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Police and immigration enforcement

Impacts on Latino(a) residents perceptions of police
Guadalupe Vidales
Department of Criminology, University of Wisconsin, Parkside, Wisconsin, USA, and

Police and immigration enforcement 631

Received 4 November 2008 Revised 12 February 2009 Accepted 19 February 2009

Kristen M. Day and Michael Powe

Department of Planning, Policy, and Design, University of California Irvine, Irvine, California, USA
Abstract
Purpose Recent years have witnessed a national policy shift towards involving state and local police in enforcing US federal immigration laws. Critics argue that involving local police in enforcing immigration law will decrease Latino(a) and immigrant residents willingness to report crime and their cooperation with the police, and will also increase racial proling and negatively impact documented and undocumented residents. This paper aims to examine Latino(a) residents perceptions of the police before and after an extended local controversy about involving police in enforcing immigration laws in Costa Mesa, California. Design/methodology/approach The paper reports ndings of a before-and-after study in the Westside area of the City of Costa Mesa, California. Methods include Spanish and English language telephone surveys of Latino(a) and non-Latino(a) residents in the Westside (n 169 respondents before and n 91 respondents after), conducted in 2002 and in 2007. Findings In survey responses, Latino(a) residents report that they are more likely to be stopped by the police in 2007 compared to 2002. Latino(a) respondents also have more negative perceptions of the police, nd the police less helpful, feel less accepted in the community, and say that they are less likely to report crimes after the controversy, compared to before. Originality/value The ndings show the importance of policies that encourage cooperation with and trust of the police. These results can help inform cities about the potential impacts of involving local police in immigration enforcement. Keywords Immigration, Police, Ethnic groups, Perception, United States of America Paper type Research paper

This research was made possible by grants from the University of California, Irvine Community Outreach Partnership Center; UC Mexus; and the Center for Immigration Research, University of California, Irvine. The authors would like to acknowledge the contribution of Professor John Dombrink, Department of Criminology, Law and Society at the University of California, Irvine. The authors would also like to thank undergraduate Research Assistants Monica Vasallo, Cristal Montes, Vivian Gomez, Mike Lauria, Enrique Ruacho, Blanca Serrano, Sandra Gonzales, Maria Ceja-Bravo, Adriana Lira, Ciro Aguilar, Cecilia Preciado, Yanira Torrez, Louisa Ko, Adriana de la Torre, Helen Escalante, DeAnna Cano, Therese Lee, Gerardo Rios, Polly Vigil, Natalie Lopez, and the community leaders and participants from Costa Mesa who took part in this study.

Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management Vol. 32 No. 4, 2009 pp. 631-653 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1363-951X DOI 10.1108/13639510911000740

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Introduction Over the last decade, cities and states signicantly increased their involvement in enforcing federal immigration laws. In 2007, states introduced 1,562 bills related to immigrants and immigration more than ve times the number introduced in 2005 (National Council of State Legislature, 2008). More than 60 US city, county, and state agencies have requested permission for their police ofcers to be allowed to enforce federal immigration laws, in cooperation with US Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) (US Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, 2008). Historically, enforcement of immigration law was the sole responsibility of the federal government. Many factors have led to the desire for greater involvement by cities and states, including fear of terrorism, growing nativist sentiments, and frustration with a broken immigration system (US Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, 2008; Waslin, 2007). Critics of this expanded involvement include community organizations, immigrant rights groups, business owners, and even the police themselves (American Civil Liberties Union, 2005; Navarrette, 2006; Snowden, 2006). Critics argue that increasing the enforcement of immigration laws at the local level will negatively affect crime prevention and will embitter residents towards the police. Numerous US police departments and the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) oppose initiatives to increase police involvement, arguing that such policies impede efforts to reduce crime and compromise attempts to build trust with immigrant communities (Appleseeds.net, 2008; Winton and Yi, 2006). According to the IACP, these policies may damage police ofcers ability to protect the public, since immigrant residents would avoid contacting the police, including reporting crime (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 2004; Wood, 2006). Increased involvement may especially jeopardize crime reports from victims of crimes such as domestic violence and human trafcking, where victims are especially vulnerable (Appleseeds.net, 2008; International Association of Chiefs of Police, 2004). Other possible problems of greater local involvement in enforcing immigration law include increased duties for law enforcement personnel, who already faced limited resources; increased racial proling; and greater victimization of immigrants by criminals, who know that immigrant victims will be unlikely to report crimes (Appleseeds.net, 2008; Navarrette, 2006). Both the actual expansion of local police involvement in enforcing immigration law and also the perception of increased involvement may generate negative effects (Waslin, 2007). This paper examines the impacts of an extended controversy over increasing local involvement in enforcing immigration laws, on Latino(a) residents perceptions of the police and on residents perceptions of community relations. It does so through a before-and-after study in the Westside area of the City of Costa Mesa, California. Costa Mesa received national attention for its mayors efforts to engage local police in immigration enforcement one of the rst US cities to pursue such an initiative (Archibold, 2006; Haldane, 2006; Sterngold, 2006; Welch, 2006). This paper examines Latino(a) and non-Latino(a) residents perceptions of the police and of the Costa Mesa community, before and after this controversy. The paper aims to increase our understanding of the impacts of increased collaboration between local police and immigration enforcement, for crime prevention and community relations in Costa Mesa and more broadly.

Background and literature review The effects of changes in enforcing immigration law occur in the historical context of Latino(a) relations with the police. In this section, we review research on Latino(a) residents relations with police. We also discuss the evolution of police involvement in enforcing federal immigration laws. Latino(a) residents and police relations Researchers regularly report discontent, lack of communication, and fear of the police among US minority groups (Bayley and Mendelsohn, 1969; Sampson and Bartusch, 1998). Most research on US minority residents and police examines the experiences of African-American residents (Jacob, 1971; Sampson and Bartusch, 1998; Walker et al. 2000; Weitzer and Tuch, 2005). Limited research exists that specically examines Latino(a) residents relations with the police (Holmes, 1998; Martinez, 2007). Early research suggests a pessimistic perception of the police among Latinos(as), including fear, distrust, perceptions of discrimination and selective enforcement, lack of courtesy, and excessive force and brutality (Carter, 1983, 1985; Mirande, 1981; Skogan et al., 2002; Weitzer, 1999). Primary reasons for low reporting of crime among Latino(a) residents include fear of criminal revenge and being advised not to report (Carter, 1985). Comparisons across ethnic groups reveal distinctive Latino(a) perceptions of the police. For instance, in terms of public opinion towards the police, Latino(a) residents occupy a middle ground with respect to non-Latino(a) whites, who have the most positive opinions, and African Americans, who have the most negative opinions (Cheurprakobkit, 2000; Lasley, 1994; but see also Garcia, 2005). Minorities, including Latinos(as), also seek less police assistance than do non-Latino(a) whites (Bayley and Mendelsohn, 1969; Jesilow et al., 1995). These ndings are consistent with the group-position thesis (Weitzer and Tuch, 2006), which situates police-minority group relations in a larger framework of power relations between dominant and subordinate groups. Findings of negative Latino(a) relations with the police are not consistent, however. Other scholars have reported more favorable perceptions and/or attitudes toward the police among Latinos(as), compared to other groups (Cheurprakobkit, 2000; Song et al., 2008). These inconsistencies reveal more complicated aspects of Latino(a)/police interactions, including the compounding factors of race, class, and neighborhood context (see Cao et al., 1996; Reisig and Parks, 2000; Sampson and Bartusch, 1998). For example, in one study, individuals perceptions of their neighborhoods were strong predictors of attitude toward the police (Jesilow et al., 1995). Those who reported negative perceptions of their neighborhoods were more likely to have unfavorable perceptions of the police. In the case of Latinos(as), the issue of police relations is further complicated by factors such as immigration status, socio-cultural values, poverty, discrimination, and/or language barriers (Carter, 1983, 1985; Culver, 2004; Herbst and Walker, 2001; Kidd and Chayet, 1984). For Latino(a) immigrants, barriers to effective communication with the police include fear of deportation and lack of knowledge of criminal justice laws in this country (Davis et al., 2001; Menjivar and Bejarano, 2004; Vidales, 2007). Compounding factors, including stereotypes of Latinos(as) as criminals, poor populations, proximity to the US-Mexico border, and undocumented immigration,

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can lead to fear and subsequent over-policing in neighborhoods with a high number of Latino(a) immigrants (Holmes et al., 2008). Latino(a) immigrants previous experiences also affect their relationships with the police. Relevant experiences include past interactions with the criminal justice system of their home countries, previous contact with immigration authorities, and existing social networks (Meeker and Dombrink, 1988; Menjivar and Bejarano, 2004). A differentiated understanding of Latinos(as) and the police is essential for understanding various groups experiences. For example, when comparing Latinos(as) born in the USA and Latino(a) immigrants, researchers in Seattle found that immigrants perception of the police varied with immigrant contacts with the police, police effectiveness, and wrongdoing. Factors that shape immigrants perceptions of the police and immigrants contact with the police are not the same (Davis and Hendricks, 2007). Current debates over police involvement in enforcing immigration law occur in the context of pre-existing concern about reporting crime among Latino(a) residents, and also in the context of anxiety about Latino(a) immigrants by dominant groups. This anxiety may support enforcement of immigration law as a public priority.

Police involvement in enforcing federal immigration laws Historically, enforcing federal immigration law has been the exclusive responsibility of the federal government. Waslin (2007) reviews recent changes in enforcement of immigration law, which we briey summarize here. In the USA, Congress has exclusive authority over laws regarding immigration. These laws are enforced by the Secretary of Homeland Security, most often through the actions of federal ICE agents. Several recent policies and laws blur the lines between federal and state/local authority in enforcing immigration law. In 1996, Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Naturalization Act was created. This law proposes new levels of involvement for state and local police in enforcing federal immigration law. Interested cities and states develop Memoranda of Agreement with the Secretary of Homeland Security. These MOAs delegate authority to enforce immigration law to a limited number of specially trained police ofcers in the jurisdiction. The federal government also recently increased the scope of the records that are listed in the National Crime Information Center (NCIC) database, to include several new categories of immigrant offenders (Gladstein et al., 2005). The inclusion of these records in the NCIC database allows state and local police authorities to detain and arrest these offenders[1]. Also, in 2007, ICE developed the Agreements of Cooperation in Communities to Enhance Safety and Security (ACCESS) program. The ACCESS program allows local police to request different types of support from ICE, such as help with child exploitation and programs for border communities (US Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, 2008). The scope of these changes and the conicting legal opinions about these changes have produced differing interpretations of the authority of local and state police to enforce civil and criminal immigration law. These changing federal laws and policies form the backdrop for the controversy over increased police involvement in immigration enforcement in Costa Mesa, which is the focus of our study.

The context: Westside, Costa Mesa Costa Mesa, California, is a city of nearly 110,000 residents, including 70 percent white, 7 percent Asian, and 17 percent other race residents (US Bureau of the Census, 2000). A total of 32 percent of Costa Mesa residents are Latinos(as). Costa Mesa sits between the wealthy, white, coastal city of Newport Beach and the poorer, more urban, predominantly Latino(a) city of Santa Ana. Costa Mesas geography bounds many residents views of their citys future. If Costa Mesa does not become more like Newport Beach, will it become more like Santa Ana? The Westside area of Costa Mesa has a population of approximately 37,000 residents in roughly 2.8 square miles (EIP Associates, 2000; US Bureau of the Census, 2002). Approximately 57 percent of Westside residents are Latino(a), and 43 percent are Anglo[2]. Those gures have changed rapidly. As recently as 1980, only 18 percent of Westside residents were Latino(a) (US Bureau of the Census, 2002). The growth of the Westside Latino(a) population appears likely to continue. Currently, 89 percent of students in Westside elementary schools are Latino(a). Westside Latino(a) residents attitudes towards the police. In 2000, some Westside Latino(a) leaders expressed concern that local police were not responsive to the Latino(a) community. At the same time, the Orange County District Attorneys Ofce was working to increase outreach in Latino(a) communities, including the Westside. In light of the local attention to these issues, a research team from the University of California, Irvine (including the rst author) agreed, at the request of residents, to conduct a survey to assess perception of and attitudes towards the police among Latino(a) and non-Latino(a) residents in the Westside (Dombrink and Vidales, 2002; Song et al., 2008). The study was funded by the universitys Community Outreach Partnership Center. Findings from this previous study identied mostly positive perceptions of the police among Westside Latino(a) respondents. Latino(a) respondents generally said that they would avoid contact with the police when possible. At the same time, however, a signicant majority of Latino(a) respondents (70-90 percent) perceived Costa Mesa police as responsive, fair, concerned, and doing a good job in working with residents to solve problems. (These ndings constitute the before data for the present study and are discussed in detail in the Results section.) These previous ndings suggested an overall positive perception of and attitude towards the police among Westside Latino(a) residents. The researchers recommended that Costa Mesa police take advantage of this positive regard among Latino(a) community members, as a foundation for building strong relationships with Latino(a) residents. Instead, the landscape changed and a vocal, anti-immigrant climate emerged in the city. Anti-immigrant sentiments in Costa Mesa. Costa Mesa has become associated locally and nationally with anti-immigrant sentiments (Archibold, 2006; del Barco, 2006; Goffard et al., 2006; Haldane, 2006; Humberto, 2008; Sterngold, 2006; Welch, 2006). Issues include proposed redevelopment plans for the Westside, which were opposed by some Latino(a) leaders who saw the plans as unresponsive to the needs of Latino(a) families (Day, 2003). A conservative city council, including then mayor Allan Mansoor, succeeded in closing a long-standing, city-sponsored job center for day laborers (Rahti, 2005). The council also disbanded Costa Mesas 18-year-old Human Relations Commission, in part because the Commission was seen as too liberal (Delson, 2007b, p. B1; see also Sterngold, 2006; Wahid and Taxin, 2005).

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Mayor Allan Mansoor decided to engage Costa Mesa as one of the rst US cities to involve its police ofcers in enforcing federal immigration law. In December 2005, the Costa Mesa city council voted 3-2 to allow jail personnel and some investigators to report illegal immigrants to federal authorities (Wahid and Taxin, 2005). The approved policy represented a compromise from earlier plans. In the mayors initial proposal, Costa Mesa police ofcers would be allowed to check the immigration status of individuals suspected of committing minor crimes such as jaywalking and solicitation of day labor (Lowe et al., 2005). In subsequent months, city ofcials worked with federal agencies to develop a concrete policy for action (Edds, 2006). Mansoors plan to deputize local police as immigration ofcials was abandoned in December 2006 (Delson, 2006a). Instead, federal ofcials agreed to assign an immigration agent to work full-time in Costa Mesas city jail (Overley, 2006). Public response to the proposed involvement of Costa Mesa police in enforcing immigration law was highly contentious and widespread. Opponents contended that the city council vote was part of a larger anti-immigrant agenda (Wahid and Taxin, 2005). Some community members worried that police involvement in immigration enforcement would negatively impact relations between Latino(a) residents and police (Cabrera, 2006). Mansoor, meanwhile, maintained that the policies were intended to improve neighborhoods and to make Costa Mesa safer by removing serious criminal offenders (Delson, 2006a; Welch, 2006). As Costa Mesa gained national notoriety for its policies and its positions on immigration, protesters and activists on both sides of the debate demonstrated frequently (Baer, 2006b). At a city council meeting in January 2006, a public uproar and brief scufe followed the forceful removal and arrest of a 25-year-old pro-immigrant activist (Pasco, 2006). In April 2006, more than 1,000 people demonstrated in front of Costa Mesa City Hall on behalf of the rights of immigrants (Archibold, 2006). Later that year, another activist in the Latino(a) community organized a boycott against local businesses that were seen as anti-immigrant and asked Latinos(as) not to cooperate or communicate with the local police as an act of civil disobedience (Almada, 2006; Baer, 2006b). By the start of 2007, the local director of the American Civil Liberties Unions Orange County ofce stated that his ofce was receiving reports of Latinos(as) being detained for minor offenses and being turned over to ICE (Almada, 2007). In one such case, a Guatemalan resident was arrested and later deported for bicycling on the wrong side of the road (Delson, 2007a). In reaction to such stories, some Latinos(as) avoided driving in Costa Mesa and began to consider leaving the city in fear of detainment and of racial proling (Delson, 2007b). As these events demonstrate, the controversy over Costa Mesa police involvement in enforcing immigration was highly public, and the exact status of police involvement was not well known among residents. Methods The study is a quasi- or natural experiment that evaluates the effects of the public controversy over local police involvement in enforcing immigration law in Costa Mesa. Note that, in the end, police were not directly involved in enforcing immigration laws in the city. Rather, the intervention that we are studying, in a methodological sense, is the broader public controversy surrounding whether and how to involve Costa Mesa police in enforcing immigration law and the resulting, widely held perception of police

involvement, along with the deployment of ICE staff in Costa Mesa jails. We refer to this as the controversy below. Participants The study utilized a purposive sample of Latino(a) residents who lived in the Westside of Costa Mesa. A smaller sample of non-Latinos(as) was also included to explore differences in police perception among residents. Instruments Before survey. The before telephone survey included 89 items. The majority were Likert-type questions. Items were drawn from several existing instruments and were selected to measure attitudes toward the police and legal system (Song, 1992; Tabatha, 1993), police-community relations (Davis, 2000; Jefferson and Walker, 1993), identity (see Hayes-Bautista, 1992), neighborhood cohesion (Lane and Meeker, 2000), and fear of crime (Lane and Meeker, 2000). For example, residents were asked to note their agreement with the following statement: Police do a good job in working together with residents in my neighborhood to solve local problems (respondents answer 1 to 4 indicating that they strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree). Another yes/no question asked: Have you contacted the police about any other neighborhood concerns or problems?. In other examples, questions ask respondents to agree or disagree that It is important for all Americans to preserve their ethnic heritage and There is a lot of opportunity for me in Costa Mesa. Questions about demographic characteristics such as age, gender, ethnicity, income, work status, and level of education were included. In addition, the survey included questions related to language spoken and bilingual skills. The before telephone survey was written in English and translated into Spanish by a native Spanish speaker (the rst author) and back-translated into English by bilingual undergraduate students using the back translation procedure (Marin and Marin, 1991). After survey. The after telephone survey included the 89 items from the before survey, as well as ten new items. The new, open-ended questions were added to determine whether respondents were aware of the public controversy over police involvement with immigration in Costa Mesa, the source of their information about the controversy, and whether or not they had changed their behavior because of this controversy. For example, respondents were asked What do you know about police involvement in immigration in Costa Mesa?, These questions were placed at the end of the survey, before questions asking for demographic information. Sampling procedure Before and after telephone surveys were conducted on weekday afternoons and evenings and on weekends during the day and evening. Information from the 2000 census was used to identify three predominantly Latino(a) and three predominantly non-Latino(a) census tracts in the Westside. Within the predominantly Latino(a) census tracts, we identied six census blocks with the highest percentages of Latino(a) residents as target areas. We used the Haines Criss Cross telephone directory, which lists phone numbers arranged by address, to identify all streets in the target areas, and all resulting phone numbers were added to a list in order by street address. Business

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numbers were excluded. Telephone numbers from residences on these streets were randomly selected, with every eighth number on the list being contacted. Because of the purpose of our study, we focused especially on recruiting Latino(a) respondents. We continue sampling until we contacted all numbers from the target areas and then started from the beginning to reach the sample size. Respondents were asked to participate in a study about their perceptions of the law and the legal justice system. Respondents were assured that participating in this research was voluntary and they could stop at any time they desired, and/or refuse to answer any questions they did not wish to answer. Respondents were guaranteed that all responses would remain condential. Data collection procedures Data collection included a telephone survey of Latino(a) and non-Latino(a) residents in Costa Mesa (described above) and in-person interviews with Westside Latino(a) leaders. Only the results from the telephone survey are included in this paper. Before initiating data collection, all members of the research team completed the university online training session on human subjects research. Undergraduate team members were trained to conduct telephone interviews by reading literature related to the topic and by participating in a one-hour training session and several hours of practice interviews. Interviews were conducted in English by members of the research team, including undergraduate research assistants and two authors of this paper. Bilingual research members conducted interviewers in Spanish. Researchers conducted a telephone survey of Costa Mesa Latino(a) and non-Latino(a) residents before and after the public controversy. Before data collection took approximately 20 minutes to complete, while after data collection took approximately 25-30 minutes to complete. Before data were collected in 2001-2002, and after data in 2007. Data analysis All data were entered into SPSS statistical software for analysis. Demographic questions and survey questions with discrete yes/no responses were analyzed using x 2 tests for independence. All other questions were analyzed using independent samples t-tests. We examined the Levenes test for equality of variances and used the t-test for unequal variances when equality of variances was rejected. Statistical analyses tested for signicant differences in responses of Latinos(as) and non-Latino(a) residents before versus after the public controversy over local police involvement in enforcing immigration law. Given the signicant differences in the employment and educational characteristics of the before and after Latino samples (see Table I), univariate analysis of variance tests were also performed to parse the relative effects of demographic differences in the samples and the effect of the controversy. Sample characteristics All respondents were over age 18 and spoke Spanish or English. The before survey included 169 respondents: 125 Latinos(as) and 44 non-Latinos(as). The non-Latino(a) before sample included 36 individuals who described themselves as

Before Latino(a)a n (%) n Spanish Last grade of school completed in: USA Mexico Other Latin American Other Gender b Men Women Median age Income ($) , 10,000 10,000-20,000 20,000-30,000 30,000-40,000 40,000-50,000 . 50,000 Education c Some high school or less Diploma or equivalent Technical training Some college Associates degree College graduate Graduate degree Employment status d Full-time Part-time Unemployed, looking for work Unemployed, not looking for work Student Retired Homemaker Other 125 121 48 59 12 0 97 38 47 10 0 NonLatino(a) n (%) 44 0 40 0 1 2 0 91 0 2 5

After Latino(a)a n (%) 62 60 17 35 6 0 97 27 56 10 0 NonLatino(a) n (%) 29 0 26 0 0 2 0 90 0 0 7

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50 72 34

40 58

23 17 55

52 39

24 36 35

39 58

9 20 48

31 69

20 28 17 4 4 8

25 34 21 5 5 10

2 1 1 3 2 11

10 5 5 14 10 52

3 3 3 0 2 3

21 21 21 0 14 21

0 2 0 3 0 13

0 10 0 15 0 65

65 23 4 14 5 11 0

53 19 3 12 4 9 0

4 3 2 14 1 16 4

9 7 4 32 2 36 9

25 12 11 4 1 3 0

45 21 20 7 2 5 0

0 1 0 8 0 12 8

0 3 0 28 0 41 28

45 20 7 2 2 8 33 1

38 17 6 2 2 7 28 1

18 2 2 0 3 13 2 1

44 5 5 0 7 32 5 2

28 12 0 0 4 1 9 2

50 21 0 0 7 2 16 4

14 0 1 1 2 9 1 1

48 0 3 3 7 31 3 3

Notes: aIncludes respondents who self-identied as Latino(a) and those who completed the survey in Spanish. bx 2 analysis revealed a signicant difference (p 0:030) between non-Latinos(as) in before and after sample. cx 2 analysis revealed a signicant difference (p 0:011) between Latinos(as) in before and after sample. dx 2 analysis revealed a signicant difference (p 0:037) between Latinos(as) in before and after sample

Table I. Survey respondents

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Anglo/Caucasian, three individuals who identied as Asian/Pacic Islander, and ve individuals who chose the other category. The after survey included 91 respondents: 62 Latinos(as) and 29 non-Latinos(as). Table I provides more information about the sample. All respondents who described themselves as Hispanic, Latino, Mexican, Mexican-American, or Chicano, or who elected to complete the survey in Spanish, were categorized as Latino. The non-Latino(a) after sample included 27 individuals who identied as Anglo/Caucasian and two individuals who identied as Asian/Pacic Islander. Latino(a) before and after samples were similar in median age, gender, location of last schooling, and income (see Table I). x 2 analyses revealed signicant differences in education and employment status. Latino(a) respondents in the after sample were more likely to have a high school diploma or some technical training (p 0:011) and were more likely to be employed (p 0:037), compared to Latinos(as) in the before sample. Before and after non-Latino(a) samples were similar in all aspects except gender. Non-Latino(a) respondents in the after sample were more likely to be women (p 0:030). Latino(a) respondents were also, on average, younger (average of 35 years for Latino(a) respondents in the after survey versus 48 years for non-Latino(a) after respondents), less well educated, and had lower median incomes compared to non-Latino(a) respondents. These differences in the sample reect real differences in demographic characteristics between Latino(a) and non-Latino(a) populations in Costa Mesa (US Bureau of the Census, 2002). Records were not kept on the rate of refusal of respondents to participate in the survey, which is a shortcoming of the study. Anecdotally, we can say that it was much more difcult to obtain participation by Latino(a) respondents in the after surveys, compared to before surveys. The same pattern did not appear to hold true for non-Latino(a) respondents. The high likelihood of refusal to participate among Latino(a) respondents in the after survey warrants consideration. Latino(a) residents frequently expressed serious reluctance to participate in the after survey once they learned that the survey was about the law and the police. This reluctance differed signicantly from our experience during before interviews, where these topics did not generate obvious concern among Latino(a) respondents. The increased refusals among Latino(a) respondents in the after survey seems to suggest that the experiences of Latino(a) residents in Costa Mesa changed in important ways since the time of the before surveys. The reluctance of Latino(a) respondents to participate in the after survey should be kept in mind when interpreting the results of this study. For example, Latino(a) respondents who did participate in the after survey may be less fearful about the police than were others who refused to participate. Alternately, Latinos(as) who participated in the after survey may be even more concerned about police issues in Costa Mesa and hence more willing to risk perceived personal danger to participate compared to those who refused to participate. Because of the small sample size for the non-Latino(a) population (44 before and 29 after), we focus our analysis and discussion on responses for Latino(a) respondents. Results for non-Latino(a) respondents are included for general comparison purposes, but care should be taken in drawing conclusions from those results.

Results Community contact with police After the controversy, Latino(a) respondents were signicantly more likely to have contacted police to report a crime (p 0:014) or to report some other sort of problem or difculty (p 0:005), compared to before. As seen in Table II, Latino(a) respondents in the after sample were more likely to have been stopped by police while traveling in a car or motorcycle (p 0:001). No signicant differences were identied in the responses of non-Latinos(as), in terms of contact with the police before and after the controversy. Community perception of the police Latino(a) respondents perception of and attitudes toward the Costa Mesa police were more negative following the controversy over police involvement with immigration (see Table III). After the controversy, Latinos(as) were more likely to disagree with statements that Costa Mesa police do a good job (p 0:003), try and help the community (p 0:001), and are responsive to community concerns (p 0:003). Further, Latinos(as) in the after sample were more likely to disagree with statements that police do a good job in dealing with problems that really concern the people

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Percentage Yes response (x 2) Have you or anyone in your household ever sought the services of lawyers? In the past 12 months, have you reported a crime to the police? In the past 12 months, (other than that) have you reported a trafc accident or a medical emergency to the police? In the past 12 months, have you reported any other event that you thought might lead to a crime? In the past 12 months, have you contacted the police about any other neighborhood concerns or problems? In the past 12 months, (other than that) have you contacted the police to ask for advice or information? In the past 12 months, have you contacted the police to give them any information? In the past 12 months, (other than that) did you report any other sort of problem or difculty to the police? In the past 12 months, have you been stopped in a car or on a motorcycle that was stopped by the police? In the past 12 months, have you been stopped and questioned by the police when you were out walking?

Latinos(as) Before After (%) (%) pa 42.3 13.1 16.2 8.4 16.8 10.3 11.8 7.7 13.2 7.4 40.3 30.0 24.4 18.4 27.0 21.2 18.4 25.0 38.5 11.8 0.799 0.014 * 0.246 0.084 0.168 0.095 0.294 0.005 * 0.001 * 0.421

Non-Latinos(as) Before After (%) (%) pa 64.3 30.2 25.6 11.9 26.2 22.5 23.3 22.0 19.5 4.8 72.4 30.8 30.8 19.2 18.5 25.9 25.9 12.5 8.0 4.2 0.472 0.963 0.651 0.407 0.461 0.747 0.800 0.343 0.206 0.911 Table II. Contact with the police

Notes: ap-values indicate signicance levels from x 2 tests for independence; * values of # 0.05 are signicant at the 95 percent condence level

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The majority of police in Costa Mesa do a good job The police try and help the community There are quite a lot of dishonest policemen in Costa Mesa It is best to avoid the police wherever possible There are not enough police ofcers in Costa Mesa Police are responsive in my neighborhood to community concerns Police are doing a good job in my neighborhood in dealing with the problems that really concern the people Police do a good job in working together with residents in my neighborhood to solve local problems Police do a good job in helping people out after they have been victims of crime Police do a good job preventing crime in my neighborhood Police do a good job keeping order on the streets and sidewalks In general, police in my neighborhood are polite when dealing with people in my neighborhood In general, police in my neighborhood are concerned when dealing with peoples problems In general, police are helpful when dealing with people in your neighborhood In general, police are fair with people in my neighborhood
a

Latinos(as) Beforea Aftera p b 1.30 1.42 2.85 2.34 2.56 1.36 1.38 1.51 1.50 1.40 1.32 1.46 1.44 1.37 1.43 1.68 1.86 2.53 2.02 2.48 1.78 2.10 2.00 2.15 1.89 1.75 2.03 2.02 2.05 2.14 0.003 * 0.001 * 0.069 0.085 0.712 0.003 * 0.000 * 0.000 * 0.000 * 0.001 * 0.001 * 0.000 * 0.000 * 0.000 * 0.000 *

Non-Latinos(as) Beforea Aftera p b 1.37 1.50 3.23 3.15 2.67 1.48 1.76 1.87 1.52 1.69 1.46 1.32 1.49 1.32 1.46 1.52 1.69 3.52 3.16 2.50 1.56 1.71 1.88 1.78 1.74 1.69 1.43 1.96 1.70 1.58 0.420 0.331 0.233 0.964 0.578 0.710 0.867 0.980 0.268 0.860 0.275 0.531 0.053 0.066 0.589

642

Table III. Attitudes toward police

Notes: Numbers are reported as means, unless otherwise noted. Scale: 1 strongly agree; 4 strongly disagree. bp values indicate signicance levels from independent samples t-tests; * values of # 0.05 are signicant at the 95 percent condence level

(p . 0:001), in working together with residents in [their] neighborhood to solve local problems (p . 0:001), in helping people out after they have been victims of crime (p . 0:001), in preventing crime (p 0:001), and in keeping order on the streets and sidewalks (p 0:001). Finally, after the controversy, Latino(a) respondents were more likely to disagree that police are polite (p . 0:001), concerned (p . 0:001), helpful (p . 0:001), or fair (p . 0:001) when dealing with people in their neighborhood, compared to responses before the controversy. No signicant differences were identied in non-Latinos(as) before and after responses regarding perception of and attitudes towards the police. Reporting crime to police As seen in Table IV, Latinos(as) were signicantly less likely to claim that they would report witnessing a robbery (p 0:011) or an act of vandalism (p . 0:001) to the police after the controversy, compared to before. There was little change in the corresponding responses of non-Latinos(as) before and after the controversy.

Latinos(as) Before After (%) (%) pa Would you report to the police if you witnessed a robbery? Would you report to the police if you witnessed vandalism? Would you report to the police if you witnessed a serious accident?
a

Non-Latinos(as) Before After (%) (%) pb

Police and immigration enforcement 643

96.6 95.0 97.5

2

86.0 0.011 * 100.0 100.0 N/Ab 74.0 0.000 * 100.0 100.0 N/Ab 96.0 0.611 100.0
b

96.6

0.220 Table IV. Likelihood of reporting crime to the police

Notes: p values indicate signicance levels from x tests for independence; 100 percent of nonLatinos(as) responded in the afrmative before and after the intervention. No statistics can be computed because these values were constant; *values of #0.05 are signicant at the 95 percent condence level

Problems in the community After the controversy, Latino(a) respondents rated several neighborhood problems as more severe compared to Latino(a) respondents in the before sample (see Table V). Cultural differences (p 0:042) and racial differences (p 0:000) between residents, grafti (p . 0:001), gunre (p 0:001), and gangs (p . 0:001) were rated by Latinos(as) as bigger problems in their neighborhoods after the controversy. No problems were regarded as signicantly less severe, according to Latino(a) respondents. No signicant differences were found in perceptions of the severity of neighborhood problems among non-Latino(a) respondents after versus before the controversy. Attitudes and beliefs about the community Following the controversy over police involvement in enforcement of immigration law, Latino respondents rated community relations more negatively (see Table VI). Latinos(as) in the after sample were signicantly more likely to disagree with the statement Latinos are accepted in Costa Mesa today (p . 0:001), compared to Latinos(as) in the before sample. Further, Latino(a) respondents were more likely to agree that there is tension between Latinos and whites in Costa Mesa (p 0:001) and to disagree that the mix of ethnic groups and culture is one of the things that I like about Costa Mesa (p 0:003). Before and after ndings also show differences in views about Latinos(as) and immigrants. Latinos(as) responding to the after survey were more likely to disagree with statements that Latino immigrants are straining our public welfare system (p 0:002) and that immigrant Latinos lower wages for everyone (p 0:002). Both Latino(a) (p 0:002) and non-Latino(a) respondents in the after survey more often disagreed that immigrant Latino teens are more likely to drop out of school (p 0:026) compared to respondents in the before survey. Non-Latino(a) respondents in the after sample were more likely to disagree that Latinos(as) generally respect lawyers in the United States (p 0:018), compared to non-Latino(a) respondents in the before survey (see Table VII). Finally, non-Latino(a) respondents in the after sample were signicantly more likely to disagree with the statement, I want my child to speak Spanish (p 0:008), compared to non-Latino(a) respondents in the before sample.

PIJPSM 32,4
Poverty and economic hardship People or landlords allowing their property to become run down People moving in and out without personally becoming attached to the community Language differences between residents Cultural differences between residentsc Abandoned houses or other empty buildings Grafti Too many people living in one residence Gunre Youths hanging outd Racial differences between residents Gangs Immigrants entering the country illegallye Police and immigrant relationse

Latinos(as) Beforea Aftera p b 2.35 2.43 2.88 2.79 3.15 3.17 3.01 2.50 3.23 2.89 3.37 2.92 N/A N/A 2.21 2.59 3.00 2.50 2.80 2.91 2.14 2.45 2.52 2.52 2.75 2.17 2.50 3.13 0.383 0.407 0.472 0.124 0.042 * 0.174 0.000 * 0.790 0.001 * 0.060 0.000 * 0.000 *

Non-Latinos(as) Beforea Aftera p b 2.39 2.49 2.86 2.87 3.30 3.49 3.02 2.46 3.26 3.27 3.34 3.15 N/A N/A 2.38 2.73 2.91 2.85 2.96 3.32 2.88 2.83 3.29 3.15 3.61 3.29 2.52 2.52 0.967 0.371 0.848 0.942 0.142 0.496 0.582 0.234 0.906 0.648 0.168 0.585 0.824 0.732

644

Table V. Problems in the community

Notes: aNumbers are reported as means, unless otherwise noted. Scale: 1 big problem; 4 not a problem. bp-values indicate signicance levels from independent samples t-tests; cAfter testing for the effect of differences in the education and employment characteristics of Latinos(as) before and after the controversy, the effect of the policy on perceptions of cultural differences between residents was no longer signicant (p 0:115). Differences in the relative education characteristics of the two samples acted as an intervening variable. dAfter testing for the effect of differences in the education and employment characteristics of Latinos(as) before and after the controversy, youths hanging out became signicant (p , 0:05). Differences in the employment characteristics of the two samples tempered the effect of the citys policy debate in the t-test. eThese questions appeared only on the after surveys. Analyses for these questions test for differences between after Latinos(as) and after non-Latinos(as) only; *values of #0.05 are signicant at the 95 percent condence level

Discussion The ndings reveal a pattern of increased negative perceptions, attitudes, and experiences with the police among Costa Mesa Latino(a) respondents after the controversy over police involvement in enforcing immigration law. This trend compares with few signicant changes in the attitudes or experiences of non-Latino(a) respondents during the same time period, though because of the very small sample size for non-Latino(a) respondents, caution should be used in drawing inferences from those results. For Latino(a) respondents, reported contact with the police increased across all categories. Especially alarming is the high number 38 percent of Latino(a) respondents who reported being stopped by the police following the controversy, compared to just 13 percent of Latino(a) respondents before the controversy. (These gures compare to 19 percent of non-Latino(a) respondents before and 8 percent after.) These reports raise concern and require careful consideration. It is possible that Latino(a) residents who had been stopped by the police were more likely to agree to participate in the study, as an opportunity to discuss their experiences. It may also be that, in responding to the question about being stopped by the police, some

Latinos(as) Beforea Aftera It is important for all Americans to preserve their ethnic heritage In the past, Latinos were not well accepted in Costa Mesa An immigrant needs to let go of their culture completely in order to be American I live in a neighborhood where neighbors do favors for one another Latinos are accepted in Costa Mesa today There is tension between Latinos and whites in Costa Mesa The mix of ethnic groups and culture is one of the things I like about Costa Mesa I take the time to learn about other peoples cultures in Costa Mesa In order to succeed in Costa Mesa it is important to speak more than one language Latinos do not get ahead because of family responsibilities Latino immigrants are straining our public welfare system Immigrant Latinos are hard workers Immigrant Latinos lower wages for everyone Latinos have improved run-down areas by buying homes and starting businesses there There are a lot of opportunities for Latino businesses to succeed in Costa Mesa Most Latino children are not succeeding in school Many school teachers have negative attitudes towards Latino children All children should learn to speak English at school I want my child to speak Spanish Latino teens who are immigrants are more likely to drop out of schoolc There is a lot of opportunity for me in Costa Mesa It is essential for children to learn how to use computers
a

pb 0.451 0.190 0.698 0.099 0.000 * 0.001 * 0.003 * 0.564 0.847 0.970 0.002 * 0.848 0.002 * 0.814 0.071 0.932 0.560 0.518 0.388 0.002 * 0.870 0.178

Non-Latinos(as) Beforea Aftera pb 1.69 2.53 3.40 1.69 1.60 2.50 1.68 1.95 2.71 2.86 2.35 1.30 3.03 2.13 1.61 2.59 3.06 1.12 1.65 1.74 1.48 1.07 1.93 2.75 3.21 1.71 2.04 2.52 1.65 2.04 3.11 3.13 2.00 1.57 2.96 2.48 1.96 2.86 2.91 1.07 2.32 2.33 1.32 1.17 0.320 0.377 0.359 0.914 0.052 0.939 0.897 0.745 0.174 0.308 0.230 0.085 0.811 0.228 0.102 0.331 0.590 0.502 0.008 * 0.026 0.402 0.351

Police and immigration enforcement 645

1.40 1.90 3.19 1.64 1.55 2.77 1.55 1.93 1.46 2.31 2.58 1.23 2.38 1.79 1.72 2.33 2.77 1.07 1.17 1.77 1.78 1.05

1.49 2.14 3.13 1.89 2.41 2.19 2.00 2.03 1.49 2.32 3.14 1.21 2.93 1.83 2.00 2.31 2.88 1.10 1.26 2.28 1.80 1.15

Notes: Numbers are reported as means, unless otherwise noted. Scale: 1 strongly agree; 4 strongly disagree. bp-values indicate signicance levels from independent samples t tests; cAfter testing for the effect of differences in the education and employment characteristics of Latinos(as) before and after the controversy, the difference in responses to the statement Latino teens who are immigrants are more likely to drop out of school was no longer signicant (p 0:173). Differences in the employment characteristics of the two samples inated the effect of the controversy in the t-test; *values of # 0.05 are signicant at the 95 percent condence level

Table VI. Attitudes and beliefs about the community

PIJPSM 32,4
Latinos generally respect lawyers in the United States Latinos fear retaliation by the government if they vigorously exercise their legal rights I enjoy more legal rights here than in my or my ancestors original country People in my or my ancestors original country respected lawyers

Latinos(as) Beforea Aftera p b 1.51 1.83 1.51 1.87 1.46 1.82 1.68 1.76 0.661 0.941 0.275 0.534

Non-Latinos(as) Beforea Aftera p b 1.78 2.35 1.47 2.19 2.47 2.33 1.55 1.65 0.018 * 0.963 0.797 0.108

646

Table VII. Latinos(as) attitudes about the legal system

Notes: aNumbers are reported as means, unless otherwise noted. Scale: 1 strongly agree; 4 strongly disagree. bp-values indicate signicance levels from independent samples t-tests; *values of #0.05 are signicant at the 95 percent condence level

respondents expanded their responses to reect the experiences of friends or family members. Racial proling is a serious concern for Costa Mesa Latino(a) residents; respondents may have wanted to ensure that such experiences were captured in the survey results. Finally, because of the small sample size of non-Latinos(as), we cannot rule out the possibility that police contact increased over this time for both Latinos(as) and non-Latinos(as). Even if it is lower than these ndings suggest, the high reported rate of being stopped by police warrants investigation, since these ndings suggest that racial proling may be occurring. Latino(a) respondents report consistently more negative perceptions of the police after the controversy compared to before. While perceptions of the police remained generally positive among both Latino(a) and non-Latino(a) respondents, the high regard for the police reected in Latino(a) respondents before responses dampened signicantly. These ndings echo concerns expressed by critics of involving police in enforcing immigration law. Chief Snowden, the former Costa Mesa Chief of Police, linked the controversy over immigration law to declining trust of the police by Costa Mesa Latino(a) residents:
When I retired as Costa Mesas chief of police in June 2003, the city had a caring reputation and a City Council focused on improving city services and public safety. The police had a strong rapport with the community. Residents trusted the police and reported crime, which our department worked hard both to prevent and solve . . . Our large Latino population trusted us as well and contacted us when its members were victims of crime. This allowed us to deploy our resources where the crimes were occurring. We protected everyone in Costa Mesa. Then a series of actions taken by the 2004 City Council majority under Mayor Allan Mansoor changed all of that . . . Then, in December 2005, Mansoor proposed to train the police to be immigration agents. Though not implemented, that plan quickly caused the Latino population to fear the police more than the possibility of crime. So crimes have gone unreported (Snowden, 2006).

Our ndings reveal less positive attitudes towards the police among Latino(a) residents after the controversy. Such attitudes may translate into decreased willingness to assist in community policing. Given the widespread publicity surrounding this issue in the Latino(a) community, media, etc. (Almada, 2006, 2007a, b; Cano, 2006), we might have expected Latino(a) respondents attitudes towards the police to be even more negative in after surveys.

According to existing research, minority residents attitudes towards the police deteriorate after exposure to media that depicts harsh treatment of minorities by police (Jefferis et al., 1997). It may be that respondents who had the highest concern about the police after the controversy refused to participate in the after survey. Alternately, some Latino(a) respondents may believe that police were not responsible for the recent changes in immigration enforcement in the city[3]. Hence, these respondents may have continued to regard the police in fairly positive ways. Findings on changes in reporting crime are mixed. Latino(a) respondents were more likely to respond that they had reported a crime or problem to the police after the controversy compared to before. At the same time, Latino(a) respondents said that they were less likely to report witnessing a robbery or vandalism after the controversy compared to before. It may be that, after the controversy, Latino(a) residents are less likely to report all but the most serious incidents to the police. Robbery or vandalism may not be seen as harmful enough to assume the risk of contacting the police, though serious accidents may be sufciently grave to bear this risk. It is also possible that the perceived increase of some problems in the community (gangs, gunre, etc.) may impact residents willingness to report crime (see Table V). Residents may feel that their neighborhoods are declining and that police are unlikely to respond in an effective manner. After the controversy, Latino(a) respondents were more likely to see the community as having problems, including issues such as grafti, gunre, and gangs. In particular, perceived tensions between Latinos(as) and non-Latinos(as) in Costa Mesa were higher among Latino(a) respondents, following the controversy over enforcing immigration law. Latino(a) respondents were more likely to feel that cultural and racial differences among residents were problematic, and were more likely to perceive tension between Latinos(as) and non-Latino(a) whites in Costa Mesa after the controversy. Latino(a) respondents were also less likely to feel that Latinos(as) are accepted in Costa Mesa, and were less likely to view the mix of ethnic groups and cultures as a positive feature of Costa Mesa. At the same time, non-Latino(a) respondents were less likely to want their children to speak Spanish after the controversy as compared to before. As we noted earlier, Costa Mesa was associated with several widely publicized anti-immigrant initiatives during this time period, including the controversy over enforcing immigration and also the closing of a day laborer job center, disbanding of the Human Rights Commission, and others. It seems likely that Latino(a) respondents perceptions of increased tension between Latinos(as) and non-Latinos(as) relates not only to the controversy surrounding immigration, but also to this broad pattern of policies that target Latinos(as) and immigrants in Costa Mesa. These ndings are consistent with media reports that characterize Costa Mesa as an increasingly hostile city for Latinos(as) and for immigrants (Delson, 2007b; Sterngold, 2006). Conclusions Findings from this study suggest that cities should think carefully about how the political agendas of their ofcials, including anti-immigrant agendas, may disturb police and community relationships. Often, police constitute a critical bridge between the public sector and immigrant communities. For example, a recent study of immigrant-destination cities in California suggests that local police ofcers were better equipped to interact with and support immigrant residents than were city

Police and immigration enforcement 647

PIJPSM 32,4

648

council members (Lewis and Ramakrishnan, 2007). Local police in that study used empathetic actions to improve their relationships with immigrant residents, including using translation services and avoiding contact with federal immigration authorities. In comparison, in these cities, elected ofcials were generally unaware of these supportive tactics. The results of the present study go beyond police and Latino(a) relations to suggest consequences for public safety. In Costa Mesa, supporters argued for involving police in enforcing immigration laws as a strategy to improve local safety (Delson, 2006a; Welch, 2006). The controversy over involving police in immigration enforcement (possibly along with other anti-immigrant initiatives), was associated, however, with Latino(a) residents decreased willingness to report crime and with their reported increases in being stopped by the police. The controversy was also associated with more perceived tension between ethnic communities in the city. Other research ndings associate collective efcacy in a neighborhood and reduced crime (Sampson et al., 1997)[4]. Trends in Latino(a) communities in Costa Mesa may be leading in the opposite direction. The ndings of this study can serve as a caution for other cities that are considering involving local police in enforcing immigration law. In addition to concern for the rights and welfare of immigrant and non-immigrant residents, city leaders should carefully consider the possible implications of such policies on Latino(a) and police relations and on community relations more broadly. Elected ofcials should seek and listen to advice from community leaders, including police ofcers, before pursuing such involvement. In cities such as Costa Mesa that are embroiled in controversies over police involvement in enforcing immigration law, police may need to take special measures to regain the trust of Latino(a) residents. Possible tactics to consider include community policing that is targeted at addressing specic problems in the community, coupled with active participation by community members (see Bridenball and Jesilow, 2008). Community police intervention has had positive results on reducing Latino(a) residents fear of crime when the intervention is conducted in a manner that is culturally sensitive and that includes Spanish-speaking personnel (Davis et al., 2001; Skogan and Wycoff, 1987; Torres and Ronald, 2001).

Notes 1. The addition of these records to the NCIC database is highly controversial because of the large number of false positives that the records produce, thereby implicating potentially innocent individuals (Gladstein et al., 2005). 2. The majority of Latino residents in Costa Mesa are of Mexican origin (American Fact Finder, 2008). 3. One could reasonably link this controversy with groups other than the police, including the city council and/or the mayor. Former Costa Mesa Chief of Police Snowden retired in the face of the controversy over these new policies. Although the chief denied it, his retirement is seen by many as protest against these policy changes (Baer, 2006a; Delson, 2006b). 4. Collective efcacy refers to social cohesion among neighbors combined with their willingness to intervene on behalf of the common good (Sampson et al., 1997, p. 918). Collective efcacy is an attribute associated with cities with less crime.

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International Association of Chiefs of Police (2004), Enforcing immigration law: the role of state, tribal and local law enforcement, November 30, available at: www.theiacp.org/ documents/pdfs/Publications/ImmigrationEnforcementconf.pdf (accessed May 2, 2006). Jacob, H. (1971), Black and white perceptions of justice in the city, Law & Society Review, Vol. 5, pp. 69-89. Jefferis, E.S., Kaminski, R.J., Holmes, S. and Hanley, D.E. (1997), The effect of a videotaped arrest on public perceptions of police use of force, Journal of Criminal Justice, Vol. 25 No. 5, pp. 381-95. Jefferson, T. and Walker, M.A. (1993), Attitudes to the police of ethnic minorities in a provincial city, British Journal of Criminology, Vol. 33 No. 2, pp. 251-66. Jesilow, P., Meyer, J. and Namazzi, N. (1995), Public attitudes toward the police, American Journal of Police, Vol. 14, pp. 67-88. Kidd, R.F. and Chayet, E. (1984), Why do victims fail to report? The psychology of criminal victimization, Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 40, pp. 39-50. Lane, J.S. and Meeker, J.W. (2000), Subcultural diversity and the fear of crime and gangs, Journal of Crime and Delinquency, Vol. 46 No. 4, pp. 497-521. Lasley, J.R. (1994), The impact of the Rodney King incident on citizen attitudes toward the police, Policing and Society, Vol. 3, pp. 245-55. Lowe, P., Taxin, A. and Martinez, B. (2005), Policy shift in OC: proposals would allow city and county ofcers to enforce immigration laws, Orange County Register, December 2, p. 1. Lewis, P.G. and Ramakrishnan, K.S. (2007), Police practices in immigrant destination cities. Political control or bureaucratic professionalism?, Urban Affairs Review, Vol. 42 No. 6, pp. 874-900. Marin, G. and Marin, B.V. (1991), Research with Hispanic Populations, Sage Publications, Newbury Park, CA. Martinez, R. (2007), Incorporating Latinos and immigrants into policing research, Criminology & Public Policy, Vol. 6 No. 1, pp. 57-64. Meeker, J.W. and Dombrink, J. (1988), The undocumented and their legal needs, Humboldt Journal of Social Relations, Vol. 15 No. 2, pp. 105-32. Menjivar, C. and Bejarano, C. (2004), Latino immigrants perceptions of crime and police authorities in the United States: a case study, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 27, pp. 120-48. Mirande, A. (1981), The Chicano and the law: an analysis of community-police conict in an urban barrio, Pacic Sociological Review, Vol. 24, pp. 65-86. National Council of State Legislature (2008), Immigration policy project, available at: www. ncsl.org/programs/immig/immigreportjuly2008.htm (accessed August 8, 2008). Navarrette, R. (2006), Misguided border patrolling; In cities such as Costa Mesa, Calif., local police are asked to enforce immigration law, which could lead to racial proling and an erosion of trust. Why not target the businesses that rely on this cheap labor instead?, USA Today, p. 13A. Overley, J. (2006), Costa Mesa starts immigration checks, Orange County Register, December 6, p. 1. Pasco, J.O. (2006), Citys border policy sparks outcry, Los Angeles Times, January 4, p. B1. Rahti, R. (2005), Reconsidering job centers closure, Los Angeles Times, April 5, p. B3, available at: http://articles.latimes.com/2005/apr/05/local/me-jobcenter5 (accessed August 8, 2008).

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Weitzer, R. and Tuch, S.A. (2006), Race and Policing in America. Conict and Reform, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Welch, W.M. (2006), City puts itself on immigration watch; Calif. mayor says step is necessary to combat crime because feds have dropped the ball, USA Today, January 26, p. 6A. Winton, R. and Yi, D. (2006), Police split on plan for migrant check, Los Angeles Times, January 23, available at: http://articles.latimes.com/2006/jan/23/local/me-immigcops23 (accessed August 19, 2008). Wood, D. (2006), Two towns, two stands on immigration reform, Christian Science Monitor, April 5, available at: www.csmonitor.com/2006/0405/p01s03-ussc.html (accessed May 2, 2007). Further reading Reisig, M.D. and Parks, R.B. (2002), Satisfaction with police what matters?, NIJ Research for Practice, US Department of Justice, Ofce of Justice Programs, Washington, DC. Weitzer, R. and Tuch, S. (2004), Race and perceptions of police misconduct, Social Problems, Vol. 51, pp. 305-25. About the authors Guadalupe Vidales is Assistant Professor in the Department of Criminology at the University of Wisconsin Parkside. Her research addresses issues of Latinas(os) and the criminal justice system. Kristen M. Day is Professor in the Department of Planning, Policy, and Design, University of California, Irvine. Her research interests include a critical examination of fear of crime among diverse groups. Kristen M. Day is the corresponding author and can be contacted at: kday@uci.edu Michael Powe is a Doctoral Student in the Department of Planning, Policy, and Design, University of California, Irvine. His research examines issues of inequality in urban environments.

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