGqi xKZ Ab Kvb nvGi Av`vq Kiv nGe; 6. cwZivq ce cvwKvbGK vejx Kivi jG AvavmvgwiK ixevwnbx MVb, ce cvwKvGb A KviLvbv vcb es K`xq bevwnbxi m`i `dZi ce cvwKvGb vcb KiGZ nGe| cwg cvwKvGbi weGivax `jxq bZviv gywReyi ingvGbi Qq`dv KgmwPGK cvwKvGbi ALZv web Kivi c`Gc wnGmGe wPwnZ KGi Zuvi cve cZvLvb KGib| AvBqye miKvi ZuvGK MdZvi KGi es AvMiZjv loh gvgjvq Awfhy KGi weGkl UvBeybvGj Zuvi wePvi i KGi| B gvgjvi weiG mviv ce cvwKvGb weGvf i nq es 1969 mvGji c^g w`GK B weGvf MYAfzvGbi ic cwiMn KGi| MY`vwei gyGL miKvi 1969 mvGji 22 deqvwi kL gywReyi ingvbGK wbtkZ gyw`vGb eva nq| AvIqvgx jxM 1970 mvGji mvaviY wbevPGb Qq`dv KgmwPi cG MYivGqi Rb wbevPbx cPviYv Pvjvq| B wbevPGb kL gywRe Qq`dvi cG ce cvwKvGbi RbMGYi wbizk mg^b jvf KGib| wK RyjwdKvi Avjx fzGv kL gywReyi

ingvGbi mG ivRbwZK gxgvsmvi cGe 1971 mvGji 3 gvP AbyGq RvZxq cwilG`i AwaGekGb hvM`vGb AmwZ Rvbvb| kL gywReyi ingvb `jxq bZe` mn cwmGW Bqvwnqv Lvb I RyjwdKvi Avjx fzGvi mG 15 gvP (1971) ^GK `xN AvGjvPbvq eGmb| wK AvGjvPbv djcmy nq wb| 1971 mvGji 25 gvP ce cvwKvGb cvKevwnbxi wbwePvi nZvhGi dGj Kw`GK Qq`dv KgmwPi cwimgvw NGU es bq gvm gywhyGi ci cwg cvwKvb wef nGq Afz`q NGU vaxb mveGfg evsjvG`Gki| [AvkdvK nvGmb] Six-point Programme a charter of demands enunciated by the AWAMI LEAGUE for removing disparity between the two wings of Pakistan and bring to an end the internal colonial rule of West Pakistan in East Bengal. The Indo-Pak War of 1965 ended with the execution of Taskent Treaty. To the old grievances of economic disparity added the complain of negligence and indifference of central government towards the defence of East Pakistan. Bangabandhu SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN was vocal on this issue. The leaders of the opposition parties of West Pakistan convened a national convention at Lahore on 6 February 1966 with a view to ascertain the post-Taskent political trend. Bangabandhu reached Lahore on 4 February along with the top leaders of Awami League, and the day following he placed the Six-point Charter of demand before the subject committee as the demands of the people of East Pakistan. He created pressure to include his proposal in the agenda of the conference. They rejected the proposal of Bangabandhu. On the following day the newspapers of West Pakistan published reports on the Six-point programme, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was projected as a separatist. Consequently Sheikh Mujib abandoned the conference. The Six-point programme along with a proposal of movement for the realisation of the demands was placed before the meeting of the working committee of Awami League on 21 February 1966, and the proposal was carried out unanimously. A booklet on the Sixpoint Programme with introduction from Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib and Tajuddin Ahmad was published. Another booklet entitled 'Amader Banchar Dabi : 6-dafa Karmasuchi' (Our demands for existence : 6-points Programme) was published in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and was distributed in the council meeting of Awami League held on 18 March 1966. Six points 1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the

parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise. 2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects : Defence and Foreign Affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states. 3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced ; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan. 4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures. 5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings ; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries. 6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary force. The opposition leaders of West Pakistan looked at Mujib's Sixpoint Programme as a device to disband Pakistan, and hence they outright rejected his proposal. The Ayub government arrested him and put him on trial what is known as AGARTALA CONSPIRACY CASE. The case led to widespread agitation in East Pakistan culminating in the mass uprising of early 1969. Under public pressure, government was forced to release him unconditionally on 22 February 1969. The Awami League sought public mandate in favour of the six point programme in the general elections of 1970 in which Mujib received the absolute mandate from the people of East Pakistan in favour of his six point. But Zulfiqar Ali Bhuttu refused to join the session of the National Assembly scheduled to be held on 3 March 1971 unless a settlement was reached between the two leaders beforehand. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party sat in a

protracted dialogue from 15 March 1971. The dialogue failed to produce any positive result. The army crackdown of 25 March sealed the fate of the six point including the fate of Pakistan. [Ashfaq Hossain] 2222222222222222222222222

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c`ZvM KwiGqGQ, ekvevwo ZzGj w`GqGQ, g` MuvRvi `vKvb fG w`GqGQ, Pvi-WvKvZG`i kvGqv KGiGQ| Qvov knivGj gZv AceenviKvix miKvwi KgKZvG`i weiG weGvGfi cKvk kvixwiKfvGe AvgY ev bw^cvw` ZQbQ I AwdGm AwmsGhvGMi gvaGg NGUGQ, wb I ga AvGqi ckvRxexiv ZvG`i `xNw`Gbi AcY `vwe`vIqv Dvcb KGiGQb es ivRcG^ bGg wgwQGj DPwKZ nGqGQb, nvRvi nvRvi kwgK ZvG`i bbZg AwaKvi Av`vq Kivi jG NivI AvG`vjbGK KvhKix nvwZqvi wnGmGe eenvi KGiGQb| gZvevq kL gywReyi ingvb ew``kv ^GK gyw cGq AvBqye Lvb AvZ MvjGUwej eVGK hvM`vGbi K^v NvlYv KGib es kvw eRvq ivLvi Avnvb Rvbvb| Abw`GK gIjvbv fvmvbx MvjGUwej eVKGK cZvLvb KGib es EbmGii MYRvMiYGK wZwb, xq `kb Abyhvqx RvGjg I gRjygi gGaKvi msNvZ wnGmGe ic `Iqvi Pv KGi Prophet of Violence wnGmGe cwiwPwZ cvb| MYAfzvGbi RvqvGii gyGL wUKGZ bv cGi klvewa 25 gvP cvwKvGbi jn gvbe cwmGW AvBqye Lvb, mbvevwnbx cavb RbvGij Bqvwnqv LvGbi KvGQ gZv nvi KGib| mviv `Gk bZzb KGi Rvwi nq mvgwiK kvmb, ZGe cveqGi fvUvwaKvGii wfwGZ RbMGYi cwZwbwa wbevPb es wkNB `Gk cvjvGgvwi eev Pvjy Kivi `vwe xKZ nq| MYAfzvGb AskMnGYi dGj Avgjv, cywjk I wgwjUvwi mGK RbmvaviGYi gGa AvGM h fxwZ wQj Zv ejvsGk nvm cvq, ZvG`i ghv`v I iZ RbGPZbvq nvm cvq| Qvov Mvg I knivGj kYx PZbvi DGl es kYx msMvGgi AvswkK weKvk mvwaZ nq| cvkvcvwk EbmGii MYAfzvGbi ga w`Gq ce evsjvi RbMGYi gGa Avjv`v iv MVGbi AvKvOv ew cvq| evOvwj RvZxqZvev` KvGii vaxbZv msMvGg cw^KGZi fwgKv cvjb Kivi gGZv cwicy nGq IGV| [gmevn Kvgvj es AvwidvZzj wKewiqv] Mcw Tariq Ali, Pakistan : Military Rule or Peoples Power, London & New York, 1970; gmevn Kvgvj, Avmv` I EbmGii MYAfzvb, XvKv, 1986; jwbb AvRv`, EbmGii MYAfzvb : iv mgvR ivRbxwZ, XvKv, 1997| Mass Upsurge, 1969 started with the student unrest of 1968 against the tyrannical rule of AYUB KHAN, President of Pakistan. The movement soon engulfed the whole of the then East Pakistan peasants, artisans, workers joined the movement almost en masse. Due to continuous exaction of undue demands

the labouring class of the industrial belts and low and medium income groups soon turned the movement into a struggle for economic emancipation. The racial repression and the deprivation of the Bengalis within the frame work of Pakistan and, to the contrary, starting from the LANGUAGE MOVEMENT the feeling of separate identity together with struggle for autonomy had direct influence on the mass upsurge of 1969. Indeed, this mass upsurge was the greatest mass awakening ever since the creation of Pakistan. The student agitation of sixty eight turned into a mass upsurge when Maulana ABDUL HAMID KHAN BHASANI asked his followers to besiege Governors House and formulated and declared his other programmes. As a part of joint programmes the National Awami Party (NAP) of Maulana Bhasani, East Pakistan Workers' Federation of Toaha and East Pakistan Peasants' Association Led by Abdul Huq arranged a public meeting at Paltan Maidan to observe the Repression Resistance Day on 6 December 1968. After the meeting was over, a huge procession 'gheraoed' the Governor's House. The Maulana declared a HARTAL the next day following the clash between the people and the police. On the call of the main opposition parties namely two factions of NAP (Bhasani and Muzaffar), AWAMI LEAGUE, People's Party, Nezam-i-Islam, Jama't-i-Islam etc a hartal was observed throughout East Pakistan on 8 December. Repression Resistance Day was Very successfully observed throughout the province on 10 December at the call of Awami League (pro-six point). On the 14th the gherao programme was declared by the NAP (Bhasani). Accordingly the programme was launched with the gherao of the bungalow of the DC of Pabna on the 29 December 1968. On the 4 January 1969 leaders of the East Pakistan Students Union (Menon Group), East Pakistan Students League, East Pakistan Students' Union (Matia Gr.) and a section of the National Students' Federation formed the Students' Action Committee (SAC) and declared their 11-point Programme. The 11 Points included the Six Points of Awami League as declared by SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN including provincial autonomy, the demands centring round students' own demands as well as the demands relating to the problems of the workers. As a matter of fact the step the student leaders took through the 11-Point programme was timely and appropriate. On the basis of these points the important opposition parties could be united on a minimum point of agreement to continue with the movement against Ayub regime. Moreover the demand for Sheikh Mujib's release and withdrawal of the AGARTALA CONSPIRACY CASE began to get the utmost priority. Together with the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) the student leaders of SAC holding different positions throughout East Bengal played a very important role in the 1969 mass upsurge. Immediately after the 11-point programme had been launched on 8 January 1969 eight political parties, including Awami League and NAP (Muzaffar) formed the democratic Action Committee (DAC). They demanded Federal form of government, election on the basis of universal adult franchise, immediate

withdrawal of emergency and release of all political detainees including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Khan Abdul Wali Khan and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. They took the decision to invigorate the movement to achieve their goal. But some rightist parties in the DAC refused to support the 11-point programme of the SAC. In spite of that the movement gradually got momentum and the spirit of 11 points reached every nook and corner of the province. Even a portion of the progovernment student front NSF came forward with their 22-point programme and began openly to oppose the government. To voice the protest against government repression the students arranged a meeting at the Dhaka University Battala and resolved to bring out a procession. In the procession police opened fire and ASAD, a leader of the Students Union (Menon), was killed. This death stirred the entire nation and the movement spread to all directions. The movement took the shape of a national upsurge as a consequence of the killing of a student of the highest seat of learning in the country. The situation of Dhaka went beyond control of the police when Matiur, a student of class IX, died of police firing on 24 January and Rustam was stabbed to death. Army was deployed in the city and curfew was imposed for an indefinite period. Indiscriminate firing of the army and the EPR caused death to a woman while sucking her baby. The incidence caused widespread repercussions in the sociopolitical arena. Sergeant Zahrul Huq, an under-trial prisoner in the Agartala Conspiracy Case, died of bullet injury in the Dhaka Cantonment on 15 February 1969. The death of an under-trial prisoner was so provocative that Maulana Bhasani declared from a public meeting held that very evening that there will be no payment of taxes if the 11-point demands were not fulfilled and all political prisoners were not released within two months. He further declared, if necessary, Sheikh Mujib would be forcibly taken out of jail repeating what happened at the falling of the Bastille during the French Revolution. After the meeting people began to set on fire the houses of the ministers. On 18 February 1969 Dr MOHAMMAD SHAMSUZZOHA, Proctor of the Rajshahi University, was bayoneted to death. The news spread like wild fire throughout the country. Thousands of people thronged the Dhaka streets and highways ignoring curfew. The twenty-first February of nineteen hundred and sixty-nine imbued the people with a new spirit of opposing tyranny. This year a large number of collections came out on the occasion of the SHAHEED DAY. In a seminar arranged at the Teacher Student Centre and presided over by Professor Abdul Hye it was resolved that the movement for language based nationality would continue. Amidst strong popular demand Ayub had to give way and declare that he would not contest the next Presidential Election. The same day Sheikh Mujib and the other accused in the Agartala Conspiracy Case and 34 political detainees including MONI SINGH, Nagen Sarkar and Rabi Neogi were released. In this struggle for democracy and endeavour to get rid of tyranny the toiling

masses of the rural areas did not stop at merely chanting slogans against oppressive government but also raised their voice against the oppressing class or its representatives. The situation took such a dimension that in many cases peasants, with the assistance of students or at least hoping that they would get their support killed cattle lifters, burnt them or set their houses on fire, crippled the thieves and robbers and sometimes even killed them. In several places the students with the assistance of peasants put on trial the local tax-collectors, the subordinate police and their officers, circle officers and moved them around market places garlanding them with shoes. Students exacted from them the amount they had taken as bribes, sometimes they were fined. Students forced chairmen and members of union councils to resign, removed brothels and wiped out liqueur shops. In the urban areas corrupt officials were bodily manhandled, their record books ransacked and sometimes even set on fire. Low-income groups and mid-level employees chanted for their long cherished but unfulfilled demands and joined the processions in the highways, thousands of workers used the gherao movement as the fruitful means of achieving their demands. In these circumstances Sheikh Mujib came out of jail and declared his intention to join the Round Table Conference (RTC) summoned by Ayub. He asked the people to maintain peace and order. Maulana Bhasani, on the other hand, refused to join the RTC and was dubbed as the 'Prophet of Violence' when he, as per his usual thoughts and principles, declared the 1969 upsurge as the straggle between the oppressor and the oppressed. In the long run the strongman of Pakistan, General Ayub Khan, had to hand over power to General Yahya Khan, Chief of Pakistan Army. Martial Law was re-imposed, but simultaneously it was agreed that peoples representatives would be elected soon on the basis of universal adult franchise and parliamentary democracy introduced. Fear of police and civil and military bureaucrats minimised to a very great extent from the minds of the people and in the estimation of the people the bureaucrats lost much of their image and importance especially in the rural areas. Moreover, class consciousness grew and advanced a step forward. The demand for a separate state became stronger than ever before among the people of Eastern Bengal. Bengali nationalism became sufficiently strong to sustain during the WAR OF LIBERATION in 1971. [Mesbah Kamal and Arifatul Kibria]
Bibliography Tariq Ali, Pakistan : Military Rule or People's Power?, London & New York, 1970; Mesbah Kamal, Asad O Unasatturer Ganaabhyuthan (in Bangla), Dhaka 1986; Lenin Azad, Unasatturer Ganaabhyuthan : Rastra Samaj Rajniti (in Bangla), Dhaka, 1997. 333333333333333333333333333333333333333333333333333333

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United Front (1954) an alliance of opposition parties to contest seats in the elections to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly held between 8-12 March 1954. The result was a comprehensive victory for the alliance or front composed mainly of four parties of East Bengal, namely AWAMI LEAGUE, Krishak Sramik Party, Nizam-e-Islam and Ganatantri Dal. The Front campaigned on an election manifesto that incorporated a package of TWENTY ONE POINT PROGRAMME adopted by the Front in November 1953. In addition to full regional autonomy, the manifesto demanded that the central government should delegate to the eastern province all subjects except defence, foreign affairs and currency. It also called for recognition of Bangla as a state language, release of political prisoners, transformation of the then official residence (Burdwan House) of East Bengal's chief minister into Bangla Academy, construction of SHAHEED MINAR at the site of the police firing in 1952; declaration of 21 February as a public holiday, more autonomy for Dhaka and Rajshahi universities, introduction of economic and social rights for industrial workers in keeping with the principles of ILO, nationalisation of jute, guarantee of fair prices for commodities, and public support for cooperatives and cottage industries. During the early period of Pakistan, economic disparity, poor representation of Bangalis in government, and politico-cultural repression pursued by the ruling elite of Pakistan accentuated political problems in East Bengal. Most important, the deprivation of Banglis from due participation in the decision-making process gave rise to the politics of regionalism in East Bengal. The resultant development was that the political forces of East Bengal were gradually pushed to launch new political platforms and organise movements against the central government based in the western part of the country. The general elections to the East Bengal legislative assembly due in 1951 could not be held until 1954. Several postponements of the elections under various pretexts only proved malicious motives, organisational weaknesses and vulnerability of the ruling party, MUSLIM LEAGUE. In fact, the United Front reflective of all shades of political spectrum in the province emerged mainly due to the failure of the Muslim League as a ruling party, and other historical, political and economic reasons. The decision to form a united front was initially endorsed on 14 November 1953 at the historic council session of the Awami League held at Mymensingh. Subsequently, the Front for a while dominated the political landscape of East Bengal and had its usefulness as an effective political platform to unite diverse political groups. The United Front won 223 seats out of 309 Muslim seats in the assembly, whereas the ruling Muslim League managed to capture only 9 seats, and all five members of the Muslim League Ministry including the chief minister (Nurul Amin), were defeated. As many as 1,285 candidates contested in the election held on the basis of adult franchise. In all 986 candidates contested for 228

Muslim seats, 101 candidates for 30 general seats and 151 candidates for 36 scheduled caste seats. The Pakistan National Congress, the United Progressive Party and the Schedule Caste Federation were the main contenders for the nonMuslim seats, 37 candidates contested for 9 seats reserved for Muslim women. The United Front candidates captured all the seats reserved for the women. For Muslim constituencies, the turnout of voters was 37.60 percent. Although low by contemporary international standards, the turnout seemed considerable in view of the inadequate communication facilities, and the poor turnout of the women voters because of the prevailing conservative outlook in the society. For some reasons, communists did not campaign under their own party banner but preferred to contest as nominees of the United Front; 15 seats were won by them. The resultant development after the election was that the United Front leader, AK FAZLUL HUQ, was invited on 3 April 1954 by the provincial governor to form the government. Importantly, however, the election result did signal the end of the dominance of the national elite in the politics of East Bengal; landowners had given away to a younger generation of professional university-trained elite, comprising lawyers, journalists, teachers and businessmen. A vast majority of the elected members were new, relatively young and inexperienced in government and politics. Out of the 223 members elected under the United Front banner, 130 belonged to the Awami League.
The architects of the United Front victory in East Bengal were the triumvirate, A K Fazlul Huq, HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY, and Maulana ABDUL HAMID KHAN BHASANI, and it was most likely that the charisma of each of them influenced voters much. However, within a year or so after the election, the United Front disintegrated because of clashes of personalities, intra-alliance disagreements and dissension, and divergent party programmes. [Kamal Uddin Ahmed]

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DcKjxq AGji wZM jvKG`i vY I cybevmGb AvZwbGqvM KGib| NywYSGo wZMG`i cwZ K`xq miKvGii AeGnjvi KviGY gIjvbv cKvGk ce cvwKvGbi vaxbZv `vwe KGib| 1971 mvGj gywhy i nGj gIjvbv fvmvbx fviGZ PGj hvb; wK vaxbZv hyGi cvq cY mgq ZvGK w`wGZ AvUK ivLv nq| 1972 mvGji 22 Rvbyqvwi XvKvq wdGi wZwb mec^g h `vwewU ZvGjb Zv nGjv evsjvG`k fL ^GK fviZxq mbvevwnbxi AcmviY| H eQi 25 deqvwi wZwb nKK^v bvGg KwU mvvwnK cwKvi cKvkbv i KGib| AwPGiB cwKvwUi cPvi msLv ew cGZ ^vGK| cwKvwU Aw`b cGiB wbwl NvwlZ nq| 1973 mvGji cvjvGg wbevPGbi ci gIjvbv `Gk wbZcGqvRbxq `evw`i gGji EaMwZ, AvBb-kOLjv cwiwwZi AebwZ es Lv` msKGUi cwZevG` Abkb i KGib| 1974 mvGj wZwb KzgZ-B-ievbx ZwiKvi cwZv KGib es AvIqvgx jxM miKvi es fviZmvwfGqGZi KZGZi weiG Rnv` NvlYv KGib| 1974 mvGji wcj gvGm QqwU `j wbGq gIjvbvi bZGZ KwU hyd MVb Kiv nq| B d fviZ-evsjvG`k mxgvbv Pzw AwejG i` es weGivax `Gji weiG wbhvZbgjK KgKv e Kivi `vwe Rvbvq| 30 Ryb gIjvbvGK Mvi KGi UvvBj Rjvi mGvGl xq evmfeGb Mne`x Kiv nq| gIjvbv fvmvbx dvivv PzwGK evsjvG`Gki vG^i cwicx eGj gGb KGib| wZwb 1976 mvGji 16 g ivRkvnx ^GK dvivv AwfgyGL K js gvGP bZZ `b| 1976 mvGji 2 AGvei wZwb Lv`vqx wL`gZMvi bvGg KwU bZzb msMVb MGo ZvGjb es mGvGl Bmjvgx wekwe`vjq vcGbi KvGR AvZwbGqvM KGib| wZwb mGvGl KwU KvwiMwi wkv KGjR, gGqG`i KwU zj es KwU wk K` vcb KGib| wZwb cvuPweweGZ bRij Bmjvg KGjR es KvMgvwiGZ gIjvbv gvnv` Avjx KGjR cwZv KGib| AvmvGg wZwb BwZcGe 30wU wkv cwZvb vcb KGiwQGjb| wZwb 1976 mvGji 17 bGfi gZzeiY KGib| ZuvGK mGvGl mgvwnZ Kiv nq| [bvgyj nK] Bhasani, (Maulana) Abdul Hamid Khan (1880-1976) religious personality and politician. Popularly known as Maulana Bhasani, Abdul Hamid Khan was self-educated, village-based, a fire-brand, and skeptical about colonial institutions. Though immensely influential throughout his political career and instrumental in winning many general and local government elections since 1946, he consistently stayed away from holding actual power. His leadership was rooted in his relentless and incessant struggle for safeguarding the rights and interests of the peasantry and the labouring classes.

Bhasani was born in 1880 at village Dhanpara of Sirajganj district. His father was Haji Sharafat Ali Khan. Apart from a few years of education at the local school and madrasa, he did not receive much formal education. He began his career as a primary school teacher at Kagmari in Tangail and then worked in a madrasa at village Kala (Haluaghat) in Mymensingh district. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani In 1919, Bhasani joined the NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT and KHILAFAT MOVEMENT to mark the launching of his long and colourful political career. He went to Santosh in Tangail to take up the leadership of the oppressed peasants during the Great DEPRESSION period. From Tangail he moved to Ghagmara in ASSAM in the late 1930s to defend the interests of Bangali settlers there. He made his debut as a leader at Bhasan Char on the BRAHMAPUTRA where he constructed an embankment with the co-operation of the Bangali settlers, thereby saving the peasants from the scourge of annual inundation. Relieved of the recurring floods the local people fondly started to call him Bhasani Saheb, an epithet by which the Maulana has been known from then on. The Assam government made a law restricting Bangali settlement beyond a certain geographical line, an arbitrary settlement which severely affected the interests of the Bangali colonisers. Protected by this restrictive law the locals had launched a movement to oust the Bangali settlers across the so-called line. In 1937 Bhasani joined the MUSLIM LEAGUE and became president of Assam unit of the party. On the 'line' issue, hostile relations developed between the Maulana and the Assam Chief Minister, Sir Muhammad Sa'dullah. At partition, Maulana Bhasani was in Goalpara district (Assam) organising the farmers against the line system. He was arrested by the government of Assam, and released towards the end of 1947 on condition that he would leave Assam for good. Early in 1948 Maulana Bhasani came to East Bengal only to find himself brushed aside from the provincial leadership set-up. Disheartened, Bhasani contested and won a seat in the provincial assembly from south Tangail in a byelection defeating Khurram Khan Panni, the Muslim League candidate and ZAMINDAR of Karatia. But the provincial governor nullified the results on grounds of foul play in the elections, and disqualified all the candidates from

taking part in any election until 1950. Strangely enough, the ban on Panni was lifted in 1949 even though it remained in force on Bhasani. In 1949 he went to Assam again, and was arrested and sent to Dhubri prison. On his release he came back to Dhaka. At about this time, the East Pakistan Muslim League was passing through a leadership crisis. The discontented elements of the Muslim League called a workers' convention in Dhaka on June 23 and 24 of 1949. Nearly 300 delegates from different parts of the province attended the convention. On June 24 a new political party, the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, was launched with Maulana Bhasani as president and Shamsul Huq of Tangail as general secretary. On the day of its birth, the party held its first public meeting at Armanitola in Dhaka under the chairmanship of Bhasani. After its second meeting in the same venue on October 11, he and many other leaders of the new party were arrested while heading a procession of hunger strikers moving towards the government secretariat to protest against the famine conditions prevailing in the province. When his life was at risk due to his protracted hunger-strike, Bhasani was released from jail in 1950. On 21 February 1952 several students taking part in the language movement were killed in a police firing in Dhaka. Bhasani strongly condemned the brutality of the government. He was arrested on February 23 from his village home and sent behind the bar. In the politics of East Bengal in the early 1950s Bhasani emerged as the most vocal and respected politician of the time. As president of the Awami Muslim League, Bhasani played the crucial role in forging a unity among five opposition political parties by forming an alliance called the UNITED FRONT. Other leaders of the front were AK FAZLUL HUQ, HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY, SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN, HAJI MOHAMMAD DANESH. In the elections held in March 1954 the United Front won 223 seats as against the Muslim League's 7 seats. There is reason to believe that frequent contact during prison life with the communists made the Maulana more conscious about socialist ideology with which his personal political outlook and lifestyle were quite in accord. He became president of the Adamjee Jute Mills Mazdoor Union and the East Pakistan Railway Employees League. The Maulana was made to preside over two massive workers's rallies organised by the communists on May Day in 1954 in Dhaka and Narayanganj. The same year he was made president of the East Pakistan Peasants' Association. Soon after, he was made president of the East Pakistan chapter of the communist-dominated International Peace Committee. In that capacity, he went to Stockholm to attend the World Peace Conference in 1954. He visited several countries of Europe, gaining firsthand knowledge of the socialist movements of the world. At home, the United Front came close to collapsing mainly because of conflicts

between the Awami Muslim League and the KRISHAK SRAMIK PARTY over the question of power sharing. The Maulana tried his best to overcome the problems of practical politics. But he was particularly disappointed at the turn of events under which H S Suhrawardy formed the Awami coalition government at the centre with himself as prime minister and with ATAUR RAHMAN KHAN as chief minister in East Bengal. Meanwhile, serious differences of opinion arose between the Maulana and Suhrawardy on issues concerning the basic principles of the Pakistan constitution then being finalized for promulgation. The Maulana opposed the constitution's provision for separate electorate for the minorities which Suhrawardy supported. He also opposed Suhrawardy's pro-American foreign policy and favoured closer relations with China. In 1957 the Maulana called a conference of the party at Kagmari, and used the occasion to launch a bitter attack on Suhrawardy's foreign policy, thereby signaling an imminent split in the organisation. Things came to a point of no return when Maulana Bhasani called a conference in Dhaka of leftists from all over Pakistan and formed a new party, called the National Awami Party (NAP), with himself as president and Mahmudul Huq Osmani from West Pakistan as secretary general. From then onwards the Maulana followed left-oriented politics openly. Bhasani was interned once again when Pakistan's army chief General MOHAMMAD AYUB KHAN seized power in 1958. After his release from confinement in 1963, the Maulana went on a visit to China and also to Havana in 1964 to attend the World Peace Conference. Bhasani bitterly opposed Ayub Khan's proposal for creating a selective electorate of 'basic democrats' and fought for holding all elections on the basis of universal adult franchise. In 1967 the socialist world split into pro-Soviet and pro-China blocs. The East Pakistan NAP also split with the Maulana leading the pro-China fraction. He branded the Ayub government as a lackey of imperialist forces and launched a movement to dislodge him from power. In the face of mounting opposition movement, Ayub Khan resigned as President of Pakistan, allowing army chief General AGA MOHAMMAD YAHYA KHAN to step in. To tide over the deepening political crisis, Yahya Khan arranged for holding parliamentary elections on 7 December 1970. The Maulana boycotted the elections and concentrated on providing relief to the victims of the devastating cyclone that struck the coastal zone of Bangladesh in November. The apathy of the central government towards the cyclone victims made the Maulana call openly for the separation of East Pakistan. With the beginning of WAR OF LIBERATION in 1971 Maulana Bhasani took refuge in India, but he had to spend the entire period of the liberation war in confinement in Delhi. One of his first demands after return to Dhaka (22 January 1972) was to withdraw Indian troops from the soil of Bangladesh. On February 25 he started publishing a weekly Haq katha and it soon gained wide

circulation. The paper was soon banned. After the parliamentary elections in 1973, the Maulana started a hunger strike to protest against the food crisis, rise of price of essential commodities, and deteriorating law and order situation. In 1974 Bhasani founded Hukumat-e-Rabbania order and declared a zihad or holy war against the AWAMI LEAGUE government and Indo-Soviet overlordship. In April 1974 a 6-party united front was formed under the Maulana's leadership. It served an ultimatum on the government to annul the Indo-Bangladesh border agreement, and stop all repressive actions against the opposition. On June 30 the Maulana was arrested and interned at Santosh in Tangail. He considered the Farakka agreement detrimental to the interest of Bangladesh. On 16 May 1976 he led a long march from Rajshahi towards India's FARAKKA BARRAGE to protest against plans to deprive Bangladesh of its rightful share of the GANGES waters. On 2 October 1976 he formed a new organisation, Khodai Khidmatgar, and continued to work for his Islamic University at Santosh. He also set up a technical education college, a school for girls and a children's centre at Santosh, Nazrul Islam College at Panchbibi and Maulana Mohammad Ali College at Kagmari. He had earlier set up 30 educational institutions in Assam. He died on 17 November 1976 and was buried at Santosh. [Enamul Haq]

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Lahore Resolution adopted at the general session of the MUSLIM LEAGUE. In 1940 MOHAMMED ALI JINNAH called a general session of the All India Muslim League in Lahore to discuss the situation that had arisen due to the outbreak of the Second World War and the Government of India joining the war without taking the opinion of the Indian leaders, and also to analyse the reasons that led to the defeat of the Muslim League in the general election of 1937 in the Muslim majority provinces. left with a small group of Muslim League workers for Lahore on 19 March 1940. AK FAZLUL HUQ led the Bengal Muslim League contingent and reached Lahore on 22 March. The Chief Ministers of Bengal and the Punjab were two dominant figures in the conference.
HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY

Jinnah, in his speech, criticised the Congress and the nationalist Muslims, and espoused the Two-Nation Theory and the reasons for the demand for separate Muslim homelands. His arguments caught the imagination of the Muslim masses. Sikandar Hayat Khan, the Chief Minister of the Punjab, drafted the original Lahore Resolution, which was placed before the Subject Committee of the All India Muslim League for discussion and amendments. The Resolution, radically amended by the Subject Committee, was moved in the general session by Fazlul Huq on 23 March and was supported by Choudhury Khaliquzzaman and other Muslim leaders. The Lahore Resolution ran as follows: That the areas where the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the Northwestern and Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute 'independent states' in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign. The Resolution was adopted on 24 March with great enthusiasm. The Hindu Press dubbed it as the "Pakistan Demand", after the scheme invented by Rahmat Ali, an Indian Muslim living at Cambridge. The 1940 resolution nowhere mentioned Pakistan and in asking for 'independent states' the spokesmen of the League were far from clear what was intended. The Hindu press supplied to the Muslim leadership a concerted slogan, which immediately conveyed to them the idea of a state. It would have taken long for the Muslim leaders to explain the Lahore Resolution and convey its real meaning and significance to the Muslim masses. Years of labour of the Muslim leaders to propagate its full importance amongst the masses was shortened by the Hindu press in naming the Resolution as the 'Pakistan Resolution'. By emphasizing the idea of Pakistan the Hindu press succeeded in converting a wordy and clouded lawyer's formula into a clarion call. The Muslims of Bengal, who were searching for an identity throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, finally found it in the Lahore Resolution. The Lahore Resolution gave them a sense of nationhood. Henceforth the dominant theme in Muslim politics was not complaint against

Hindu injustice, but a demand for separate political existence. On 15 April 1941 the Lahore Resolution was incorporated as a creed in the constitution of the All-India Muslim League in its Madras session. It continued to be the League's creed until its dissolution after the independence of Pakistan in 1947. Indeed, from 1940 onward, Pakistan was the great talking point of the Indian independence debate. When the CABINET MISSION arrived in India in March 1946 to consult Indian leaders and to help facilitate self-government, the All India Muslim League decided to hold a three day Convention of the members of the Central and Provincial Legislatures belonging to the Muslim League on 7 April at Delhi to reiterate their 'Pakistan Demand'. The Working Committee of the Muslim League had appointed a Sub Committee with Choudhury Khaliquzzaman, Hasan Ispahani, and others to draft a resolution to be placed before the Convention. Choudhury Khaliquzzaman prepared a draft of the resolution, which was discussed with other members and, after some minor changes here and there, was approved by the Sub Committee and then by the Subject Committee. This resolution made a fundamental departure from the original Lahore Resolution in using the word 'state' in the singular replacing the term 'states'. The resolution that was placed before the Delhi Convention of Muslim Legislators in 1946 included the principle that the zones comprising Bengal and Assam in the Northeast and the Punjab, North West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan in the Northwest of India, namely Pakistan zones, where the Muslims are in a dominant majority, be constituted into a sovereign independent 'state' and that an unequivocal undertaking be given to implement the establishment of Pakistan without delay. The Committee did not question the change. The resolution was proposed in the open session by Suhrawardy and seconded by Choudhury Khaliquzzaman. ABUL HASHIM claimed that he raised the voice of protest against the resolution on a point of order in the Subject Committee on the previous day when Jinnah placed it before the Committee. He maintained that the draft resolution looked like an amendment of the Lahore Resolution though it had not been said or it was not placed in the form of amendment of the Lahore Resolution. He claimed to have argued that the Lahore Resolution envisaged two sovereign states in Northeastern and Northwestern zones of India, and the Resolution was accepted by the All-India Muslim League in its Madras session of 1941 as the creed of that political party. He claimed to have insisted that the Convention of the Muslim League legislators was not competent to alter or modify the contents of the Lahore Resolution. Jinnah at first took the plural 's' of the Lahore Resolution as an 'obvious printing mistake'. But when, on Abul Hashim's insistence, the original minute book was

checked, Jinnah found under his own signature the plural 's'. Abul Hashim claimed that he had suggested for erasing the word 'one' and replace it with 'a'. Jinnah is said to have accepted Abul Hashim's suggestion. According to Hashim, Suhrawardy placed in the open session of the Convention a modified form of the resolution on Jinnah's advice.
It may, therefore, appear that even after the Delhi Convention of the Muslim Legislators Jinnah was not thinking in terms of amending the Lahore Resolution. The Subject Committee presided over by Jinnah seemingly accepted the constitutional position that the Convention of the Muslim Legislators was not the forum competent to amend the Lahore Resolution. Nor could Jinnah amend it after the General Election in the country in which the Muslim League contested on the basis of the Lahore Resolution. He assured the Muslim League leaders from Bengal who met him on a deputation that the Lahore Resolution was not amended. At his Malbari Hill House on 30 July 1946 Jinnah encouraged Abul Hashim to work on the basis of the Lahore Resolution. [Mohammad Shah]