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THE COMPLETE WORKS OF

JOHN RUSKIN

Two thousand and sixty-two copies of this editionof which two thousand are for sale in England and Americahave been printed at the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh, and the type has been distributed.

LIBRARY EDITION

THE WORKS OF

JOHN RUSKIN
EDITED BY

E. T. COOK
AND

ALEXANDER WEDDERBURN

LONDON GEORGE ALLEN, 156, CHARING CROSS ROAD


NEW YORK: LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO

1905

All rights reserved

LIBRARY EDITION
VOLUME XVII

UNTO THIS LAST MUNERA PULVERIS TIME AND TIDE


WITH OTHER WRITINGS
ON

POLITICAL ECONOMY 18601873

UNTO THIS LAST MUNERA PULVERIS

TIME AND TIDE


WITH OTHER WRITINGS
ON

POLITICAL ECONOMY
18601873

BY

JOHN RUSKIN

LONDON GEORGE ALLEN, 156, CHARING CROSS ROAD


NEW YORK: LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

1905

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XVII


PAGE

LIST

OF

ILLUSTRATIONS

xvii xix lxxi cxiii

INTRODUCTION TO THIS VOLUME: I. BIOGRAPHICAL II. RUSKINS ECONOMIC WRITINGS TEXTS, MANUSCRIPTS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS PART I. UNTO
CONTENTS PREFACE TEXT THIS

LAST (1860): 5 15 17 25

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

(1862)

PART II. MUNERA PULVERIS (1862, 1863):


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE CONTENTS PREFACE TEXT

(1872) (WITH ADDITIONAL MAGAZINE)


AND

PASSAGES

FROM

THE ESSAYS

IN

FRASERS

119 129 131 147

PART III. TIME


CONTENTS PREFACE TEXT

TIDE,

BY

WEARE

AND

TYNE (1867): 299 309 313 315

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

(WITH

ADDITIONAL PASSAGES FROM THE LETTER S IN THE ix

NEWSPAPERS)

CONTENTS

APPENDIX
LETTERS AND PAPERS ON ECONOMIC SUBJE CTS
18631873 I. LETTERS ON M UNERA P ULVERIS (1863, 1875, 1877):
PAGE

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

26, 1863) 21, 1863) TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONETARY GAZETTE ( OXFORD , NOVEMBER 9, 1875) TO THE SAME ( A FEW DAYS LATER ) TO THE EDITOR OF THE SOCIALIST ( OCT. 10, 1877)
TO MR . LEWIS HARTLEY ( DENMARK HILL , DEC .

TO A CORRESPONDENT ( BADEN , OCTOBER

485 485 486 486 487

II. THE D EPRECIATION OF GOLD (1863): 1. A LETTER TO J . J . RUSKIN (CHAMOUNI, SEPTEMBER 27) 2. A LETTER TO THE TIMES ( OCTOBER 8) 3. GOLD : A DIALOGUE III. LETTERS ON THE LAW OF S UPPLY AND D EMAND (1864, 1873): 1. TO THE DAILY TELEGRAPH ( OCTOBER 28, 1864) 2. ( OCTOBER 31, 1864) . 3 ( NOVEMBER 3, 1864) 4. MR . RUSKIN AND PROFESSOR HODGSON , TO THE SCOTSMAN ( NOVEMBER 10, 1873) 5. MR . RUSKIN AND PROFESSOR HODGSON , TO THE SCOTSMAN ( NOVEMBER 15, 1873) IV . LETTERS ON W ORK AND WAGES TO THE P ALL M ALL G AZETTE (1865): 1. STRIKES V . ARBITRATION ( APRIL 18) 2. WORK AND WAGES ( APRIL 21) 3. ( APRIL 25) 4. ( MAY 2) 5. ( MAY 9) 6. ( MAY 22)

488 489 491

499 500 502 503 504

506 507 509 510 514 516

CONTENTS
V. LETTERS ON S ERVANTS (1865): 1. 2. 3. 4.
AND

xi
TO THE

HOUSES

D AILY TELEGRAPH
PAGE

DOMESTIC SERVANTS : MASTERSHIP ( SEPTEMBER DOMESTIC SERVANTS : EXPERIENCE ( SEPTEMBER MODERN HOUSES ( OCTOBER

5) 7) 18)

DOMESTIC SERVANTS : SONSHIP AND SLAVERY ( SEPT .

17)

518 519 520 525

VI. LETTERS ON R AILWAYS AND THE S TATE (1865, 1868, 1870): 1. OUR RAILWAY SYSTEM ( DAILY TELEGRAPH , DEC . 8, 1865) 2. IS ENGLAND BIG ENOUGH? (DAILY TELEGRAPH , JULY 31, 1868) 3. THE OWNERSHIP OF RAILWAYS ( DAILY TELEGRAPH , AUGUST 6, 1868) 4 . RAILWAY ECONOMY (DAILY TELEGRAPH , AUGUST 10, 1868) 5. RAILWAY SAFETY (DAILY TELEGRAPH , NOV. 30, 1870) VII. S PEECHES ON TRADES U NIONS AND S TRIKES (1868):
AT A MEETING OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION ( JULY AT ANOTHER MEETING OF THE SAME ( JULY

528 529 530 531 534

4, 1868)

15, 1868)

536 538

VIII. E MPLOYMENT FOR THE D ESTITUTE P OOR AND C RIMINAL C LASSES (1868): 1. A LETTER TO THE DAILY TELEGRAPH ( DECEMBER 26) 2. NOTES ON THE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EMPLOYMENT FOR THE
DESTITUTE AND CRIMINAL CLASSES

540 541

IX. LETTERS ON R OMAN I NUNDATIONS (1871): 1. A KING S FIRST DUTY (DAILY TELEGRAPH , JAN. 12) 2 . A NATION S DEFENCES ( PALL MALL GAZETTE , JAN . 19) 3 . THE WATERS OF COMFORT ( DAILY TELEGRAPH , FEBRUARY 4) 4. THE STREAMS OF ITALY ( DAILY TELEGRAPH , FEBRUARY 7)

547 548 549 550

xii

CONTENTS
PAGE

X. LETTERS ON H OW THE R ICH S PEND THEIR M ONEY (1873): 1. A REPLY TO W . R . GREG ( PALL MALL GAZETTE , JANUARY 24) 2. ( PALL MALL GAZETTE , JANUARY 29) 3. ( PALL MALL GAZETTE , JANUARY 31) XI. H OME , AND ITS E CONOMIES (CONTEMPORARY R EVIEW , M AY 1873)

553 554 554 556

________________________
THE
FOLLOWING

M INOR RUSKINIANA V OLUME : 1


TO

ARE

ALSO

INCLUDED

IN

THIS

LETTER

M R . W ILLIAMS (OF M ESSRS. S MITH , E LDER & C O.), ENCLOSING THE MS. OF U NTO THIS L AST ( JULY 1, 1860)

xxvi

E XTRACTS FROM RUSKIN S LETTERS TO D R . JOHN B ROWN : ON MODERN PAINTERS , VOL. V . ( LAUSANNE , AUGUST 6, 1860) THE ANNEXATION OF SAVOY ( LAUSANNE , AUGUST 6, 1860) AT CHAMOUNI ( LAUSANNE , AUGUST 6, 1860) ON UNTO THIS LAST ( AUGUST 6, NOVEMBER 11, 1860) THE SCIENCE OF POLITICAL ECONOMY ( AUGUST , 1862) E XTRACT FROM A LETTER TO DR . ACLAND (1860
OR

xx 270 xxiv xxxiv lxxxii xxxix xxxiv

1861)

LETTER TO THE R EV . W. L. BROWN ON U NTO THIS L AST (1860)

E XTRACTS FROM RUSKIN S LETTERS TO HIS F ATHER (1861): THE FISHER - FOLK OF BOULOGNE ( JUNE 16) xxxvii RESTING AND SKETCHING ( BOULOGNE , JUNE 22; BONNEVILLE , xxxvii OCTOBER 9) THE STORY OF A SHELL ( BOULOGNE , JUNE 29) xxxvii THE MEANING OF GRACE ( BOULOGNE , JULY 1) 224 LECTURES FOR THE ROYAL INSTITUTION ( BOULOGNE , AUGUST 6) xxxvi n. THE BEAUTY OF THE HILLS ( BONNEVILLE , SEPTEMBER 22) xliii
1 Short extracts from collections of Ruskins letters (such as those to Profe ssor Norton and Mr. William Ward) which appear in extenso in a later volume are not included in these lists.

CONTENTS
M INOR R USKINIANA : Continued:

xiii
PAGE

THE VOLUME OF SELECTIONS ( BONNEVILLE , SEPTEMBER OCTOBER

28; LUCERNE, li 22, NOVEMBER 9, DECEMBER 5) LIFE WITHOUT HOPE OF IMMORTALITY ( BONNEVILLE , SEPTEMBER 29) xxxviii A PASSAGE IN XENOPHON S MEMORABILIA ( BONNEVILLE , OCTOBER 6) xlvi A DISAPPOINTED PHILANTHROPIST ( BONNEVILLE , OCTOBER 10) xl LIVY AS THE ROMAN HOMER ( BONNEVILLE , OCTOBER 12) xlvi DRAWING FROM THE FIGURE ( LUCERNE , OCTOBER 16) xxxvi n. ON A PASSAGE IN LIVY , II. 9 ( LUCERNE , OCTOBER 23) xlvi A DAY S READING ( LUCERNE , OCTOBER 23) xlv ON A PASSAGE IN LIVY , II. 16 ( LUCERNE , OCTOBER 29) xlvi HOW TO READ THE CLASSICS ( LUCERNE , OCTOBER 30) xlix THE AUTUMN TINTS ( LUCERNE , NOVEMBER 4) xliii ON A PASSAGE IN LIVY , II. 33 ( LUCERNE , NOVEMBER 5) xlvii PLANS FOR FURTHER ESSAYS ON POLITICAL ECONOMY ( LUCERNE , xlix, l NOVEMBER 5, 15) ON HIS PORTRAIT OF HIMSELF ( LUCERNE , NOVEMBER 12) cxiv A RUBY SUNSET ( LUCERNE , NOVEMBER 12) xliii SWITZERLAND IN AUTUMN ( LUCERNE , NOVEMBER 20; ALTDORF , xliii, xliv NOVEMBER 25) A DAY OF CLOUDLESS FROST ( LUCERNE , NOVEMBER 22) xliv LIVY S ALLITERATION ( LUCERNE , NOVEMBER 17) xlvii ON A PASSAGE IN HORACE , ODES , I. 7, 21 ( LUCERNE , NOVEMBER 25) xlviii ON A PASSAGE IN HORACE , ODES , III . 18, 14 ( ALTDORF , NOVEMBER 28) xlviii THE GATES OF THE CITY OF GOD ( ALTDORF , NOVEMBER 29) xliv THE GREAT CLOUD SEA ( LUCERNE , DECEMBER 15) xlv ON A PASSAGE IN HORACE , ODES , I. 4, 13 ( LUCERNE , DECEMBER 20) xlviii THROWING STONES ( LUCERNE , DECEMBER 25) xlv E XTRACTS FROM RUSKIN S LETTERS TO HIS F ATHER (1862): IN PRAISE OF EDWARD BURNE - JONES ( GENEVA , AUGUST 12) HIS FIRST HOUSE AT MORNEX ( AUGUST 16) THE CRITICS AND HIS REPUTATION ( MORNEX , AUGUST 19) 1 THE GARDEN AND THE VIEW ( MORNEX , AUGUST 31 ) NAPOLEON I ., ECONOMIST ( MORNEX , SEPTEMBER 7) AN ASCENT OF THE SALVE ( MORNEX , SEPTEMBER 9) HIS SECOND HOUSE AT MORNEX ( SEPTEMBER 17) THE SLOW SALE OF UNTO THIS LAST ( MORNEX , OCTOBER 20, NOVEMBER 3) THE APOCALYPSE OF THE ODYSSEY ( MORNEX , OCTOBER 23) THE BEAUTY OF THE SALVE ( MORNEX , OCTOBER 25)

liii liv lxix liv 221 lxi lvii xxxii lxiii lx

1 The daily letter which Ruskin sent to his parents, whenever he was away from home, was, as a rule, addressed to his father. This, however, is a birthday letter to his mother.

xiv

CONTENTS
PAGE

M INOR R USKINIANA : Continued:


THE FLOATING CLOUDS ( MORNEX , OCTOBER

26) 27) 9)

ON THE OLD ROAD FROM GENEVA ( MORNEX , OCTOBER MORALITY AND RELIGION ( PARIS , NOVEMBER

lx lx xxxviii

E XTRACTS FROM RUSKIN S LETTERS TO HIS F ATHER (1863): THE CAUSES OF HIS DEPRESSION ( MORNEX , JANUARY 28) xl ON PASSAGES IN MUNERA PULVERIS , 106 AND APPENDIX VI . ( MORNEX , MARCH 29) 232, 292 CARLYLE ON MUNERA PULVERIS ( ANNECY , APRIL 7 AND 11, 1863) lxx A GOOD DAY AT ANNECY ( APRIL 10) lxxi ON OTHER PASSAGES IN THE SAME , 124, 127, 149 247, 251, 272, 274 ( ANNECY , APRIL 12) THE DISAPPOINTMENTS OF MORNEX ( TALLOIRES , APRIL 21) lxxi ON ANOTHER PASSAGE IN THE SAME , 106 ( TALLOIRES , APRIL 27) 231 BACK AT MORNEX ( MAY 11, 12, AND 13) lxxi, lxxii KNOWLEDGE AND SORROW ( MORNEX , MAY xl OSBORNE GORDON ON A VILLA IN THE ALPS ( BONNEVILLE , SEPTEMBER 11) lxxv MY FAN , PETER (GENEVA , OCTOBER 10) 490 DRAWING FROM THE FIGURE ( BADEN , NOVEMBER 3) xxxvi n. LETTERS TO THE NEWSPAPERS ( NOVEMBER 23) lxix E XTRACT FROM A L ETTER TO DR . J OHN BROWN : INUNDATIONS IN THE ARVE VALLEY ( LAUSANNE , AUGUST 6, 1860) LETTERS FROM R USKIN S F ATHER : ON UNTO THIS LAST ( JULY , AUGUST , OCTOBER , 1860) ON HIS SON S STATE OF HEALTH ( AUGUST 3, 1861) ON THE VOLUME OF SELECTIONS ( NOVEMBER 11, 1861) ON HIS SON S PLANS FOR SETTLING IN THE ALPS (1863) R ECORD IN CONVOCATION OF RUSKIN S GIFT U NIVERSITY OF O XFORD (1861)
OF

270 xxvi xxxix li lxxiv

TURNER DRAWINGS

TO THE

xxxvii lxii n. l 271

LETTER FROM R USKIN ON A B IOGRAPHICAL N OTICE OF H IMSELF (1861) ADVERTISEMENT TO S ELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF J OHN R USKIN . E XTRACT FROM A L ETTER TO D R . WHEWELL ON HIS LECTURES ON P OLITICAL E CONOMY (1862) R EPORT OF AN ADDRESS AT THE WORKING M EN S C OLLEGE , N OVEMBER 29, 1862 LETTER FROM J. A. F ROUDE ON M UNERA P ULVERIS (OCTOBER 24, 1862) LETTER TO J. A. F ROUDE ENCLOSING GOLD : A D IALOGUE LETTER S IR E DWARD AND LADY B URNE -J ONES (D ENMARK H ILL, S EPTEMBER 8, 1863)
TO

324 lxix 491 lxxiii

CONTENTS
M INOR R USKINIANA : Continued: P ROPOSED I LLUSTRATED EDITION OF M UNERA P ULVERIS (A LETTER TO E DWARD BURNE -JONES, 1863) AT
THE

xv
PAGE

lxxvi 333

P LAY : 1867

LETTER

TO THE

P ALL M ALL G AZETTE , M ARCH 1,

A LETTER TO WILLIAM M ICHAEL R OSSETTI (M AY 27, 1867) LETTERS TO THOMAS C ARLYLE ON A P ASSAGE IN TIME AND TIDE (M AY 30 AND J UNE 1, 1867) LETTERS FROM THOMAS C ARLYLE : TO RUSKIN ON UNTO THIS LAST ( OCTOBER 29, 1860) TO RUSKIN ON MUNERA PULVERIS ( JUNE 30, 1862) TO ERSKINE ON THE SAME ( AUGUST 4, 1862) TO RUSKIN ON MUNERA PULVERIS ( APRIL 1863) TO RUSKIN FROM MENTONE ( FEBRUARY 15, 1867) ON A PASSAGE IN TIME AND TIDE : TO A CORRESPONDENT ( MAY 22, 1867) TO THE PALL MALL GAZETTE ( MAY 28, 1867) TO THE TIMES ( JUNE 7, 1867) A LETTER TO D R . C LAIR J. GRECE (S EPTEMBER 20, 1869)
ON A

478 481,482

xxxii lxx xxxiii lxx 339 481 481 481 326

P ASSAGE

IN

TIME

AND

TIDE

R EMINISCENCES OF R USKIN : AT MORNEX (18621863) BY EDWARD BURNE - JONES (1856) BY W . J . STILLMAN (1860) BY LADY BURNE - JONES (1862) BY LADY BURNE - JONES , AT WINNINGTON (1863) BY MR . GEORGE ALLEN (18621863) LETTERS TO M ESSRS . C HATTO & WINDUS TIDE (M ARCH 12 AND 14, 1874)
ON A

lix liii xxixxiv lii, liii lxxii lxi, lxviii, lxxiii, 275 344 P ASSAGE IN TIME AND

E XTRACTS FROM RUSKIN S LETTERS TO M R . GEORGE ALLEN : THE RE - ISSUE OF UNTO THIS LAST (1875, 1877) THE NEED OF AN INDEX ( MARCH 27, 1877) MORNEX REVISITED ( SEPTEMBER 8, 1882) E CONOMY , M ERCANTILE AND S OCIAL (A N OTE ON P ROFESSOR WILLIAM S MART S D ISCIPLE OF P LATO , 1883) E XTRACT FROM A LETTER OF R USKIN TO M R . THOMAS B ARCLAY ON THE R IGHTS OF LABOUR (1887) R USKIN S E PITAPH ON HIS F ATHER

xxxii xx lviii lxxxiii 9

lxxvii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
(From Drawings by the Author) HIS
OWN

P O R T R A I T , 1 86 1 ( C h r o mo l i th og ra ph )

F r o nt i s pi e c e xl i v xl vi l vi lx l xi i l xxi i l xxvi

PLATE

I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII.

VIEW

OF

LUCERNE
AND

FROM

A B O V E ( 1 86 1 )
AT

T o f a c e p ag e

HOUSES

MOUNTAIN-SIDE
AT

ALTDORF (1861)

RUSKINS HOUSE p ho to g ra ph ) V IEW FROM 1 86 3 ) VIEW


THE

M O R N E X , 186 2 18 63 ( F r o m a
OF THE AT

BASE

B R E Z O N ( 1 8 62

OR

FROM MY

WINDOW

M O R N E X ( 1 862 )

THE MOUNTAINS O F AN NEC Y SEEN FROM THE B R E Z O N ( 1 8 62 o r 1 86 3) ( Ch r o mo - l i tho g ra ph ) L A U F F E N B O U R G ( 1 8 63 )

FAC S IM ILE S

A P AGE A P AGE

OF THE OF THE

MS. MS.

OF OF

UNTO

THIS

L A S T ( 54 )

B e t w e e n pag e s B e t w e e n pag e s

7 4 , 75 2 34 , 23 5

M U N E R A P U L V E R I S ( 1 09 n .)

________________________
Note.The drawing from which the frontispiece is made was reproduced by chromo-lithography as frontispiece to vol. i. of The Life and Work of John Ruskin, by W. G. Collingwood, 1893. The drawing of Lucerne (Plate I.) was reproduced, by autotype process, in the large-paper edition of E. T. Cooks Studies in Ruskin (Plate 3), 1890. The drawing of the Mountains of Annecy
XVII.

xvii
b

xviii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

(Plate VI.) was reproduced by chromo-lithography in Studies in Both Arts (Plate X.), 1895. The other drawings have not hitherto been reproduced. The Portrait was shown at the Ruskin Exhibition at the Royal Society of Painters in Water-Colours, 1901 (No. 404), and at the Manchester Exhibition, 1904 (No. 363). The View from the Base of the Brezon was No. 366 in the Manchester Exhibition. The View from Mornex was No. 222 in the Exhibition at the Water-Colour Society. The Mountains of Annecy was No. 303 in that Exhibition; No. 104 at Manchester; and No. 76 D at the Coniston Exhibition, 1900 (where it was sold for the benefit of the Coniston Institute for 25 guineas). Lauf fenbourg was No. 376 in the Exhibition at the Water-Colour Society; it was bought at the sale of Sir John Simons collection in 1905 for the Birmingham Art Gallery (26 guineas).

INTRODUCTION TO VOL. XVII


(In the chronological order, Vol. XVII. follows Vol. VII.)

I N this volume are collected those of Ruskins writings which were devoted exclusively to Political Economy. They range from the year 1860 to 1867. The Political Economy of Art, belonging to an earlier date (1857), has already been given in Volume XVI. The miscellany which he called Fors Clavigera is also concerned in large measure with Political Economy, but this belongs to a later date (1871 onwards), and treats moreover de omnibus rebus, et quibusdam aliis. The pieces here collected are: (I.) Unto this Last. The volume, so entitled and published in 1862, consists of four essays which appeared in the Cornhill Magazine for August, September, October, and November 1860. (II.) Munera Pulveris. This work, though not published as a book until 1872, was written ten years earlier, and originally appeared in Frasers Magazine for June, September, and December 1862, and April 1863. (III.) Time and Tide. This book was published in 1867, being a collection of letters which had appeared in newspapers earlier in that year. Time and Tide thus belongs to a later period than the other books, and its inclusion here puts it somewhat out of its chronological order; for in the next volume we shall be concerned with Ruskins productions in 18641866. But the inclusion of the third treatise on Political Economy, in the same volume with Unto this Last and Munera Pulveris, is required by the subject-matter. The three books were written in the same temper; they deal, from different points of approach, with the same topics; and, as we shall see more fully hereafter, they form progressive parts of a comprehensive scheme. Unto this Last delivered Ruskins first general attack on the Political Economy current at the time; Munera Pulveris set forth in outline the scheme of his alternative system; in Time and Tide he turned from the science to the art of economics, and threw out suggestions for an Ideal Commonwealth in conformity with the principles
xix

xx

INTRODUCTION

enunciated in the earlier treatises. There was to be a fourth stage in Ruskins progress as a P olitical Economist; he was to pass from theory to practice and to initiate various schemes towards the realisation here on earth of his Community which was in heaven. The story of this attempt belongs to the period of Fors Clavigera. In the meanwhile, Ruskin had been very busy in following up Unto this Last and Munera Pulveris with letters to the newspapers, defending and illustrating his views, and meeting his critics. These arrows of the chace are collected in the Appendix to this volume. In this Introduction we shall first carry the story of Ruskins life and work down to March 1864, when the death of his father changed, for a time, the course of his career. We shall follow the pursuits and studies which accompanied his economic writings; trace, by aid of his letters and diaries, the temper of mind in which those writings were conceived; and narrate the fortunes of the books themselves. You can in truth understand a mans word, says Ruskin, only by understanding his temper. 1 We shall then, in a second part, give a connected accountwhich in accordance with the general scheme of this edition will be expository rather than critical of the whole body of Ruskins economic work. It has had a considerable effect on the thought of the age; but his teaching is discursive in method, and is scattered through many different books and papers. Ive no more to say, I believe, now on any subject, wrote Ruskin in later years, if I knew all I had said and c ould index it. 2 The collection of his principal economic writings for the first time in a single volume gives an opportunity for an attempt to bring them into relation with one another.

PART I
UNTO THIS LAST (1860) The completion of Modern Painters left the author exhausted, and suffering in some measure from the effects of reaction after a long spell of concentration upon a particular task. I am more tired out, he wrote to his friend Dr. John Brown (Lausanne, August 6, 1860), than the bulk of that last volume would apparently justify, but not half the work I did is in it. I cut away half of what I had written, as I threw it into the final form, thinking the book would be too
1 2

Lectures on Art, 68. A letter to Mr. George Allen, of March 27, 1877.

INTRODUCTION

xxi

big; 1 and half or nearly half of the drawings were left unfinished, the engraver not having time to do them. There are only three etchings of mine in the book, but I did seven, of which one was spoiled in biting, three in mezzotinting, so that I was fairly knocked up when I got the last sheet corrected. The sheets were passed in May, and leaving his father to see the work finally through the press, the author set out for Chamouni. My father well pleased, he says, with the last chapter and the engraved drawings from Nuremberg and Rheinfelden. On the strength of this piece of filial duty I am cruel enough to go away to St. Martins again, by myself, to meditate on what is to be done next. Thence I go up to Chamouniwhere a new epoch of life and death begins. 2 Elsewhere he marks this epoch of transition yet more trenchantly. I got the bound volume of Modern Painters in the valley of St. Martinss in that summer of 1860, and in the valley of Chamouni I gave up my art-work and wrote this little bookthe beginning of the days of reprobation. 3 This little book was Unto this Last, written, as he elsewhere says, at the old Union inn. 4 Of Ruskins sojourn abroad in this year there is no detailed record. 5 He kept no diary, for this was doubtless written in the form of the usual daily letter to his father, but the letters of 1860 have not been preserved. His companion throughout this time was an American, Mr. W. J. Stillmanthen a young artist, whose acquaintance he had made nine or ten years before, and of whose studies of landscape he hoped great things. Mr. Stillman, who was Ruskins guest, says that more princely hospitality than his no man ever received, or more kindly companionship. They spent much time in sketching together, Ruskin sometimes sitting over his pupil and directing his work so closely that, as another pupil said, he wanted me to hold the brush while he painted. 6 Every day, says Mr. Stillman, we climbed some secondary peak, five or six thousand feet, and in the evenings we discussed art or played chess, mainly in
1 One of the chapters thus thrown out was no doubt the discussion of Sir Joshua and Holbein, which appeared in the Cornhill Magazine for March 1860 (see a later volume of this edition). 2 Prterita, iii. 12. 3 Readings in Modern Painters (see a later volume of this edition). 4 See Vol. XIII. p. 497. 5 He left Dover on May 22 and went to Geneva (May 28). There he stayed for some days; afterwards going by Bonneville (June 15) to St. Martin and Chamouni. He returned by Lausanne (August 6), Freiburg, Neuchtel, Ble, Lauffenburg, and Geneva; being back at Denmark Hill early in September. 6 Mr. Rowse: see W. J. Stillmans Autobiography of a Journalist, vol. i. p. 264.

xxii

INTRODUCTION

rehearsing problems, until midnight. Ruskin enjoyed his friends companionship; but there were incompatibilities of temperament: I have had great pleasure, and great advantage also, in Stillmans society this last two months. We are, indeed, neither of us in a particularly cheerful humour, and very often, I think, succeed in making each other reciprocally miserable to an amazing extent; but we do each other more good than harm,at least he does me, for he knows much just of the part of the world of which I know nothing. He is a very noble fellowif only he could see a crow without wanting to shoot it to pieces.1 It must also have detracted somewhat from Ruskins pleasure in his friend that he was disappointed in the high Alps. Other sources of friction appear in Mr. Stillmans account of the summer: He met me with a carriage at Culoz, to give and enjoy my first impressions of the distant Alps, and for the ten days we stopped at Geneva I stayed with him at the Htel des Bergues. We climbed the Salve, and I saw what gave me more pleasure, I confess, t han the distant view of Mont Blanc, which he expected me to be enthusiastic overthe soldanella and the gentians. The great accidents of natureNiagara and the high Alpsthough they awe me, have always left me cold. . . Our first sketching excursion was to the Perte du Rhone, and, while Ruskin was drawing some mountain forms beyond the river, he asked me to draw some huts near by. . . . When Ruskin came back, I had made a careless and slipshod five minutes sketch not worth the paper it was on, as to me were not the originals. Ruskin was angry, and he had a right to be; for at least I should have found it enough that he wanted it done, to make me do my best on it, but I did not think of it in that light. We drove back towards Geneva in silencehe moody, and I sullenand half-way there he broke out, saying that the fact that he wanted the drawing done ought to have been enough to make me do it. I replied that I could see no interest in the subject, which to me only suggested fever and discomfort, and wretched habitations for human beings. We relapsed into silence, and for another mile nothing was said, when Ruskin broke out with, You were right, Stillman, about those cottages; your way of looking at them was nobler than mine, and now, for the first time in my life, I understand how anybody can live in America. . . . I was disappointed in the high Alps,they left me cold, and after visiting the points of view Turner had taken drawings from, we went up to the Montanvert, where Ruskin wished me to paint for him a wreath of Alpine roses. We found the rose growing luxuriantly against a huge
1

Letters to Charles Eliot Norton, vol. i. p. 99.

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granite boulder, a pretty natural composition, and I set to work on it with great satisfaction, for botanical painting always interested me. Ruskin sat and watched me work, and expressed his surprise at my facility of execution of details and texture, saying that, of the painters he knew, only Millais had so great a facility of execution . . . From Paris, in the ensuing winter, I sent it to Ruskin, the distance being made of the actual view down the valley of Chamonix, and he wrote me a bitter condemnation of it as a disappointment; for he said that he had expected to see the Alpine roses overhanging an awful chasm, etc. (an expectation he should have given expression to earlier), and found it very commonplace and uninteresting. So it was, and I burnt it. . . . I finally found a subject which interested me in a view of the foot of the Mer de Glace from the opposite side of the river, looking up the glacier, with the bridge under the Brevent, and a cottage in the foreground, and set to work on it energetically. Ruskin used to sit behind me and comment on my work. My methods of painting were my own . . . and I had a way of painting scud clouds, such as always hang around the Alpine peaks, by brushing the sky in thinly with the sky-blue, and then working into that, with the brush, the melting clouds, producing the grey I wanted on the canvas. It imitated the effect of nature logically, as the pigment imitated the mingling of the vapour with the blue sky; but Ruskin said this was incorrect, and that the colours must be laid like mosaic, side by side, in the true tint. Another discouragement! I used to lay in the who le subject, beginning with the sky, rapidly and broadly, and, when it was dry, returning to the foreground and finishing towards the distance; and Ruskin was delighted with the foreground painting, insisting on my doing nothing further to it. In the distance was the Montanvert and the Aiguille du Dru; but where the lines of the glacier and the slopes of the mountain at the right met, five nearly straight lines converged at a point far from the centre, and I did not see how to get rid of them without violati ng the topography. I pointed it out to Ruskin, and he immediately exclaimed: Oh, nothing can be done with a subject like that, with five lines radiating from an unimportant point! I will not stay here to see you finish that study. And the next day we pac ked up and left for Geneva. 1 Mr. Stillman has another characteristic reminiscence of Ruskin. On Sundays no work was done, and once they fell into a discussion of Sabbatarianism. Mr. Stillman pointed out the critical objections to the identification of the weekly rest with the first day of the week.
The Autobiography of a Journalist , by W. J. Stillman, 1901, vol. i. pp. 260264, 267, 268. Some of his reminiscences of Ruskin had previously appeared in the Century Magazine, January 1888.
1

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To this demonstration, he says, Ruskin, always deferent to the literal interpretation of the Gospel, could not make a defence; the creed had so bound him to the letter that the least enlargement of the structure broke it, and he rejected the whole trad itionnot only the Sunday Sabbath, but the authority of the ecclesiastical interpretation of the texts. He said, If they have deceived me in this, they have probably deceived me in all, and he came to the conclusion of rejecting all. 1 Mr. Stillman perhaps exaggerates the effect which this one demonstration had upon the course of his friends thoughts; but the reminiscence agrees with the sceptical mood into which, as we shall presently see, Ruskin was now entering. In writing to a friend, he described himself during these weeks at Chamouni as drawing Alpine roses, or rather Alpine rose leaves. 2 But his real occupation was the thinking out of the papers which he entitled Unto this Last. His absorption in economic inquiries was, as we have already shown, 3 not so much a change, as a development. His sthetic criticism had from the first been coloured throughout by moral considerations. Yes, said his father, after one of Ruskins lectures o n a rt, he s hould h ave b een a b ishop. A gain, h is s tudy of art, and especially of architecture, had convinced him that art is the expression of national life and character. He who would raise the flower must cultivate the proper soil out of which alone it could grow in health and perfection. A thing of beauty is a joy for ever, said the poet; yes, replied Ruskin, but a joy which is to be for ever, must also be a joy for all. 4 His love of beauty, his study of art, had thus brought him up full front to an examination of the principles of national well-being. His exquisite sensibility to impressions of beauty in the world of nature thus became also
a nerve oer which do creep The else unfelt oppressions of mankind.

It is the vainest of affectations, he afterwards wrote, to try and put beauty into shadows, while all real things that cast them are in deformity and pain. 5 We have heard him, at the end of the last volume of Modern Painters, debating with himself how far he could honestly or with any inward satisfaction pursue the cultivation of the
1 2 3 4 5

The Autobiography of a Journalist, by W. J. Stillman, 1901, vol. i. pp. 265267. Letter to Dr. John Brown, August 6, 1860. Vol. XVI. p. xxii. See Aratra Pentelici, 17. See Ruskins prefatory remarks to the Catalogue of the Educational Series.

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beautiful in art, without first endeavouring to realise the good and beautiful in the world of social and political life. It was with such thoughts surging in his brain and such feelings burning in his heart that he had gone, in this summer of 1860, to the mo untains; and there, under the same cloudless peace of the snows of Chamouni 1 that had inspired and sanctified his earlier essays in art, he now turned his mind to theories of national wealth and social justice. Into these essays Ruskin put the results of much long and earnest thought, 2 and to them he brought all the resources of a now matured and chastened style. Every word of Unto this Last was written out twice, he tells us, 3 and in great part of the book, three times. In one of his Oxford lectures he compared passages in it with others from the earlier volumes of Modern Painters, as a lesson in style. 4 The language of Unto this Last, he wrote to his father (Geneva, August 12, 1862), is as much superior to that of the first volume of Modern Painters as that of Tacitus to that of the Continental Annual; and elsewhere he speaks of it as the only book, properly to be called a book, that I have yet written, the one that will stand (if anything stand) surest and longest of all work of mine. 5 The authors judgment of the style in this book has been endorsed by a recent critic, who has made a special study of Ruskin as a master of prose. As a matter of form, says Mr. Frederic Harrison, I would point to Unto this Last as a work containing almost all that is noble in Ruskins written prose, with hardly any, or very few, of his excesses and mannerisms. It is true that we have a single sentence of 242 words and 52 intermediate stops 6 before we come to the pause. But this is occasional; and the book as a whole is a masterpiece of pure, incisive, imaginative, lucid English. If one had to plead the cause of Ruskin before the Supreme Court in the Republic of Letters, one would rely on that book as a type of clearness, wit, eloquence, versatility, passion. 7
Epilogue to Modern Painters (Vol. VII. p. 464). In the previous year he had made a start upon an essay on the elements of political economy; a few pages of it occur in his diary of 1859 Beginning of Political Economy he called them in reading the pages m any years later. He begins with the case of a ships company cast away on a desert island, and works out their proceedings. This is a method of approaching the subject which occurs in this volume more than once (see pp. 48, 372). 3 Fors Clavigera, Letter 48 (Notes and Correspondence). 4 See Readings in Modern Painters in a later volume of this edition. 5 Sesame and Lilies, 47 (a lecture delivered in 1864). 6 See 74; below, pp. 99100. 7 Ruskin as Master of Prose, Nineteenth Century, October 1895, p. 574; reprinted in Tennyson, Ruskin, Mill and other Literary Estimates , 1899, p. 74. The
2 1

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By the end of June Ruskin had his first essay, or perhaps more, ready for the printer, and he sent it to the new magazine the Cornhillwhich his publisher, Mr. George Smith, had launched on January 1, 1860, under the editorship of Thackeray. Ruskin sent the paper to Mr. Smith Williams, the literary adviser of the firm; warning him that editorial notes of reprobation might be necessary, but desiring to get it into print, somehow. 1 A copy was sent at the same time by Ruskin to his father, who, though not too well pleased at this new venture, loyally supported his son. When others attacked him, the fathers combative instincts were aroused; yet he was not altogether happy in the fight, and a little rift in the harmonious relations which had hitherto existed between father and son now begins to make itself felt. The following notes from the father to Mrs. John Simon disclose his state of mind: 7 BILLITER STREET, 21st July, 1860. I addressed just now the August Cornhill Magazinenot out, but obtained by favourto Mr. Simon, and Mr. Smith assured me his own man should have it at 44 before 5 oclock. John was obliged to put J. R., as the Editor woul d not be answerable for opinions so opposed to Malthus and the Times and the City of
same position is accorded to Unto this Last by another critic: The volume marks the perfection, for practical purposes, of his style. It has shed the flamboyance and prolixity of his youth; it has not lapsed into the involved garrulity often delightful, indeed, but at best lacking the gravity of really great art which alternately charms and irritates in his later essays. Here it is in his hands like the sword of an expert swordsman: keen, rapid, and lustrous, flashing with swift easy turns through impassioned p leading, succinct exposition, s earching i rony and fanciful i rony. (J. W. Mackail in Chamberss Cyclopdia of English Literature, vol. iii., 1903, p. 571.)
1 The covering letter has been printed in the privately-issued Letters on Art and Literature, by John Ruskin, edited by Thomas J. Wise, 1894, pp. 78, 79: (July 1st, 1860.) D EAR M R . W ILLIAMS ,I send you some Political Economy, which, if you can venture to use in any way for the Cornhill, stigmatizing it by any notes of reprobation which you may think necessary, I shall be very glad. All I care about is to get it into print, somehow. Please, if you use it, put it on slips, and send it to me to Htel de lUnivers, C hamonix, Faucigny, France. I shall send it back by the next post but one, and shall not need another revise. Send proof of slips also to my father. I am afraid you have had a great deal of trouble about that book of mine. I wish the binders had had a little more,but things must be as they may. I am very glad to be at last unbound myself, so perhaps the book will be. Kindest regards to Mr. Smith. Ever faithfully and affectionately yours, J. RUSKIN.

For Mr. W. Smith Williams, see Vol. VIII. p. 275 n. That book of mine is the fifth volume of Modern Painters.

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Manchester. Please tell Mr. Simon I begged of John to spare his brain and write nothing for a year or two, but he said it only amused him and gave no thought, as it was a subject long thought of. I had two reasons to wish him not to write, for I fear his Political Economy was at fault; but I am charmed with the paper, and it can do no harm. The Times says Dr. Guthrie and my son are in Political Economy mere innocents, and I suppose we shall have the slaughter of the innocents, but I am glad to see such Political Economy. The tone is high, and our tone in the city is much too low. CALVERLEY HOTEL, TUNBRIDGE WELLS, 21st August, 1860. The August and September numbers of Cornhill Magazine have articles of Johns on Political Economy, which have brought a shower of abuse on him from the Saturday Review and Scotsman. They are not bad, for all that, and it is rather amusing to see the commotion they make; perhaps I should have preferred his not meddling with Political Economy for a while! They will mistake him for a Socialist or Louis Blanc or Mr. Owen of Lanark. DENMARK HILL, 25th October, 1860. I sent you the Cornhill Magazine, finding Johns paper liked by Mr. Simon. Early in July, John sent me from abroad his first paper, kindly saying I might suppress it if the publishing it would annoy me. I sent to Smith & Co., saying I thought them twelve of the most important pages I had ever read. Immediately on seeing them in print, Dr. John Brown of Edinburgh, a good writer and able reviewer, wrote to me, wondering I had published the article, and saying the Scotsman had fallen on this unlucky paper. I replied I meant to publish any more that might come, let Scotch or English reviews say what they might; and I am glad these speculations have gone out, though I confess to have suffered more uneasiness about his newspaper letters on Politics and his papers on Political Economy than about all his books. These Political and Political Economical papers throw up a coarser and more disagreeable dust about one. The wrath of the Manchester School will be delivered in worse terms than the anger of certain Schools of Painting. These shrewd apprehensions were abundantly fulfilled. The publication of the papers in the Cornhill Magazine raised a storm of indignant protest; even a theological heresy-hunt could not have been more fast and furious. The essays were declared to be one of the

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most melancholy spectacles, intellectually speaking, that we have ever witnessed. 1 The series of papers in the Cornhill Magazine, wrote another critic, 2 throughout which Mr. Ruskin laboured hard to destroy his reputation, were to our mind almost painful. It is no pleasure to see genius mistaking its power, and rendering itself ridiculous. The papers were described by the Saturday Review as eruptions of windy hysterics, absolute nonsense, utter imbecility, intolerable twaddle; the author was a perfect paragon of blubbering; his whines and snivels were contemptible; the world was not going to be preached to death by a mad governess; after which quiet and measured criticisms the Reviewer proceeded, with an amusing lack of humour, to declare that it was an act of condescension, on his part, to argue at all with a man who can only write in a scream. The last passage of the book in particular which the author himself regarded as the best he had ever written filled the Saturday Reviewer with indignant disgust. Even more repulsive , he said, is the way in which Mr. Ruskin writes of the relations of the r ich and poor. It was incredible that anybody should listen to such appeals, except that people like for some reason to see a man degrade himself. Ruskin himself was not a man to be brow-beaten by such bludgeoning; but the attack was carried, in newspapers all over the country, into a more vulnerable quarter. What did Thackeray mean by committing himself to such nonsense? 3 What was Mr. Smith thinking of when he admitted into a magazine, which had still to establish itself in popular favour, such loud attacks on the popular creed? The blow went home; and after three of the essays had been published, the conductors of the Cornhill Magazine bowed before the storm. Ruskin afterwards told the story in the Preface to Munera Pulveris (see below, p. 143), where he describes how the editors sentence of excommunication was conveyed with great discomfort to himself, and many apologies to me. Though the editor was the vehicle of communication, it appears from the Memoir of Mr. George Smith 4 that the edict was the publishers. Ruskins papers were seen, we are told, to be too deeply tainted with socialistic hereby to conciliate subscribers, and Mr. Smith decided to stop so
Literary Gazette, November 3, 1860. H. H. Lancaster, at p. 299 of the book cited in Vol. VII. p. lxvi. n. See, for instance, the Manchester Examiner and Times, October 2, 1860: For some inscrutable reason, which must be inscrutably satisfactory to his publishers, M r. Thackeray h as allowed, etc., etc.; and t he Scotsman, August 9 : If Mr. Thackeray h ad not failed to feel ashamed to print such frenzies, etc., etc. 4 See the Dictionary of National Biography , Supplementary Volume I. p. xxvii.
2 3 1

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dangerous a contributor. 1 The intimation was conveyed to Ruskin after the appearance of the third paper (Qui Judicatis Terram): the Magazine must only admit one Economical Essay more, which, accordingly, he made (by permission) longer than the rest. 2 He gave it a concluding passage, but the reader should remember that the book remains a fragment. Thus in one place he promises a fuller discussion of definitions given only in extremest brevity, and gives the titles of three intended chaptersThirty Pieces (on Price), Demeter (on Production), and The Law of the House (on Economy). 3 To a modern reader, who turns to Ruskins essays at a time when they have done their work, the excited hostility and violent apprehension caused by their original publication may seem barely intelligible. The heresies have become in part accepted doctrine, and in the remainder the familiar gospel of economic and political schools; if they were socialistic, did not a distinguished statesman declare, with regard to the tendency of modern legislation, that we are all socialists now? But we must judge the matter historically, and put ourselves back to the state of public opinion in 1860, if we would either do justice to Ruskins editor or appreciate correctly the importance of his own work. The old Political Economy was then at the height of its power. It was the established creed, and any man who assailed it was a heretic who could expect no mercy from its ministers. In the present year (1905), if we consider the hostility which Mr. Chamberlains economic heresies have excited, we shall be better able to understand the storm which raged round Ruskin in 1860; though, to avoid misapprehension, it should be added that on the particular issue of Protection versus Free Trade, Ruskin was a pronounced Free Trader. 4 In 1860, moreover, the old Political Economy was something more than a creed it was an accepted policy. Its abstractions were taken as rules of conduct. It governed not merely the tariff, but served as a standard for statec raft in other directions. The policy of laisser faire was still the accepted rule, and Ruskin was a heretic no less in advocating practical extensions of State interference than in attacking
1 Ruskins friendly relations with M r. Smith c ontinued for many y ears, and a letter to Thackeray of December 21, 1860, shows no sign of vexation with his friend (see the letter reprinted in a later volume of this edition from Mrs. Richmond Ritchies Records of Tennyson, Ruskin, and Browning, 1892, p. 126). 2 Ruskin had some fears whether it would not prove too strong. Im so glad, he wrote to Mr. William Ward on October 1, 1860, you like those economy papers. The next will be a smasher,Im only afraid they wont put it in. If they dont, Ill print it separate. 3 See 59 n.; and compare 77, 84 n. (pp. 81, 104, 113). 4 See below, p. 72 n.

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the theoretical basis of economic doctrine. 1 The perusal of old speeches can only be recommended to those whom Lord Rosebery has called devotees of blue-books and cracknel biscuits; but if a reader will turn to the essay which Matthew Arnold entitled A French Eton, he will find himself among the ideas which an advocate of State action had still to combat in 1864, and by this pleasant exercise will put himself in a position to understand the wrath which Ruskins earlier essay aroused among the devotees of the established creed. That creed was indeed beginning to be undermined by other agencies; but Ruskin had not followed the rise of the historical or realisti c school of economics in Germany. He even professed, in a rash (and not entirely accurate) avowal of which his critics were not slow to take advantage, 2 not to have read the authors whom he was attacking. His assault was entirely independent; and it was as trenchant as it was audacious. Herein was an additional source of aggravation. He was an intruder; let the cobbler stick to his last, 3 and the author of Modern Painters to his art-criticism. What should an artist and a man of letters know of the mysteries of economics? This is a question which, in one form or another, fills a large part of the replies to Ruskins essays. Yet there is no reason why the exercise of singularly acute powers of analysis in one direction should disqualify a man for their exerci se in another, and, moreover, Ruskin had special qualifications for the new task into which he had now thrown himself. There is perhaps no branch of inquiry which more than Political Economy demands great care and skill in the exact use of languagenone in which there are more ambiguities and shibboleths to scatter confusion or excite prejudice. Ruskin, though among the most copious and eloquent of writers, was never intoxicated by the exuberance of his language; no English writer has ever used words with greater exactness and precision, and this habit was a valuable equipment for sword -exercise among the masked words 4 of Political Economy. It should be remembered, too, that t hough R uskins main i nterests i n t he e arlier p ortion o f h is l ife h ad been with art, he was familiar from his youth up with the ideas and practice of the mercantile world as they were to be observed in a city merchants house. 5 And, again, Ruskin claimed with justice
1 On this subject compare what has already been said in the Introduc tion to The Political Economy of Art, Vol. XVI. pp. xxiv., xxv. 2 See Vol. XVI. pp. 10, 406 n. 3 Let him make but a very slight change in the title of his papers and it will suit them admirably; let him alter Unto this Last into Beyond the Last. We never knew a more signal violation of the good old rule, Ne sutor ultra crepidam (Frasers Magazine, November 1860, p. 659). 4 See Sesame and Lilies, 16 (Vol. XVIII. p. 66. 5 See Ruskins letter to Dr. John Brown cited below, p. xxxiv.

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that his first-hand knowledge of arts and crafts gave him a real insight into the finer qualities of work, 1 and a considerable advantage over many of the armchair economists; to which it may be added that he had used his opportunities of foreign travel to investigate closely the conditions of agriculture and national life. 2 Ruskin, therefore, was by no means so ill equipped as his critics chose to assume, for the warfare which he carried into the camp of the established school of economics. But it is a tradition of criticism that one author should have one subject, and the intrusion of an artcritic into an alien field remained to the end one of the popular counts in the indictment against him. Yet, even in the first fury of reprobation, there were some who feared, while they affected to despise. He is not worth our powder and shot, wrote one of the organs of the established school; yet, if we do not crush him, his wild words will touch the springs of action in some hearts, and ere we are aware a moral floodgate may fly open and drown us all. 3 Only the pen of Ruskin himself could do justice to the horror thus naively expressed lest an incursion of moral ideas should drown the whole scheme of the orthodox religion i n economics. The fear was to be justified in good time. An estimate of the contribution made by Ruskin to the moralisation of Political Economy belongs to the second part of the Introduction; but the history of the little book, Unto this Last, with which we are here concerned, is itself eloquent on the subject. The essays in the Cornhill Magazine came to an abrupt termination, as we have seen, in November 1860. In June 1862 Ruskin collected them into a volume, with an additional preface. The edition consist ed of 1000 copies, and ten years later it was still not exhausted. Ruskin preserved a curious correspondence which he had with Messrs. Smith, Elder & Co. in 1873, when he finally transferred the publication of his books to Mr. George Allen. Among this correspondence is a List of Mr. Ruskins Works of which Smith, Elder and Co.
1 See Munera Pulveris, Preface, 1, and compare note 2 on p. 78, below. My real forte, he wrote in Fors Clavigera (Letter 19), is really not description, but political economy. 2 There are some acute remarks in this sense in Mr. J. A. Hobsons John Ruskin, Social Reformer: He had spent most of his laborious life in patient detailed observation of nature and the works of men. Both from contemporary observation and from study of history the actual processes by which large classes of goods were produced and consumed were familiar to him. How many of the teachers of Political Economy who have been so scornful of Mr. Ruskins claims possessed a tithe of this practical knowledge? How many of them had studied the growth of the different arts and handicrafts in the history of nature as he had studied them? (p. 58, ed. 1898). 3 From a leading article in the Manchester Examiner and Times, October 2, 1860.

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have copies on hand, with the estimated time for the sale of the stock on hand. Of Unto this Last, 102 copies remained, and the publishers estimated that two years would be required to dispose of them. A few years later, Ruskin re-issued the book on his own account, 1 and the rate of sale during the last quarter of a century has been 2000 per annum. Ruskin was told of a working man who, being too poor to buy the book, had copied it out word for word. 2 Subsequently a selection of extracts, sold at a penny, 3 has also circulated widely among the working classes, and the book has been translated also into French, German, and Italian. The floodgate has flown open. Ruskin had faith in the ultimate vindication of his essays; but at the time the stoppage of them in the Cornhill and the violent reprobation which they encountered caused him much disappointment and bitterness of spirit. The book not only sold very slowly itself, but its heresies checked the sale of his other books also. It will sell, some day, yet, youll see, he wrote to his father (Mornex, October 20, 1862); but is there absolutely no sale yet? It is enough to make one turn knave and try to make money by bad writing. There is a certain doubtfulness of oneself, he writes again (November 3), which is difficult to bear when one thing fails after anotherthe sale of my books entirely stopped; but it is to be remembered, he adds, that I have never yet set myself to make money. 4 If I were to prepare a good lecture on Alps or plants, and give it over and over aga in and again with rich illustrations, I should soon bring people. Or I could write a book on Switzerland, which people would buy, but Im too proud. One word of encouragement, indeed, he received, and it was from the man whose good opinion he most valued. He seems to have sent an advance copy of the last essay to Carlyle, whose reply has been placed on record: CHELSEA, October 29, 1860. D EAR R USKIN ,You go down through those unfortunate dismal-science people like a treble-X of Senna, Glauber, and Aloes; like a fit of British cholera, threatening to be fatal ! I have read your paper with exhilaration, exultation, often with laughter, with bravissimo! Such a thing flung
1 With regard to the re-issue of the book in 1877, Ruskin wrote to Mr. Allen (January 27, 1877): I cant mend i t as far as it goes; b ut wonder at t he feebly delicate From an earlier letter to his publisher (February 19, 1875) it appears that Ruskin had contemplated a cheap reprint of the book for penny circulation. 2 Fors Clavigera, Letter 48 (Notes and Correspondence). 3 The Rights of Labour according to John Ruskin: see Bibliographical Note, p. 9. 4 As he says in the Preface to the last volume of Modern Painters (Vol. VII. p. 10).

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suddenly into half a million dull British heads on the same day, will do a great deal of good. I marvel in parts at the lynx -eyed sharpness of your logic, at the pincer-grip (red-hot pincers) you take of certain bloated cheeks and blown-up bellies. More power to your elbow (though it is cruel in the extreme). If you dispose, stand to that kind of work for the next seven years, and work out then a result like what you have done in painting. Yes, there were a something to donot easily measurable in importance to these sunk ages. Meantime my joy is great to find myself henceforth in a minority of two, at any rate. The Dismal-Science people will object that their science expressly abstracts itself from moralities, from etc., etc.; but what you say and show is incontrovertibly truethat no science, worthy of men (and not worthier of dogs or of devils), has a right to call itself political economy, or can exist at all, except mainly as a fetid nuisance and a public poison, on other terms than those you shadow out to it for the first time. On third last page, and never till then, I pause slightly, not too sorrowfully, and appeal to the times coming (Noble is the spirit there, too, my friend; but alas, it is not Philanthropismus that will do there; it is Rhadamanthismus I sorrowfully see) which are yet at a great distance! Go on and prosper. I am, yours always (sleeping a little better, and hoping an evening soon), T. C ARLYLE . 1 Carlyle was equally enthusiastic when the essays were collected two years later into a book. Writing to his friend Thomas Erskine, of Linlathen, (August 4, 1862), he said: Here is a very bright little book of Ruskins, which, if you have not already made acquaintance with it, is extremely well worth reading. Two years ago, when the essays came out in the fashionable magazines, there rose a shriek of anathema from all newspaper and publishing persons. But I am happy to say that the subject is to be taken up again and heartily gone into by the valiant Ruskin, who, I hope, will reduce it to a dogs likenessits real physiognomy for a long time past to the unenchanted eyeand peremptorily bid it to quit this inflicted earth, as R. has done to several things before now. He seems to me to have the best talent for preaching of all men now alive. He has entirely blown up the world that used to call i tself of Art, and left it in an impossible posture, uncertain whether on its feet at all or on its head, and conscious that there will be no continuing on the bygone terms. If he could do as much for Political Economy (as I hope), it would be the greatest benefit
1 This letter was first published in the English Illustrated Magazine for November 1891. The third last page refers to the third page from the end of the last article in the Cornhill (now 8185), where Ruskin turns to the future and makes his plea of pity.

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achieved by preaching for generations past; the chasing off of one of the brutallest nightmares that ever sate on the bosom of slumberous mankind, kept the soul of them squeezed down into an invisible state, as if they had no soul, but only a belly and beaver faculty in these last sad ages, and were about arriving we know where in consequence. I have read nothing that pleased me better for many a year than these new Ruskiniana. 1 But other friends, whose opinion also Ruskin valued, were coldly critical. Dr. John Brown, as we have seen, 2 remonstrated with Ruskins father for allowing such doctrine to see the light. Ruskin, writing from Lausanne (August 6, 1860), addressed to his friend a plea for suspension of judgment: You will perhaps like the political Economy better as it goes on; meantime, you must remember that having passed all my life in pretty close connection with the mercantile world, and hearing these subjects often discussed by men of business at my fathers table, I am likely to know pretty well what I am about, even in this out-of-the-way subject, as it seems; so you must just wait patiently to see the end of it. The later papers somewhat modified Dr. John Browns first criticisms, and Ruskin wrote again with more confidence (November 11, 1860): The value of these papers on economy is in their having, for the first time since money was set up for the English Dagon, declared that there never was nor will be any vitality nor Godship in him, and that the value of any ship of the line is by no means according to the price you have given for your guns, but to the price you have given for your Captain. For the first time, I say, this is declared in purely accurate scientific termsCarlyle having led the way, as he does in all noble insight in this generation. Another friend who was out of sympathy with Ruskins essays was his old tutor, the Rev. W.L. Brown, of Wendlebury. To him Ruskin wrote at the end of 1860: Do you know, I think you a little enjoy arguingfor the arguments sakeis it not so? Had it been otherwise, would you have written that argument about the oxen? Of course, if we assume the right of one man over another to be that which a man has over an ox (namely, to kill him if he wishes to eat him), all
1 From Carlyles Life in London, by J. A. Froude, vol. ii. p. 252. Erskines reply may be read in W. G. Collingwoods Life of John Ruskin, 1900, p. 203. 2 Above, p. xxvii.

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other laws of labour and payment of labour must be modified by that right. But the law between man and man is another law than that between man and ox. Again, though I am glad to have your clergymans view of the blessings of the poor, I do not admit it as one bearing on Political Economy. If it is indeed best to be poor, let us all be poor; if best to be rich, try to be rich as many as can. But you will find that my assertion to the rich man is precisely thisthat he does not know what he is seeking for, but is eating and drinking his own damnation, and that what he calls Political Economy is the foulest form of Not discerning the Lords Body. 1 Kind letter received this morning; again best thanks. All good wishes to you for many happy years. You will, on thinking steadily over the matter, find that my definition is not wider than the Political Economists. Theirs is as wide as mine. Only it is false. They mean by wealthmoney or moneys worth, and they say moneys worth is determinable irrespectively of moral faculties. I sayyour moneys worth depends wholly upon your own head and heartcods head or mans head, as it happens to be. You buy a horse for a hundred guineas. If you can ride him, he is worth your guineas2may be worth immeasurably more than one hundred guineas. If you cant ride him, he may be wortha broken neck to you. You have paid your hundred guineas for an executioner on four legs. That is not an imaginative or theoretical way of putting it. It is pure, simple, mercantile fact. So the poor beasts and wretches who fancy themselves rich in this precious city of ours go on working hard all their days in order to obtain on their death-beds the power of sayingin a palsied manner100,000, etc., shall belong to A. or B. Fancy it put to a man in his youth, Will you work hard all your dayslose your soul and your body togetherfor the power, on your death-bed, of adjudicating on a property you never had a farthing of?3 For this is the fact: All the supposed pleasures of money-wealthare pleasures of imagination. The fact is, they work hardfor another man to spend, and refuse themselves even the pleasure of this mans thanks. They give away all they have. But they take care to get nothing but Gods damnation and mans abuse in return. This is the clear, incontrovertible fact about them. I get so wild with contempt and anger when I think of these things that I cant write.
1 2 3

1 Corinthians xi. 29. Compare Munera Pulveris, 35 (below, p. 167). And here, ibid., 37 (p. 169).

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1861

Such was the mood in which Ruskin passed the winter of 18601861. He had returned from Switzerland in September, and he sought relief from more exciting and disturbing thoughts in the quiet practice of drawing. He spent a good deal of time in drawing from the figure, and noticed in letters of a subsequent date that this practice seemed to have intensified his perceptions of natural beauty 1 a remark which is of interest, because Ruskin is often accused of insensibility to beauty in the human figure, an d of ignoring the value of the exercise of drawing from it. In the spring he had some lecturing engagements to perform. On April 2 he gave a discourse at the St. Georges Mission; 2 on April 19 he delivered at the Royal Institution the lecture on Tree Twigs . This lecture was, as we have already seen, 3 generally accounted a failure, and Ruskin felt it to be such himself. He was suffering already from some nervous depression, and the sense of failure in this public appearance increased his nervousness. 4 He felt that it was time to take complete rest, and in the middle of June he went to Boulogne, where he stayed for seven weeks. Before going abroad Ruskin had performed an act of self-denial which signified to himself the consecration of his energies to other than artistic pursuits. He stripped himself of many of his treasured drawings by Turner, and presented them to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Some particulars of these gifts have already been given; 5 it may here be added that, in a letter to Acland, Ruskin states the cost-price to him of fifty-two
1 I cannot imagine how it is, he writes from Lucerne (October 16, 1861), that I feel, or see, everything so much more beautiful than even when I was in Switzerland only last year. I suppose, though it did not seem much, the work on the figure which I had last winter was very good exercise for me; but, be that how it may, all the scenes to-dayold ones enoughCoppet, Nijon, Yverdun, Granson, Neuchtel, Bienne, Soleure, Morgenthalseemed lovelier than I ever knew them, and I wanted to draw more things than ever before. So, again, he writes in 1863 (Baden, November 3): I am drawing as hard as I can at Lauffenbourg, and getting precious details of all sorts; it is the most wonderful place I ever saw. In 18 58, when I was there before (by-the-bye, I was there i n 60, t oo), I had n ot gone t hrough a ll my Turin and V enetian figure work at Dresden, and my eye was not nearly so subtle as it is now; so that all is far more beautiful to me. 2 Of this discourse there was no report. 3 Vol. VII. p. lix. 4 Writing to his father from Boulogne (August 6, 1861), Ruskin says that he will get good exercise till late in season, and then I think I shall be able to prepare two or perhaps three very interesting lectures for the Royal Institution (whereat the failure keeps gnawing me, and will, till I efface it). I should be all right there, even with the degree of nerve I have recovered already. 5 See Vol. XIII. pp. liii., 556558.

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of the drawings presented to Oxford as 2331. Ultimately he gave eighty-three to Oxford, 1 and the whole cost was 3000. The notice of the motion of acceptance and thanks in Convocation describes Ruskins motive in making the gift: Whereas John Ruskin, M.A., honorary student of Christ Church, having, with great care and at great expense, formed a choice and valuable collection of drawings, by the late J. M. W. Turner, R.A., and believing that such works, being made accessible to students, may produce very beneficial results, desir es to present the greater part of this collection as a free gift to the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the University of Oxford, to be placed in the custody of the Curators o f the University Galleries, e tc., etc. This was a period of complete rest, or of such approach to it as was possible to Ruskin. The present healthy feature of my character at present, he wrote later in the year (Bonneville, October 9 ), is intense indolence. He sat or walked on the sands and rocks; he made friends with the fisher-folk; went out mackerel fishing, and learned to sail a French lugger, and a good pilot at last left me alone on deck at the helm in mid-channel, with all sails set, and steady breeze. 2 This coast was a favourite sketching ground of Turners, especial ly in his later years, 3 and Ruskin found the sketching superb, better than on the lake of Geneva. 4 Then, too, the shells fascinated him: I was out a long while yesterday on the beach, he writes (June 29), and carried a heavy block of stone five miles homeone mass of casts of shells in clear carbonate of lime, all their hinges and delicatest spirals preservedshells of which the fish lived long before Mont Blanc existed, and while the crest of the Aiguille de Varens was soft mud at the bottom of deep sea; yet the ripple mark of the sandstone that encompasses them is as fresh as that within fifty yards of it, left by the now retiring tide, and the modern living whelk and mussel hide in the hollows of shells dead these thirty thousand years. He did a little work indoors alsowriting out Greek verbs, he says, and wrestling with German sentences. But what interested him most was the refinement and intelligence o f the French sailors. They talk when they should not, but they talk like Rochefoucauld. 5 The
Not including those given at later dates to the Ruskin Drawing School. Letters of John Ruskin to Charles Eliot Norton , vol. i. p. 119. See, for instance, the sketch-book of 1845, now at Oxford: Vol. XIII. p. 568. 4 Letter to his father, June 22. 5 Letter to his father June 16. When Ruskin returned to Boulogne later in the year, he found his pilot-friend much interested in the review of Modern Painters in the Revue des Deux Mondes!
2 3 1

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sea air and the comparative rest did him good, and in August he returned to England for a round of visitson the Wye, in Ireland (with his friends, the La Touches), and at Oxford and the neighbourhood. 1 In the middle of September he was for a week with his parents at Denmark Hill, but he then set out once more for a long sojourn, abroad and alone. From the middle of 1861 to the end of 1863 he remained, with a few short visits home, and exile and a recluse. 2 His letters, alike to his father and to his friends, reflect during the whole of this period a mood of deep melancholy and gloom. The foundations of his religious faith had been shaken; the tenements which had held the hopes and beliefs of his youth and early manhood had proved too narrow; he was stretching forth to a wider, and, as he felt, a nobler conception of human life and destiny, but the transition was through much travail of soul. It is a difficult thing, he wrote to his father (Bonneville, Sunday, September 29, 1861), to live without hope of another world, when one has been used to it for forty years. But by how much the more difficult, by so much it makes one braver and stronger; it is a grand thing to feel what a lie that is of Youngs, when he says that a man who has no eternal hopes must necessarily be a knave. 3 . The Honesty, which without hope of reward would be Dishonest, is not Honesty. And so, again, to Professor Norton: It may be much nobler to hope for the advance of the human race only than for ones own and their immortality; much less selfish to look upon ones self merely as a leaf on a tree than as an independent spirit, but it is much less pleasant. I dont say I have come to thisbut all my work bears in that direction. 4 And so, once more, to his father: (PARIS, November 9, 1862.)All your extracts from Robertson are admirable; and so far from its being difficult or strange for a man to hold his morality when he has lost what is called in modern language religion, I believe that all true nobleness and worthiness
His movements at this time were: Chepstow (August 21), Llangollen (August 22), Holyhead (August 24), Harristown (August 29), Chepstow (September 7), Woodstock (September 11), Oxford (September 12), Beckley (September 13). There is a reminiscence of his stay at Holyhead in Sesame and Lilies, 84 (Vol. XVIII. p. 134). 2 This absence abroad caused him to give up his regular classes at the Working Mens College, but he still lectured there from time to time. 3 See Night Thoughts, vii. (The Infidel Reclaimed) 1181, 1182: Who tells me he denies his soul immortal, Whateer his boast, has told me, hes a knave.
4 1

Letters to Charles Eliot Norton, vol. i. p. 98; from Neuchtel, July 12, 1860.

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only comes out when people cease to think of another world. 1 The relations of God to us have been entirely broken and obscured by human lies; it is impossible at present to recover or ascertain them, on our side, and we must walk in the darkness, till better days come. This spiritual unsettlement was accompanied, we must remember, by some physical weakness. His domestic letters at this period tell of much nervous exhaustion, and of the various ills of dyspepsia and depression to which men of letters are heirs in such abundant measure. His doctors, he says, told him that all he needed was rest, but it was not in Ruskins eager and highly-strung nature to apply their remedy in any continuous treatment. Something must be allowed, too, in understanding his present mood, to the uncertainty of aim which had come over him. Hitherto he had at each turn felt an imperious call to some immediate work; now, having finished Modern Painters, and his Economical essays having been cut short for him, he felt somewhat at a l oose e nd. It s eems t o me, wrote h is f ather ( August 3, 1 861), whose shrewdness was seldom at fault, to be as much a want of purpose as a want of Health. He has done a great deal, but thinks he has done little, and all to little purpose. He was somewhat wearied with work, and I think is just beginning to get wearied with want of work and with not exactly knowing what to turn to next. 2 Ruskin felt this himself. I find it wonderfully difficult, he wrote to Acland, to know what to do with myself. If only a little round-headed cherub would tumble down through the clouds and tree-branches every morning to everybody with an express order to do so and so tied under his wing, one would be more comfortable. 3 But neither Ruskins father nor his friends could fully understand the inmost causes of his mood. His was the soul of a Prophet consumed with wrath against a wayward and perverse generation; but his, also, the heart of a lover of his fellow -men, filled with pity for the miseries and follies of mankind. His intercourse in recent years with Carlyle had stimulated what the older man called his divine rage against falsity; but if in Carlyle there were elements of grim and rugged strength denied to his disciple, the ethereal Ruskin 4 had on the other hand sensibilities and emotions which were foreign to his master.
Compare Crown of Wild Olive, 13. Letters to Charles Eliot Norton, vol. i. p. 115. 3 This letter, which is undated, but must belong to 1860 or 1861, has been communicated to the editors by Vice-Admiral Sir William Dyke Acland. 4 Carlyles phrase: see Vol. XIV. p. 497 n.
2 1

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Ruskins mother deplored the growing gloom of her son. My mother asks me, he wrote (Bonneville, October 10, 1861), if I remember Marmontels tale of the Misanthrope. Yes, very well; but I am no Misanthrope, only a disappointed Philanthropist a much more difficult kind of person to deal with. His father talked lightly of the liver as the cause of all evil, and rallied his sonsurrounded as he was with so many good things, and possessed of so many shining talentsfor torturing himself in vain. I am depressed, r eplied Ruskin (Mornex, January 28, 1863), only for great and true causes, for the sufferings and deaths of thousands, the follies and miseries of millions, the perishing of the greatest works and deeds of human intellect. Peace he sometimes found, but it was only by closing his ears, and then the sounds of human misery soon pierced their way through. The peace in which I am at present, he wrote from Mornex (March 10, 1863) to Professor Norton, is only as if I had buried myself in a tuft of grass on a battlefield wet with blood, for the cry of the earth about me is in my ears continually if I did not lay my head to the very ground. The folly and horror of humanity enlarge to my eyes daily. 1 But a long letter to his father, written a little later from th e same place, gives the best account of Ruskins mood: MORNEX, May 16, 1863. I have your two kind letters of the 12th (with the money, best thanks), which I like very much. The long argumentative one is very nice, and I shall keep it, thinking it one of your truly admirable letters and entirely well reasoned throughout, and most wonderful as a piece of bye-work, with all the rest of your business on your hands. It is entirely well reasoned, I say, though misapplied, because you cannot at present conceive the state of my mind. If written to a discontented and foolish youth, the letter would be perfect; written to a man who is at one in every point and tone of thought with Dante and Virgil, and who is discontented precisely as they areand, in a lower degree, as Jeremiah and Elijah werethe letter has nothing to do with his mind or work. There is no more chaos in my mind than there was in Hesiods or Virgils, but you will find neither of them were happy men. The happiest life in the world is probably a caterpillars or a ducks; they have no imaginations, no fears, and no regrets; and their desires being merely of eatable dirt, are easily and constantly satisfied. Those who hunger and thirst after righteousness2 may perhaps some day be
1 Letters of John Ruskin to Charles Eliot Norton, vol. i. p. 139. Compare Time and Tide, 112 (below, p. 411). 2 Matthew v. 6.

INTRODUCTION
filled; but their larder is ill supplied for the present, and an eagle or a dog have anxiety, effort, and sorrow, just in propo rtion to their power and sagacity. When Mrs. La Touche came to London, her little terrier, Sprite, very nearly died in Ireland of pure griefrefusing absolutely to eat for several days. He was not bilious, and her ducks remained in perfect peace of mind. I never change my views with my temper: to-day I am peculiarly well and in good spirits. I am working at my best diagram and getting on with it; the window is open; Mont Blanc gleams softly through the leaves of the Virginian creeper outside; the linnets are singing in the gardena Ienvie Iun de lautre ( lamour would be better said than Ienvie perhaps); my roses are in blossom, and I have had a perfect nights sleep, and have my full power of mind this morningmy hand is shaky because I am able to wr ite fast and think fast (when I am ill, I write slowly and steadily); and yet, with all this, every view and thought is absolutely unchanged; I regret as poignantly all that I ever regret, and desire as vainly all that I ever desire; the only difference is that I am able to turn my mind vigorously away from what troubles it, and fix it on its employments. You never have been able to understand my feeling about Turners. I so little desire their possession that I would give every one I have to the National Gallery tomorrow, if I thought they would be safe there. I desire their safety, as I desire that of Chartres Cathedral. I dont want to buy the Cathedral; but I want to be able to see it and to know it is safe. Cannot you fancy what it is to menow that Windus C ollection 1 is all scatterednever to be able to refer to a single drawing out of my own possession of the Yorkshire, the Southern Coast, the Scottish Series, and the Englandshaving only one in forty or so of eachand to know that all the rest are to be hawked up and down, faded and destroyed, and that I might, if I had not been self-denying, have had every one now safe and sound, in my own possession, and the magnificent position and power they would have given me in society, and the power of placing and giving them where they would have been serviceable? But this regret is all nothingcompared to the sense of indignation which burns me continually, for all that men are doing and suffering, and this I can only escape by keeping out of sight of it. Thi s grief is no more biliousness than the Lamentations of Jeremiah were biliousness, or, as I said, 2 Virgils Res Roman perituraque regna. It is just because I am so clear-sighted, so just, and in many
1 To which, it will be remembered, Ruskin had easy ac cess: see Vol. III. pp. 234235 n. 2 He refers to his mention of Virgil above, and here cites one of the passages of which he was thinking; see Georgics, ii. 498.

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respects so unselfish, that I suffer in this way. There are not two men in the Parliament of England who would not be more angry if the Emperor of Russia stopped their partridge-shooting than if he murdered every soul in his dominions.1 These men are far happier than I. But they are neither better nor wiser. Depend upon it, though crime and folly bring grief, Wisdom and Knowledge bring it also. In much wisdom is much grief, and he that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow.2 There has been one man upon the earth of whom we believe, or profess to believe, that he knew all things, and did no sin. Of him it is recorded that he sorrowed constantly, fasted often, wept, and agonised. But it is only once said that he rejoiced,3 and all his followers, if they are true ones, find the Cross no light burden, though the Yoke is;4 they find rest and resurrection, but the rest must be found on Golgotha.

There were heights and depths in Ruskins nature where his father, shrewd and sympathetic as he was within the limits of his reach, could not follow; and a growing sense of estrangement from t he parents, who throughout his life had been also his companions, was a factor which added perhaps the bitterest element to the sons gloom in the period now under review. But Ruskin, like most men of deep character, had two soul-sides, and he did not wear his heart upon his sleeve. To many friends and companions, and in congenial society, he was still as gay as ever. I never saw him, wrote his father to Professor Norton, less than cheerful in society, and when Carlyle comes to see him, and with some ladies, and a few favourite children, his spirits are exuberant. 5 He spent many happy and merry days during these years at Miss Bells school at Winnington, but an account of his visits there is reserved for the Introduction to the volume (XVIII.) containing The Ethics of the Dust. 18611862 With thoughts and feelings within him, such as the letter to his father reveals, Ruskin set out in September 1861 for Switzerland. 6 The hills had not lost their power over him, his energy returned, and
A reference to Poland: compare Sesame and Lilies, 29 (Vol. XVIII. p. 81). Ecclesiastes i. 18. Luke x. 21. 4 See Matthew xi. 29, 30. 5 Letters to Charles Eliot Norton, vol. i. p. 115. 6 His itinerary was as follows: Folkestone (September 18), Boulogne (September 19), Paris (September 20), Geneva (September 21), Bonneville (September 22 to October 14), Geneva (October 15), Lucerne (October 16 to November 25), Altdorf (November 2529), Lucerne (November 30 to December 27), Bale (December 27),
2 3 1

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his home letters contain many passages which speak of quiet enjoyment: BONNEVILLE, September 22, 1861.Everything looks to me nobler than it ever did before. I walked the last half of the way to Bonneville, so glad to get to the hills again, and I have had a walk before breakfast this morning. The beauty of the hills is unspeakable. Their meadows and pines are still green, faint purple lines of autumn mingled here and there; the vines yet luxurious in leaf, and loaded with purple clusters; autumn flowers upon the rocks; the apples, amber, white, and ruby, more beautiful almost than the blossom; the air soft, and like balm for sweetness; the clouds dewy and broken in loveliest swathes and wreaths about the rock-crests. Switzerland in the autumn delighted him, and the fall of the leaf 1 fitted in perhaps with his mood: LUCERNE, November 4.. . . I got to the foot of the great crag on the other side of the cross of the lake at B [sketch map]; it is entirely covered to a height of 2000 feet with young oak, beech, and pineand it is just now half rainbow, half kaleidoscope, and wholly Aladdins palace; perhaps more like one of the painted windows at Chartres, magnified a thousand times, than anything else. I say a thousand times (in height it would be only eighty or a hundred timesin space, millions of times). LUCERNE, November 12.. . . You had all much better come to Lucerne. I had never before seen autumn. Yesterday I had such a ruby sunset on Alps as I have not seen these ten years: the day was entirely cloudless, the afternoon all purple and gold. The groves of tall beeches, straight-trunked, 8090100 feet high, are now all in thin gold and purplethe sun shining on them was nothing, but the sun shining through them, sprinklings of gold over blue, with background of deep blue mountain, is like the most gorgeous things of Tintoret. LUCERNE, November 20, Evening.. . . Such a walk as I had to-day ought to make one strong. Anything so lovely I think I have never seennot even the apple-blossoms in spring could compare with the low long sunlight on the pinesthe frost clouds on Mont Pilatethe strange tints of amber and purple on the beech woods. Then the walking is so entirely pleasant; one gets too hot
Paris (December 28), Boulogne (December 30), Denmark Hi ll (December 31). He had his servant Crawley with him, and for most of the time Couttet also. His friends Mr. and Mrs. John Simon Joined him for a time at Bonneville.
1

For his dislike of the autumn in later years, see Vol. VII. p. xxvii.

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in the summer; but the hard ground and calm air, just two or three degrees under freezing, giving the brace of frost without its bitterness, were delicious. LUCERNE, November 22.. . . Yesterday was cloudless frost. I walked far on the road to Sempach, among soft hills and woods; a divine calm in the air, like that of early summer morning, hoarfrost instead of dewintense blue sky, cloudless Alps, and Pilate, in clear long chain round the horizon. More lovely than summer, far. ALTORF, November 25.. . . As for anybodys coming to Switzerland except in November, it is the merest nonsense. Yesterday afternoon wasnot cloudless, but resplendent with golden clouds; and the Rigiwhat with its green pines, its naturally russet rock, and its grey and purple masses of stripped beech wood, with their red fallen leaves all staining the ground beneathwas just like a great violet and rosy agate, studded with emeralds. We got to Fluelen at five, and I walked here by the clear beginnings of starlightout again this morning at eight in sharp frost, but perfect calmthe main beauty of the thing being that the highest peaks are in crystal clearness, while frost mist hangs about the lower promontories, and the streams being all low, there are no marshes, so that one can get about everywhere. ALTORF, November 29.. . . It rained all yesterdaysteadily: all yesterday evening steadilier; at ten oclock, when I said good-night to the sky, as if the windows of heaven had been opened. I woke at half-past five; the stars were all like beacon fires, so large, only more dazzling; presently up came the moon over the ridge of peaks beyond the village where Tell was born. I couldnt think what was the matter with her, for I knew she ought to be crescent-shaped, and she came up in a long and broad bar of vague light, like a cloud. I thought I must be dreaming, for it could not be halothe stars were too clear. Presently, as I was still in wonderment, out flashed the point of her crescent; the vague light had been all from her dark side. And nowhalf-past nine, morningthere are no words for her radianceall the high crests have new-fallen snow, but the rain has washed it all away from the russet meadows. Ive seen much, but nothing ever like thisthe intense clearness, calm, and divine purity, with the sadness of the.1 The mountains look like the gates of the city of Godevery several gate was of one pearl, and their foundations all of the Eleventh StoneJacinth.2

1 2

A word is here missing in the original. Revelation xxi, 21.

INTRODUCTION
Such was the silver and gold whose intrinsic value Ruskin was at this time considering and possessing. He was a pioneer, it will be seen, in the new form of enjoyment which of late years has become popular with many English people, and has given Switzerland a winter season: December 15.There was no rowing to be done, for fear of getting run down by the steamer; and no drawing, for nothing could be seen. I . . . went out in spite of itclimbed the nearest spur of Pilate, and behold, the fog was only a lake of fog, a thousand feet deep. Dead level, white, unbroken, over a hundred square leagues; above, summer, and the Alps. Not a shadow, nor a breath of air. Purest and entire sunlight, and all the Alps one mighty peaked shore of the great Cloud Sea. It was worth a weeks darkness to see it. Christmas morning.It is darkish to-day, but yesterday was a clear, cloudless frost again, and I have made up my mind that the finest things one can see in summer are nothing, compared to winter scenery among the Alps when the weather is fine. Pilate looked as if it was entirely constructed of frosted silver, like Geneva filigree worklighted by golden sunshine with long purple shadows; and the entire chain of the Alps rosy beyond. I spent an hour pleasantly enough throwing stones with Couttet, at the great icicles in the ravine. It had all the delight of being allowed to throw stones in the vastest glass and china shop that was ever established, and was very typical to my mind of my work in general. Ruskin during his stay upon the Lake of Lucerne did much drawing, and two of his sketches of the time are here given (Plates I. and II.). He wrote during this year (1861) little or nothing; but he read much:

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At Lucerne, he writes (October 23), I have got quite into regular days. Morning I get up a little before sevenbreakfast at eight, reading Livy; write my letters; read on at Livy till Ive had enough; go out and draw till about one or two, taking care not to tire myselfthen row, quietly, with little pauses and landings and sketches till five; dress for dinner at six, read Xenophon in eveningthe papers at tea, at eight. The nature of his studies and bent of his thoughts appear in

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the jottings which he sent to his father from the books he was reading: BONNEVILLE, October 6.I was pleased with the following passage in Xenophon to-day.1 Socrates is endeavouring to persuade a man of sense and power, who has always avoided public life, to speak in the public assembly. His friend answers that he is ashamed and afraid. What! (answers Socrates), in your own house you are neither ashamed before the wise, nor timid before the powerful (you have no reason to be). Are you then ashamed to speak before the most foolish, and the most weak? Of whom are you afraid? Of the leather-cutters? or the brassfounders? or the husbandmen? or the shopkeepers? or of those fellows in the exchange who are always thinking how they may buy cheapest and sell dearest? What is the use, either of our classical education or our Christianity, if we are at this moment far behind the wisdom which good men had thus reached, 400 years before Christ? (BONNEVILLE, October 12.). . . I am busy with Livy, whom I have great pleasure in now. He is the Roman Homer, not Virgil. One must take the history as a poem, but it is a grand one. The philosophy of it is less occult than Homers and more practically useful for all generations. (LUCERNE, October 23.)It is very notable that the first great step of Rome towards her established power should have been by checking a monopoly, and delivering the poor from taxes. Salis vendendi arbitrium, quia impenso pretio venibat, [in publicum omni sumptu] ademtum privatis; portoriisque (export and import duties) et tributo plebes liberata, ut divites conferrent, qui oneri ferendo essent (who were able to bear the burden. Confero in sense of contribute); pauperes satis stipendii pendere, si liberos educent (no charity schools). Lib ii. Chap. 9. (LUCERNE, October 29.). . . How all the great thinkers and great nations agree in the praise of poverty! What is the use of people giving boys Latin books to read at our schools, when they dare not press home one of these lessons? The great Valerius Publicolaconfessed master of every power and art of peace and warfour times consulvictorious in every war he undertookthe deliverer (together with Brutus) of Rome from the Tarquins, and so (because of having avenged Lucretia) publicly mourned for at his death by the Roman nationsyet left not money enough to pay his funeral expenses. De publico est elatus, says Livy, quietlyThey carried
1

Memorabilia, iii. 7, 5, 6.

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him forth at public costgloria ingenti, copiis familiaribus adeo exiguis, ut funeri sumtus deesset. It is well, by the way, in our English word elate to remember its brotherhood with that other sad sense of elatusBehold a dead man was carried out.1 I strongly suspect that in a well-organised state, the possession of wealth ought to incapacitate for public offices. LUCERNE, November 5.. . . It is entirely beautiful here to-day. You would be in raptures with distant chain of Alps in misty light. I sit quietly reading Latin grammar, thankful for the bright lightthe pure air and the peace, otherwise very unsentimental about the scenery, more so about Livys sentence. Here are four of his heathen words, which, observed and acted on, would have prevented all the horrors of the Papacy, all the perversions and miseries of false Christianity: Doctos deinde nullam scelere religionem exsolvi in Sacrum Montem secessisseTaught that no religious obligation could be discharged by a deed of Sin, they retired to the Sacred Mountain. It is in the 33rd chapter2 of the second book. The army was in a state of violent discontent because the senate had broken its word about laws for debt. The consuls ordered it to remain outside the city. The soldiers had sworn obedience to the consuls; and did not want to violate their oath, but were furious at being kept out of Rome; their first thought was to kill the consuls to whom they had sworn, but doctos, etc., they retired to the Mons Sacer. LUCERNE, November 17.. . . Here is a grand sentence of Livy for you, rich in language as in meaning, and alliterative far more than my verses. One of the consuls, Manlius, being killed in the victory over the Veientes, and the brother of the other consul, Fabiusthe latter (Marcus Fabius), being offered a triumph, thus refuses: If the army can triumph without its captain for its great work done in battle, he would allow it gladly; but for his own part, his family being in shadow of death by his brothers loss, and the republic itself half orphaned by the loss of one of its consuls, he would accept no laurel so defiled with private and public mourning. It is the last piece of the sentence which is so fine:3 Se, familia funesta Q. Fabii fratris morte, republica ex parte orba, consule altero
1 Luke vii. 12. See the Preface to Unto this Last, 6 (below, p. 23), where Ruskin cites this same passage from Livy (ii. 16). The true reading is, however, De publico est datus (not elatus). The latter word is printed in some old editions, but there is no MS. authority for it. 2 Really the 32nd. 3 Book ii. ch. xlvii.

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omisso, publico privatoque deformem luctu lauream non accepturum. For my taste, Livy has overdone his Fs a little at first, and in the very finest and most pathetic things, so studied an arrangement of words would be destructive, but this is very fine. When a sentence is so full of matter, the sound of the words may be fitly enjoyed; but if you get into the habit of liking the mere ring of words with no meaning, it is like living on chalk sugar-plums, and spoils the minds digestion as they do the stomachs. ALTDORF, November 25.. . . I find Horace and I are marvelously of a mind just now in all particulars.. . . I dont know anything so magnificent in its way as Horaces calm and temperate, yet resolute, sadness. What weak nonsense the modern talk about death is, compared to his
Quum semel occideris et de te splendida Minos Fecerit arbitria Non, Torquate, genus, non te facundia, non te Restituet Pietas.1

Grand word that of eternal judgmentclear to all mensplendida arbitriaas of the sun. There is nothing hid that shall not be known. 2 ALTDORF, November 28, 1861.. . .I was out in slippers and without greatcoat this morning before breakfast, watching the soft clouds among the snowy peaks, and breathing softer air. I leave the place because it is not bracing enough! It is now (12) raining; always softly, like our April rain. The trees have nearly lost their leaves here, however; a few still glow among the pines. Horace says they shed their leaves in honour of the FaunSpargit agrestes tibi silva frondesit is a sweet winter song in which that line comes.3 LUCERNE, December 20.. . . It is strange how the value of the writings of the ancients is practically lost to us because we only read the easy bits, and never the stern deductions. Every one has on his lips the Pallida Mors quo pulsat pede pauperum tabernas Regumque turres. But how many of our rich, or great, remember or obey the following lineO beate Sesti, Vit summa brevis spem nos vetat inchoare longam. 4 His reading of the classics during this autumn at Lucerne, as
Odes, iv. 7, 2124, quoted in Val d Arno, 221. Matthew x. 26. 3 Odes, iii. 18, 14 (hence the title of Ruskins selections from Modern PaintersFrondes Agrestes). 4 Horace: Odes, i. 4, 1315.
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afterwards at Mornex, was very minute and careful. As I read my Greek or Latin book, he explained (October 30), I simply draw a firm ruled ink line down beside the text; wherever that line extends, the book is mastered for ever, or if a word or passage is not, it is written out in my note-book as a difficulty, and can be referred to in a moment. I dont care how little is done every day, but it is pleasant to see the lines advancing, and to feel that this at least has been read. Ruskin read his authors in this way, not only for their subject -matter, but also for their use of language. The study of words had great fascination for him, and it is one of the conspicuous fe atures in his next book, Munera Pulveris. In one of the notes added to those essays ten years later, he refers to the interest I found in the careful study of the leading words in noble languages ( 100 n.). His note-books and diaries, belonging to this period, are full of this study. He had a series of note-booksfor Latin Verbs, Latin Nouns, Greek Verbs, Greek Nouns, Myths, Natural History, Geography, Topics (Price, Commerce, Production, Government, Poverty, Luxury, etc.), Grammar, and so forth; and in these he entered up passages, notes, and queries from the authors he was studyingespecially Xenophon, Plato, Homer, Livy, and Horace. With similar thoroughness though with less pertinacity, it would seemhe attacked in German Studers Geologie der Schweiz and Goethes Faust. The studies in the classics were in large measure addressed directly to his intention of resuming and completing his essays on Political Economy. For the present, however, he had no immediate thought of publication. He wished to establish his principles firmly on the foundations laid by wise men of old, and he was as yet undecided with regard to the form into which his work should be cast. He discussed such points with his father, who, we may surmise, devoutly hoped by this time that his son would return to subjects and styles more likely to conduce to immediate fame: LUCERNE, November 5.I fully intend finishing Political Economy, but otherwise than as I began it. I have first to read Xenophons Economist and Platos Republic carefully, and to master the economy of Athens. I could not now write in the emotional way I did then. I am so disquieted by none of the clergymen coming forward to help me anywhere that I shall quote no more Bible for them. I am not going to cast more pearls before swine. I will do the work sternly and unanswerably, in shortest possible language. I think the insolence of these Saturday Review scamps in talking to Smith as if they would let me do this or that passes all I
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ever met; and Im not going to let them have any more fine language to call me a mad governess for.1 They shall have such language as is fit for them, and for the public. LUCERNE, November 15.. . . There is plenty time to talk over probable style of Political Economy. I do not allow reviewers to disturb me; but I cannot write when I have no audience. Those papers on Political Economy fairly tried 80,000 British public with my best work; they couldnt taste it; and I can give them no more. I could as soon be eloquent in a room full of logs and brickbats. Perhaps before I write any more I may in some way again change, but I believe the temper in which I wrote those papers to be past, and as utterly and for ever as that in which I wrote the 2nd vol. of Modern Painters. There is also little use and much harm in quoting Bible now; it puts religious people in a rage to have anything they dont like hammered into them with a text, and the active men of the world merely think you a hypocrite or a fool. But, as I said, theres plenty of time to talk over these things.

But Fors willed it otherwise. Towards the end of 1861, Froude, who was then editor of Frasers Magazine, and who through Carlyle had become a friend also of Ruskin, wrote to the latter saying that he believed there was something in my theories, and would risk the admission of what I chose to write on this dangerous subject. 2 Ruskin felt that the opportunity should not be lost, and the next year saw the resumption of his economical work. He decided to republish, in collected form, the essays from the Cornhill Magazine, in order that they might be accessible in connexion with the sequel to them which he had now begun to plan for Frasers. During Ruskins absence on the Continent in 1861, Mess rs. Smith, Elder & Co. published a volume of Selections from the Writings of John Ruskin. It was prefaced by the following Advertisement: The Publishers beg to state that this volume has originated in suggestions, from numerous quarters, that a book o f the kind would be acceptable to a large circle of readers, to whom, from various and obvious causes, the principal works whence it is derived are not easily accessible. The Publishers think it right to add that Mr. Ruskin, though tacitly consenting to this publication, has taken no part in making the selections, and is in no way responsible for the appearance of the volume.
1 2

See above, p. xxviii. Preface to Munera Pulveris, 20; see below, p. 143.

INTRODUCTION
The volume originated in the suggestion of Mr. Smith Williams, and he, with W. H. Harrison, was responsible for its preparation. Ruskin refers occasionally to the volume in letters to his father, and these sufficiently show his attitude to the affair: BONNEVILLE, September 28.I think page 220, vol. 4th, a very valuable passage if it can be got in.1 You and Mr. Smith must settle about what I am to have. Harrison and Williams have done all the work, but, as you say, I ought to have compensation for the loss of sale of the other volumes. But I have no idea what it should be. LUCERNE, October 22.I had late last night your letter containing . . . nice little preface to extracts: nothing can possibly be better. LUCERNE, November 9.Dont send the book of extracts to anybody, that you can help. Above alldont send it here. It is a form of mince-pie which I have no fancy for. My crest is all very well as long as it means Pork,2 but I dont love being made into sausages. LUCERNE, December 5.I have your nice and kind letter of 1st December, enclosing Carlyles, most interesting and kind also (herewith returned). As he says the extracts are right, I have not a word more to say against them. It is the books which must be wrong. The following note from Ruskins father to his friend Mr. John Simon is also worth giving: DENMARK HILL, 11th November, 1861. You saw what Mr. Harrison calls our volume, and I dont wonder that you do not like it. The sweets are brought together in cloying abundance, and the descriptions thickened into monotony. It is rather a vulgar shop affair, with a too handsome, very questionable, likeness. Mr. Williams is, however, pleased with his work, and the House has called for such a book for years. They had prepared a puffing preface which I have cut down to nonentity, the only escape. The best of the book seems to be the delight it gives Mr. Harrison, who talks as if he were the Beaumont and my Son the Fletcher of these volumes, although so
1 The passage in Modern Painters describing the results upon mountain form obtained by the slightest direction in the infant streamlets as a type of the formation of human characters by habit (Vol. VI. p. 220). But it was not got in. It is, however, 35 in the First Series of Selections issued in 1893. 2 It was a boars head: see Prterita, ii. ch. viii. 160, 161.

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faithful is he in all his readings and revisings that I never saw (and I have watched closely) a single word of my Sons text taken out and another substituted. The volume, which first appeared in November 1861, enjoyed considerable popularity, and was frequently re -issued during following years. It assisted not a little to spread the authors fame; yet not in the way he desired. The dissemination of these elegant extracts, with their sweets brought together in cloying abundance helped to encourage the idea, which Ruskin greatly resented 1 especially in these years when he was concentrating himself upon economical discussionthat he was a fine writer, a pretty word painter, and nothing more. 2 MUNERA PULVERIS (1862, 1863) Ruskin reached home on the last day of 1861, and for the next four months he was at home. Among other work, he went again through the Turner sketches at the National Gallery, removing the mildew 3 and adding a good many identifications. He also prepared Unto this Last for publication, and wrote the preface for it. This was dated May 10, 1862, and leaving his friend, Mr. John Simon, to make final arrangements for the publication of the book, he started in the middle of May for Switzerland and Italy. 4 His companions on this occasion were Burne-Jones and his wife. He did everything, writes Lady Burne-Jones, en prince, and had invited us as his guests for the whole time, but again in his courtesy agreed to ease our mind by promi sing to accept the studies that Edward should make while in Italy, and all was arranged and done by him as kindly and thoughtfully as if we had indeed been really his children, as he called us. Burne -Jones had made R uskins a cquaintance i n 1 856, when h e was living with William Morris in Red Lion Square. Just come back from being with our hero four hours, wrote the young artist after his first visit; so happy weve been: he is so kind to us, calls us his
See, for instance, Sesame and Lilies, 97 (Vol. XVIII. p. 146). Reviews of the volume of Selections appeared in the Literary Gazette, January 18, 1862, and in the Eclectic Review, March 1864, vol. 6, N.S., pp. 262276. Further bibliographical particulars will be found in a later volume of this edit ion. 3 See Vol. XIII. p. xliv. 4 The itinerary was as follows: Boulogne (May 15), Paris (May 16), Dijon (May 20), Ble (May 21), Lucerne (May 22), Fluelen (May 27), Hospenthal (May 29), Bellinzona (May 30), Lugano (May 31), Milan (June 1), Parma (June 7), Milan (June 10), Baveno (August 3), Geneva (August 6), Mornex (August 16), Bonneville (September 23), St. Martin (September 25), Mornex (September 26), Geneva (November 7), Paris (November 8).
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dear boys, and makes us feel like such old, old friends. To-night he comes down to our rooms to carry off my drawing and show it to lots of people; to-morrow night he comes again, and every Thursday night the sameisnt that like a dream? think of knowing Ruskin like an equal and being called his dear boys. Oh! he is so good and kindbetter than his books, which are the best books in the world. 1 This admiration quickly ripened into an affection which the elder man as warmly reciprocated. Ruskin, as he wrote to his father, felt greatly favoured in the company of a man like Jones, whose life is as pure as an archangels, whose genius is as strange and high as that of Albert Drer or Hans Memling, who loves me with a love as of a brother andfar moreof a devoted friend, whose knowledge of history and of poetry is as rich and varied, nay, far more rich and varied, and incomparably more scholarly than Walter Scotts was at his age. 2 Like me, like my wife is a rule that does not always hold among friends; and Ruskin admits that as a rule he did not li ke his friends wives, but he made an exception, he says, for Georgie. He did everything to make his children enjoy their holiday; he was a charming companion, and he must have enjoyed some of the pleasure which he gave in showing them scenes and pictures which he had known and loved during so many years. But the mood of oppression could not wholly be concealed. On the shore at Boulogne, writes Lady Burne-Jones, a mood of melancholy came over him and he left us, striding away by himself towards the sea; his solitary figure looked the very emblem of loneliness as he went, and we never forgot it. 3 They went by Lucerne and leisurely over the St. Gothard. At Lucerne he fell in with Sir John Nasmyth, who was travelling with his wife and daughter. In subsequent years Ruskin often corresponded with them. The travellers next went to Milan. There Mr. and Mrs. Burne -Jones left him; they went to Verona, Padua, and Venice, while he stayed for some weeks, first to write his first paper for Frasers Magazine (published in the June number), and then to copy and study Luini. This was one of the principal objects of Ruskins expedition, as he had undertaken to report upon Luinis frecoes to the committee of the Arundel Society. He made a very careful copy in water -colour of the St. Catherine with her wheel, one of the figures in the frescoes which cover the screen or eastern wall of the Church of San Maurizio at Milan.
1 2 3

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Memorials of Edward Burne-Jones, 1904, vol. i. p. 147. Letter from Geneva, August 12, 1862. Memorials of Edward Burne-Jones, vol. i. p. 241.

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This occupied him during several weeks. The copy now hangs in his Drawing School at Oxford, and is reproduced in a later volume of this edition, where also his own account of itextracted from letters written to his father at the timewill be found. To complete his study of L uini h e v isited S aronno, which c ontains s ome o ther o f t he p ainters finest work. Ruskin, as has already been remarked, 1 never wrote so much about Luini as might have been expected from the long study he gave to this master, and from the deep admiration he felt for his work; but in the Queen of the Air, 157, references will be found which are reminiscent of this summers work in San Maurizio and at Saronno. Ruskins devotion to the art of Italy received public recognition at this time; he was made an Honorary Member of the Florentine Academy. A little earlier, he had been similarly elected to the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts (the oldest artistic body in the United States). Having finished his work on Luini, Ruskin made his way to Geneva and looked about for quarters in which to spend the winter, and to find peace and quiet for his further contributions to Frasers Magazine. 2 He found what he wanted at the village of Morne x, a few miles from Geneva, on the slopes of the Saleve. He first took rooms in the Villa Goullierr, his landlady being the widow of the Professor of History in the University of Geneva. I am established, he wrote to his father (August 16), in a little parlour with a look out only on some pines and convolvulus blossoms, and the green slope of the Saleve like a bit of Malvern hills above; on the other side I can see the top of the Mole and of Mont Blanc, but little more. I have green chairs, a deal floor, and peace, and my books all about me, and your kind letter, which I am very grateful for. To his mother he wrote a fuller account of his hermitage: MORNEX, 31st August [1862]. MY DEAREST MOTHER,this ought to arrive on the evening before your birthday [Sept. 2]: it is not possible to reach you in the morning, not even by telegraph, as I once did from Mont Cenis, for(and may Heaven be devoutly thanked therefore)there are yet on Mont Saleve neither rails nor wires. However, arriving in the evening, it will be in time to wish
See Vol. IV. p. 355 n. The second paper must have been written at Milan or at Geneva, for it appeared in the September number, and Ruskin was not established at Mornex until the middle of August.
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you many returns of the morning, which you know I do: nor do I see reason why they should be less happy than they have beenwith your feelings; nor am I without hope that if I get a house to please me here, a proper degree of feminine and maternal solicitude and curiosity may even, next year, prevail upon you to submit to the degree of vehicular and porterage arrangement which wouldwith patienceand without painbring you as far as Savoy, and enable you to bring and give me some of the good skill you have always had in inventing house arrangements. For the present I am making no discoveries: the place I have got to is at the end of all carriage roads, and I am not yet strong enough to get farther, on foot, than a five or six miles circle, within which is assuredly no house to my mind. I cast, at first, somewhat longing eyes on a true Savoyard cheaunotable for its lovely garden and orchardand its unspoiled, unrestored, arched gateway between two round turrets, and Gothic-windowed keep.1 But on examination of the interior, finding the wallsthough six feet thickrent to the foundation, and as cold as rocks, and the floors all sodden through with walnut oil and rotten-apple juiceheaps of the farm stores having been left to decay in the ci-devant drawing roomI gave up all medival ideas, for which the long-legged black pigs (who lived like gentlemen at ease in the passage), and the bats and spiders who divided between them the corners of the turret-stair, have reasonif they knew itto be thankful. The worst of it is that I never had the gift, nor have I now the energy, to make anything of a place; so that I shall have to put up with almost anything I can find that is healthily habitable, in a good situation. Meantime, the air here being delicious, and the rooms good enough for use and comfort, I am not troubling myself much, but trying to put myself into better health and humour; in which I have already a little succeeded. I felt more comfort and freshness of spirit in my evenings walk on the rocky road yesterday (after having carefully examined all the tuckings up of the lip of the wild snapdragon) than I have done for this year back. I hope your blue pimpernels will arrive in comfort; they will probably sleep all the way in the railroad, but I cannot flatter you with the hope that they will express any degree of contentment with Denmark Hillor even Norwoodair. I would have sent a box of earth with them, but the red pimpernel grows so frankly by our roadsides, that I have no doubt any light clayeygravel soil of the Norwood hill will do for them. They grow here only in the cornfields among the stubble, and mixed with their crops
1

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Shown in Plate IV.; see the note on it, below, p. cxv.

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INTRODUCTION
of clover, saintfoin, etc., but I suspect these blue ones will object with all their might to smoke, and to wet weather. Most of the Saleve flowers, however, have a sort of English domesticity about them, except only onenow, alas, in fruitnot in flowerthe infinitely delicate, small-leaved, small-blossomed Rosa Alpina, its leaf about this size only [sketch of leaf spray], which covers the rocks in thickets, as thick as our brambles; the common dogrose mixed with it in quantities. There are no rhododendrons on the Saleve, and gentians on the summit only (gentians of the right sort, I mean): the four-leaved autumn gentian is common enough, and the autumn crocuses are just coming into bloom in the meadows. On the other side of the ravine the chestnut wood, and mixed pine, among the granite blocks of the old glaciers covered with moss, is a delicious place for the heat of the day. My Father would be quite wild at the view from the garden terracebut he would be disgusted at the shut-in feeling of the house, which is in fact as much shut in as our old Herne Hill one; only to get the view I have but to go as far down the garden as to our old mulberry tree. By the way, theres a magnificent mulberry tree, as big as a common walnut, covered with black and red fruit on the other side of the road. Couttet and Allen are very anxious to do all they can now that Crawley is away; and I dont think I shall manage very badly without himfor the present, but that is because he has drilled everybody first into my ways. He is very anxious to get me well and do all he can (which is a great deal), and people like him usually, I find, though the servants at home quarrel with him, but that is partly the fault of his own temper. I intended this letter to be beautifully written, but I see it is quite irregular and bad, so I hope my father will be at home to read it to you. I am going to walk down to Geneva with it myself, to make sure of the shortest post, and with dearest love to my Father, am ever, my dearest mother, Your most affectionate son, J. RUSKIN.1

Presently, however, he found the rooms too cramped, and the view did not satisfy him. His establishment was extensive. He had with him his servant Crawley, and Couttet, the guide; and he was subsequently joined by Mr. and Mrs. Allen and their children. So he took another small cottage a little lower down the hilla cottage orne in
A part of this letter has appeared in W. G. Collingwoods Life of John Ruskin (p. 199 of the edition of 1900).
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INTRODUCTION
which the Empress of Russia had once stayed. His new arrangements were described in a letter to his father:

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MORNEX, September 17, 1862.I think for the next three months (of course not counting my home visit fixed for November) I have now got myself settled satisfactorily. I had no view from my sitting-room or bedroomonly from the garden; so I have takenfor 10 napoleons a monththe Empress of Russias cottage as well, which has not only a perfect view, but a little garden, more to my mind than this one. I have slept in my new house two nights, and passed the days in the garden, and am much pleased. The bedroom window opens on a wooden gallery about six or seven feet above the garden; beneath, there is a bed of white convolvulus rising in three spires, as high as the cottage, on hop-poles; then the garden slopes south-east, steeply; having an ever-running spring about four yards from the door, falling out of upright wooden pipes into stone basin, forming a lovely clear pool. Beds of crimson and blue convolvulus, marigold, nasturtium, and chrysanthemum, with intermediate cabbage and artichoke, occupy the most of the little space, all afire; surrounded by a rough mossy low stone wall, about a foot and a half high at the bottom of garden; whence the ground slopes precipitously, part grass, part vines, to a ravine about four hundred feet deep; the torrent at the bottom seen for about two miles upamong its granite blocks (something like view from Lynton in Devonshire); but on the other side of the ravine extends the lovely plain of La Roche, to the foot of the Brezon, above which I have the Mont du Reposoir, and then the Aiguille de Varens; then Mont Blanc and the Grandes Jorasses and the Aiguille Verte; and lastly the Mle on the left, where my own pear-trees come into the panorama and guide back to the marigolds. I keep, however, my old rooms here, for the rooms in my new housedelicious in the morning and eveninghave too much sun in the middle of the day; here I have shade and larger space. The two houses are just about a hundred or a hundred and fifty yards apart. I sleep at the Empresss(Crawley and Allen above me, Couttet here); dress chiefly outside in my balcony, the air being as soft as in Italy; then walk over here, after a turn round the garden; find breakfast laid by Franceline, and my little table beside it with Horace and Xenophon. Read till eleven; walk or garden till half-past one. Dine here, where I have a nice little dining-room; back into garden, tea among my convolvuluses therewith sunset on the Alps opposite; bed at nine or half-past.

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The larger of the two houses had a pavilion in the garden, here shown in the illustration (Plate III.); the pavilion, as also the terrace-walk, commanded the view which is shown in Ruskins drawing (Plate V.). The Empress of Russias cottage, a humble building with a wooden balcony, may still be seen at Mornex. Such was the hermitage which now became Ruskins home, and which saw the travail of his soul, while he was writing the greater part of Munera Pulveris. The larger of Ruskins two houses has since become an inn, but the sojourn there of the great English writer, who, whilst treading a via dolorosa, placed a posy before every shrine of beauty and gentleness and love, 1 has not been forgotten. 2 Twenty years later Ruskin revisited the place, and wrote an account of it to Mr. Allen (September 8, 1882): I drove to the foot of the Grande Gorge before taking the Pas, and let the sun come round on it. I walked up nearly as well as ever, and got lovely views to the right towards Annecy as soon as I passed Monnetier. When I came in sight of Mornex I saw they had new-roofed my old house, and (having Mr. Collingwood and Baxter with me) was rather taken aback at finding it a flourishing hotel! I took them in and walked along the terrace to the old Pavillon without saying anything. The view was lovelier to me than ever, but there were people on the terrace having forenoon beer! I went into the house and sat down in the salle--manger under my old room. The waitress, after taking order for bread and cheese, stared at being asked for news of the Chevaliers;3 but the landlord, though young, knew of them, and after being asked a few probing questions, asked in his turn, Seriez-vous M. Ruskin? To my surprise and considerable complacency I found that English people often came up to see where I lived, and that the landlord even knew that I always slept in the Pavillon! I asked leave to see the old room. It was turned into a bedroom, but otherwise it and its galleries unchanged. Then I got news of Franceline. She was living with her
Preface by the Right Hon. George Wyndham to the privately -printed Letters to M. G. and H. G. by John Ruskin, 1903, p. xvii. These letters are reprinted in a later volume of this edition. 2 A board on the front of the house bears this legend: Hotel et Pension des Glycines. A. Corajod. Sejour de Wagner and Ruskin. Richard Wagner spent some weeks in the house a few years after Ruskins visit. Robert Brownings summer on the lower slopes of the Salve is recorded in his poem La Saisiaz. 3 The Chevaliers were the people in the village who used to send in Ruskins meals.
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INTRODUCTION
husband in her fathers house. I went up by myself, and she came running outhad seen me go down, and known me at once. She isnt improved by the twenty years progress, but was very glad to see meshowed me her four daughtersgave me some excellent tea and currant preserve and a bunch of white roses; listened attentively while I described Sunnyside and its business to herand heard with reverence of my Oxford Professorship. She sent you all manner of regards. After saying good-bye, with some promise of coming again, I walked down to Etrembieres, and drove home here from the pont; and had a lovely walk and study of the Rhone, and made a sketch of it and the old town at sunset.1 Reminiscences of Ruskin still linger about the house. Only last year (1904) a well-known French critic, M. Augustin Filon, having gone to the mountains for rest and peace, found that he had hir ed the very rooms occupied by Ruskin, that he was writing in Ruskins chair, by Ruskins window. The villagers still had memories of their old friend. A thin-faced, reddish-whiskered Englishman, they said, neither old nor young. they did not know him a s a writer of books. They must have thought him an accentric person (being English). They used to see him messing (tripotant) about his little kitchen, digging, delving in his garden, mixing mortar, trundling his wheelbarrow, pottering about all over the place, never idle. In that far-off period Ruskin, reflects M. Filon, was practising his philosophy of the union between brain work and hand work, the philosophy which in after time he taught his Oxford students when he turned them into navvies to show them that a well-made road was a work of art. And M. Filon goes on: It was Ruskin who put up the bell by which I call for my dinner; and who paved the courtyard. Every single stone of it was carried on the back of a diminutive donkey, Ruskin having devised t his whimsical method of transport as a means of disguising his act of charity to the donkeys owner, a very poor woman. 2 In November 1862 Ruskin returned to England for a short time in order to see his parents and to give an address to the Working Mens
This letter has been printed in the Strand Magazine, December 1902. From the Gaulois of September 18, 1904, an article entitled La Maison de Ruskin a Mornex. M. Filons sketch is most sympathetic, but he claims too much for the house in saying that Ru skin there composed the greater part of the pages published between 1855 and 1865. The recollections of the villagers are perfectly correct; Ruskin describes the old woman with the donkey in letters to his father; but it was Mr. Allen who did most of the paving.
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College. 1 By Christmas, however, he was back again at Mornex. 2 The peace of the place, the beauty of the surrounding country, and its rich geological interest restored him to much of his old power of enjoyment. He had days, as he wrote to his father, when his very happiness frightened him: October 25.. . . I have been up and along the ridge of the Saleve right to its southern brow to-day. There is no giving you any conception of the loveliness of its golden mossy turf, with the gentians set at intervals of a square yard or soone at every second step; nor of the glades of grass fresh with frosty dew, under ranks of Spanish chestnut and pine. October 26.There have been such divine things, all day long, between autumn leafage, flying sunshine, and floating cloud, that theres no talking of it. The grass is so intensely greenwith the dew and the pure air togetherthat in the morning it is like glowworms fire in vast masses. I enjoy immensely sauntering on the old road to Chamouni, and looking at the mists flying over the hills I knew in youthpast which my life has flown, like a cloud. October 27.I have had so good a day, to-day, that it almost frightens me, lest I should be fey or lest something should be going to happen. I have been literally in high spiritsthe first time this six or seven years. I was walking on the old, old road from Geneva to Chamouni, down the steep hill to the bridge and up again, and towards BonnevilleMont Blanc so clear, and all the near mountains so purple and pure, and the sunshine so dazzling, and air crystal with slight bracing North wind; and I had found out quantities of things in a heap, in Homer and Theognis in the morning, and found more in my head as I walked; and came to old things by the roadside that Ive known these twenty years, and it was so like a dream. Then when I came home I had your pleasant letter, and a nice one from Froude, and nice one from Allengiving good account of College,and sate after dinner on my sofa quietly, watching the sunshine fade softly on the aiguilles of Chamouni and the Reposoir. And it is so strange to me to feel happy that it frightens me. Ruskin liked the place so well that the idea of fixing his tent permanently among the mountains grew upon him. He had a friendly
1 Of this address (delivered on Saturday, November 29) there is no adequate report; but Ruskin refers to it, as having been on the subject of Reform, in Time and Tide, 9 (see below, p. 324). 2 The following dates show his movements during the winter and spring of 18621863: Geneva (December 20), Mornex (December 24), Annecy (April 8), Talloires (April 13), Annecy (May 10), Mornex (May 11), Chamouni (May 25), Mornex (May 26), Boulogne (May 30).

INTRODUCTION
neighbour at Mornex in an old Genevese doctor 1 seventy-five years old and still hale and hearty. He is going to walk up the Saleve with me to-morrow, writes Ruskin to his father (September 9, 1862), saying with perfect coolness that he will wait for me when I am out of breath, which, I doubt not, he will in very truth have to do. He is going to show me from the top the various districts of this part of Savoywhere it is damp, or drybleak or shelteredclay or rock in soil, etc., and to tell me the qualities of the hill plants. He says I ought to live for at least three months of the year in the gentian zone. On his mountain rambles Ruskin was the most delightful and stimulating of companions. He o ften took M r. Allen with him at this time. He had an eye for everything, says Mr. Allen in reminiscences of days at Mornex; clouds and stones, hills and flowers all interested him in the same intense way; and his printed passages of adoration in presence of the sublimity of nature were the expression of his inmost feelings and in accord with his own practice. I seem to hear him now breaking forth into a rhapsody of delight as we came unexpectedly, during a walk up the Brezon, upon a sloping bank of the star -gentian. He was full, too, of sympathy with the life of the people. I can see him now kneeling down, as he knelt on Easter Sunday, 1863, to pray with a peasant woman at a wayside chapel. When I first re ach the Alps, he said to me once, I always pray. 2 The Brezon, a mountain rich both in botanical and in mineralogical interest, was a constant delight to Ruskin. There is a spot a little below the summit which was the destination of many a ramble, and which he used to call the lunch bed. Mr. Allen remembers Ruskins pleasure on one occasion in counting no fewer than nine Alpine vultures during one ascent. The erratic blocks, too, greatly interested him; one of great size, stranded near La Roche,containing 15,000 cubic feet of gneiss from the Mont Blanc rangehe desired to purchase; he was agreeably surprised to find that a citizen of Geneva had already bought it, so that its preservation might be guaranteed. On other days Ruskin would walk or drive in the valley. A frequent walk on geological days was to the Gorge des Evaux; 3 another favourite spot was near Bonneville, where at a particular hour there was a peculiarly beautiful glint of sunshine to be seen on the cascades: great would be his vexation i f he arrived too late
1 Dr. L. A. Gosse, mentioned by Ruskin in a letter to the Times (October 24, 1862) on Oak Silkworms (reprinted in Arrows of the Chace, 1880, vol. ii. p. 232, and in a later volume of this edition). 2 Ruskin and his Books: an Interview with his Publisher, Strand Magazine, December 1902, pp. 712713. 3 See W. G. Collingwoods Limestone Alps of Savoy, 1884, pp. 83, 86, 97.

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or the clouds were envious. The gloom which overshadows many of Ruskins letters and the bitterness which colours his writings at this time were not unmixed. He said of himself that, for thinking of the sunset, he could never thoroughly enjoy the sunrise; but if the sorrows of his sensitive soul were deeper than other mens, so also was the sunshine of his unclouded hours more intense. Ruskin during his sojourn at Mornex reverted with some enthusiasm to a scheme he had long had in his mind for the reproduction of drawings by Turner. We have referred above to the uncertainty of aim which perplexed him during these years (18601863). Ultimately he devoted his main thoughts to economics, but he often felt equally drawn to the continuation of his artistic work. It is curious that a biographical notice of him, which appeared in 1861 and which he himself revised, ended with these words: Mr. Ruskin is reported on good authority to have abandoned his other studies, in order to devote his future labours exclusively to the work of Turner and the Venetians. What Ruskin said to the biographer was to the illustration of the works of Turner and the Venetians. 1 And similarly to another correspondent Ruskin wrote (Denmark Hill, February 25, 1861): touching my plans, they are all simplified into one, quiet and long:to draw as well as I can without complaining or shrinking, because that is ill, for ten years at least, if I live so long; in hopes of doing, or directing some few serviceable engraved copies from Turner and Titian. 2 This intention, in the case of Turner, had long been present to him, 3
1 The notice appeared in A Dictionary of Contemporary Biography: a Handbook of the Peerage of Rank, Worth, and Intellect . London and Glasgow: Richard Griffin & Company, 1861. The publisher had submitted to Ruskin a proof of the intended notice, which had presumably stated his presumed intention to abandon art for economics. Ruskin replied as follows:

S IR ,There is hardly anything in the enclosed statement to correct, for it seems to me wholly to consist of statements of opinion. There is one professed fact at the end of it which is precisely and accurately the reverse of truth. If for the underlined sentence you like to substitute the following, you will find i t eventually more t o the c redit of your b ook: Mr. R uskin i s reported on good authority to have abandoned the st udy of art in other directions, in order to devote his future labours exclusively to the illustration of the works of Turner and the Venetians. But you cant make much of the notice, do what you will, for it is written by some one who knows nothing whatever about me or my books, and is a bad English writer besides. Flourish the weapon of invective, for instance, is a common penny-a-liner metaphor. Very truly yours, J. RUSKIN. The whole notice must have been revised in consequence of this letter, for the weapon of invective, etc., does not appear. 2 Letters to Charles Eliot Norton, vol. i. p. 105. 3 See Vol. VI. p. 4; Vol. VII. p. 8 and n.; and Vol. XIII. p. lix.

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and at Mornex he began to carry it out. Mr. Allen was sent for to join him, and was to bring a printing-press in order that they might print the plates which Mr. Allen was to engrave from Ruskins tracings of Turners drawings. The work did not make great progress, but two of the engravings thus made at Mornex are given (reduced) in this edition (Vol. XIII., Plates xxiv. and xxvi.). But Ruskins main work at Mornex was done in complete solitude. This consisted of the third and fourth essays for Frasers Magazine, now chapters iii. to vi. of Munera Pulveris. 1 Ruskin regretted their affected concentration of languagethe result, he said, of thinking too long over particular passages, in many and many a solitary walk towards the mountains of Bonneville or Annecy. 2 In revising the essays for publication in book-form he found it impossible to break up the concentration, and the work remains one of the most difficult of his treatises. It was intended, he says, only for earnest readers; but reviewers are not always, or perhaps often, in that category, and the curtness of expression in the essays proved a stumbling -block to many. It should be remembered that the essays as they stand were written only as an introduction to an intended treatise on a larger scale; as a mere dictionary for reference, in Ruskins words (p. 145). But there is another peculiarity of the work which helps to explain its failure to catch the popular ear at the time, and which to this day makes it less read than Unto this Last. It is, in some ways, a more important part of Ruskins economical writings; 3 it is also very closely reasoned, and it follows throughout a clear plan. But there is mixed with it so much of excursus into classical fields, so much of verbal and literary argument, that readers fail to keep hold of the main thread. Ruskin, as we have seen, was occupying himself at the time with a minute study of many Greek and Latin authors, and Dante was his constant companion. All of them were impressed into the service of his economical theories. There is a letter to his father written from Mornex which well illustrates the manner in which Ruskin made everything that he was reading work together; it also illustrates a particular passage in Munera Pulveris: 4 October 23.I have been reading the Odyssey to-night with much delight, and more wonder. Everything now has become a
References to his walks and talks at Mornex occur in 147, 148 n., 150, 151. Preface to Munera Pulveris, 22; see below, p. 145. See what Ruskin says in the letter on p. 487, below. 4 87 (below, p. 208). Compare the letter given at pp. 224 225 n. (everything becomes endless when one works it out).
2 3 1

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mystery to methe more I learn, the more the mystery deepens and gathers. This which I used to think a poets fairy tale, I perceive to be a great enigmathe Apocalypse, in a sort, of the Greeks. Peoples ineffable carelessness usually mixes up the gentle, industrious, kind Calypso with the enchantress Circe. She is the Patmos spirit of the Greeks (Calypse, Apo-Calypse), the goddess of wild nature. But what it all means, or meant, heaven only knows. I see we are all astray about everythingthe best wisdom of the world has been spoken in these strange enigmasDantes, Homers, Hesiods, Virgils, Spensersand no one listens, and God appoints all His best creatures to speak in this way: that hearing they may hear, and not understand;1 but why God will always have it so, and never lets any wise or great man speak plainlyEzekiel, Daniel, St. John being utter torment to anybody who tries to understand them, and Homer scarcely more intelligibletheres no guessing.

Ruskins reading of these enigmas is full of flashes of insight and abounds in happy illustrations; but it sometimes led him into fanciful analogies, dubious etymologies, and strained interpretations. 2 Matthew Arnold selected a passage from the essays in Frasers Magazinethat in which Ruskin analyses the meaning of Shakespeares namesto illustrate what he called the note of provinciality; by which he meant an absence of moderation and proportionan excessive indulgence in literary whimsin Ruskins criticism. Ruskins infinite ingenuity in discovering hidden meanings in ancient legends, and his determination to make all things in classical and medival poetry and mythologywork together for the enforcement of his principles, recall the syncretism of the first centuries after Christ, when Greek philosophy sought to harmonise all creeds and assimilate all legends and all worships. 3 A result of his thus giving the reins to his fancy is, in Munera Pulveris, a subtle and full-charged allusiveness, which makes the book somewhat difficult to read closely, and which calls, in this edition, for frequent annotation. Some of the explanatory notes are drawn, i t will be seen, from the authors letters to his father, who had complained that he found the essays dry. The allusive note in the essays in Frasers Magazine is struck in the titleMunera Pulveriswhich Ruskin afterwards gave to them. This title is one of the most obscure in his series, and even learned
1 2

Matthew xiii. 14. For some characteristic passages in this sort, see 100, 101, 109 n., 110 n., 125

n.

For the importance which Ruskin attached to his readings of the mythology of Greece and the legends of Rome, and which he indicated in the titles of his later books, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 67.

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commentators dismiss it with the bald remark that it is cryptic. 1 It has been suggested that the title may be taken in disconnec tion from its context in Horace, and has no ulterior meaning. 2 But Ruskin expressly cites the passage from Horace as the motto of his book (p. 147), and if the title had no ulterior meaning it would be very unlike Ruskin. I am not fantastic, he wrote, in my titles, as is often said; but try shortly to mark my chief purpose in the book by them. 3 The desire to disconnect the quotation from the context is, however, very intelligible, for the Ode in question (i. 28) is one of the most vexed passages in Horace. Who is speaking, and who is being addressed; how many speakers there are; the scene of the Ode, the nature, the division of its parts, its purpose, are all points on which there are almost as many opinions as commentators. And on the solution of s uch questions, the translation of the lines quoted by Ruskin must depend. He does not himself give any translation; and it would be possible, with the necessary supply of ingenuity, to devise as many meanings for Ruskins title as there are versions of the lines from which it is taken. This exercise, however, is hardly necessary; for there are sufficient clues in Ruskins other works, and even in this book itself, to show what he had in his mind. The most important passage occurs in the Cestus of Aglaia, 34. He is there speaking of the wasted labour and ill-directed ingenuity in too much of the art of the day; and apostrophising some patient toiler in that sort, he exclaims: Over that genius of yours, low laid by the Matin shore, if it expired so, the lament for Archytas would have to be sung again:pulveris exiguimunera. It is thus clear that Ruskin read the first lines of the Ode as a lament over Archytas dead and buried, and not as meaning that Archytas lacks the gift of a little sand that would give rest to his shade. 4 A literal translation of the lines, as Ruskin took them,
1 Munera Pulveris is the title taken from the line of Horacethe cryptic allusion of which so few readers understandso says Mr. Frederic Harrison (John Ruskin, 1902, p. 102), and he does not explain the secret. Other writers do not allude to the title. A probable explanation was given in an article in Good Words, July 1893 (Mr. Ruskins Titles, by Mrs. E. T. Cook). 2 W. S. Kennedy in the New York Critic and Good Literature, June 21, 1884. 3 See Ariadne Florentina, 27. 4 This latter is the version adopted by Sir Theodore Martin: Thee, O Archytas, who hast scanned The wonders of the world by sea and land, The lack of some few grains Of scattered dust detains A shivering phantom here upon Matinums strand.

XVII.

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would be: Once thou measuredst the sea and earth and the countless sand; now, Archytas, art thou contained in the small gifts of a little dust by the Matin shore. 1 The closing words of Ruskins treatise confirm the interpretation suggested by the Cestus of Aglaia. The conclusion of the whole matter is the choice between the wealth which makes for life, and the phantom of wealth which makes for death; and it is in an alternative of epitaphs that Ruskin puts this choice between his readers: There is no other choice; you must either take dust for deity, spectre for possession, fettered dream for life . . . or else, having the sun of justice to shine on you, and the sincere substance of good in your possession, and the pure law and liberty of life within you, leave men to write this legend over your grave: He hath dispersed abroad. He hath given to the poor. His righteousness remaineth for ever. So, again, in 79 of Munera (p. 201) we read that when men exchange speculation for toil, their riches change only from the slime of Avernus to the sand of Phlegethon. And so, once more, in The Crown of Wild Olive ( 16), Ruskin speaks of men gathering dust for treasure, and dying rich in that. The object then, of Ruskins treatise was to attack the conception of wealth, current in the ordinary political economy, which, in the emphasis laid upon merely material possessions and upon accumulation as distinct from distribution, took dust for deity. (The word in the quotation above has been here italicised in order to emphasise the clue.) The latter end of such wealth is dust also; and this, no doubt, is what Ruskin meant when he placed the lines from Horace at the head of his bookthence choosing for its title t he words munera p ulveris, Gifts o f t he D ust. T here i s a nother kind of gift which Ruskin sought to press upon his readers, another order of riches in which, according to his science of political economy, the well-being of states, as of individuals, alone consists. There is no wealth but life 2 and there are riches untormenting and divine: serviceable for the life that now is; nor, it may be, without promise of that which is to come. 3 The reward for
1

Or, in Coningtons version: The sea, the earth, the innumerable sand, Archytas, thou couldst measure; now, alas! A little dust on Matine shore has spannd That soaring spirit.

Compare below, p. 259 n. 2 Unto this Last, 77 (p. 105). 3 Crown of Wild Olive, 16.

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the gathering of that kind of riches is The Crown of Wild Olive; but the title of the present book expresses, in scornful phrase, the fallacy which it is meant to expose, not the theorem which it is meant to enforce. The science of Political Economy, he says, has been hitherto the weighing of clouds and the portioning out of shadows tasks like those of Archytas. And woe to us, he adds, if we take the dust for reality, for so all procession is to the tomb. 1 Probably, however, Ruskin had many other ulterior meanings. The title which he gave to his Letters to Workmen Fors Clavigerasufficiently shows how fond he was of adopting many-sided titles. Archytas, it should be remembered, was a philosophera professor, it may be, of some dismal science; a man given to counting the sanda proverbial expression with the Greeks and Romans for wasted trouble. It is therefore probable enough that Ruskin intended partly, by this initial motto for his book, to apostrophise the professors of the pseudo -science, as he called it. Again, he often reverted in mind to this economic doctrine and practice as mere gathering of dust. Thus, in the first edition of Sesame and Lilies he wrote, the treasuries of the true kings are the streets of their cities; and the dust which others gather is for them a crystalline pavement for evermore. 2 Measuring the sand had, too, another signification to him, and one directly connected with false methods of State economy. So in a passage in the original essays Ruskin speaks of men enlarging their lust of wealth through ignorance of its use, making their harlot of the dust, and setting Earth the Mother at the mercy of Earth the Destroyer, so that she has to seek in hell the children she left playing in the meadows (p. 201 n.). See, also, the passages in Proserpina 3 where he speaks of the power of the Earth Mother, as Mother and as Judge; watching and rewarding the conditions which induce adversity and prosperity in the kingdoms of menthe three kinds of Desertof Reed, Sand, and Rockexhaustively including the states of the earth neglected by man. These passages, he tells us, contain the summary of the aims kept in view throughout Munera Pulveris. When this thought was uppermost in his mind, he would perhaps have taken another of the meanings of munera and translated his title Functions of the Dust (see 9). 4 It has seemed worth while to enter somewhat fully here into the
1 2 3 4

Munera Pulveris, 34, 35 (pp. 165167). See Vol. XVIII. p. 105 n. In i. ch. vii., and ii. ch. iv. Compare the passage at the end of 48.

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possible meanings of Ruskins phrase, because the choice of such cryptic titles was very characteristic of the later workings of his mind. 1 We have seen instances of it already in the fifth volume of Modern Painters. When he called one of his plates in that volume Venga Medusa and another The Locks of Typhon, reminiscences of Aristophanes and Dante and Hesiod and Turner all crowded into his mind at once; the title had facets as many as his mingling thoughts. This habit of writing in parablesof turning an idea, or a word, or a phrase over and over, and making it flash out, for those who had eyes to see, a different shade of light at each turnbecame more and more frequent with Ruskin, especially in books or passages written in what he calls his third mannerthe manner of saying all that comes into my head for my own pleasure. 2 It may be added that the title Munera Pulveristhough not printed before 1872was in Ruskins mind much earlier. The passage in Horace was incidentally quoted in the original essays in Frasers Magazine (see 134 n.); and in Time and Tide (1867) he refers to the essays, not then republished, under the title Munera Pulveris (see 115, 155, 167). The long interval which elapsed between the appearance of the essays in Frasers M agazine and their publication as a book was due to a rebuff of the same kind as that which had cut short the earlier essays in the Cornhill. The fourth paper was sent to Frasers Magazine from Mornex in March 1863, and duly appeared in the number for April. The present paper, wrote Ruskin at the end of it, completes the definitions necessary for future service. The next in order will be the first chapter of the body of the work. 3 But the next in order was never to come. Froude, the editor of the Magazine, had not wholly lost courage, but the Publisher indignantly interfered; and the readers of Fraser, s ays R uskin, as t hose o f t he Cornhill, were protected for that time from further disturbance on my part. 4 This second veto was a bitter vexation to Ruskin. Mr. Allen well remembers the day on which Ruskin heard the news; he paced his terrace-walk for hours like a caged lion, and deep gloom gathered upon him. Froude, it is clear, had not lost faith in his contributor; for,
1 2 3 4

See, for instance, the title given to Letter xi. in Time and Tide (below, p. 368 n.). Queen of the Air, 134. See below, p. 290 n. See the Preface to Munera Pulveris, 20; below, p. 143.

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a few months later, when Ruskins views had called forth a reply in Macmillans Magazine (by Professor Cairnes), Froude invited Ruskin to write a rejoinder. This supplementary paper in the form of a dialogue on Goldwas duly sent to Froude, but it was not printed. Probably it was Ruskins father who stopped it; he was particularly sensitive, as a City merchant, to his sons heresies on questions of currency; and Ruskin had promised his father to publish no more letters without letting you see them. 1 Many years later this suppressed chapter came to light, Ruskins servant and amanuensis Crawley having been in possession of a copy of it. It is now included in the Appendix to this volume (pp. 491498). It should be stated, as explaining the stoppage of Munera Pulveris in Frasers Magazine, that the papers excited the same violent hostility and reprobation that were called forth by Unto this Last. Indeed, the outcry was now at its height, for reviews of Unto this Last, in its collected form, were appearing. The contemptuous tone of the writers in the press, and the remonstrances of private friends, hurt Ruskins father not a little, and a strain of vexation in the sons letters at this time was caused by paternal entreaties for alterations or suppressions. Ruskin in reply (Mornex, August 19, 1862) begged his father to mind c ritiques a s l ittle a s p ossible; r ead, o f m e, what you c an enjoy, put by the rest, and leave my reputation in my own hands, and in Godsin whose management of the matter you and mama should trust more happily and peacefully than I canfor you believe that He brings all right for everything and everybody; and I, that He appoints noble laws, and blesses those who obey them, and destroys them who do not. Now, as in the case of the papers in the Cornhill Magazine, Ruskin had an enthusiastic supporter in Carlyle, who tried to reassure Ruskins father. Writing to Ruskin on October 24, 1862, Froude said: The world talks of the article in its usual way. I was at Carlyles last night . . . He said that in writing to your father as to subject, he had told him that when Solomons temple was building it was credibly reported that at least 10,000 sparrows sitting on the trees round declared that it was entirely wrong, quite contrary to received opinion, hopelessly condemned by public opinion, etc. Nevertheless it got finished, and the sparrows flew away and began to chirp in the same note about something else. 2
1 2

From a letter of November 23, 1863. Here reprinted from p. 203 of W. G. Collingwoods Life of John Ruskin (1900).

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To Ruskin himself Carlyle had already written (June 30, 1862):

I have read, a month ago, your First in Fraser, and ever since have had a wish to say to it and you, Euge, macta nova virtute. I approved in every particular; calm, definite, clear; rising into the sphere of Plato (our almost best), which in exchange for the sphere of Macculloch, Mill and Co. is a mighty improvement! Since that, I have seen the little green book, too; reprint of your Cornhill operations,about 2/3 of which was read to me (known only from what the contradiction of sinners had told me of it): in every part of which I find a high and noble sort of truth, not one doctrine that I can intrinsically dissent from, or count other than salutary in the extr eme, and pressingly needed in England above all. 1 After the last paper in Fraser Carlyle wrote again. Ruskin accidentally destroyed the letter, but he had copied out some sentences of it to send home, and he remembered others. There is a felicity of utt erance in it,said C arlyle, here a nd t here, s uch a s I r emember i n n o o ther writer, living or dead, and its all as true as gospel. What enlightened public, he added, will make of it, I know not. to be visited with such a dividing of joint and marrow! so quiet, so sudden, fatal as the sword (here a proper name for sword I could not read) to the unhappy smith who only knew he was killed by feeling the iron in his inside, and had to shake himself before he fell in two. Euge! I tell you I know nothing like it for felicity of expression; John Mill keeps not closer to his dialectics, and he but with one gift, while here are so many; a man who comes on etymologically, phantastically, prophetically (I am not sure of this last wordcould not decipher it; if it is right, it means eloquently, but is stronger) all at once. Glad I am that you are in for a continuanceI care not now at what interval: I have lived to see it said clearly that government(I forget the exact phrase following, but it meant the assertion of authority generally over mob). 2 Cut short in mid-career, the essays entitled Munera Pulveris had to bide their time. Just as the collection of the Cornhill essays into a volume was due to the beginning of the Fraser essays (see above, p. 1.), so the republication of the Fraser essays was due to the beginning of a fresh series. In 1871 Ruskins preoccupations were largely political and economic; he had resumed the preaching of his social gospel; and in connexion with Fors Clavigera he determined to
1 W. G. Collingwoods Life of John Ruskin (1900), p. 202. Carlyle forgot that he had read one at least of the Cornhill papers and written to Ruskin about it two years before (see above, p. xxxii.). 2 Ruskins letters to his father from Annecy, April 7 and 11, 1 863.

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include Munera Pulveris in the collected series of his works. It there appearedfor the first time in collected formon January 1, 1872. In this form the book was expensive, and the sale was slow. Fourteen years later Ruskin wrote to his publisher that people seem ready for a cheap edition. In 1886 such an edition was issued, and the book has of late years found many readers. But in 1863 Ruskin turned away, in disappointment for a while, from economic writing; the continuation of his essays in Political Economy was put aside, and he devoted himself to finishing his lecture for the Royal Institution on the Forms of the Stratified Alps of Savoy. He had by this time tired of his hermitage at Mornex, which indeed was less peaceful than he had hoped. He could no longer endure, he says, the rabid howling, on Sunday evenings, of the holiday -makers who came out from Geneva to get drunk in the mountain -village. 1 Also he had thought in winter there would be storms, and lovely skies and effects in the Alps; but there was not one, from Christmas to Aprilnothing but crystalline clearness with cold wind, or black grey with snow. 2 So, to complete his mountain studies, he left Mornex for a while and went to the Lake of Annecystaying first at the Htel de Genve, Annecy, and afterwards at Talloires on the east bank of the lake, in the ancient Benedictine Abbey there, part of which had been turned into an hotel. He found the stratification of the mountains inconceivably wonderful and interesting, and enjoyed the coming of the spring: ANNECY, April 10.I have had a good day, to-day; feeling strong in drawing and enjoying myself generally. I am glad to find it isnt my fault when I grumble; and that provided the sky is blue, the air soft, plenty of violets and hyacinths on the banks, the mountains beautiful, the peasantry pretty, and the road good, I dont feel anything much to complain of; so that nobody can say I dont know what I want. One of his drawings of the mountains of Annecy is her e reproduced in colours (Plate VI.). After a few weeks he returned to Mornex. You cant think, he wrote (May 11), how pleased I am to get back to my den . . . . (May 12): I have really been enjoying myself mightily this evening; there has been a clear sunset on the Brezon with quiet air; and Ive had tea in my garden house, with the lilacs in bloom outside, and a red hawthorn, and pink chestnut; and the nightingales are in
1 2

Time and Tide, 47; see below, p. 356. Letter to his father from Tallories, April 21, 1863.

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full song (or were last night till I fell asleep for I could hardly tell them from the other birds this evening), and the view of the plain of the Arve, now coming into the rich tufted loveliness I first saw it inthirty years agois very precious to me. But Ruskin was too sensitive to other impressions for unchequered enjoyment. The air is very soft and sweet now, he wrote on the following day, but it is cloudy and gloomy; the gloomiest part of it, however, is the c ontrast of spring and its blossoming with the torpor and misery of the people; nothing can be more dreadful than their suffering, from mere ignorance and lethargy, no one caring for them. At the end of May 1863 Ruskin again went to England, reaching Denmark Hill on June 1. He had two public engagements to fulfilone, the lecture on Geology which had occupied much of his time and thoughts during the preceding months; a report of it is reserved for the volume containing Deucalion. His other public engagement was to give evidence before the Royal Commission on the Royal Academy; this has been printed in a previous volume. 1 He then went for a round of visits in the Northto Winnington, to Wallington, to Lady Waterford at Ford Castle, and to his friend, and Turn ers, the Rev. William Kingsley at Thirsk. 2 To Winnington, on this occasion, Ruskin took with him Mr. and Mrs. Burne-Jones; and in the Memorials of the painter we catch a glimpse of Ruskin taking his place occasionally in a quadrille or a country dance. H e looked very thin, scarcely more than a black line, as he moved about amongst the white girls in his evening dress. 3 In September 1863 he returned once more to the Alps. 4 His mind was now set upon building a house for himself among the Savoy mountains, and of making it his permanent home. He had already during his residence at Mornex been prospecting. It was to be a hill-top house. He had been one day for a solitary ramble up the Brezon, above Bonneville, and was entranced with the flowers and the view. There on the mountain summit was the place chosen for his chlet. He entered upon the scheme with characteristic enthusiasm.
Vol. XIV. pp. 476 seq. The following are the dates: Winnington (August 8), Newcastle (August 10), Wallington (August 11), Cold stream (April 18, driving over to see Lady Waterford at Ford Castle), Thirsk, with W. Kingsley (April 20), Wallington (August 23), Winnington (August 25 and following days). 3 Memorials of Edward Burne-Jones, vol. i. p. 264. 4 The following were his movements: Boulogne (September 8), Geneva (September 10), Bonneville (September 11), Chamouni (September 12), St. Martin (October 8), Geneva (October 10), Baden (October 13), Schaffhausen (November 2), Baden (November 3), Ble (November 11), Paris (November 13).
2 1

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The good people of Bonneville were delighted. They thought to see Ruskin permanently established among them as an earthly providence; and Mr. Allen, who was on one occasion sent to meet the village elders on the spot and discuss the water supply, describes how he was received with salvoes of artillery. The hardest days work I ever had in my life, says Mr. Allen, was marking out the boundaries of Mr. Ruskins intended purchase. He was resolved to buy the greater part of the mountain. There was no water; he would construct a dam to collect the snow. Dante Rossetti was to come out and design the decorations of the chlet; Burne-Jones was to paint the walls. Alas! this house beautiful among the mountains was to remain a chlet in the air, but for a time the scheme was very near accomplishment. He had two objects in view. First, as he explains in Prterita (ii 206 seq.), he wanted to make some practical effort to help the peasant ry, whose fundamental nobleness of character he respected, and for whose hard and often neglected lot he had so profound a pity. But also he had more and more come to feel the homelessness of his own home. He was no longer understood by his parents, nor co uld he enjoy their sympathy. His religious heresies grieved his mother; his economic, his father. The more he loved themand no parents ever had a more affectionate and dutiful childthe more he felt the bitterness of the estrangement. Already, early in 1861, he had written to Professor Norton of the almost unendurable solitude in my own home, only made more painful to me by parental love which did not and never could help me, and which was cruelly hurtful without knowing it. 1 Hence Ruskin felt that he must have a home of his own; and for reasons already stated, as well as for peace and seclusion, he decided to find it among the Alps. He had told the plan to Burne -Jones, who was distressed at Ruskins loneliness of spirit, and pleaded that, as an alternative to exile, he should find some retreat in England: for this home the painter would design a set of hangings with figures from Chaucer, a nd the girls at W innington would work them. Ruskins reply to Burne-Jones and his wife was written just before he left England for Chamouni: DENMARK HILL, 8th September, 1863. My DEAREST CHILDREN,I am very deeply moved and comforted by all your lettersas who would not be, unless he were himself rock, instead of merely wishing to live among rocks. You would make me entirely happy with your loves if I felt strong,
1

Letters of John Ruskin to Charles Eliot Norton , vol. i. p. 106.

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and as if I should have life and time to stay with you, but I have a great feeling of its being too late. But do with me and for me as you willthat will be best for me. All that I mean to doat the worstis to buy this bit of rock land as I would a picture. You may like some day, some of you, to climb to it, with childrens feet, among Alpine roses; and Ive another notion of a thing the great cliff above may be useful forsome dayor nightbut, for this time, have your own way. I daresay love is very nice when it doesnt always mean leaving peopleas it always does with me, somehow; and if you can find this dream of yours with its walled garden, I dont think I should want to leave it, when I got in. And for the tapestry, please begin that directly; that at least I can live with; and let it be as you sayChaucers legend. I should like that better than anyanyanything, and it is very beautiful and kind and lovely of the twelve damosels to work it for meand I would not have had any other if I had chosen. And it will be very wonderful and helpful and holy to me. And let the little maidens do birds and mice and funny things and little flowers, underneath; and give them all now my love and wearying for them, and take it, for you. I hope it will make you very happy to be there, as far as any outward thing can make you and Georgie happier than you always are; but I like so much to think of you there, and I cant bear to think of you in London. It is the only quite pleasant thing I have to think of in all the world. So stay as long as you can, that I may have it to think of.1

Mrs. Burne-Jones had also written to Ruskins father, who replied as follows: I am happy to think of my Son possessing so much of your and Mr. Jones regard, and to hear of so many excellent people desiring to keep him at home; my own earnest wishes are, and, since his visits to Winnington, to Thirsk, and to Wallington, my hopes are, that my Son may ultimately settle in England; but these hopes would not be strengthened by his too suddenly changing his mind, throwing up his Engagements, breaking his Appointments, or at all acting on the whim of the moment. He so far proceeded towards a settlement in Savoy as to have begun treating with a Commune about a purchase of Land. His duty is, therefore, to go to Savoy and honourably withdraw from the Affair, by paying for all Trouble occasioned, and I fully expect th e Savoyards will afford him some ground for declining a purchase by the exorbitant prices they will ask for
1

Memorials of Edward Burne-Jones, vol. i. pp. 266267.

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their Land. As for the ground he has bought at Chamouni, it will be a pleasure to him to keep it though he saw it not once in seven years. It is the Building Plan near Bonneville that I should rejoice to see resignedbut not suddenly abandoned for a momentary Indulgence among the Delights of Winnington, but deliberately, and a fter some goings and comings and Comparisons, between Weeks spent abroad, and Weeks spent at home. He has made a short engagement to go to Switzerland with the Rev. Osborne Gordon, which I hope he will keep, and I shall endeavour to hope that his Engagements abroad may in future be confined to a Tour with a friend, and that Home Influences may in the end prevail. Tell Mr. Jones that I know enough of him not to be jealous of any Influence he may have with my SonI cannot be jealous of the Influence of Any one on this subject, because I do not attempt to exercise anyI want my Son to find out for himself where he is likely to be most happy, and am ready to acquiesce in any plan, Swiss or English, that shall most thoroughly secure this end. My Sons fellow Traveller now is the best he could possibly go with. Being rather cynical in his views generally, and not over enthusiastic upon Alps, he is not likely to much approve of the middle heights of the Brezon for a Building Site. The quiet humour and practical wisdom of this letter, and, discernible beneath them, the affectionate tenderness for his son, are very characteristic of the father whom Ruskin was soon to lose. The old mans shrewdness was justified by the event. Ruskin went to Geneva with his cynical tutor, who walked up to the proposed hermitage and, with his usual sagacity, calculated the daily expense of getting anything to eat, up those 4000 feet from the plain. 1 Having successfully accomplished the climb, and remembering that the return journey would be of the same length, Gordon remarked drily, If you ask your friends to dinner, it will be a nice walk home for them, at night. Ruskin feared that if they came to call and found him not at home, they would not come again; to which Gordon added, and I dont think they would come again anyhow. 2 Perhaps these quiet criticisms had their effect, but the determining factor was the conduct of the Commune of Bonneville, who raised their price on Ruskin exorbitantly. Unable to see why anybody should wa nt to buy a waste of barren rock, with pasturage only for a few goats in the summer, they concluded that he had found a gold mine or a coal -bed in it 3 a suspicion to which Ruskins frequent visits with his geological hammer, and
1 2 3

Prterita, ii. 206. Ruskins letter to his father from Bonneville, September 11, 1863. Prterita, ii. 206.

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Mr. Allen or Couttet carrying baskets for the collection of mineralogical specimens, no doubt afforded additional ground. The land at Chamouni, at the foot of the Tapia, had been duly bought; but Ruskin never built upon it, a nd presently sold it, perceiving what ruin was inevitable in the valley after it b ecame a tourist rendezvous. 1 The top of the Brezon he left on the Communes hands; and after spending a few weeks at Chamounibusy mainly with geologyRuskin went off to Northern Switzerland, to sketch at Baden and Lauffenbourg and Schaffhausen, and returned to Mornex no more. His interest in economical questions was unabated, and from various pl aces on his travels he fired in arrows of the chace to the newspapers. Thus from Chamouni on October 2 he wrote a letter to the Times on the Gold Discoveries then being made in Australia (see below, p. 489); and this in turn led to the Dialogue on Gold which has already been mentioned (p. lxix.), and which begins with a reference to his visit to Schaffhausen. His visit to Zurich at this same time is referred to in Time and Tide. 2 In the middle of November he returned to England, and after a few days with his parents he went Northmaking Winnington again his headquarters, and paying visits to Manchester and to Lord Somers 3 at Eastnor. At this time he had an idea of adding a little to his papers in Frasers Magazine and publishing them in a volume. He explains the scheme in a letter to Burne-Jones: I want you to do me a set of simple line illustrations of mythology and figurative creatures, to be engraved and to make a lovely book of my four Political Economy papers in Fraser, with a bit Im just adding. I want to print it beautifully, and make it a book everybody must have. And I want a Ceres for it, and a Proserpine, and a Plutus, and a Pluto, and a Circe, and an Helen, and a Tisiphone, and an Avykn, and a Prudentia, and a Sapientia, and a Temperantia, and a Fortitudo, and a JUSTITIA, and a CHARITAS, and a FIDES, and a Charybdis, and a Scylla, and a Leucothea, and a Portia, and a Miranda, and an Arhtn, and an Ophelia, and a Lady Poverty, and ever so many people more, and Ill have them all engraved so beautifully, you cant thinkand then Ill cut up my text into little bits, and put it all about them, so that people must swallow at once, and it will do them so much good. Please think of it directly.4
1 2 3 4

Prterita, ii. 206. In 45; see below, p. 355. For whom, see Vol. I. pp. xxxv., 409, 463, and Vol. XV. p. xvii. Memorials of Edward Burne-Jones, vol. i. p. 271.

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The letter is very characteristic of the mythological and fanciful strain in Munera Pulveris, which we have already discussed. But this scheme, as many another, was interrupted by the death of Ruskins father, which took place on March 3, 1864. He was 78 years of age, and Ruskin himself was 45; but the parting meant much more to Ruskin than the death of a father in old age means to most sons in middle life. It deprived him of his best friend and counsellor, and it cast upon him duties and responsibilities from which he had hitherto been shielded. His literary schemes were abandoned for a while, and the publication of Munera Pulveris was not made till nine years later. The epitaph which Ruskin wrote for his fathers tomb in Shirley Churchyard, near Elmers End, Kent, may fitly find place in this volume, which contains so many pages of passio nate exhortations to Truth, Honesty, and Affection: Here rests from days well-sustained burden, JOHN JAMES RUSKIN, born in Edinburgh, May 18th, 1785. He died in his home in London, March 3rd, 1864. He was an entirely honest merchant, and his memory is, to all who keep it, dear and helpful. His son, whom he loved to the uttermost and taught to speak truth, says this of him. LETTERS TO THE PRESS (18631868) The death of his father left Ruskin a freer hand in striking at the current doctrines of Political Economy, though for the time the pressure of other duties prevented him from writing any elaborate work on the subject. His essays in the Cornhill and Fraser brought him a good deal of correspondence, and to sympathetic readers he wrote letters of encouragement and counsel; some of which have been preserved, and are given in Appendix I. But so long as his father lived, Ruskin wrote under some constraint, or was even restrained from writing at all. It was probably, as we have seen, the paternal edict that suppressed the Dialogue on Gold (Appendix II.). But now that his father was no longer at his side, Ruskin plunged with constant ardour into the fray. The almost single-handed contest which he waged at this time with the accepted religion in economics is on e of the most spirited

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incidents in the history of such disputes, and his frequent letters to the newspapers did a great deal to call attention to his views. In 1864 he wrote a series of controversial letters on The Law of Supply and Demand (Appendix III.); in 1865, another and a longer series on Work and Wages (Appendix IV.). In the same year a popular discussion in the Daily Telegraph on the eternal Servant Question gave Ruskin an opening for pointing an economic moral (Appendix V.). At later dates he similarly discussed in the newspapers the nationalisation of railways (Appendix VI.). These discussions introduced, to a wider circle than was as yet reached by his books, the theories and principles which he had closely at heart.

TIME AND TIDE (1867) Ruskins next contribution to economic discussions was also made, in the first instance, through the daily press. This was the series of letters subsequently collected in the volume entitled Time and Tide. The story of his life during the intervening years belongs to the next volume; but we must give here such particulars about the book as are necessary to its better understanding. The letters were addressed to Thomas Dixon, of Sunderland (18311880), a representative of the highest type of working-man; an example, one may say, in real life of the ideal working-man, to whom Ruskin addressed so many of his writings, and of the type which he strove to influence and to create. Dixon was a corkcutter by trade, a skilful workman, and a go od manager. His business throve, and a short time before his death he was able to retire on the modest competence that sufficed for him. His main business was supplying public-houses with corks, and he never liked the trade. 1 For many years he was a chronic sufferer from asthma, but he had the temper of a Stoic and the resources of a cultivated man, to whom his mind is a kingdom. He had, writes a friend, the ingenuous simplicity of a child and the tender sympathetic heart of a woman. He was an unostentatious, practical philanthropist, and his secret pecuniary benefactions were not only large in proportion to his means, but, what was of far more permanent good service to humanity, he never lost an opportunity of inducing the young persons who frequented his shop or visited his house to become keen art students, judicious book-buyers, and discriminative, earnest readers. Young men and women, by dozens, owe to
1

See Appendix iv. to Time and Tide (below, p. 469).

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him the first impulse they got to cultivate something higher than either mere amusement or sordid money-making; and many, who were already treading steadily in sundry walks of literature and art, were indebted to him very materially for assistance he was able and ready to give from out-of-the-way sources. 1 He took an active part in all local efforts for the establishment of public reading-rooms, art galleries, cooperative stores, and mechanics institutes. He used to correspond with eminent men, 2 and those who made his acquaintance soon became his friends. You know, wrote Max Miller to Mr. Brockie, that Thomas Dixon was not a learned man, but I can assure you that his letters, in spite of occasional mistakes in spelling, showed a clearer insight into the true objects of all my wr itings, and conveyed to me more useful criticisms than many a review in our best weekly, monthly, or quarterly journals. How he found time to do all he did, and to read all he read, and to think out all that he thought out for himself, is still a riddle to me. Nothing gives me a stronger faith in the intellectual vigour and moral strength of the English people than that such a man as Thomas Dixon could have lived and passed away almost unknown, except to his friends and fellow-citizens. A working man of this kind was a man after Ruskins heart. He gave to Dixon his warm friendship, and Dixon to him a wholehearted admiration. Dixon had asked for copies of Ruskins writings on Political Economy. The inquiry, coming from a man representative of the highest type of the working classes, suggested to Ruskin to carry a little further the work which had been suspended in 1863. He had during the intervening years been seeing much of Carlyle, who was constantly urging him to be diligent in hurling his arrows into t he black void of anarchy around them. In 18651866 he had joined Carlyle in the committee for the defence of Governor Eyre. The American Civil War had also stirred him profoundly; and if he did
1 Sunderland Notables. By William Brockie. No. 16. Thomas Di xon, CorkCutter, in the Sunderland Weekly Times and Echo , April 6, 1888. A briefer biographical notice, also by Mr. Brockie, appeared in the Monthly Chronicle of North Country Lore and Legend, for October 1889, vol. iii. pp. 447448. An interesting chapter (xvii. in vol. ii.) is also devoted to Dixon in W. B. Scotts Autobiographical Notes, and references to him occur in the various books about D. G. Rossetti issued by Mr. W. M. Rossetti: he was well known to both the brothers. 2 He had a habit also of sending them presents, often of valuable books. I ought to have mentioned, writes Carlyle to his brother (December 5, 1863),that a certain cork-cutter at Sunderland, combining with a few other working men, sent me yesterday a fair enough copy of Bewicks Birds, in honour of my 70th birthday (New Carlyle Letters, vol. ii. p. 233). That such gifts were sometimes embarrassing to their recipients i s shown b y a letter of R obert B rowning (see W. M . R ossettis Rossetti Papers, p. 179).

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not take so pronouncedly the side of the South as was the case with many notable Englishmen of the time (Mr. Gladstone, for instance), yet the methods of the North were intensely abhorrent to him. Many violent diatribes on this subject occur in his letters to Thomas Dixon. But the condition of the time which most directly influenced these letters was the agitation, then at its height, for Parliamentary Reform. In June 1866 the Reform Bill had been defeated, Lord Russells Government resigned, and Lord Derby became Prime Minister, with Disraeli as leader in the House of Commons. The rejection of the Bill caused great indignation among the masses of the people. Reform Leagues and Reform Unions started up as if from the ground. A great demonstration was organised to meet in Hyde Park; it was refused admission, and the Park railings were torn down. Throughout the autumn and the winter the agitation went on; and the Trade Unions, as yet unrecognised by the law, organised meetings and demonstrations in all the great industrial centres. The new Government read the signs of the times, and, stealing the Whigs clothes, Disraeli introduced a Reform Bill in February 1867. It was at this moment that Ruskin began his letters to Dixon. To the working men, as to the professio nal politicians, engaged in the exciting controversy of the day, Parliamentary Reform seemed to open a direct path to the Promised Land. Ruskin did not oppose Reform in itself, but he saw that it was no panacea. Social justice was more important than electoral redistribution; the reform of the suffrage might be well, but reform was needed also in the laws bearing upon honesty of work and honesty of exchange; political reform generally might be valuable, but the building up of the individual character was the thing yet more needful. To change a bad law was desirable, but first let the working men see that they could obey a good one. Such were the ideas with which Ruskin began his letters to Thomas Dixon, the corkcutter of Sunderland. They are shown in the ful l title which he gave to the letters when he presently collected them into a volumeTime and Tide by Weare and Tyne: Twenty-five Letters to a Working Man of Sunderland on the Laws of Work. . It was the unalterable laws of national and individual well -being that Ruskin sought to enforcelaws which, whether men recognised them or not, will assuredly make themselves felt in due course of time and tide. 1 Ruskin began the letters with the object of supplementing Munera Pulveris (see pp. 315, 442); he was not in vigorous health at the time, and he chose the vehicle of familiar correspondence as requiring
1

See Munera Pulveris, 96 (below, p. 218).

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less concentration than a formal treatise, and as enabling him to write as the spirit moved him. The chance which dictated the choice of subjects often seemed to him strangely significant ( 164), and herein we may find the origin of the later series of Letters to Workmen which he entitled Fors Clavigera, and which, as he says, covered ground originally intended for a second series of Time and Tide (p. 313). As the letters proceeded, Ruskin allowed himself to take up now this subject and now that, just as fate or fancy carried as afterwards also in the Letters to the Workmen and Labourers of Gre at Britain entitled Fors Clavigera. There was, however, in these letters to Dixon not only a general purpose (as already partly indicated above), but they all fitted into a general scheme, which was to sketch in outline an Ideal Commonwealth. A few pieces subsequent to Time and Tide are also included in this volume. Ruskin was a member of the Social Science Association, which in 1868 occupied itself with discussing the relations of Capital and Laboura question which the growing power of Trade Unions and the labour disturbances of the time had made very acute. Ruskins speeches at meetings of the Association are given in Appendix VII. A little later in the year he drew up for private circulation some Notes on the General Principles of Employment for the D estitute and Criminal Classes: these are printed in Appendix VII. The Notes were written at Abbeville in September 1868. The letters on Inundations, written in 1871 (Appendix IX.); and the discussions in 1873 with Professor W. B. Hodgson on Demand and Supply (Appendix III. 4, 5) and with W. R. Greg on the Economics of Luxury (Appendices X. and XI.) are also here included, as illustrating or supplementing passages in Ruskins other economic writings.

PART II
Ruskin never put his economical work, eithe r on its critical or on its constructive side, into connected form. He wrote by snatches; he wrote allusively; and he wrote in fierce indignation. The particulars set forth in the preceding pages of this Introduction sufficiently explain the broken character of his economic writings. We have seen, too, how freely he gave the rein to his fancy in following up any clue in literature or mythology which seemed suggestive of his conclusions. One
xvii. f

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can sympathise with the City man who is said to have given up Ruskins articles in despair, on finding that, according to this new counsellor, the principles of sound economics required a familiarity with Scylla, Charybdis, Circe, the Gran Nemico of Dante, and Spensers Plutus. 1 Ruskin himself was aware, in half-mocking humility, of the extent to which his writing fell short (if such be the case) of the calm and orderly style of other economists. I really am getting practical, he wrote to Professor Norton, and Im thinking of writing Hamlets s oliloquy into N orton-and-Mill-esque: The q uestion which under these circumstances must present itself to the intelligent mind, is whether to exist, or not to exist, etc. 2 But that, as we all know, was not Ruskins way; and least of all when he wr ote under stress of strong emotion. His friends counselled him to be cheerful, to keep calm, to moderate the force of his expressions. Those expressions, he replied, may do me harm, or do me good; what is that to me? They are the only true, right, or po ssible expressions. The Science of Political Economy is a Lie,wholly and to the very root (as hither to taught). It is also the Damnedest, that is to say, the most utterly and to the lowest pit condemned of God and his Angels that the Devil, or Betrayer of Men, has yet invented, except his (the Devils) theory of Sanctification. To this science, and to this alone (the professed and organised pursuit of Money) is owing All the evil of modern days. I say All. The Monastic theory is at an end. It is now the Money theory which corrupts the Church, corrupts the household life, destroys honour, beauty, and life throughout the universe. It is the Death incarnate of Modernism, and the so-called science of its pursuit is the most cretinous, speechless, paralysing plague that has yet touched the brains of mankind. 3 Ruskin goes on to say that he thus wrote coolly and deliberately; but he wrote in what Carlyle called divine rage, and the heat sometimes blinds the reader to the substance of the argument. For these various reasons it seems desirable in this volumewherein for the first time Ruskins principal writings on economics are brought together to explain the logical order of the several pieces, to set forth in outline the successive arguments, and to state the nature and extent of his contributions to economic thought and practice. There was in Ruskins mind a scheme of economics more comprehensive than any which he actually wrote. 4 It was threefold. He
1 2 3 4

Weekly Review, December 6, 1862. Letters of John Ruskin to Charles Eliot Norton, vol. i. p. 212. Letter to Dr. John Brown, August 1862. See Time and Tide, 155; below, p. 442.

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sought to overthrow the basis of the accepted doctrine ( Unto this Last); to outline a scheme of Social Economy which should take its place (Munera Pulveris); and to show how its principles would work out in laws, customs, and institutions (Time and Tide). To some extent, the three books cover the same ground; the same topics, and occasionally the same illustrations, occur in all of themthe references to parallel passages, now given in footnotes to the text or in the course of the following pages, are, it will be seen, numerous. But looking at the books broadly, we may say that they correspond to the threefold division just stated. Ruskins attack on the accepted theory of Political Economy was a double one, as stated by himself in a note of 1883 upon an exposition of his doctrine, entitled A Disciple of Plato, by Professor William Smart. At page 41 of this study, the writer said, Ruskin does not object to Political Economy, so long as it is confessed Mercantile Economy. Ruskins comment was as follows: There is no word I want to add or change up to page 41; but, as regards what follows, I would like to add that, while I admit there is such a thing as mercantile economy, distinguished from social, I have always said that neither Mill, Fawcett, nor Bastiat knew the contemptible science they professed to teach.1

UNTO THIS LAST This note may serve as an introduction to a short summary of the contents of Unto this Last. In the Preface Ruskin states the main objects of his treatise. They are (1) to give a definition of Wealth, more precise than any to be found in the then accepted manuals; and (2) to show that certain moral conditions, and especially honesty, are necessary for its attainment. (The portion of the Preface dealing with measures of practical reform will be noticed presently.) In the First Essay Ruskin objects to the whole basis of the Science of Political Economy. The Science (as then formulated) was founded on an abstraction; it postulated an economic man, from whom the social affections were eliminated. This proceeding, which
1 Note by Mr. Ruskin on p. 48 of A Disciple of Plato: a Critical Study of John Ruskin, by William Smart [now Adam Smith Professor of Political Economy in the University of Glasgow]: Glasgow, Wilson & MCormick, 1883.

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would be legitimate if the factors thus eliminated made only a quantitative difference, is unscientific and nugatory, because those factors make a qualitative difference ( 1 3). See in illustration of this statement Munera Pulveris, 137 seq., where Ruskin shows that the relations of rich and poor depend, from beginning to end, on moral conditions. See also a letter to E. S. Dallas of August 18, 1859 (Letters from John Ruskin to Various Correspondents, privately issued 1892, p. 21; reprinted in a later volume of this edition). The inability of the abstract science to deal with concr ete facts is illustrated from the case of disputes between employers and workmen ( 47). On this subject, see Ruskins letters to the Pall Mall Gazette on Work and Wages, Appendix iv. (below, pp. 506 seq.); the resolution proposed by him at a meeting of the Social Science Association, Appendix vii. (below, p. 539); and a letter to E. S. Dallas of September 4, 1859 (Letters upon Subjects of General Interest to Various Correspondents, privately printed 1892, pp. 2629; reprinted in a later volume of this edition). The true basis of sound economic relations between them is shown in the case of Domestic Service ( 810): unselfish treatment gives the employer the best return. See Ruskins letters to the Daily Telegraph on Servants, Appendix v. (below, pp. 518 seq.), and the other passages collected in a note on p. 28. The same principle is illustrated in the case of a commander and his men ( 11). Applying similar considerations to the relations of manufacturers and workmen, Ruskin lays down that the objects to be attained are (1) regular wages, and (2) fixity of employment ( 12). He proceeds (1) to give instances of other employment in which wages are regular ( 13, 14). Under the second head(2) fixity of employmenthe dwells on the importance of steady conditions, and on the way in which speculation interferes with them ( 15, 16 1 ); and then passes to appeal to the honour and public spirit of the manufacturers. Why is the soldier held in superior honour to the manufacturer or the merchant? Because the latter is seen to act in the main selfishly ( 17 19). The need is for soldiers, or captains, of Industry, whose code of honour
1

On the evils of speculation, compare Time and Tide, Letter xv. (p. 389).

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would be (a) to keep their engagements, (b) to provide pure goods, (c) to care for their men ( 2025). Hence this first essay is entitled The Roots of Honour. To the subject of adulteration Ruskin often returned; see the passages collected below, p. 383 n. In the Second Essay Ruskin continues his attack on the narrow basis of the soi-disant Science of Political Economy. The science is wrong, he has already shown, in isolating the individual man from the social affections; it is also wrong, he now goes on to show, in isolating the individual from society. He insists on a distinction between Political Economy (the economy of a State) and Mercantile Economy ( 2629). The riches with which the latter is concerned mean the establishment of the maximum inequality in favour of particul ar persons ( 30). Such inequalities of wealth are good or bad for the general community according to (a) the methods by which they are acquired, and (b) the purposes to which they are applied ( 31, 32). This distinction is illustrated from various cases (of shipwrecked sailors, etc.), in which it is shown that the establishment of the mercantile wealth which consists in a claim upon labour, signifies a political diminution of the real wealth which consists in substantial possessions ( 3336). Hence it is futile in any scheme of Political Economy to isolate the accumulation of wealth from considerations of justice, and wealth itself from the moral signs attached to it. These signs are, from the point of view of the State, material attributes of riche s. Hence the essay is entitled The Veins of Wealth; the wealth of a State consisting in healthy souls and bodies ( 3741). The Third Essay begins with a passage on Scriptural exhortations to justice in commercial dealings ( 4245), and assumes that the science of Political Economy means the Science of getting rich by just means ( 46). What, then, is the law of justice respecting payment for labour? Ruskin defines it as the payment of labour for labour in equal measure ( 47, 48)modified by the fact that the order for labour, given in payment, is general, while the labour received is special ( 49). The general order may in justice be less in amount, but the equity of payment is wholly independent of any reference to the number of men who are willing to do the work ( 48). Injustice comes in with the so-called law of demand and supply.

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When two men compete for work from one employer, the tendency of that law is to underpay the workmen; when two employers compete for one workman, its tendency is to overpay the workman ( 50). The payment in all cases of just wages would tend to the more equal distribution of property and diminish the power of wealth in single hands ( 5153)a statement which leads Ruskin to explain that he is not a socialist ( 54); his object is to declare that as the poor have no right to the property of the rich, so neither have the rich any right to that of the poor ( 5455). It is the rule of justice he wishes to enforce; hence the title of the essay, Qui Judicatis Terram. The Fourth Essay takes up the question, What is value? (for the exchanges of labour were to be of equal value, 74). Ruskin notices first a lack of consistency in the definitions given by Mill and Ricardo ( 5660): the examination of a passage in Mill leading him to point out the unsatisfactory nature of any economic analysis which measures utility only by capacity to satisfy a desire or serve a purpose, and does not go on to inquire what kind of desire and what kind of purpose ( 58). Value, according to Ruskins definition, is that which avails towards life; it is intrinsic and fixed ( 61). Wealth is the possession of useful articles which we can use ( 62); or the possession of the valuable by the valiant ( 63). Many things popularly accounted wealth, and many persons accounted wealthy, are in fact only forms of illth 1 ( 64). In a community regulated only by laws of demand and supply, the persons who remain poor are the entirely foolish, the entirely wise, the idl e, the reckless, the humble, the thoughtful, the dull, the imaginative, the sensitive, the well-informed, the improvident, the irregularly and impulsively wicked, the clumsy knave, the open thief, and the entirely merciful, just, and godly person( 65). Passing to the consideration of Price (or, exchange value), Ruskin says that there can be no profit in exchange, but only acquisition ( 66); and thence he derives the principles of just exchange ( 67, 68). Price is the quantity of labour given by the person desiring a thing, in order t o o btain possession of it ( 6 9). Since p rice is thus measured in terms of labour, cheapness of labour means dearness of the object wrought for ( 70, 71). Labour may be either positive (that which produces life) or negative (that which produces death). The prosperity of a nation
1

Compare Fors Clavigera, Letters 46 and 70.

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depends on the quantity of labour which it expends in obtaining and employing means of life; wise consumption is the crown o f production ( 72). On this essential point in Ruskins doctrine compare Crown of Wild Olive, 77. So, in the case of Capital, the question for the economist is, What substance good for life will it furnish? The final object of Political Economy being to get good method, and great quantity, of consumption ( 7375). Mills assertion that a demand for commodities is not demand for labour is thus shown by Ruskin to be a colossal error ( 76). As consumption is the end and aim of production, so life i s the end and aim of consumption: there is no wealth but life ( 77). This is the pith of the book. The remaining sections glance slightly at the over-population question ( 78); at the necessity for educating the poor and instilling into all classes hab its of contentment with simple joys ( 7982). The advancement towards this true felicity must be by individual, not public effort ( 83), and so Ruskin concludes with a personal appeal ( 84, 85) to his readers to forward the coming of the kingdom when Christs gift of bread, and bequest of peace, shall be Unto this last as unto thee. With regard to public effort Ruskin stated in his Preface the worst of the political creed to which he wished his principles to lead. The reforms advocated were: 1. National Schools for the young to be established at Government cost and under Government discipline over the whole country. 2. Every child to be taught, further, some trade or calling. 3. In connexion with these technical classes, Government workshops to be established, at which, without any attempt at establishing a monopoly, good and exemplary work should be done, and pure and true substance sold. 4. Any person out of employment to be set forthwith to work at the nearest Government workshop. 5. Such work to be paid for at a fixed rate in each employment. 6. Those who would work if they could, to be taught. Those who could work if they would, to be set to penal work. 7. For the old and destitute comfort and home to be provided.

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MUNERA PULVERIS

The volume, whose contents we have thus briefly summarised, was an introduction to Ruskins economic teaching. It was mainly destructive, its primary object being to challenge the accepted science, and was only incidentally constructive; that is to say, Ruskin only indicated in passing and by inference the terms of an alternative system. Carlyle, as we have seen, encouraged him to go on; and Froude, thinking that there was something in it, invited him to pursue the subject in Frasers Magazine. In this second collection of essays Ruskin gives a series of definitions and a list of headings which were to have served as a Preface to a more elaborate treatise (Preface, 20). His object was now constructive, and only incidentally destructive. In broad outline he defined in Munera Pulveris the terms on which, as he conceived, a system of Political Economy should be based, and stated the questions with which such a system ought to deal. Political Economy, he begins by stating, is a system of co nduct founded on the sciences and impossible except under certain conditions of moral culture. It regulates the acts and habits of a Society or State, with reference to its means of maintenance ( 1)viz. (1) the support of its population in healthy and ha ppy life; and (2) the increase of its numbers so far as is consistent with its happiness ( 3). The material things which it is the object of political economy to produce and use are those which sustain and nourish the body or the soul, and no others ( 8). The inquiry into such things divides itself under three heads, according as it studies the phenomena ofI. Wealth; II. Money; or III. Riches. Wealth is things in themselves valuable; Money, documentary claims to such things; Riches, the relation of one persons possessions to anothers ( 11). W EALTH consists of things in themselves valuable. Value signifies the life-giving power of a thing, which involves ( a) a thing essentially useful, and (b) a capacity to use it ( 13, 14).
Here compare Unto this last, 62, 63; Munera Pulveris, Appendix iii.

Value in this sense must be closely distinguished from Cost, which means the quantity of labour required to produce a thing; and Price, which means the quantity of labour which the possessor of a th ing will take in exchange for it ( 12).

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Valuable things are: (1) Land, considered (a) as a means of producing food and mechanical power; and (b) as providing objects of sight and thought. The development of this chapter in Ruskins intended treatise would have been of particular interest. If one were constructing such a treatise out of his actually written passages, one would refer under (a) to Time and Tide, 151, where he lays down the conditions of land-tenure with regard to making the most of it, and to many similar passages in Fors Clavigera; while under (b), one would go to almost all his books for passages on the importance of national scenery as an element of national wealth; see in the General Index the headings Landscape and Scenery. Compare p. 545, below; and see also Fors Clavigera, Letter 95; and consider the question which in one form or another Ruskin so often puts: If the whole of England were turned into a mine, would it be richer or poorer? See, for instance, Sesame and Lilies, 83; Crown of Wild Olive, 123 n.; Queen of the Air, 92; and Fors Clavigera, Letter 12. (2) Houses, Furniture, and Instruments; (3) Food, Medicines, Luxuries, Clothing; (4) Books; and (5) Works of Art. Here, again, the discussion of these elements of national wealth is widely scattered through Ruskins books. For typical passages, see Cestus of Aglaia, 96, and Kings Treasuries in Sesame and Lilies. The definition of wealth thus given (i.e., that it is in an intrinsic value developed by a vital power) opposes three current views: (1) That a thing becomes wealth by becoming an object of desire. True wealth, however, is the constant object of a legitimate desire, not the accidental object of a morbid one ( 32 34). On this point compare Queen of the Air, 125. (2) A second popular view of wealth is that the worth of things depends on the demand for them, instead of on the use of them. But all exchangeableness of commodity depends on the sum of capacity for its use; things which we cannot use may be a form of money, but they are not wealth ( 31, 35, 36). The idea that the value of a thing is what it will fetch in the market is called by Ruskin in Fors Clavigera the Judasian fallacy (Letter 82). Compare also Letter 70. (3) The third popular view of wealth, contradicted by Ruskins definition, confuses Guardianship with Possession. But the things

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which a man possesses but cannot use, he does not in the full sense possess at all; he is merely a curator ( 37, 38). From the definition of wealth, given in opposition to these three views, it follows that the sum of wealth held by a nation depends strictly on its intrinsic quality, and varies with the number and character of its holders ( 3946). Hence the questions to be asked are: (A) What is the National Store? (B) Who hold it? (A) The first question resolves itself into three, thus: (a) What is the nature of the national store? Everything depends on whether the accumulation is of things that conduce to l ife, or to death ( 47, 48). There is also waste of toil in the production of unnecessary luxuries ( 49); and this is not easily calculable, for it is not true that labour is limited by capital: the amount of labour obtainable depends on the amount of heart and head put into it ( 5053). (b) What is the quantity of the store in relation to the population? Of two nations who have equal store, the more numerous is the richer, if the type of the inhabitant be as high; but the question remains what degree or extent of poverty is counterbalanced by the degree or extent of wealth ( 5457). Ruskin says (1872) that of these large plans of inquiry he had accomplished nothing ( 57 n., p. 181). But in various places he glances at such questions. See, for instance, on the relations between rich and poor, the paper on The Basis of Social Policy in A Joy for Ever (Vol. XVI. pp. 161169); and therein especially 178181. Also Sesame and Lilies, note to 30. And, on the question of numbers, Queen of the Air, 120, 121 (utmost multitude of good men on every given space of ground). (c) What is the quantity of the store in relation to the currency? M ONEY , it will be remembered, has been defined as the documentary expression of a legal claim. It is not merely a means o f e xchange, b ut a token of right. It is not wealth, but a documentary claim to wealth; all the money in the world might be destroyed, and the world be neither richer nor poorer than it was before. If the wealth increases, but not the money, the worth of the money increases; if the money increases, but not the wealth, the worth of the money diminishes ( 21 24). The worth of a piece of money, which claims a given quantity of the national store, depends on cost and price. Cost is the quantity of l abour required to produce a thing. (Labour is that quantity of our work which we die in.) Cost is thus an ascertainable physical quantity; but price involves the human will, and is

INTRODUCTION
dependent on the cost of a thing, its attainable quant ity at that cost, the number and power of the persons who want it, and the estimate they have formed of its desirableness ( 62). Cheapness is either a form of the rage for badness in commodities or a measure of the extent of distress ( 62 n.). On this subject, compare Two Paths, 186; Fors Clavigera, Letters 51 and 59; and Art of England, 125. Ruskin works out the action of these factors ( 63, 64), and goes on to point out that the real worth of the currency is founded on the entire sum of the relative estimates formed by the population of its possessions ( 65); and to distinguish between the truth and the strength of a currency. it is strong or weak, in proportion to the degree of estimate in which a nation holds the house, horse, or picture which is claimed; it is true or false according to the security of the claim which it gives, and the first necessity of all economical government is to make the security absolute ( 67). (B) Who are the holders of the store, and who the claimants? In discussing this question, Ruskin begins with a clear statement of his theory of Currency. The currency of any nation consists of every document acknowledging debt which is transferable in the country ( 69). National currency, in its perfect condition, is a form of acknowledgment of debt, so regulated and divided, that any person presenting a commodity of tried worth in the public market, shall, if he please, receive in exchange for it a document giving him claim to the return of its equivalent, (a) in any place ( 71), (b) at any time ( 72), and (c) in any kind ( 73). This idea is worked out in Fors Clavigera, Letter 58. The fulfilment of these purposes requires that the basis of currency should be indestructible and easily tested; and these qualities ar e united in gold, with however some disadvantages ( 25, 74, 75); as the sole basis of currency, it has the further disadvantage of instability ( 76). Therefore the currency should be based on several substances of truer intrinsic value ( 77). Passing to discuss the total currency, this represents the quantity of debt in a country, and the store, the quantity of its possession. Most property-holders are both currency-holders and store-holders. The store-holder is the more useful member of society; for th e currency-holder is as a rule the idle accumulator, and what is vainly accumulated

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is as a rule vainly spent ( 8186). These last sections are followed by illustrations from literature and mythology ( 87 94). On the subject of money and currency generally, the reader should compare the Dialogue on Gold and the letters in Appendix ii. (below, pp. 488498); and also Queen of the Air, 122, 123. For money as a token of right, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 44; for Ruskins proposals to base currency on food instead of gold, see below, pp. 200, 488489; Fors Clavigera, Letter 58; and Sesame and Lilies, note to 30. The next chapter discusses Commerce. As currency conveys right of choice o ut of many things in exchange for one, so Commer ce is the agency by which the power of choice is obtained. It is a necessary process ( 96); but the right condition of it is that the merchant should receive pay (i.e., wages for labour or skill) but not profit ( i.e., gain dependent on the state of the market). The greater part of such gain is unjust, as also is usury (i.e., an exorbitant rate of interest) ( 98). The inhumanity of mercenary commerce is then illustrated from Shakespeare ( 100), and the law of grace in such dealings from other authors ( 101103). From the point of view of the State, honesty is the best policy, for what one member gains by fraud or undue advantage, another loses ( 104). Ruskin then passes (ch. v.) to examine PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT (or, economically considered, the machinery and scope by which the State contributes to the accumulation, distribution, or use, of wealth). The Government of a State consists in (1) customs, (2) laws, (3) councils. (1) Customs. The customs and manners of a sensitive and highly trained race are always vital ( 107, and therefore conduce to its wealth). Hence it is the business of the State to educate its people so that such customs may be induced ( 106, 108). It were superfluous to give full references here to passages where Ruskin insists on education as a matter of State concern (see, e.g., Unto this Last, Preface, 6), and on education as an ethical process (see Vol. VII. p. 429 n.; Vol. XI. p. 204 n.): these are constant themes in his writings. Compare also Time and Tide, 13, 29. The highest sensibility is inconsistent with foul or mechanical employment ( 108, 109: see below, in the analysis of Time and Tide, p. xcix., for Ruskins treatment of this question). (2) Laws. These are of three kinds: (a) Archic Law, dealing with acts; that of appointment and precept, defining what is and is not to be done ( 111). Ruskin here

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draws two distinctionsfirst, not everything which is enjoined need be enforced by penalty; and secondly, educational laws should be strict, in order that criminal ones may be gentle ( 112). This is an idea which is constantly developed in Ruskins books. See, in this volume, Appendix viii., pp. 541545; and on principles of punishment, see Lectures on Art, 89, 90. (b) Meristic Law, dealing with possessions; that of balance and distribution, which defines what is and is not to be possessed. Here Ruskins treatment is very brief. He advocates laws enforcing the d ue conditions of possession; notices incidentally the proper management of national museums; and hints at laws limiting the accumulation of property ( 112). The place of Museums in a system of Social Economy was a principal subject in Ruskins lecture at the Royal Institution in 1867 (see Vol. XIX). (c) Critic Law, dealing with injuries; that of discernment and award, which defines what is and is not to be suffered. Here, again, the treatment is very brief. Ruskin glances at the large cost of law, and the sums grudgingly spent on research ( 116). He then distinguishes between injuries of which a man is conscious, and those of which he is unconscious; a man is injured alike (a) if he is hindered from doing what he should, and (b) if he is not hindered from doing what he should not ( 117, 118). Hence the worth and worthlessness of every man should be ascertained ( 119); and reward and punishment become help and hindrance ( 120). With these passages on Critic Law, Letter xii. in Time and Tide should be compared, the necessity of imperative law to the prosperity of states. Compare also A Joy for Ever, 15. Here Ruskin is in line with, and anticipated, the thought of the political thinkers who developed the idea of positive freedom and advocated its embodiment in legislation. Freedom of contract, freedom in all the forms of doing what one will with ones own, is valuable only as a means to an end. That end is what I call freedom in the positive sense; in other words, the liberation of the powers of all men equally for the contribution to a common good (Liberal Legislation and Freedom of Contract: a lecture by Professor T. H. Green, Oxford, 1881). (3) Government by Council. This is (a) visible, and (b) invisiblethe latter being that exercised by all energetic and intelligent men, in regulating the ways and forming the charac ter of the people, and this is the more important kind of government ( 122). On this point, see below, in the analysis of Time and Tide, p. cii.

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Visible Governments are either (a) monarchies, (b) oligarchies, or (c) democracies. Forms of government are, however, only good or bad so far as they attain, or miss, the government of the unwise and unkind by the wise and kind ( 123126). Compare Time and Tide, 158, and Fors Clavigera, Letters 1 and 14. All modern governments are costly (and this is why, as Ruskin probably had in his mind, there is a cry for limiting the sphere of government). But this is only because we set governments to unproductive, instead of productive, work; governments should manage the railways, thus (and otherwise) earning income for its subjects ( 128, 129). Here, again, see below, in the analysis of Time and Tide, p. cii. Ruskin next glances at the kind of suffrage which would produce a true government capable of true work. Votes should be proportioned to intelligence and experience ( 129). Compare the earlier letters intended for the Times, in Vol. XII. pp. 600 603. Slavery is then touched upon. A condition of slavery is inherent in human nature; some men are made for it ( 133 135), and compulsion is not in itself an evil ( 130). The purchase by money of the right of compulsion is an evil; and this is not confined to negro slavery ( 131)nor is the yet worse form, namely, the purchase of body and soul ( 132). For references to illustrative passages in this connexion, see the footnote on p. 254, below. In the sixth chapter Ruskin takes up the third branch of the subject as mapped out at the beginning, namely, R ICHES that is, the magnitude of the possessions of one person or society as compared with those of other persons or societies. Such inequalities between the shares of different persons are just and necessary, depending on the various industry, capacity, good fortune, and desires of men ( 26). But economists have to inquire into: (1) the advisable modes of collection; (a) how far distribution enters into the matter: the first of all inquiries respecting the wealth of any nation is not, how much it has, but whether it is in the possession of persons who can use it ( 27); and (b) how far the poverty takes away from the advantage of the wealth ( 28). Secondly, economists have to inquire into

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(2) the advisable methods of administrationunder the headings of (a) selection, (b) direction, and (c) provision ( 29). Taking up in chapter vi. the inquiries thus outlined, Ruskin illustrates from simple instances the ways in which the inequalities mentioned may arise and the extent to which they may be carried. Entirely selfish action on the part of the provident creates maximum inequality in his own favour; entirely unselfish, minimum inequality: he enriches his neighbours instead, and has acted as their true Lord and King ( 143). Every rich man is a Master; it is by his choice of the work to which he puts the poor that his worthiness or unworthiness is proved ( 142). The key to the whole subject lies in the clear understanding of the difference between selfish and unselfish expenditure ( 147). Three things are to be considered in employing a man ( 152): (i) You must employ him to produce useful things, and more especially food, houses, clothes, and fuel ( 155). The way to produce more food is to bring in fresh ground ( 156). With this subject of the reclamation of waste lands, etc., Ruskin dealt in his Notes on Employment (see below, Appendix viii., p. 545) and Letters on Inundations (Appendix ix., pp. 547552). The way to produce house-room is to improve the dwellings of the poor, before you try your hand at stately architecture ( 157). This was a topic in Social Economy which Ruskin constantly enforced by precept and illustrated by practice. See on the latter point Time and Tide, 148; and for other passages, Sesame and Lilies, 135; and Lectures on Art, 122. The way to get more clothes is to think more of better distr ibution at home than of underselling abroad ( 158). Compare Time and Tide, 110, and Sesame and Lilies, 130, 137. The way to get more fuel is to make coal-mines safer, and to promote afforestation ( 159). Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 60. (ii) You must set him to make that which will cause him to lead the healthiest life. Here, again, a chapter in Ruskins intended treatise on Political Economy might be compiled from his other books; see especially ch. vi. in vol. ii. of The Stones of Venice.

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(iii) Of the things produced, it is a question of wisdom and conscience how much you take, and how much you leave to others. The natural law is to provide for old age, but otherwise to die poor ( 152, 153). See, under this head, p. ci., below, in the analysis of Time and Tide. Such methods will n ot p ay. N o, n ot a t f irst i n c urrency, b ut i n l ife and in light ( 160); in the sincere substance of good, though not in gifts of the dusthence the title of the book (on which see above, pp. lxv.lxvii.). The book, whose contents have thus been summarised, gives, it will be seen, the headings under which Ruskin would have arranged a systematic treatise on Political Economy, had he ever written one. It states, as its principal object, the outline of his own system, and only incidentally attacks the current doctrine. In the Preface which he added in 1872 he summarises some of his points of attack: 1. He emphasises the importance of considering at every stage intrinsic value ( 18), and, as correlative to this, intrinsic contrary of value, the negative power having been left by former writers entirely out of account, and t he positive p ower left entirely undefined ( 9). 2. Political Economists, he says, basing their science upon popular demand, connect d emand and supply by heavenly balance. T his, as a statement of the way in which prices are regulated, is partly true; as a statement of a process with which it is unwise to interfere, it is untrue ( 911). On this subject see the Letters on the Law of Supply and Demand in Appendix iii. (pp. 409 seq.); and compare Cestus of Aglaia, 103 (Vol. XIX.), Sesame and Lilies (Vol. XVIII. p. 35). 3. The law of Political Economists that wages are determined by competition is neither true in fact, nor expedient in policy ( 12). These three matters have already been touched upon in the analysis, both of Unto this Last and of Munera Pulveris. And to them should be added the further points of attack already indicated in Unto this Last (see above, pp. lxxxiii., lxxxv.). But, continues Ruskin, the current handbooks of Political Economy are defective, in that, even within the limits of their scope, they fail to state clear principles. Thus: 4. Expenditure on Luxury. There is no explicit teaching on this point ( 16). Mills treatment of it is inconclusive ( Unto this Last,

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57); and, as Ruskin elsewhere says, it was sometimes alleged that luxury was good for trade. 1 5. In this connexion we may here notice Ruskins criticism of Mills theorem that a demand for commodities is not a demand for labour (Unto this Last, 76, and Fors Clavigera, Letter 2)a theorem which is used to support the expediency of unlimited saving, and to reduce the economic importance of consumption. 6. Next, Ruskin asserts that the handbooks do not grapple with the question of rent, or settle the just conditions of the possession of land (Munera Pulveris, 17, a criticism of Fawcett; and Time and Tide, 156, 157, an attack on Mill; with which latter, however , compare ibid., 157 n.). This attack on Fawcett is carried further in Fors Clavigera, Letters 11, 14, 78. 7. Similarly, he asserts that they do not tackle the question of National Debt (Munera Pulveris, 18; again a criticism of Fawcett). On the ideas of National Debt and National Store, see Fors Clavigera, Letters 1, 7, 14, 22, and 58. In order to give a true summary of Ruskins attack on the current Political Economy, it is necessary to add here two propositions of his, of which one is only briefly touched upon in the present volume, while the other belongs to a later stage of his thought. They are generally accounted fallacies, even by those most sympathetic in other respects to his economic standpoint, and the prominence which they assumed in his later writings probably did much to prevent or delay political economists from recognising the validity of his other criticisms. 8. Ruskin alleges that there can be no profit in exchange. At first he limits this statement to a verbal distinction, admitt ing that while there is no profit, there is advantage ( Unto this Last, 66); but presently he describes the whole process as nugatory ( ibid., 67), thus denying that exchange can benefit both parties and increase the amount of wealtha position strangely inconsistent with his own fundamental conception whereby wealth can be increased by placing the right things in the right hands. In his later writings he is still more emphatic in denying any profit to processes of trade: see Fors Clavigera, Letters 45, 82, where he calls the view he is
1 See below, p. 423; and A Joy for Ever, 48 and note 5th (Vol. XVI. pp. 48, 123); and Two Paths, 189 (Vol. XVI. p. 406).

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attacking the heresy of the tablesthe heresy, that is, of the money-changers. 9. Next, he attacks all interest as illegitimate. In this volume, indeed, he attacks only the taking of an exorbitant rate of interest (Munera Pulveris, 98 1 ); but his later note, added to that passage, points to the view elaborated in Fors Clavigera and elsewhere that the taking of any interest at all is extortion, the process of lending capital being essentially unproductive (Fors, Letters 1, 14, 18, etc.)

TIME AND TIDE Of Time and Tide it is unnecessary to give here a summary of a ll the contents. The author himself supplied headings to the Letters, and the book was confessedly rambling. 2 In part it reinforces various points in the earlier economic works; such references have already been supplied in this Introduction, or will be fo und in footnotes to the text. In part it throws out suggestions towards an Ideal Commonwealth, founded in accordance with the principles of social economy laid down in Unto this Last and Munera Pulveris. Of these suggestions a brief resum may here be found useful. Casting these suggestions into logical order, we may begin with the birth of the individual citizen. Ruskin attached great importance to good birthdistinguishing, however, race from name (see Modern Painters, vol. v., Vol. VII. p. 345 n.). The first requirement of the Ideal State is that its citizens should be well -born; hence Ruskin, like his master, Plato, proposed in his republic to regulate marriage ( 123126). It is characteristic of the way in which one study worked in with another in Ruskins mind, that his first ideas on this subject were connected with an early Venetian custom (see Stones of Venice, vol. iii., Vol. XI. pp. 138, 263). In his Ideal Commonwealth he devised a marriage festival which should vie in picturesqueness with that of The Brides of Venice. The well-born children of Ruskins Utopia were in the second place to be well taught. Education was to be the first duty of the State;
1 See also Home, and its Economies, 20 (p. 565, below). It may be noted that incidentally Ruskin criticises, in an earlier book, the kind of borrowing which pays no interest (Vol. VIII. p. 195). 2 See 18 (p. 333); but there was, for all that, a pattern in the threads ( 49, p. 359 n.).

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it was to be compulsory and free; and its scope was to be both liberal and technical. See Time and Tide, 70, and the other passage there cited; also Unto this Last, Preface, 6, and Munera Pulveris, 106, 107, and indeed all Ruskins works of this period, passim. Among the elements of education was to be decent and fine dress (see 62). On this subject, see, among many other passages, A Joy for Ever, 54 n. The schools were also to teach music and dancing, for to Ruskin (as again to Plato) to rejoice rightly was no small part of ed ucation ( 41, 61). On this subject, see Cestus of Aglaia, 27 seq., and Fors Clavigera, Letters 5, 73, 82, and 95. That drawing was to be universally taught, we have already seen (Vol. XVI. p. xxix.). Ruskins schools were, however, not only to educa te, they were also to sift. They were to be trial schools, finding out what each child was fit for and setting him to itthus realising the ideal of la carriere ouverte au talents. See Time and Tide, 6; Unto this Last (below, p. 22); A Joy for Ever, 132; and Fors Clavigera, Letter 86. But how would time and money be found for the cultivation in after years of the liberal pursuits and artistic tastes thus inculcated in youth? The answer is to be found in the gradual realisation of the economic conditions aimed at in Ruskins system. There would be an Eight Hour Day, or less (Munera Pulveris, 142 n.). Wages would be fixed, not by stress of competition, but by standards of justice; and employers would be in no haste to get rich ( Unto this Last, 12 seq., 23 seq.). Yet, even so, a difficulty remains. Some employments are in their nature base and servile; and how in an ideal community would the dirty work be done? Ruskins answer to this question occupies many scattered passages in the present volume. In the first place, he would reduce the amount of mechanical toil by the abolition of senseless luxuries (Time and Tide, 128, 129; Munera Pulveris, 109; and see Modern Painters, vol. v., Vol. VII. p. 427). Next, a certain amount of rough manual labour would be undertaken as a form of healthy work and as a matter of public duty by the upper classes ( Munera Pulveris, 109).

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Of the remainder, criminals should be set to the most dangerous and painful forms of it (ibid.). But even in an ideal community there will always be a servile element, upon which must be imposed servile toil: to this extent Ruskin recognises, like the Greeks, a slave basis of civilisation (see p. 254 n.). Ruskins treatment of the subject of machinery may here be noted, as bearing on the question of servile employment. It is a mistake to suppose that Ruskin was opposed to the use of machinery altogether. It is in a book by him that is to be found what is perhaps the finest panegyric of a machine that English literature has produced (see Cestus of Aglaia, 33); and in this volume he looks forward to conceivable uses of machinery on a colossal scale in accomplishing mighty and useful works, hitherto unthought of ( Munera Pulveris, 17)works which in some sort have, since he wrote, been actually accomplished. The basis of his objection to the wholesale use of machinery is that he supposed, rightly or wrongly, that machine-labour was in nearly every case servile as compared with hand-labour. This view is first found in The Stones of Venice, vol. ii.: There might be more freedom in England, though her feudal lords lightest words were worth mens lives, and though the blood of the vexed husbandmen dropped in the furrows of her fields, than there is while the animation of her multitudes is sent like fuel to feed the factory smoke, and the strength of them is given daily to be wasted into the fineness of a web, or racked into the exactness of a line (Vol. X. p. 193). Ruskin held further that the use of steam to do what c ould equally well be done by agency of wind and water was a double wastea waste of natural force, and a waste of human life (see General Statement . . . of St. Georges Guild, where it is noticeable that Ruskin exempts electricity from condemnation; Lectures on Art, 123; and Fors Clavigera, Letter 44). Hence the restriction of the use of machinery is one of the factors to which Ruskin looked, in his ideal community, for reducing the amount of servile labour. What, let us next inquire, are the honourable forms of employment, and how are they to be organised? First, says Ruskin, come the Landed Proprietors, from which class the Soldiers, Lawyers, and State Functionaries are also to be drawn ( 151153). To Ruskins views on the Land Question we shall have to return when we come to Fors Clavigera. He was opposed to Land Nationalisation (Letter 89); but the land was to be in the hands of those citizens who deserve to be trusted with it according to their proved capacities ( 151); their income was not to be derived from rent ( 151); and they were to be

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required to keep great part in conditions of natural grace ( 152). Here he is dealing with ideal conditions; in discussing practical measures he insisted on Fixity of rents, and Security for tenants improvements (Fors Clavigera, Letter 45; and see what he says in this volume about Mills pamphlet on the Irish Land Question; below, p. 444 n.). The second great order would be the Merchants. Here Ruskin seems to make a distinction. The great organisersthe Captains of Industrywould be free to make fortunes (Time and Tide, 5)subject, however, to the honourable discharge of their functions (on which point see Unto this Last, 22 seq.); to the elimination of great profits which would result from avoidance of speculation, etc. (Time and Tide, 82 seq.); and to a general law of limitation of incomes ( 8, 126). But retail trade would be freed from its element of baseness by making the traders salaried officers of trade guilds ( 134). Subordinate to the merchants, and gradually usurping the functions of capitalist employers, would be the organised trade guilds. Why, asks Ruskin, should not the workers themselves own the tools requisite for production (capital)? (see Appendix vii., p. 539). Co-operative industry would induce enormous social changes ( Time and Tide, 3). Trade Guilds should be established to fix a standard of quality in production ( 78), to sell warranted goods ( 79), and to publish accounts of the trading ( 80). Here it wil l be seen Ruskin assigns to voluntary associations a function which in Unto this Last was to belong to the State (see Unto this Last, Preface, 6); but in either case no monopoly was to be established (see ibid.; Time and Tide, 79, 80). The organisation of the Professional Classes is hardly touched upon in Time and Tide. With regard to arts and crafts, however, see 132, and consult The Political Economy of Art (Vol. XVI.). We may pass, therefore, to the Officers of State to be recruited, as already stated, from the landed aristocracy. Ruskins hierarchy is stated in 154, but it is not elaborated (compare also 159). One or two essential features of the scheme should be noted. There are to be State officers charged with the direction of public agenc y in matters of public utility ( 154). Ruskins Utopia, it should be stated, was not a Socialist State. In many respects, indeed, he agrees with the Social Democrats; 1 but he is opposed, as we have already said, to the nationalisation of land; and of property generally (see
1 Ruskins relations to Socialism are clearly traced and summarised in ch. viii. of Mr. J. A. Hobsons John Ruskin, Social Reformer.

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Appendix i., p. 487); his Guild system was to be voluntary; he insisted upon individual effort as the mainspring of his system. But, on the other hand, Ruskins system contemplates a great extension of State activity. We have traced already in a previous volume his earlier views on this subject (Vol. XVI. p. xxiv.); and in this volume it will be seen that, in addition to State education, Trial Schools, and Old Age Pensions, he advocates a great extension of public works ( Munera Pulveris, 128); Free Libraries and Museums (Munera Pulveris, 115); an extension of the Postal service, since then carried out (Munera Pulveris, 128); and a system of State Railways ( ibid.; and see Appendix vi., pp. 533 seq.). The State officers charged with the direction of public agency would therefore in Ruskins Ideal Commonwealth be busily employed. His next category of Public OfficersBishops, charged with offices of supervision and aid, to family by family, and person by person ( Time and Tide, 154)would also have important functions. The object of these is to preserve the due organisation of the community by seeing that no member shall suffer from unknown want or live in unrecognised crime (Time and Tide, 72). The bishops office is to oversee the flock; to number it sheep by sheep; to be ready always to give full account of it (Sesame and Lilies, 22; and for a fuller working out of the scheme, see Time and Tide, 7375). For forms of government Ruskin left it to fools to contest ( 158). Nor did he attach supreme importance even to such State action as he desired to see. The most efficient laws are those which men make for themselves ( 9); the most essential of the reforms he advocated it is in the power of all men quietly to promote, and finally to secure, by the patient resolution of personal conduct ( 146). The description of an ideal community in Time and Tide does not insist on particular names or forms ( 158); it is a dream ( 155), embodying only a general tendency ( 158). Having now given some bare summary of the three books collected in this volume, and brought their contents into connexion with one another, we may pass in conclusion to inquire what is the relation of Ruskins economic writings to the (1) thought, and (2) practice, of the time. The former branch of the inquiry admits only of tentative statement, for the reconstruction of the science of Political Economy is still in progress. Ruskins was at any rate a potent voice in popularising the need of such reconstruction. He had not merely protested,

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says Professor Ingram, against the egoistic spirit of the prevalent doctrine, but had pointed to some of its real weaknesses as a scientific theory. 1 In order to appreciate the nature of Ruskins services in this matter, it is necessary to carry our minds back to the condition of economic thought in this country at the time when his essays were written. The Political Economy then current, still rested almost exclusively on an abstract basis; it assumed the existence of an imaginary being, the economic man; abstracted, for its sole concern, the acquisitive instincts; and, by an elaborate system of deductive reasoning, evolved the laws of political economy. Strictly speaking, these laws were only the expression of consequences which would logically follow from the fundamental assumption just stated. B ut in practice they were taken as laws in another sense, and were supposed to give sanction to particular policies as conducive to the well -being of States. Thus, in the course of a review of Unto this Last, a reviewer described how the masters have the upper hand of the men, and political economy, he went on to say, adds the information that to deprive them of this advantage by legislation would diminish the power of producing wealth. 2 So, again, the reader will find it instructive to consider Ruskins criticisms in the light of the positions assumed, and conclusions drawn, by W. R. Greg and other writers in the press with whom he crossed swords. 3 The current Political Economy, in short, was still in the abstract stage, and it was linked with a conception of State-craft known as the Manchester School, o r the doctrine of laisser faire. At the time when Ruskin wrote, alike the science and the practice of State-craft founded upon it were beginning to be undermined; but the work of the historical schoo l in Germany was as yet but little known in this country, and Ruskins amplification of Carlyles protest against the dismal science did much to stimulate the revolt. It was commonly saidas Ruskin notes in this volume (p. 451 4 )that he sought to substitute sentimentality for science. In one sense only is this true. He did seek to substitute human feeling for scientific abstraction. His object was to humanise the science of Political Economy; to translate its abstractions into the concrete facts of flesh and blood which stood behind them. To this end he directed all the resources of his sympathetic imagination, his powers of acute
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A History of Political Economy, by J. K. Ingram, 1888, p. 222. Saturday Review, August 4, 1860. See especially Appendices iv. and xi. 4 And compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 41.

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observation, and the resources of his literary art. It was with a purpose that he wrote, as we have said (p. lxxxi.), in burning indignation. But essentially Ruskins attack on the current Political Economy was scientific. The fundamental conceptions at the basis of his system are two, and they are both in accord with scientific facts. The first is that the organic unity of man as a conscious, rational being, with a capacity for regarding his life as a whole and forming a plan for its conduct, imposes a corresponding unity upon the science which is to treat of human conduct. 1 The abstraction made by Mercantile Economy is, he holds, neither convenient nor correct. In this respect Ruskin was a pioneer in the work of reconstituting Political Economy on a broader and a more real basis; a pioneer in the study of Social Economics. The second conception at the base of Ruskins economic writings is biological. Let us leave, says Professor Geddes, the inmates of the academic cloister; walk out into the world, look about us, try to express loaf and diamond from the objective side in terms of actual fact, and we find that physical and p hysiological properties o r values can indeed indefinitely be assigned: the one is so much fuel, its heat-giving power measurable in calorimeter, or in actual units of work; the other a definite sensory stimulus, varying according to Fechners law. This is precisely what our author means in such a passage as the following, which, however absurd to the orthodox, is now intelligible enough to us: Intrinsic value is the absolute power of anything to support life, etc. 2 This, as we have seen, is as Ruskin always insisted, the pith of his whole system, and the gene ral correspondence in principle and detail between biological principles on the one hand, and Mr. Ruskins most unpractical teaching on the other, is most remarkable. 3 It is interesting then to note, says the same writer, that the shout of sentiment versus science, with which Mr. Ruskin has been for so many years turned out of court, did after all accurately enough describe the controversy;. . . the inductive logic and statistics, the physics and chemistry, the biology and medicine, the psychology and education were all essentially
J. A. Hobson, p. 75. John Ruskin, Economist, by Patrick Geddes, F.R.S., 1884, p. 26. The passage quoted is from Munera Pulveris, 1 3. P rofessor Geddes goes on t o quote a n Analysis of the Principles of Economics (in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1884) from the biological point of view, and to remark that it might almost seem to have been constructed on the somewhat simple principle of translating Mr. Ruskin. 3 Ibid., p. 35.
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on the side of Mr. Ruskin; while on the other were too often sheer blindness to the actual facts of human and social life organism, function, and environment alikeconcealed by illusory abstractions, baseless assumptions, and feeble metaphors . . . and frozen into dismal and repellent form by a theory of moral sentiments which assumed moral temperature at its absolute zero. 1 The extent to which Ruskins doctrines have permeated (or, at any rate, are in harmony with) the reconstruction of Political Economy may perhaps best be shown by an extract from Professor Ingrams History of the subject. He thus summarises the lines along which the reconstruction must proceed: Wealth having been conceived as what satisfies desires, the definitely determinable qualities possessed by some objects of supplying physical energy, and improving the physiological constitution, are left out of account. Everything is gauged by the standard of subjective notions and desires. All desires are viewed as equally legitimate, and all that satisfies our desires as equally wealth. Value being regarded as the result of a purely mental appreciation, the social value of things in the sense of their objective utility, which is often scientifically measurable, is passed over, and ratio of exchang e is exclusively considered. The truth is, that at the bottom of all economic investigation must lie the idea of the destination of wealth for the maintenance and evolution of a society. And, if we overlook this, our economics will become a play of logic o r a manual for the market, rather than a contribution to social science; whilst wearing an air of completeness, they will be in truth one -sided and superficial. Economic science is something far larger than the Catallactics to which some have wished to reduce it. . . . Nor can we assume as universal premises, from which economic truths can be deductively derived, the convenient formulas which have been habitually employed, such as that all men desire wealth and dislike exertion. These vague propositions, which profess to anticipate and supersede social experience, and which necessarily introduce the absolute where relativity should reign, must be put aside. The laws of wealth (to reverse a phrase of Buckles) must be inferred from the facts of wealth, not from the postulate of human selfishness. . . . Economics must be constantly regarded as forming only one department of the larger science of Sociology, in vital connexion with its other departments, and with the moral synthesis which is the crown of the whole intellectual system. We have already sufficiently explained the philosophical grounds for the conclusion that the economic phenomena of society cannot be isolated, except provisionally, from the rest. . . . Especially
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John Ruskin, Economist, p. 36.

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must we keep in view the high moral issues to which the economic movement is subservient, and in the absence of which it could never in any great degree attract the interest or fix the attention either of eminent thinkers or of right-minded men.. . .A doctrine of duty will have to be substituted, fixing on positive grounds the nature of the social cooperation of each class and each member of the community, and the rules which must regulate its just and beneficial exercise. 1 The reader, who has perused the preceding pages of this Introduction, will perceive that all this would serve as an abstract of the leading ideas in Unto this Last and Munera Pulveris. Ruskin pointed, then, the way in which a system of Social Economics might be based upon a scientific foundation. Many of his detailed criticisms have also had effect in modifying economic theory. English economists of the present day, says a recent writer, generally recognise the importance o f the theory of consumption, and that it is misleading to speak of wealth as a definite mass of material objects, like the goods in a warehouse, that can be measured without regard to the persons using them; and as a rule it is no longer affirmed that the value of most things depends on their cost of production. 2 These amendments, as we have seen, were urged in the early sixties by Ruskin. Mills doctrine, too, that a demand for commodities is not a demand for labour is now withdrawn by leading economists; 3 it has never been refuted so effectively as by Ruskin, whose biological principle may here also be illustrated. A demand for commodities is a demand for labour; it determines function, and therefore quality of organism. 4 After many years Ruskins services in the reconstruction of economic thought received notable recognition. Upon his recovery from serious illness in 1885 he was presented with an Address, signed by many of the foremost men of the day, and in the course of the Address his economic work was thus mentioned: Those of us who have made a special study of economic and social questions 5 desire to convey to you their deep sense of the value
A History of Political Economy, 1888, pp. 241243. Lessons from Ruskin, in the Economic Journal, March 1898, p. 28. See, for instance, Professor J. S. Nicholsons Principles of Political Economy, 1893, vol. i. pp. 101103. Yet as late as 1874 Leslie Stephen cited Ruskins repudiation of the dogma as an inexplicable perversity (see his review of Mr. Ruskins Recent Writings, Frasers Magazine, June 1874). 4 John Ruskin, Economist, p. 37. 5 Among the professors and teachers of Political Economy who signed the address were W. J. Ashley, C. H. Barstable, H. S. Foxwell, Emile de Laveleye, J. MacCunn, A. L. Perry, J. E. Symes, and F. A. Walker.
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of your work in these subjects, pre-eminently in its enforcement of the doctrines: That Political Economy can furnish sound laws of national life and work only when it respects the dignity and moral destiny of man. That the wise use of wealth, in developing a complete human life, is of incomparably greater moment both to men and nations than its production or accumulation, and can alone give these any vital significance. That honourable performance of duty is more truly just than rigid enforcement of right; and that not in competition but in helpfulness, not in self-assertion but in reverence, is to be found the power of life. When we turn from economic theory to political practice Ruskin is again seen to be a pioneer. To an inquirer who contrasts the central tendencies of political thought with those which were most powerful in the middle of the nineteenth century, four main differences will at once present themselves. (1) The thoughts and efforts of reformers are now devoted more to social than to purely political questions. (2) The doctrine of laisser faire, alike in politics and in economics, has lost much of its former hold. Reformers of to -day look rather to co-operation organised by the State than to the free play of competition for the improvement of the people. (3) The limits of State interference have thus been largely extended. Not freedom from external restraint, but free scope for self-development, is the ideal of modern reformers. (4) The new conception of the State at home, coupled with new conditions in the world at large, has led to ideas of expansion and Imperialism, which are altogether at variance with the doctrines in this respect of the old Manchester School. Of these new tendencies, the first three have already be en described in our summary of the books by Ruskin collected in this volume. 1 On the fourth point, the reader may refer to The Crown of Wild Olive, 159; the Lectures on Art, 29; and A Knights Faith. Ruskin in these places called on the youth of England to enter on truest foreign service, founding new seats of authority, and centres of thought, in uncultivated and unconquered lands. He spoke, in glowing words, of the course of beneficent glory open to us; and, lest we forget, reminded his hearers that the sons of sacred England must go forth for h er, not o nly c onquering, a nd t o c onquer, b ut s aving, a nd t o s ave. Passing, lastly, to the specific suggestions made by Ruskin in Unto
And for other remarks, on R uskins attacks u pon t he d octrine of laisser faire, see the Introduction to Vol. XVI. pp. xxiv.xxvi.
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this Last (see above, p. lxxxvii.)suggestions which at the time excited violent reprobation or contemptuous laughter we may note that every one of the Seven Points in his unauthorised programme has by this time either been put into operation (whole or partial), or is a subject of discussion among practical politicians. Nos. 1 and 2elementary and technical educationneed not detain us. Proposal No. 3for Government workshopsis still only a matter of discussion. But we may notice the growing conception of the State as Model Employer, and the modern extensions of Government warranty and anti-adulteration laws as steps in the direction indicated by Ruskin. The next proposal (No. 4)Government work for the unemployedhas at least passed from the pages of political idealists to discussion in Parliament. The occasional establishment of Municipal Relief Works, the acceptance of a certain responsibility involved in the foundation of a Labour Department and a Labour Gazette, and the introduction of a Government Bill in the present session (1905) for the establishment of Relief Committees with power to levy rates for Farm Colonies: these things are all in line with Ruskins doctrines. Under No. 5 (Fixed Wages) falls the growing adoption, both by the central and by the municipal authorities, of the principle of Fair Wages or of Trade-Union wages. Reversing the order of the last two points, proposal No. 7 (Old Age Pensions, etc.) is simply Mr. Chamberlains scheme for Old Age Pensions, plus various proposals for a reformed Poor Law. Men of all parties have given lip-service at least to Ruskins doctrine that the State should recognise Soldiers of the Ploughshare as well as Soldiers o f the Sword. But the more such schemes are realised, the more will the necessity be felt for penalising the loafer. This is Ruskins proposal No. 6. The law of national health, he explains,is like that of a great lake or sea, in perfect but slow circulation, letting the dregs continually fall to the lowest place, and the clear water rise (Munera Pulveris, 109). The definite political and social suggestions involved in other parts o f Ruskins economic writings are not so easily summarised as in the case of Unto this Last. Some of the principal ones among them may be arranged under the general heads of Rural and Urban. In the earlier volumes of Fors Clavigera (18711874), he insisted strongly on the necessity for Fair Rents, Fixity of Tenure, and Compensatio n for Improvements. He gave the landlords until 1880 to set their houses in order. In that year, he predicted, the landlords of the country would be confronted not with a Chartist meeting at Kennington,

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but a magna and maxima Chartist Ecclesia at Westminsterwherein, he said, they would find a d ifference a nd to p urpose. 1 The difference was the Land Act of 1881. The reforms he advocated began, of course, with Irelandthe corpus vile on which we make so many of our political experiments, good, bad, and indifferent. The principles of the Irish Land Act may never be applied in Great Britain; though, with his eye upon Crofters Courts in Scotland and Land Commissions in Wales, a prudent man would perhaps not prophesy very confidently. But if such Government action is averted in England, will it not be because English landlords have taken to heart such exhortations as Ruskin delivered? With regard to another phase of the question, Ruskin, as we have seen, was not a land nationaliser. He was a strong advocate of private tenure. But property, he says, belongs to whom proper. 2 The land to those who can use it. By whomsoever held to be made the most of. The right action of a State respecting its land is to secure it in various portions to those of its citizens who deserve to be trusted with it, according to their respective desires and proved capacities. 3 These typical extracts from writings of thirty and forty years ago are specially interesting in connexion with debates on Bills of recent sessions, under which it is sought to invest local bodies with compulsory powers of purchasing and hiring land, in order to dole it out to those who can use it. No difference of opinion was professed on the principle involved. The point on which discu ssion turned was with regard to the amount which any one man would, could, or should want, and to the conditions under which he would be likely to make the most of it. Both parties agreed in giving access to the land to the citizens, precisely as Ruskin says, according to their respective desires and proved capacities. We have, however, as yet hardly grasped another of Ruskins conceptions on the Land Question the conception of beautiful landscape as one of the most essential elements of national wealth. But all such movements as those for the preservation of commons, the protection of footpaths, the limitation of rural advertisements, and access to mountains are steps towards satisfying a new economic want which the author of Modern Painters has done as much as any other one man in our time to create. Turning now from the country to the towns, we may cite a passage which Ruskin wrote in 1883 when the bitter cry of Outcast
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Fors Clavigera, Letter 45. Ibid., Letter 70. Time and Tide, 151.

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London was heard in the land, and slumming became a recognised occupation: I beg the readers alike, and the despisers, of my former pleadings in this matter, to observe that all the recent agitation of the public mind concerning the dwellings of the poor, is merely the sudden and febrile (Heaven be thanked, though, for such fever!) recognition of the things which I have been these twenty years trying to get recognized, and reiterating description and lamentation ofeven to the actual printing of my pages blood-redto try if I could catch the eye at least, when I could not the ear or the heart.1 (The reference in the penultimate words is to some passages in Sesame and Lilies describing the dwellings of the poor, which Ruskin who, by the way, is one of the sponsors of sensational journalism had printed in red ink.) In a retrospect over the multifarious schemes and efforts for the improvement of urban conditions, which have marked the last thirty years, one of the names which stand out among thos e of pioneers is the honoured name of Miss Octavia Hill. The root -ideas of her work were two: first, the idea in connexion with slum property, of personal responsibility; secondly, the idea of personal service, to the poor. These ideas have had many and fruitful ramificationssome of them suggested also by Ruskin. But, at any rate, it was Ruskin who first had the inspiration of giving Miss Hill the opportunities for her work as a social pioneer. Forty years ago he resolved to set his theories on this subject into practical motion. Some freehold property, of small tenements, he already possessed under his fathers will; some other leasehold property of a similar description he subsequently bought for the purpose. The whole of these properties he entrusted t o the stewardship of Miss Hill. She was to earn for him a moderate and fixed income; but, for the rest and above all, to improve the conditions of the tenants. 2 Many other practical experiments in social reform were made by Ruskin, as we shall see in a later volumeexperiments in the reclamation of land, in village industries, in farming, in model tea-shops, in the purification of streams, in street -cleaning, in road-making. But probably none of his experiments will have had so permanent and so fruitful an influence towards the solution of modern problems as the demonstration which
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Fors Clavigera, Letter 93. See Time and Tide, 148 (below, p. 437).

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he enabled Miss Octavia Hill to give in model landlordism. Ruskin was fond of preaching what has been called the slum crusade in his lectures at Oxford, and the movement for University and College Settlements owes not a little to his exhortations. My University friends came to me, he said, at the end of my Inaugural Lectures, with grave faces, to remonstrate against irrelevant and Utopian topics being introduced. 1 They may have been irrelevant; they certainly were not Utopian. And since political practice and economic theory act and react upon one another, it is not surprising to find on the one hand economists declaring that though the future Political Economy may not build from him directly, yet it will be rather with Ruskins earth than Ricardos straw that its bricks for building will be made; 2 and, on the other side, a distinguished publicist recording his opinion that Unto this Last is not only the most original and creative work of John Ruskin, but the most original and creative work in pure literature since Sartor Resartus. It put into a form more picturesque and incisive than ever before the revolt from that cynical pedantry into which the so-called Political Economy was tending to degenerate. The brutal, ignorant, and inhuman language which was current about capital and labour, workmen, and trades-unions is heard no longer. The old plutocracy is a thing of the past. And no man has done more to expose it than the author of Unto this Last. 3 The Political Economy of to-day, said the late Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford, is the political economy of John Ruskin, and not the political economy of John Bright or even of John Stuart Mill. In closing this summary of Ruskins social and political work, I ought perhaps to guard against a possible misconception. Neither in the case of his practical suggestions nor in that of his economic theories, need any patent rights or any exclusive credit be claimed for Ruskin. In an old and complex society, the growth of new ideas and the operation of fresh motive-forces require the combined efforts, from many different directions, of many thinkers and many workers. Before the fruit ripens upon the tree much digging and ditching is necessary: the rain must fall and the sun shine; and the procession
Fors Clavigera, Letter 41. Ruskin as a Political Economist, in the Quarterly Journal of Economics, Boston, vol. ii. p. 445. 3 Ruskin as a Master of Prose, Nineteenth Century, October 1895, p. 574, and Unto this Last, Nineteenth Century, December 1895, p. 972, both by Frederic Harrison; reprinted in his Tennyson, Ruskin, Mill, and other Literary Estimates, 1898, pp. 74, 101.
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of times and seasons be fulfilled. Nothing is more ridiculous than the scramble which sometimes sets in, on the part of competing claimants, for the whole credit and the sole credit of the ripe fruit of politics. No such exclusive claim will anywhere be found in Ruskins writings. What I have tried in the foregoing pages to show is that, in many channels, his influence has contributed to shape and direct the aspirations and efforts of his generation. 1
1 Ruskins economic writings have been the subject of numerous studies. Of these the most important is John Ruskin, Social Reformer, by J. A. Hobson, 1898, 8vo, pp. 336. A short, but very suggestive, essay on the subject by Professor Patrick Gedde s, F.R.S., was No. III. in The Round Table Series, entitled John Ruskin, Economist (8vo, pp. 44, Edinburgh, 1884). Among other studies the following may be mentioned (in order of publication): John Ruskin, his Life and Work, by William Smart, M.A. (8vo, pp. 51, Glasgow, 1880; third edition, 1883). A Disciple of Plato: a Critical Study of John Ruskin , by William Smart, M.A., with a Note by Mr. Ruskin (pp. 48, Glasgow, 1883). John Ruskin and Modern England, by G. W. Boag; an article in the Pioneer, January 1887, pp. 18. Ruskin as a Political Economist, by F. J. Stimson; an article in the Quarterly Journal of Economics (published for Harvard University, Boston, 1888), vol. ii. pp. 414445. Studies in Ruskin, by E. T. Cook, 1890 (second edition, 1891). The New Political Economy: the Social Teaching of Carlyle, Ruskin, and H. George, by Henry Rose, 1891 (Ruskin, pp. 74109). Modern Humanists, by John M. Robertson, 1891 (Ruskin, pp. 184 211). English Social Reformers, by H. de B. Gibbins, M.A., 1892 (Ruskin , pp. 204223). Mr. Ruskin in Relation to Modern Problems, by E. T. cook; an article in the National Review, February 1894 (some passages from which have been embodied in this Introduction). Unto this Last, by Frederic Harrison; an article in the Nineteenth Century, December 1895 (pp. 958974). Lessons from Ruskin, by Charles S. Devas; an article in the Economic Journal, March 1898 (pp. 2836). John Ruskin, par Jacques Bardoux, Paris, 1900: La Bible de lEconomie Politique, pp. 358460). A useful bibliography of La Litterature Ruskinienne is appended to this volume, but is not free from mistakes). Ruskin and the New Liberalism, by E. T. Cook; an article in the New Liberal Review, February 1901. Unto this Last: a paper read before the Ruskin Soc iety by Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Wilson; printed in the Liberty Review, April 1903, vol. 13, pp. 161175. The Economic Basis of Ruskins Teaching, by the Very Rev. G. W. Kitchin, D.D.; an article in Saint George, October 1904 (vol. vii. pp. 223243). John Ruskin and Thoughts on Democracy , by Professor F. York Powell, 1905 (reprinted from St. George, vol. iii. pp. 5867.

INTRODUCTION

cxiii

It now remains to give, as in the earlier Introductions, some particulars about Texts, Manuscripts, and Illustration s. Unto this Last appeared originally, under that title, in the Cornhill Magazine in 1860. When the papers were collected into a book in 1862 Ruskin added a preface, but made only one alteration in the text; and in all subsequent editions the text remained unchanged (except in a few trifling matters recorded in the Bibliographical Note here, p. 10). The MS. of Essays III. and part of IV., formerly in Mr. Allens possession, is now in America; it has been collated with the text for this edition. The MS., however, only goes down to the beginning of 82, the remainder being missing; and some preceding portions are not in the authors own handwriting. An examination of the MS. fully bears out what he says (see above, p. xxv.) about the labour taken in composition. A page of it is here reproduced in facsimile (pp. 7475), and this, if compared with the printed text, will serve as an illustration of the amount of verbal alterations made throughout. The facsimile is somewhat disfigured by the ruled lines, which are due to the paper used by Ruskin, who, when abroad, often wrote in MS. account -books, purchased there. In footnotes a few additional or alternative passages have been given to show the kind of amendment and compression to which the authors earlier drafts were subjected. The text of Munera Pulveris, on the other hand, presents large and numerous alterations. The essays, originally published in Frasers Magazine in 18621863, were not corrected by the author in proof, and when he collected them into a volume in 1872, the text was much revised and in some places rearranged. Ruskin placed the notes added by him in 1872 within square brackets [ ]; but as this sign has been adopted throughout this edition to distinguish notes added by the present editors, round brackets are substituted ( ). In cases of possible ambiguity, explanatory footnotes are supplied. The text here given is that last revised by the author, but the reader is also put in possession of all that originally appeared in Frasers Magazine. The more important or interesting alterations are given in footnotes below the text; the others are collected in the Bibliographical Note. Such alterations are, as will be seen, very numerous (pp. 121 128); a cursory glance will suffice to show generally how much care Ruskin spent in revising the essays; while a studious reader, who takes the trouble to look into the variations, will find many interesting literary minuti to note. The original manuscript of Munera Pulveris appears to have been
XVII. h

cxiv

INTRODUCTION

dispersed. Six sheets of it are in the possession of Mr. C. H. Barber, of Manchester, by whose kindness one sheet is here given in facsimile (pp. 234235); it contains some interesting variations. Another sheet ( 116 of the text) is in the possession of Mr. George Allen. No other part of the MS. has been seen by the editors. References are occasionally made in the editors footnotes to Ruskins copy of Mills Principles of Political Economy (see pp. 78, 176). This is Ruskins working copy of the firs t edition of that work (1848), and contains many notes, criticisms, and markings by him. It is now in the possession of Mr. Thornton of St. Petersburg, by whom it has kindly been placed at the editors disposal for reference. The text of Time and Tide shows similarly extensive alterations, and the collation in this case is more complicated. Ruskin sent his letters to Thomas Dixon, with leave to publish them in the newspapers. They appeared more or less simultaneously in the Leeds Mercury and the Manchester Examiner and Times. Dixon or Ruskin must have had two transcripts made. No original manuscript in Ruskins handwriting is known to the editors; but a fair copy, in that of his servant Crawley, is contained with other matter in a thick note -book. The book was in Crawleys possession, and the editors have had access to it. This MS. agrees with the text of the letters as published in the Leeds Mercury; the text in the Manchester Examiner shows some errors and differences, but as these were doubtless due to imp erfect transcription, the editors do not trouble the reader with a collation of them. The first text, then, is that of the original letters as they appeared in the Leeds Mercury in 1867. In collecting the letters for publication as a book late in the year, Ruskin revised them largely and added several appendices; this is a second text. Again, in 1872, when re -issuing the book among his Collected Works, he revised, and in places rearranged, the text. The text given in this edition is that of 1872, the one la st revised by the author; but, as in the case of Munera Pulveris, the reader is also put in possession of all passages which occurred in earlier forms of the letters. The more important or interesting of such passages, and of alterations, are given in footnotes or in an Appendix (p. 474); the rest are consigned to the Bibliographical Note (pp. 302 308). Here, again, the alterations are very numerous; the pages devoted to them show the authors scrupulousness in revising, and reveal occasional felicities ( 42, 83). The books collected in this volume were not illustrated by the author. The frontispiece is a reproduction in colours of a drawing of himself made by Ruskin in 1861. It is very sulky, he wrote in sending it to his

INTRODUCTION

cxv

father from Lucerne (November 12), but has some qualities about it better than photograph. The drawing (which is here reproduced in the size of the original) is in water-colour (touched with body-colour); it is at Brantwood. The other illustrations here given are, with one exception, reproductions of drawings made by Ruskin during the years covered by this Introduction. There is one of the sketches which he made at Lucerne in the autumn of 1861 (Plate I.), and then a sketch at Altdorf (Plate II.). The pencil drawing of Lucerne (6 x 10) is No. 117 in the Educational Series of the Ruskin Drawing School at Oxford. The drawing of Altdorf (14x20), is in wash and body-colour on grey paper; it was in the collection of Sir John Simon, K.C.B., and is now in the United States. The picture of Ruskins house at Mornex (Plate III.) is from a photograph taken for the purpose of this edition. The view from the base of the Brezon (Plate IV.), and of the prospect from his garden at Mornex (Plate V.), are from his own drawings. The former drawing (13 x 20) is in pen and wash, with body-colour, on blue paper. It is thus inscribed: View from the base of the Brezon above Bonneville, looking towards Geneva. The Jura, in the distance; Saleve, on the left.J. RUSKIN. It was given by Ruskin to Osborne Gordon, and is now in the possession of his nephew, Mr. W. Pritchard Gordon, by whom it has been kindly lent for reproduction here. The grand old keep, in the foreground o n the right, is described b y Ruskin in his Note on T urners drawing of Bonneville (Vol. XIII. p. 419), and, as he there mentions, was pulled down some years ago. This was probably the true Savoyard chteau on which he had cast longing eyes (see above, p. lv.). The latter drawing (10 x 14), in water -colour, is in the collection of Mrs. Cunliffe. The water-colour drawing (4 x 11), here reproduced in colours, of a view of the Mountains of Annecy (Plate VI.) is also in the collection of Mrs. Cunliffe. The sketch at Lauffenbourg (Plate VII.) is in water -colour on buff paper (8 x 11). It is now in the Birmingham Art Gallery. It may be the one mentioned in the Dialogue on Gold (p. 492), but more probably belongs to an earlier date than 1863. E. T. C.

I U N T O T H I S L A S T
(WRITTEN AND FIRST PUBLISHED, 1860)

XVII.

UNTO THIS LAST:


FOUR ESSAYS

ON THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF

POLITICAL ECONOMY.

BY

JOHN RUSKIN.

LONDON:
SMITH, ELDER AND CO., 65, CORNHILL.

________ 1862. [The right of Translation is reserved.]

[Bibliographical Note.The essays collected in Unto this Last originally appeared, under the same title, and signed J. R., in the Cornhill Magazine in 1860, and, a month later in each case, in Harpers New Monthly Magazine, New York: I. in the Cornhill for August (vol. ii. pp. 155166) and in Harpers for September (vol. xxi. pp. 535541). II. in the Cornhill for September (vol. ii. pp. 278286) and in Harpers for October (vol. xxi. pp. 685689). III. in the Cornhill for October (vol. ii. pp. 407418) and in Harpers for November (vol. xxi. pp. 816822). IV. in the Cornhill for November (vol. ii. pp. 543564) and in Harpers for December (vol. xxii. pp. 99110). The publication of the papers was then stopped (see above, p. xxviii.), and two years later Ruskin collected them into a volume, which has appeared in the following editions: First Edition (1862).The title-page is as shown on the preceding leaf here. Foolscap 8vo, pp. xx.+174. Quotations (here p. 13), p. v.; Preface (here pp. 17-23), pp. vii.-xviii.; Contents (here p. 15), p. xix; Text, pp. 1174. The imprint (at foot of the last page) is: London: Printed by Smith, Elder & Co., 15 Old Bailey, E.C. Each essay has its own title as headline on every page; the headline throughout the preface is similarly Preface. Issued on June 13, 1862, in green cloth and with ploughed edges, lettered across the back: Unto | this | Last | Ruskin. Price 3s. 6d. The only intentional change in the text of the first edition, as compared with the Cornhill, is noted by Ruskin (see p. 17, below). Second Edition (1877).Neither in this nor in any subsequent edition was there any intentional change in the text of the essays (but see list of Vari Lectiones, below); and in all editions (except the Special Edition) the pagination of the text remained the same (see again Ruskins note, p. 17, below). The title-page of the Second Edition is: Unto this Last: | Four Essays | on the First Principles of | Political Economy. | By John Ruskin. | Second Edition. | George Allen, | Sunny-side, Orpington, Kent. | 1877. [The right of Translation is reserved.] Foolscap 8vo, pp. xxii.+174. Preface (with two additional notes: see here pp. 17, 20), pp. ix.xxi. The headlines in this and in all later editions (except the Special Edition) are as in the First Edition. The imprint (on the reverse of the title-page and at foot of the last page) is: Printed by Hazell, Watson, and Viney, London and Aylesbury. Issued on August 13,
5

UNTO THIS LAST

1877, in dark-coloured roan, with the edges cut and gilt, and lettered across the back: Ruskin. | Unto | this | Last. Price 3s. 6d. 2000 copies. Third Edition (1882).On the title-page the number of the edition and the date were changed, and the last line was changed to All rights reserved. There are no other changes. Issued in July 1882 in plain mauve cloth, with a white paper back-label, which reads: Ruskin. | Unto | this | Last. Price 3s. 2000 copies. Fourth Edition (1884).The number and date were again changed on the title-page; and this edition was printed at the Chiswick Press, the imprint (at both places as before) reading: Chiswick Press:C. Whitting-ham and Co., Tooks Court, Chancery Lane. A few of the earlier copies were issued in cloth, with paper label, as in the Third Edition; the other copies either in chocolate-coloured or in dark green cloth, lettered across the back: Ruskin | Unto | this | Last. Issued in January 1884. Price 3s. 2000 copies. Fifth Edition (1887).The number and date were altered on the title-page, and the Contents were placed before instead of after the leaf containing the Scriptural Texts; in all other respects this edition precisely resembles the Fourth (cloth boards). Issued in September 1887. Price 3s. 1000 copies. Sixth Edition (1888).The number and date were altered on the title-page; and the edition was printed and electrotyped by Messrs. Hazell & Co., whose imprint appears as in the Second and Third Editions. In all other respects the Sixth precisely resembles the Fifth Edition. Issued in October 1888. Price 3s. 2000 copies. Seventh and Eighth Editions (1890, 1892).These editions, issued respectively in October 1890 (2000 copies) and April 1892 (2000), were again printed by Messrs. Hazell & Co., being reprints of the Sixth. In these editions the publishers imprint was: George Allen, | Sunnyside, Orpington, | and | 8, Bell Yard, Temple Bar, London. Price 3s. Ninth Edition (1893).This edition became the model for later issues, which have been printed from the electrotype plates of it. The publishers imprint became after 1894: London| George Allen, 156, Charing Cross Road | and Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent | [All rights reserved]. The Orpington address was omitted after 1900. The paragraphs were numbered. An index (compiled by Mr. A. Wedderburn) was added (pp. 175199), and this was included in all later editions. The imprint (at the foot of the last page) was: Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson & Co., Edinburgh & London. Issued in July 1893. Price 3s. 3000 copies. Tenth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Editions (1895, 1896, 1898).Reprints of the Ninth, the number of the edition being changed on the title-page, as also the date. Issued respectively in April 1895 | (3500 copies), October 1896 (3340), and July 1898 (3000). Price 3s. Re-issues were subsequently called Thousands; that issued in October 1899 (2000 copies) having on the title-page Thirtieth Thousand; that issued in June 1900 (2000), Thirty-third Thousand; and that issued in

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
August 1900 (5000), Thirty-eighth Thousand. On July 1, 1900, the price was reduced from 3s. to 2s. The thirty-first thousand was printed from the same plates but was made up in crown octavo size, uniform with the other small editions of Ruskins books. In this form the book was reprinted in August 1901 (43rd thousand), December 1902 (44th), and December 1903 (49th). The price of this crown 8vo issue was 3s. Popular Edition (1900).Of the issue of June 1900 some copies were put up in greyish-blue paper covers at 1s. 6d. net. (The issue of June 1900 was all marked Thirty-third Thousand on the title-page; but the 1000 covers required for the Popular issue were marked thereon Thirty-second Thousand.) Further re-issues in the ordinary form were made in June 1901, Forty-second Thousand (4000 copies), and in December 1902, Forty-eighth Thousand (4000). Some copies were bound in cloth (2s.); others in wrappers (1s. 6d.). Pocket Edition (1904).Of the issue last named 2000 copies were used and issued in December 1904 for the Pocket Edition, by printing new Titles and Contents, and transferring the words Four Essays on the First Principles of Political Economy to the half-title. These 2000 copies were issued in terra-cotta cloth at 2s. 6d., uniform with other volumes in the Pocket edition (for which see Vol. XV. p. 6). Of the Pocket edition 3000 more copies were subsequently printed, thus completing the 52nd thousand of the book. The title-page reads: Unto this Last | By | John Ruskin | London: George Allen. Special Edition (1902).This is an dition de Luxe, uniform in size with the Kelmscott Nature of Gothic (see Vol. X. p. lxix.). The title-page reads: Unto this Last | By John Ruskin. Post octavo, pp. xii.+ 152. On the reverse of the title-page is the following note: Four hundred copies of this edition have been printed on hand-made paper for England and America, and eleven on vellum. Contents, p. iii., as follow: ESSAY I. II. III. IV. PAGE 1 25 43 63 103 125

The Roots of Honour The Veins of Wealth Qui Judicatis Terram Ad Valorem Appendix Index

Scriptural Texts, p. iv. Preface, pp. v.xii. The first page of the Preface has an ornamental border (Borders and Initials drawn by Christopher Dean and processed). There are similar ornamental borders (of a different design in each case) for the first page of each essay. The initial letter is an ornamental one, printed in red; and so with the initial letters of each paragraph throughout the book. There are no headlines. The title of the book is printed in red at the top of the left-hand margin on each left-hand page;

UNTO THIS LAST

the subject (Preface, The Roots of Honour, etc., Appendix and Index) are similarly printed on the right-hand margins of the right-hand pages. The pages are numbered at the bottom. The Appendix consists of all the authors footnotes, numbered A to X, the p. to which they refer being added; correspondingly, in the text there are marginal notes referring to Appendix. See Note A, and so forth. On p. 152 is the following colophon, with the device drawn by Mr. Walter Crane, and employed (since 1894) in most of Mr. Allens books and circulars, which appears (in a reduced form) in all the volumes of this edition: Here end the Four Essays on the First Principles of Political Economy, named U NTO THIS LAST , by J OHN R USKIN . Printed at the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh, and Published by George Allen, London, in the year 1902. This dition de Luxe was issued on November 28, 1902. Bound in limp vellum with silk ties. On the front cover, in the right-hand corner, is Ruskins seal, with motto (as in this edition, but smaller), in gold. Price 2, 2s. net. Venetian type. The vellum copies were issued at 10, 10s. each. Unauthorised American Editions of Unto this Last have been numerous. There has been no authorised edition in America. French Translation (1902).The title-page of this is: Unto this Last | Quatre Essais | Sur Les Premiers Principes | Dconomie Politique | Par | John Ruskin | Il ny a de richesse que | la vie (Unto this Last, iv. 77). | Introduction de H. J. Brunhes. Traduction de IAbb Em. Peltier. | Paris | Gabriel Beauchesne & C ie | diteurs | 83, rue de Rennes, 83| (Dpt Lyon, 3, Avenue de l Archvch). Crown 8vo, pp. xxxvi.+238. A portrait of Ruskin precedes the title-page. The Editors Introduction occupies pp. iii.-xxxvi. The translator has added a few explanatory notes to the text. Issued in paper wrappers of a violet hue. Price 3 fr. 50 c. German Translation (1902).This is the fifth volume in a translation of Ruskins Ausgewhlte Werke in Vollstndiger bersetzung (see Vol. III. p. lxiii.). The title-page is: John Ruskin | Diesem Letzten | Vier Abhandlungen ber | die Ersten Grundstze der | Volkswirtschaft | Aus dem Englischen von | Anna von Przychowski | Verlegt bei Eugen Diederichs, Leipzig 1902. Crown 8vo, pp. 196. An introduction by the editor (Wilhelm Schlermann) occupies pp. 58; an index (not translated from Mr. Wedderburns), pp. 182196. Issued in red cloth boards. Price 4 marks. The greater part of Unto this Last is also translated in the following work: Wie wir arbeiten | und wirthschaften mssen. | Eine Gedankenlese | aus den Werken | des | John Ruskin. | Aus dem Englischen bersetzt und zusammengestellt | von | Jakob Feis. | Strassburg, | J. H. Ed. Heitz | He itz und Mendel.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Crown 8vo, pp. 240. First published 1896; now in a second edition. An Introduction by the translator occupies pp. 946. The greater part of Unto this Last follows (pp. 97165), the rest of the book being taken up with extracts from Fors Clavigera, etc. Price 3 marks. Italian Translation (1902).The title-page of this is: Giovanni Ruskin | A Quest Ultimo | Sui Principii Fondamentali di | Economia Politica | Traduzione | di | Francesco e Giacinto Chimenti | Bari, 1902 | Stab. Tip. Filli Pausini Fu S. Small 8vo, pp. x.+90. A note to the translation occupies pp. v.vii., and a short biographical note on Ruskin, pp. ix. and x. Ruskins preface is omitted, and the text is often curtailed or summarised. Issued, stitched, in grey paper wrappers.

_______________
THE RIGHTS OF LABOUR (Being Extracts from Unto this Last)

The title of this pamphlet of 16 pages (issued stitched and without wrappers) is: The | Rights of Labour | according to | John Ruskin. | Arranged by | Thomas Barclay. It was not dated, but was issued in 1887 by C. Merrick, 34 Cauk Street, Leicester. Price One Penny. On p. 2 is the following:
E XTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED FROM M R . R USKIN .

__________
. . . Your pamphlet is the best abstract of all the most important pieces of my teaching that has yet been done; and I am entirely grateful to you for doing it, and glad to have your letter. . . . . . . . . The time is certainly drawing near for the workmen, who are conscious of their own power and probity, to draw together into action. They ought first in all Christian countries to abolish, not yet WARwhich must yet be made sometimes in just causesbut the Armaments for it, of which the real root cause is simply the gain of manufacturers of instruments of death. . . . . .
Ever gratefully yours, J OHN R USKIN .

MR. THOS. BARCLAY. On p. 3 are introductory remarks. The remaining pages are occupied with extracts (with occasional connecting remarks) from Unto this Last, under the following heads: Ruskins Objects, His Scheme (Preface, 6), Principles First (ibid., 7), What Political Economy Is ( 28, 61, 72), What Wealth Is ( 62, 64), Difference between Riches and Wealth ( 27, 30), Proof ( 33, 34, 36), The Whole Question one

10

UNTO THIS LAST

of Justice ( 37, 38, 65), Capital ( 73), Injustice of the Present System ( 38, 49, 48, 43), Wages ( 13, 14, 52 n., 31 n.), How to get the Most Work out of a Man ( 8, 10, 9, 24), The True Function of the Capitalist ( 21, 22, 25), The Cause of Poverty ( 53, 79), Are There too Many of Us? ( 53, 78, 76 n.), and Last Words ( 77, 85, 83). The compiler then concludes as follows: What working man is there that will not reverence these far-seeing and noble utterances of a great and good man devoted to the cause of the poor and down-troddenshowing the truth and demanding justice. At all events, reader, unless you have had a previous introduction, may we not count on having awakened an interest in you to examine still further into the teachings of JOHN RUSKIN? A Second Edition was issued by the same publisher; and in 1889 a Third Edition, by William Reeves, 185 Fleet Street, E.C.

__________________
Vari Lectiones.The following is a list of the few variations, other than those already described, between different editions: Mottoes.The texts which in all the collected editions have appeared on a separate page were not given in the Cornhill Magazine. The papers there began with the heading Unto this Last, to which was appended as a footnote: I will give unto this last, even as unto thee.Matt. xx. 14. Heading of Essay I.The word Essay did not appear in the Cornhill Magazine. And so with the headings of the other essays. Essay III. 48, line 45, see p. 66 n. Essay IV. 58, line 23, the reference to Mill has in all previous editions been incorrectly given as I. i. 5. 59, line 6, the reference to Mill has in all previous editions been wrongly given as III. i. 3. 60, authors footnote, last line, bought has been misprinted brought in some of the later editions (e.g., the 33rd and 43rd thousands); the misprint does not occur in the dition de Luxe. 74, authors note, line 8, the Cornhill and ed. I read correctly L. 550 (line 550 of the Birds); all later editions read I. 550. 84, third line from end, all editions hitherto have misprinted geg for meg, and all editions (after the Cornhill) oneiar for oneiar (the line is omitted in the French and Italian translations; it is misprinted in the German).

__________________
Reviews of the papers as they appeared in the Cornhill Magazine were very numerous. Leading articles, middle articles, or other notices appeared, among other places, in the Saturday Review, August 4, 1860 (J. R. on Political Economy, vol. 10, pp. 136138), and November 10, 1860 (Mr. Ruskin again, vol. 10, pp. 582584: for extracts from this article, see above, p. xxviii.); the Scotsman, August 9 (for notices of this leading article, see below, pp. 69 n., 71 n.); the Critic, August 4; the Literary Gazette, November 3; the Weekly Times, August 12; the Manchester Review, August 11 and 18; the Glasgow Citizen, August 11 (this was a defence of Ruskin, signed G. G.); the London Review, August 11; the Morning Herald, September 5; the Dial, September 7; Lincolnshire Herald, September 11; the Star, September 21 (a paper by Major-General T. Perronet

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Thompson), and November 5; the Manchester Examiner and Times, October 2; the Renfrewshire Independent, October 20; Frasers Magazine, November 1860, vol. 62, pp. 651659 (Political Economy in the Clouds); the Bradford Observer, November 29; Lloyds Weekly, at that time edited by Blanchard Jerrold, November 18 (an article in defence of Ruskin, entitled Mr. Ruskin versus the Saturday Review). Reviews of Unto this Last in book form appeared in the Guardian, August 27, 1862; the Weekly Review, August 9, 1862; the Westminster Review, October 1862, N.S., vol. 22, pp. 530532, and the Morning Star, December 4, 1862 (a leading article, noticing also Ruskins lecture at the Working Mens College on November 29, 1862: see below, p. 325 n.).]

11

__________________ FRIEND, I DO THEE NO WRONG. DIDST NOT THOU AGREE WITH ME FOR A PENNY? TAKE THAT THINE IS, AND GO THY WAY. I WILL GIVE UNTO THIS LAST EVEN AS UNTO THEE.

__________________
IF YE THINK GOOD, GIVE ME MY PRICE; AND IF NOT, FORBEAR. SO THEY WEIGHED FOR MY PRICE THIRTY PIECES OF SILVER.

__________________13

CONTENTS
ESSAY PAGE

I. II. III. IV.

THE ROOTS OF HONOUR THE VEINS OF WEALTH QUI JUDICATIS TERAM AD VALOREM

25 43 57 77

PREFACE
1. THE four following essays were published eighteen months ago in the Cornhill Magazine, and were reprobated in a violent manner, as far as I could hear, by most of the readers they met with. Not a whit the less, I believe them to be the best, that is to say, the truest, rightest-worded, and most serviceable things I have ever written; and the last of them, having had especial pains spent on it, is probably the best I shall ever write. This, the reader may reply, it might be, yet not therefore well written. Which, in no mock humility, admitting, I yet rest satisfied with the work, though with nothing else that I have done; and purposing shortly to follow out the subjects opened in these papers, as I may find leisure,1 I wish the introductory statements to be within the reach of any one who may care to refer to them. So I republish the essays as they appeared. One word only is changed,2 correcting the estimate of a weight; and no word is added.* 2. Although, however, I find nothing to modify in these
* Note to Second Edition.An addition is made to the note in the Fourteenth page of the preface of this book; which, being the most precious, in its essential contents, of all that I have ever written, I reprint word for word and page for page, after that addition, and make as accessible as I can, to all. 3 [See above, Introduction, p. xlix.] [In 4 8, line 4 5 (of t his edition: see p. 6 6), where thirteen ounces i n the Cornhill was corrected to seventeen ounces in the reprint.] 3 [In this edition the fourteenth page is p. 20; and the pagination throughout the book is now necessarily changed. For particulars of the Second Edition, and of others after it which made the book yet more accessible, see above, pp. 5 seq.]
2 1

17
XVII. B

18

UNTO THIS LAST

papers, it is matter of regret to me that the most startling of all the statements in them,that respecting the necessity of the organization of labour, with fixed wages,should have found its way into the first essay; it being quite one of the least important, though by no means the least certain, of the positions to be defended. The real gist of these papers, their central meaning and aim, is to give, as I believe for the first time in plain English,it has often been incidentally given in good Greek by Plato and Xenophon, and good Latin by Cicero and Horace,1a logical definition of WEALTH: such definition being absolutely needed for a basis of economical science. The most reputed essay on that subject which has appeared in modern times, after opening with the statement that writers on political economy profess to teach, or to investigate,* the nature of wealth, thus follows up the declaration of its thesisEvery one has a notion, sufficiently correct for common purposes, of what is meant by wealth. . . . It is no part of the design of this treatise to aim at metaphysical nicety of definition.
* Which? for where investigation is necessary, teaching is impossible. Principles of Political Economy. By J. S. Mill. Preliminary remarks, p. 2. 2
1 [For another reference to Plato, Xenophon, and Cicero as the founders of his science of Political Economy, see Munera Pulveris, 2 (p. 148). The passages in Plato to which Ruskin refers as giving incidentally a definition of true Wealth are such as Laws, v. 742743: Very rich and very good at the same time he cannot be, not, at least, in the sense in which the many speak of riches, etc. (see also below, p. 277 n.); or Republic, iii. 416 E. (quoted in Munera Pulveris, 89). For Xenophons implied definition of wealth, see The Economist, ch. i. (translated in vol. i. of Bibliotheca Pastorum, from which passage Ruskin takes his text of the possession of the valuable by the valiant (see below, 64, p. 88). See also Ruskins Preface to Bibliotheca, where he says ( 22) that Xenophons Economist contains a flawless definition of wealth, and explanation of its dependence for efficiency on the merits and faculties of its possesso r. The passage in question is quoted in Munera Pulveris, Appendix iii. (below, p. 288), where also Ruskin gives Horaces clear rendering of the substance of his own economic doctrine. For a reference to Cicero, in a similar connexion, see Munera Pulveris, 6 0 n . (below, p. 184); a nd one may refer to such p assages a s Contentum suis rebus esse maxim sunt certissimaeque divitiae (Parad. Stoic. 6, 51).] 2 [For another criticism of this passage, see Munera Pulveris, Preface, 2; below, p. 132. Ruskins references are to the first edition (1848) of Mills book in two volumes.]

PREFACE 3. Metaphysical nicety, we assuredly do not need; but physical nicety, and logical accuracy, with respect to a physical subject, we as assuredly do. Suppose the subject of inquiry, instead of being House-law (Oikonomia), had been Star-law (Astronomia), and that, ignoring distinction between stars fixed and wandering, as here between wealth radiant and wealth reflective, the writer had begun thus: Every one has a notion, sufficiently correct for common purposes, of what is meant by stars. Metaphysical nicety in the definition of a star is not the object of this treatise;the essay so opened might yet have been far more true in its final statements, and a thousand-fold more serviceable to the navigator, than any treatise on wealth, which founds its conclusions on the popular conception of wealth, can ever become to the economist. 4. It was, therefore, the first object of these following papers to give an accurate and stable definition of wealth. Their second object was to show that the acquisition of wealth was finally possible only under certain moral conditions of society, of which quite the first was a belief in the existence, and even, for practical purposes, in the attainability of honesty. Without venturing to pronouncesince on such a matter human judgment is by no means conclusivewhat is, or is not, the noblest of Gods works, we may yet admit so much of Popes assertion1 as that an honest man is among His best works presently visible, and, as things stand, a somewhat rare one; but not an incredible or miraculous work; still less an abnormal one. Honesty is not a disturbing force, which deranges the orbits of economy; but a consistent and commanding force, by obedience to whichand by no other obediencethose orbits can continue clear of chaos. 5. It is true, I have sometimes heard Pope condemned for the lowness, instead of the height, of his standard:Honesty is indeed a respectable virtue; but how much
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[Essay on Man, Epistle iv., line 247.]

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higher may men attain! Shall nothing more be asked of us than that we be honest? For the present, good friends, nothing. It seems that in our aspirations to be more than that, we have to some extent lost sight of the propriety of being so much as that. What else we may have lost faith in, there shall be here no question; but assuredly we have lost faith in common honesty, and in the working power of it. And this faith, with the facts on which it may rest, it is quite our first business to recover and keep: not only believing, but even by experience assuring ourselves, that there are yet in the world men who can be restrained from fraud otherwise than by the fear of losing employment;* nay, that it is even accurately in proportion to the number of such men in any State, that the said State does or can prolong its existence. To these two points, then, the following essays are mainly directed. The subject of the organization of labour is only casually touched upon; because, if we once can get a sufficient quantity of honesty in our captains, the organization
* The effectual discipline which is exercised over a workman is not that of his corporation, but of his customers. It is the fear of losing their employment which restrains his frauds, and corrects his negligence. (Wealth of Nations, Book I. chap. 10.) Note to Second Edition.The only addition I will make to the words of this book shall be a very earnest request to any Christian reader to think within himsel f what an entirely damned state of soul any human creature must have got into, who could read with acceptance such a sentence as this: much more, write it; and to oppose to it, the first commercial words of Venice, discovered by me in her first church: Around this temple, let the Merchants law be just, his weights true, and his contracts guileless. 1 If any of my present readers think that my language in this note is either intemperate, or unbecoming, I will beg them to read with attention the Eighteenth paragraph of Sesame and Lilies; 2 and to be assured that I never, myself, now use, in writing, any word which is not, in my deliberate judgment, the fittest for the occasion. V ENICE ,

Sunday, 18th March, 1877.3

1 [The Church of S. Giacomo di Rialto: see St. Marks Rest, 37, 131, and Fors Clavigera, Letter 76 (Venice, Sunday, 4th March, 1877).] 2 [In this edition, Vol. XVIII. pp. 6768.] 3 [The last sentenceIf any . . . occasionwas in fact added by Ruskin in a letter to Mr. Allen, dated March 26.]

PREFACE of labour is easy, and will develop itself without quarrel or difficulty; but if we cannot get honesty in our captains, the organization of labour is for evermore impossible. 6. The several conditions of its possibility I purpose to examine at length in the sequel.1 Yet, lest the reader should be alarmed by the hints thrown out during the following investigation of first principles, as if they were leading him into unexpectedly dangerous ground, I will, for his better assurance, state at once the worst of the political creed at which I wish him to arrive. (1.) First,that there should be training schools for youth established, at Government cost,* and under Government discipline, over the whole country;2 that every child born in the country should, at the parents wish, be permitted (and, in certain cases, be under penalty required) to pass through them; and that, in these schools, the child should (with other minor pieces of knowledge hereafter to be considered) imperatively be taught, with the best skill of teaching that the country could produce, the following three things: (a) The laws of health, and the exercises enjoined by them; (b) Habits of gentleness and justice; and (c) The calling by which he is to live.3 (2.) Secondly,that, in connection with these training
* It will probably be inquired by near-sighted persons, out of what funds such schools could be supported. The expedient modes of direct provision for them I will examine hereafter; indirectly, they would be far more than self -supporting. The economy in crime alone, (quite one of the most costly articles of luxury in the modern European market,) which such schools would induce, would suffice to support them ten times over. Their economy of labour would be pure gain, and that too la rge to be presently calculable.
1 [The intended further treatise, already mentioned (in 1 above, p. 17) an intention partly fulfilled in Munera Pulveris.] 2 [For Ruskins earlier plea for a universal system of State education, see A Joy for Ever, 128, 132 (Vol. XVI. pp. 111, 115). And compare 79 (below, p. 106).] 3 [On these matters compare Time and Tide; for (a), 95; for (b), 60; for (c), 101 (below, pp. 397, 368, 400). With (b)the ethical function of educationcompare also Vol. V. p. 70; Vol. VII. p. 429; Vol. XI. p. 204; and below, pp. 232 and 329.]

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schools, there should be established, also entirely under Government regulation, manufactories and workshops for the production and sale of every necessary of life, and for the exercise of every useful art. And that, interfering no whit with private enterprise, nor setting any restraints or tax on private trade, but leaving both to do their best, and beat the Government if they could,there should, at these Government manufactories and shops, be authoritatively good and exemplary work done, and pure and true substance sold; so that a man could be sure, if he chose to pay the Government price, that he got for his money bread that was bread, ale that was ale, and work that was work.1 (3.) Thirdly,that any man, or woman, or boy, or girl, out of employment, should be at once received at the nearest Government school, and set to such work as it appeared, on trial, they were fit for, at a fixed rate of wages determinable every year;that, being found incapable of work through ignorance, they should be taught, or being found incapable of work through sickness, should be tended; but that being found objecting to work, they should be set, under compulsion of the strictest nature, to the more painful and degrading forms of necessary toil, especially to that in mines and other places of danger (such danger being, however, diminished to the utmost by careful regulation and discipline), and the due wages of such work be retained, cost of compulsion first abstractedto be at the workmans command, so soon as he has come to sounder mind respecting the laws of employment. (4.) Lastly,that for the old and destitute, comfort and home should be provided; which provision, when misfortune had been by the working of such a system sifted from guilt, would be honourable instead of disgraceful to the receiver. For (I repeat this passage out of my Political Economy of Art, to which the reader is referred for farther detail2) a
1 [Here, again, compare A Joy for Ever, 43; and for the third point here enforced, ibid., 129 (Vol. XVI. pp. 44, 112).] 2 [The authors original reference was to the first edition, Addenda, p. 195: see now, Vol. XVI. p. 113. See also below, p. 74.]

PREFACE labourer serves his country with his spade, just as a man in the middle ranks of life serves it with sword, pen, or lancet. If the service be less, and, therefore, the wages during health less, then the reward when health is broken may be less, but not less honourable; and it ought to be quite as natural and straightforward a matter for a labourer to take his pension from his parish, because he has deserved well of his parish, as for a man in higher rank to take his pension from his country, because he has deserved well of his country. To which statement, I will only add, for conclusion, respecting the discipline and pay of life and death, that, for both high and low, Livys last words touching Valerius Publicola, de publico est elatus,* ought not to be a dishonourable close of epitaph. 7. These things, then, I believe, and am about, as I find power, to explain and illustrate in their various bearings; following out also what belongs to them of collateral inquiry. Here I state them only in brief, to prevent the reader casting about in alarm for my ultimate meaning; yet requesting him, for the present, to remember, that in a science dealing with so subtle elements as those of human nature, it is only possible to answer for the final truth of principles, not for the direct success of plans: and that in the best of these last, what can be immediately accomplished is always questionable, and what can be finally accomplished, inconceivable.
D ENMARK H ILL,

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10th May, 1862.


* P. Valerius, omnium consensu princeps belli pacisque artibus, anno post moritur; gloria ingenti, copiis familiaribus adeo exiguis, ut funeri sumtus deesset: de publico est elatus. Luxere matronae ut Brutum.Lib. ii. c. xvi. 1
1 [See the passage from Ruskins letter given in the Introduction, p. xlvii., and t he note there added.]

U N T O T H I S L A S T
ESSAY I
THE ROOTS OF HONOUR

1. AMONG the delusions which at different periods have possessed themselves of the minds of large masses of the human race, perhaps the most curiouscertainly the least creditableis the modern soi-disant science of political economy, based on the idea that an advantageous code of social action may be determined irrespectively of the influence of social affection. Of course, as in the instances of alchemy, astrology, withchcraft, and other such popular creeds, political economy has a plausible idea at the root of it. The social affections, says the economist, are accidental and disturbing elements in human nature; but avarice and the desire of progress are constant elements. Let us eliminate the inconstants, and, considering the human being merely as a covetous machine, examine by what laws of labour, purchase, and sale, the greatest accumulative result in wealth is obtainable. Those laws once determined, it will be for each individual afterwards to introduce as much of the disturbing affectionate element as he chooses, and to determine for himself the result on the new conditions supposed. 2. This would be a perfectly logical and successful method of analysis, if the accidentals afterwards to be introduced were of the same nature as the powers first examined. Supposing a body in motion to be influenced by constant and inconstant forces, it is usually the simplest way of examining its course to trace it first under the persistent conditions,
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and afterwards introduce the causes of variation. But the disturbing elements in the social problem are not of the same nature as the constant ones: they alter the essence of the creature under examination the moment they are added; they operate, not mathematically, but chemically, introducing conditions which render all our previous knowledge unavailable. We made learned experiments upon pure nitrogen, and have convinced ourselves that it is a very manageable gas: but, behold! the thing which we have practically to deal with is its chloride; and this, the moment we touch it on our established principles, sends us and our apparatus through the ceiling. 3. Observe, I neither impugn nor doubt the conclusion of the science if its terms are accepted.1 I am simply uninterested in them, as I should be in those of a science of gymnastics which assumed that men had no skeletons. It might be shown, on that supposition, that it would be advantageous to roll the students up into pellets, flatten them into cakes, or stretch them into cables; and that when these results were effected, the re-insertion of the skeleton would be attended with various inconveniences to their constitution. The reasoning might be admirable, the conclusions true, and the science deficient only in applicability. Modern political economy stands on a precisely similar basis. Assuming, not that the human being has no skeleton, but that it is all skeleton, it founds an ossifiant theory of progress on this negation of a soul; and having shown the utmost that may be made of bones, and constructed a number of interesting geometrical figures with deaths-head and humeri, successfully proves the inconvenience of the reappearance of a soul among these corpuscular structures. I do not deny the truth of this theory: I simply deny its applicability to the present phase of the world. 4. This inapplicability has been curiously manifested during the embarrassment caused by the late strikes of our
[Subsequently, however, Ruskin carried his attack to this further stage: see his letter cited above, in the Introduction, p. lxxxiii.]
1

I. THE ROOTS OF HONOUR workmen.1 Here occurs one of the simplest cases, in a pertinent and positive form, of the first vital problem which political economy has to deal with (the relation between employer and employed); and, at a severe crisis, when lives in multitudes and wealth in masses are at stake, the political economists are helplesspractically mute: no demonstrable solution of the difficulty can be given by them, such as may convince or calm the opposing parties. Obstinately the masters take one view of the matter; obstinately the operatives another; and no political science can set them at one. 5. It would be strange if it could, it being not by science of any kind that men were ever intended to be set at one. Disputant after disputant vainly strives to show that the interests of the masters are, or are not, antagonistic to those of the men: none of the pleaders ever seeming to remember that it does not absolutely or always follow that the persons must be antagonistic because their interests are. If there is only a crust of bread in the house, and mother and children are starving, their interests are not the same. If the mother eats it, the children want it; if the children eat it, the mother must go hungry to her work. Yet it does not necessarily follow that there will be antagonism between them, that they will fight for the crust, and that the mother, being strongest, will get it, and eat it. Neither, in any other case, whatever the relations of the persons may be, can it be assumed for certain that, because their interests are diverse, they must necessarily regard each other with hostility, and use violence or cunning to obtain the advantage. 6. Even if this were so, and it were as just as it is convenient to consider men as actuated by no other moral influences than those which affect rats or swine, the logical conditions of the question are still indeterminable. It can never be shown generally either that the interests of master
1 [The reference is more particularly to the builders strike in the autumn of 1859: see (in a later volume of this edition) Ruskins letter of September 4, 1859, to E. S. Dallas.]

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and labourer are alike, or that they are opposed; for, according to circumstances, they may be either. It is, indeed, always the interest of both that the work should be rightly done, and a just price obtained for it; but, in the division of profits, the gain of the one may or may not be the loss of the other. It is not the masters interest to pay wages so low as to leave the men sickly and depressed, nor the workmans interest to be paid high wages if the smallness of the masters profit hinders him from enlarging his business, or conducting it in a safe and liberal way. A stoker ought not to desire high pay if the company is too poor to keep the engine-wheels in repair. 7. And the varieties of circumstance which influence these reciprocal interests are so endless, that all endeavour to deduce rules of action from balance of expediency is in vain. And it is meant to be in vain. For no human actions ever were intended by the Maker of men to be guided by balances of expediency,1 but by balances of justice. He has therefore rendered all endeavours to determine expediency futile for evermore. No man ever knew, or can know, what will be the ultimate result to himself, or to others, of any given line of conduct. But every man may know, and most of us do know, what is a just and unjust act. And all of us may know also, that the consequences of justice will be ultimately the best possible, both to others and ourselves, though we can neither say what is best, or how it is likely to come to pass. I have said balances of justice, meaning, in the term justice, to include affection,such affection as one man owes to another. All right relations between master and operative, and all their best interests, ultimately depend on these. 8. We shall find the best and simplest illustration of the relations of master and operative in the position of domestic servants.2
[Compare Seven Lamps, Vol. VIII. pp. 20, 23.] [The relation of masters and servants is a subject to which Ruskin often recurred in letters to the newspapers, as well illustrating his principles of political economy. See, more especially, the letters to the Daily Telegraph of September 5
2 1

I. THE ROOTS OF HONOUR We will suppose that the master of a household desires only to get as much work out of his servants as he can, at the rate of wages he gives. He never allows them to be idle; feeds them as poorly and lodges them as ill as they will endure, and in all things pushes his requirements to the exact point beyond which he cannot go without forcing the servant to leave him. In doing this, there is no violation on his part of what is commonly called justice. He agrees with the domestic for his whole time and service, and takes them;the limits of hardship in treatment being fixed by the practice of other masters in his neighbourhood; that is to say, by the current rate of wages for domestic labour. If the servant can get a better place, he is free to take one, and the master can only tell what is the real market value of his labour, by requiring as much as he will give. This is the politico-economical view of the case, according to the doctors of that science; who assert that by this procedure the greatest average of work will be obtained from the servant, and therefore the greatest benefit to the community, and through the community, by reversion, to the servant himself. That, however, is not so. It would be so if the servant were an engine of which the motive power was steam, magnetism, gravitation, or any other agent of calculable force. But he being, on the contrary, an engine whose motive power is a Soul, the force of this very peculiar agent, as an unknown quantity, enters into all the political economists equations, without his knowledge, and falsifies every one of their results. The largest quantity of work will not be done by this curious engine for pay, or under pressure, or by help of any kind of fuel which may be supplied by the chaldron. It will be done only when the motive force, that is to say, the will or spirit of the creature, is brought to
and 18, 1865 (below, pp. 518 seq.). He cited his own experience in support of his contentions in a letter to the same journal of September 7; with which compare what he says of Sir Walter Scotts servants (Fors Clavigera, Letter 32).]

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its greatest strength by its own proper fuel: namely, by the affections. 9. It may indeed happen, and does happen often, that if the master is a man of sense and energy, a large quantity of material work may be done under mechanical pressure, enforced by strong will and guided by wise method; also it may happen, and does happen often, that if the master is indolent and weak (however good-natured), a very small quantity of work, and that bad, may be produced by the servants undirected strength, and contemptuous gratitude. But the universal law of the matter is that, assuming any given quantity of energy and sense in master and servant, the greatest material result obtainable by them will be, not through antagonism to each other, but through affection for each other; and that, if the master, instead of endeavouring to get as much work as possible from the servant, seeks rather to render his appointed and necessary work beneficial to him, and to forward his interests in all just and wholesome ways, the real amount of work ultimately done, or of good rendered, by the person so cared for, will indeed be the greatest possible. Observe, I say, of good rendered, for a servants work is not necessarily or always the best thing he can give his master. But good of all kinds, whether in material service, in protective watchfulness of his masters interest and credit, or in joyful readiness to seize unexpected and irregular occasions of help. Nor is this one whit less generally true because indulgence will be frequently abused, and kindness met with ingratitude. For the servant who, gently treated, is ungrateful, treated ungently, will be revengeful; and the man who is dishonest to a liberal master will be injurious to an unjust one. 10. In any case, and with any person, this unselfish treatment will produce the most effective return. Observe, I am here considering the affections wholly as a motive power; not at all as things in themselves desirable or noble, or in any other way abstractedly good. I look at them simply

I. THE ROOTS OF HONOUR as an anomalous force, rendering every one of the ordinary political economists calculations nugatory; while, even if he desired to introduce this new element into his estimates, he has no power of dealing with it; for the affections only become a true motive power when they ignore every other motive and condition of political economy. Treat the servant kindly, with the idea of turning his gratitude to account, and you will get, as you deserve, no gratitude, nor any value for your kindness; but treat him kindly without any economical purpose, and all economical purposes will be answered; in this, as in all other matters, whosoever will save his life shall lose it, whoso loses it shall find it.1* 11. The next clearest and simplest example of relation
* The difference between the two modes of treatment, and between their effective material results, may be seen very accurately by a comparison of the relations of Esther and Charlie in Bleak House with those of Miss Brass and the Marchioness in Master Humphreys Clock. The essential value and truth of Dickenss writings 2 have been unwisely lost sight of by many thoughtful persons, merely because he presents his truth with some colour of caricature. Unwisely, because Dickens caricature, though often gross, is neve r mistaken. Allowing for his manner of telling them, the things he tells us are always true. I wish that he could think it right to limit his brilliant exaggeration to works written only for public amusement; and when he takes up a subject of high national importance, such as that which he handled in Hard Times, that he would use severer and more accurate analysis. The usefulness of that work (to my mind, in several respects the greatest he has written) is with many persons seriously diminished because Mr. Bounderby is a dramatic monster, instead of a characteristic example of a worldly master; and Stephen Blackpool a dramatic perfection, instead of a characteristic example of an honest workman. But let us not lose the use of Dickenss wit and insight, because he chooses to speak in a circle of stage fire. He is entirely right in his main drift and purpose in every book he has written; and all of them, but especially Hard Times, should be studied with close and earnest care by persons interested in social que stions. They will find much that is partial, and, because partial, apparently unjust; but if they examine all the evidence on the other side, which Dickens seems to overlook, it will appear, after all their trouble, that his view was the finally right one, grossly and sharply told. [Matthew x. 39.] [For a general note on Ruskins references to Dickens, see Vol. XI. p. 173. The subject of high national importance taken up in Hard Times (published in 1854 and dedicated to Carlyle), was an attack on those who see figures and averages and nothing elsethe representatives of t he wickedest a nd most enormous vice of this t ime (see the letter of Dickens quoted in Charles Knights Passages of a Working Life).]
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between master and operative is that which exists between the commander of a regiment and his men. Supposing the officer only desires to apply the rules of discipline so as, with least trouble to himself, to make the regiment most effective, he will not be able, by any rules or administration of rules, on this selfish principle, to develop the full strength of his subordinates. If a man of sense and firmness, he may, as in the former instance, produce a better result than would be obtained by the irregular kindness of a weak officer; but let the sense and firmness be the same in both cases, and assuredly the officer who has the most direct personal relations with his men, the most care for their interests, and the most value for their lives, will develop their effective strength, through their affection for his own person, and trust in his character, to a degree wholly unattainable by other means. This law applies still more stringently as the numbers concerned are larger: a charge may often be successful, though the men dislike their officers; a battle has rarely been won, unless they loved their general. 12. Passing from these simple examples to the more complicated relations existing between a manufacturer and his workmen, we are met first by certain curious difficulties, resulting, apparently, from a harder and colder state of moral elements. It is easy to imagine an enthusiastic affection existing among soldiers for the colonel. Not so easy to imagine an enthusiastic affection among cotton-spinners for the proprietor of the mill. A body of men associated for purposes of robbery (as a Highland clan in ancient times) shall be animated by perfect affection, and every member of it be ready to lay down his life for the life of his chief. But a band of men associated for purposes of legal production and accumulation is usually animated, it appears, by no such emotions, and none of them are in any wise willing to give his life for the life of his chief. Not only are we met by this apparent anomaly, in moral matters, but by others connected with it, in administration of system.

I. THE ROOTS OF HONOUR For a servant or a soldier is engaged at a definite rate of wages, for a definite period; but a workman at a rate of wages variable according to the demand for labour, and with the risk of being at any time thrown out of his situation by chances of trade. Now, as, under these contingencies, no action of the affections can take place, but only an explosive action of disaffections, two points offer themselves for consideration in the matter. The firstHow far the rate of wages may be so regulated as not to vary with the demand for labour. The secondHow far it is possible that bodies of workmen may be engaged and maintained at such fixed rate of wages (whatever the state of trade may be), without enlarging or diminishing their number, so as to give them permanent interest in the establishment with which they are connected, like that of the domestic servants in an old family, or an esprit de corps, like that of the soldiers in a crack regiment. 13. The first question is, I say, how far it may be possible to fix the rate of wages, irrespectively of the demand for labour. Perhaps one of the most curious facts in the history of human error is the denial by the common political economist of the possibility of thus regulating wages; while, for all the important, and much of the unimportant, labour, on the earth, wages are already so regulated. We do not sell our prime-ministership by Dutch auction; nor, on the decease of a bishop, whatever may be the general advantages of simony, do we (yet) offer his diocese to the clergyman who will take the episcopacy at the lowest contract. We (with exquisite sagacity of political economy!) do indeed sell commissions; but not openly, generalships: sick, we do not inquire for a physician who takes less than a guinea; litigious, we never think of reducing six-and-eightpence to four-and-sixpence; caught in a shower, we do not canvass the cabmen, to find one who values his driving at less than sixpence a mile.
XVII. C

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It is true that in all these cases there is, and in every conceivable case there must be, ultimate reference to the presumed difficulty of the work, or number of candidates for the office. If it were thought that the labour necessary to make a good physician would be gone through by a sufficient number of students with the prospect of only half-guinea fees, public consent would soon withdraw the unnecessary half-guinea. In this ultimate sense, the price of labour is indeed always regulated by the demand for it; but, so far as the practical and immediate administration of the matter is regarded, the best labour always has been, and is, as all labour ought to be, paid by an invariable standard. 14. What! the reader perhaps answers amazedly: pay good and bad workmen alike? Certainly. The difference between one prelates sermons and his successorsor between one physicians opinion and anothers,is far greater, as respects the qualities of mind involved, and far more important in result to you personally, than the difference between good and bad laying of bricks (though that is greater than most people suppose). Yet you pay with equal fee, contentedly, the good and bad workmen upon your soul, and the good and bad workmen upon your body; much more may you pay, contentedly, with equal fees, the good and bad workmen upon your house. Nay, but I choose my physician, and (?) my clergyman, thus indicating my sense of the quality of their work. By all means, also, choose your bricklayer; that is the proper reward of the good workman, to be chosen. The natural and right system respecting all labour is, that it should be paid at a fixed rate, but the good workman employed, and the bad workman unemployed.1 The false, un-natural, and destructive system is when the bad workman is allowed to offer his work at half-price, and either take the place of the good, or force him by his competition to work for an inadequate sum.
1 [See the authors references to this passage, a bove (Preface, 2 ), p . 1 8, a nd b el ow, 31 n., p. 47.]

I. THE ROOTS OF HONOUR 15. This equality of wages, then, being the first object towards which we have to discover the directest available road, the second is, as above stated, that of maintaining constant numbers of workmen in employment, whatever may be the accidental demand for the article they produce. I believe the sudden and extensive inequalities of demand, which necessarily arise in the mercantile operations of an active nation, constitute the only essential difficulty which has to be overcome in a just organization of labour. The subject opens into too many branches to admit of being investigated in a paper of this kind; but the following general facts bearing on it may be noted. The wages which enable any workman to live are necessarily higher, if his work is liable to intermission, than if it is assured and continuous; and however severe the struggle for work may become, the general law will always hold, that men must get more daily pay if, on the average, they can only calculate on work three days a week than they would require if they were sure of work six days a week. Supposing that a man cannot live on less than a shilling a day, his seven shillings he must get, either for three days violent work, or six days deliberate work. The tendency of all modern mercantile operations is to throw both wages and trade into the form of a lottery, and to make the workmans pay depend on intermittent exertion, and the principals profit on dexterously used chance. 16. In what partial degree, I repeat, this may be necessary in consequence of the activities of modern trade, I do not here investigate; contenting myself with the fact that in its fatallest aspects it is assuredly unnecessary, and results merely from love of gambling on the part of the masters, and from ignorance and sensuality in the men. The masters cannot bear to let any opportunity of gain escape them, and frantically rush at every gap and breach in the walls of Fortune, raging to be rich, and affronting, with impatient covetousness, every risk of ruin, while the

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men prefer three days of violent labour, and three days of drunkenness, to six days of moderate work and wise rest. There is no way in which a principal, who really desires to help his workmen, may do it more effectually than by checking these disorderly habits both in himself and them; keeping his own business operations on a scale which will enable him to pursue them securely, not yielding to temptations of precarious gain; and at the same time, leading his workmen into regular habits of labour and life, either by inducing them rather to take low wages, in the form of a fixed salary, than high wages, subject to the chance of their being thrown out of work; or, if this be impossible, by discouraging the system of violent exertion for nominally high day wages, and leading the men to take lower pay for more regular labour. In effecting any radical changes of this kind, doubtless there would be great inconvenience and loss incurred by all the originators of the movement. That which can be done with perfect convenience and without loss, is not always the thing that most needs to be done, or which we are most imperatively required to do. 17. I have already alluded to the difference hitherto existing between regiments of men associated for purposes of violence, and for purposes of manufacture; in that the former appear capable of self-sacrificethe latter, not; which singular fact is the real reason of the general lowness of estimate in which the profession of commerce is held, as compared with that of arms. Philosophically, it does not, at first sight, appear reasonable (many writers have endeavoured to prove it unreasonable) that a peaceable and rational person, whose trade is buying and selling, should be held in less honour than an unpeaceable and often irrational person, whose trade is slaying. Nevertheless, the consent of mankind has always, in spite of the philosophers, given precedence to the soldier. And this is right. For the soldiers trade, verily and essentially, is not

I. THE ROOTS OF HONOUR slaying, but being slain.1 This, without well knowing its own meaning, the world honours it for. A bravos trade is slaying; but the world has never respected bravos more than merchants: the reason it honours the soldier is, because he holds his life at the service of the State. Reckless he may befond of pleasure or of adventureall kinds of bye-motives and mean impulses may have determined the choice of his profession, and may affect (to all appearance exclusively) his daily conduct in it; but our estimate of him is based on this ultimate factof which we are well assuredthat put him in a fortress breach, with all the pleasures of the world behind him, and only death and his duty in front of him, he will keep his face to the front; and he knows that his choice may be put to him at any momentand has beforehand taken his partvirtually takes such part continuallydoes, in reality, die daily.2 18. Not less is the respect we pay to the lawyer and physician, founded ultimately on their self-sacrifice. Whatever the learning or acuteness of a great lawyer, our chief respect for him depends on our belief that, set in a judges seat, he will strive to judge justly, come of it what may. Could we suppose that he would take bribes, and use his acuteness and legal knowledge to give plausibility to iniquitous decisions, no degree of intellect would win for him our respect. Nothing will win it, short of our tacit conviction, that in all important acts of his life justice is first with him; his own interest, second. In the case of a physician, the ground of the honour we render him is clearer still. Whatever his science, we would shrink from him in horror if we found him regard his patients merely as subjects to experiment upon; much more, if we found that, receiving bribes from persons interested in their deaths, he was using his best skill to give poison in the mask of medicine.
[On this point, compare Munera Pulveris, 148 (p. 271); Time and Tide, 134 (p. 427); and Crown of Wild Olive, 122.] 2 [1 Corinthians xv. 31.]
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Finally, the principle holds with utmost clearness as it respects clergymen. No goodness of disposition will excuse want of science in a physician, or of shrewdness in an advocate; but a clergyman, even though his power of intellect be small, is respected on the presumed ground of his unselfishness and serviceableness. 19. Now, there can be no question but that the tact, foresight, decision, and other mental powers, required for the successful management of a large mercantile concern, if not such as could be compared with those of a great lawyer, general, or divine, would at least match the general conditions of mind required in the subordinate officers of a ship, or of a regiment, or in the curate of a country parish. If, therefore, all the efficient members of the so-called liberal professions are still, somehow, in public estimate of honour, preferred before the head of a commercial firm, the reason must lie deeper than in the measurement of their several powers of mind. And the essential reason for such preference will be found to lie in the fact that the merchant is presumed to act always selfishly. His work may be very necessary to the community; but the motive of it is understood to be wholly personal. The merchants first object in all his dealings must be (the public believe) to get as much for himself, and leave as little to his neighbour (or customer) as possible. Enforcing this upon him, by political statute, as the necessary principle of his action; recommending it to him on all occasions, and themselves reciprocally adopting it, proclaiming vociferously, for law of the universe, that a buyers function is to cheapen, and a sellers to cheat,the public, nevertheless, involuntarily condemn the man of commerce for his compliance with their own statement, and stamp him for ever as belonging to an inferior grade of human personality. 20. This they will find, eventually, they must give up doing. They must not cease to condemn selfishness; but they will have to discover a kind of commerce which is not

I. THE ROOTS OF HONOUR exclusively selfish. Or, rather, they will have to discover that there never was, or can be, any other kind of commerce; that this which they have called commerce was not commerce at all, but cozening; and that a true merchant differs as much from a merchant according to laws of modern political economy, as the hero of the Excursion from Autolycus.1 They will find that commerce is an occupation which gentlemen will every day see more need to engage in, rather than in the businesses of talking to men, or slaying them; that, in true commerce, as in true preaching, or true fighting, it is necessary to admit the idea of occasional voluntary loss;that sixpences have to be lost, as well as lives, under a sense of duty; that the market may have its martyrdoms as well as the pulpit; and trade its heroisms as well as war. May havein the final issue, must haveand only has not had yet, because men of heroic temper have always been misguided in their youth into other fields; not recognizing what is in our days, perhaps, the most important of all fields; so that, while many a zealous person loses his life in trying to teach the form of a gospel, very few will lose a hundred pounds in showing the practice of one. 21. The fact is, that people never have had clearly explained to them the true functions of a merchant with respect to other people. I should like the reader to be very clear about this. Five great intellectual professions, relating to daily necessities of life, have hitherto existedthree exist necessarily, in every civilized nation: The Soldiers profession is to defend it. The Pastors to teach it. The Physicians to keep it in health. The Lawyers to enforce justice in it. The Merchants to provide for it.
1 [For references to the thief of Greek legend, see Queen of the Air, 28; and to Shakespeares Snapper-up of unconsidered trifles, Fors Clavigera, Letters 8 and 58.]

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And the duty of all these men is, on due occasion, to die for it.1 On due occasion, namely: The Soldier, rather than leave his post in battle. The Physician, rather than leave his post in plague. The Pastor, rather than teach Falsehood. The Lawyer, rather than countenance Injustice. The Merchantwhat is his due occasion of death? 22. It is the main question for the merchant, as for all of us. For, truly, the man who does not know when to die, does not know how to live. Observe, the merchants function (or manufacturers, for in the broad sense in which it is here used the word must be understood to include both) is to provide for the nation. It is no more his function to get profit for himself out of that provision than it is a clergymans function to get his stipend. This stipend is a due and necessary adjunct, but not the object of his life, if he be a true clergyman, any more than his fee (or honorarium) is the object of life to a true physician. Neither is his fee the object of life to a true merchant. All three, if true men, have a work to be done irrespective of feeto be done even at any cost, or for quite the contrary of fee; the pastors function being to teach, the physicians to heal, and the merchants, as I have said, to provide.2 That is to say, he has to understand to their very root the qualities of the thing he deals in, and the means of obtaining or producing it; and he has to apply all his sagacity and energy to the producing or obtaining it in perfect state, and distributing it at the cheapest possible price where it is most needed. And because the production or obtaining of any commodity involves necessarily the agency of many lives and hands, the merchant becomes in the course of his business
[Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 86, where this passage is referred to.] [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 84, where Ruskin refers to this statement of the three necessary professions, and explains more fully the function of the pastor. See also Munera Pulveris, 145 (below, p. 269); Two Paths, 135 (Vol. XVI. p. 370); and Crown of Wild Olive, 32.]
2 1

I.THE ROOTS OF HONOUR the master and governor of large masses of men in a more direct, though less confessed way, than a military officer or pastor; so that on him falls, in great part, the responsibility for the kind of life they lead: and it becomes his duty, not only to be always considering how to produce what he sells, in the purest and cheapest forms, but how to make the various employments involved in the production, or transference of it, most beneficial to the men employed. 23. And as into these two functions, requiring for their right exercise the highest intelligence, as well as patience, kindness, and tact, the merchant is bound to put all his energy, so for their just discharge he is bound, as soldier or physician is bound, to give up, if need be, his life, in such way as it may be demanded of him. Two main points he has in his providing function to maintain: first, his engagements (faithfulness to engagements being the real root of all possibilities, in commerce); and, secondly, the perfectness and purity of the thing provided; so that, rather than fail in any engagement, or consent to any deterioration, adulteration,1 or unjust and exorbitant price of that which he provides, he is bound to meet fearlessly any form of distress, poverty, or labour, which may, through maintenance of these points, come upon him. 24. Again: in his office as governor of the men employed by him, the merchant or manufacturer is invested with a distinctly paternal authority and responsibility. In most cases, a youth entering a commercial establishment is withdrawn altogether from home influence; his master must become his father, else he has, for practical and constant help, no father at hand: in all cases the masters authority, together with the general tone and atmosphere of his business, and the character of the men with whom the youth is compelled in the course of it to associate, have more immediate and pressing weight than the home influence, and will usually neutralize it either for good or evil; so that the only means which the master has of doing justice
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[See below, p. 383 n.]

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to the men employed by him is to ask himself sternly whether he is dealing with such subordinate as he would with his own son, if compelled by circumstances to take such a position. Supposing the captain of a frigate saw it right, or were by any chance obliged, to place his own son in the position of a common sailor: as he would then treat his son, he is bound always to treat every one of the men under him. So, also, supposing the master of a manufactory saw it right, or were by any chance obliged, to place his own son in the position of an ordinary workman; as he would then treat his son, he is bound always to treat every one of his men. This is the only effective, true, or practical RULE which can be given on this point of political economy. And as the captain of a ship is bound to be the last man to leave his ship in case of wreck, and to share his last crust with the sailors in case of famine, so the manufacturer, in any commercial crisis or distress, is bound to take the suffering of it with his men, and even to take more of it for himself than he allows his men to feel; as a father would in a famine, shipwreck, or battle, sacrifice himself for his son. 25. All which sounds very strange: the only real strangeness in the matter being, nevertheless, that it should so sound. For all this is true, and that not partially nor theoretically, but everlastingly and practically: all other doctrine than this respecting matters political being false in premises, absurd in deduction, and impossible in practice, consistently with any progressive state of national life; all the life which we now possess as a nation showing itself in the resolute denial and scorn, by a few strong minds and faithful hearts, of the economic principles taught to our multitudes, which principles, so far as accepted, lead straight to national destruction. Respecting the modes and forms of destruction to which they lead, and, on the other hand, respecting the farther practical working of true polity, I hope to reason farther in a following paper.

ESSAY II
THE VEINS OF WEALTH

26. THE answer which would be made by any ordinary political economist to the statements contained in the preceding paper, is in few words as follows: It is indeed true that certain advantages of a general nature may be obtained by the development of social affections. But political economists never professed, nor profess, to take advantages of a general nature into consideration. Our science is simply the science of getting rich. So far from being a fallacious or visionary one, it is found by experience to be practically effective. Persons who follow its precepts do actually become rich, and persons who disobey them become poor. Every capitalist of Europe has acquired his fortune by following the known laws of our science, and increases his capital daily by an adherence to them. It is vain to bring forward tricks of logic, against the force of accomplished facts. Every man of business knows by experience how money is made, and how it is lost. Pardon me. Men of business do indeed know how they themselves made their money, or how, on occasion, they lost it. Playing a long-practised game, they are familiar with the chances of its cards, and can rightly explain their losses and gains. But they neither know who keeps the bank of the gambling-house, nor what other games may be played with the same cards, nor what other losses and gains, far away among the dark streets, are essentially, though invisibly, dependent on theirs in the lighted rooms. They have learned a few, and only a few, of the laws of mercantile economy; but not one of those of political economy. 27. Primarily, which is very notable and curious, I observe
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that men of business rarely know the meaning of the word rich. At least, if they know, they do not in their reasonings allow for the fact, that it is a relative word, implying its opposite poor as positively as the word north implies its opposite south. Men nearly always speak and write as if riches were absolute, and it were possible, by following certain scientific precepts, for everybody to be rich. Whereas riches are a power like that of electricity, acting only through inequalities or negations of itself. The force of the guinea you have in your pocket depends wholly on the default of a guinea in your neighbours pocket. If he did not want it, it would be of no use to you; the degree of power it possesses depends accurately upon the need or desire he has for it,and the art of making yourself rich, in the ordinary mercantile economists sense, is therefore equally and necessarily the art of keeping your neighbour poor. I would not contend in this matter (and rarely in any matter) for the acceptance of terms. But I wish the reader clearly and deeply to understand the difference between the two economies, to which the terms Political and Mercantile might not unadvisedly be attached. 28. Political economy (the economy of a State, or of citizens) consists simply in the production, preservation, and distribution,1 at fittest time and place, of useful or pleasurable things. The farmer who cuts his hay at the right time; the shipwright who drives his bolts well home in sound wood; the builder who lays good bricks in well-tempered mortar; the housewife who takes care of her furniture in the parlour, and guards against all waste in her kitchen; and the singer who rightly disciplines, and never overstrains her voice, are all political economists in the true and final sense: adding continually to the riches and well-being of the nation to which they belong. But mercantile economy, the economy of merces or of
[Compare The Political Economy of Art, where Ruskin divides his subject under the heads Discovery, Application, Accumulation, and Distribution (Vol. XVI. p. 29).]
1

II. THE VEINS OF WEALTH pay, signifies the accumulation, in the hands of individuals, of legal or moral claim upon, or power over, the labour of others; every such claim implying precisely as much poverty or debt on one side, as it implies riches or right on the other. It does not, therefore, necessarily involve an addition to the actual property, or well-being of the State in which it exists. But since this commercial wealth, or power over labour, is nearly always convertible at once into real property, while real property is not always convertible at once into power over labour, the idea of riches among active men in civilized nations generally refers to commercial wealth; and in estimating their possessions, they rather calculate the value of their horses and fields by the number of guineas they could get for them, than the value of their guineas by the number of horses and fields they could buy with them. 29. There is, however, another reason for this habit of mind: namely, that an accumulation of real property is of little use to its owner, unless, together with it, he has commercial power over labour. Thus, suppose any person to be put in possession of a large estate of fruitful land, with rich beds of gold in its gravel; countless herds of cattle in its pastures; houses, and gardens, and storehouses full of useful stores: but suppose, after all, that he could get no servants? In order that he may be able to have servants, some one in his neighbourhood must be poor, and in want of his goldor his corn. Assume that no one is in want of either, and that no servants are to be had. He must, therefore, bake his own bread, make his own clothes, plough his own ground, and shepherd his own flocks. His gold will be as useful to him as any other yellow pebbles on his estate. His stores must rot, for he cannot consume them. He can eat no more than another man could eat, and wear no more than another man could wear. He must lead a life of severe and common labour to procure even ordinary comforts; he will be ultimately unable to keep either houses in repair, or fields in cultivation; and forced to

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content himself with a poor mans portion of cottage and garden, in the midst of a desert of waste land, trampled by wild cattle, and encumbered by ruins of palaces, which he will hardly mock at himself by calling his own. 30. The most covetous of mankind would, with small exultation, I presume, accept riches of this kind on these terms. What is really desired, under the name of riches, is, essentially, power over men; in its simplest sense, the power of obtaining for our own advantage the labour of servant, tradesman, and artist; in wider sense, authority of directing large masses of the nation to various ends (good, trivial, or hurtful, according to the mind of the rich person). And this power of wealth of course is greater or less in direct proportion to the poverty of the men over whom it is exercised, and in inverse proportion to the number of persons who are as rich as ourselves, and who are ready to give the same price for an article of which the supply is limited. If the musician is poor, he will sing for small pay, as long as there is only one person who can pay him; but if there be two or three, he will sing for the one who offers him most. And thus the power of the riches of the patron (always imperfect and doubtful, as we shall see presently1 even when most authoritative) depends first on the poverty of the artist, and then on the limitation of the number of equally wealthy persons, who also want seats at the concert. So that, as above stated, the art of becoming rich, in the common sense, is not absolutely nor finally the art of accumulating much money for ourselves, but also of contriving that our neighbours shall have less. In accurate terms, it is the art of establishing the maximum inequality in our own favour. 31. Now, the establishment of such inequality cannot be shown in the abstract to be either advantageous or disadvantageous to the body of the nation. The rash and absurd assumption that such inequalities are necessarily
1

[Below, 39, p. 54.]

II. THE VEINS OF WEALTH advantageous, lies at the root of most of the popular fallacies on the subject of political economy. For the eternal and inevitable law in this matter is, that the beneficialness of the inequality depends, first, on the methods by which it was accomplished; and, secondly, on the purposes to which it is applied. Inequalities of wealth, unjustly established, have assuredly injured the nation in which they exist during their establishment; and, unjustly directed, injure it yet more during their existence. But inequalities of wealth, justly established, benefit the nation in the course of their establishment; and, nobly used, aid it yet more by their existence. That is to say, among every active and well-governed people, the various strength of individuals, tested by full exertion and specially applied to various need, issues in unequal, but harmonious results, receiving reward or authority according to its class and service;* while, in the inactive or ill-governed nation, the gradations of decay and
* I have been naturally asked several times with respect to the sentence in the first of these papers, the bad workmen unemployed, 1 But what are you to do with your bad unemployed workmen? Well, it seems to me the question might have occurred to you before. Your housemaids place is vacantyou give twenty pounds a yeartwo girls come for it, one neatly dressed, the other dirtily; one with good recommendations, the other with none. You do not, under these circumstances, usually ask the dirty one if she will come for fifteen pounds, or twelve; and, on her consenting, take her instead of the well-recommended one. Still less do you try to beat both down by making them bid against each other, till you can hire both, one at twelve pounds a year, and the other at eight. You simply take the one fittest for the place, and send away the other, not perhaps concerning yourself quite as much as you should with the question which you now impatiently put to me,What is to become of her? For, all that I advise you to do, is to deal with workmen as with servants; a nd verily the question is of weight: Your bad workman, idler, and roguewhat are you to do with him? We will consider of this presently: 2 remember that the administration of a complete system of national commerce and industry cannot be explained in full detail within the space of twelve pages. Meantime, consider whether, there being confessedly some difficulty in dealing with rogues and idlers, it may not be advisable to produce as few of them as possible. If you examine
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[Above, 14, p. 34] [See below, 79, pp. 106 seq.]

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the victories of treason work out also their own rugged system of subjection and success; and substitute, for the melodious inequalities of concurrent power, the iniquitous dominances and depressions of guilt and misfortune. 32. Thus the circulation of wealth in a nation resembles that of the blood in the natural body. There is one quickness of the current which comes of cheerful emotion or wholesome exercise; and another which comes of shame or of fever. There is a flush of the body which is full of warmth and life; and another which will pass into putrefaction. The analogy will hold down even to minute particulars. For as diseased local determination of the blood involves depression of the general health of the system, all morbid local action of riches will be found ultimately to involve a weakening of the resources of the body politic. The mode in which this is produced may be at once understood by examining one or two instances of the development of wealth in the simplest possible circumstances. 33. Suppose two sailors cast away on an uninhabited coast, and obliged to maintain themselves there by their own labour for a series of years. If they both kept their health, and worked steadily and in amity with each other, they might build themselves a convenient house, and in time come to possess a certain quantity of cultivated land, together with various stores laid up for future use. All these things would be real riches or property; and, supposing the men both to have worked equally hard, they would each have right to equal share or use of it. Their political economy would consist merely in careful preservation and just division of these possessions. Perhaps, however, after some time one or other might be
into the history of rogues, you will find they are as truly manufactured articles as anything else, and it is just because our present system of political economy gives so large a stimulus to that manufacture that you may know it to be false one. We had better seek for a system which will develop honest men, than for one which will deal cunningly with vagabonds. Let us reform our schools, and we shall find little reform needed in our prisons.

II. THE VEINS OF WEALTH dissatisfied with the results of their common farming; and they might in consequence agree to divide the land they had brought under the spade into equal shares, so that each might thenceforward work in his own field, and live by it. Suppose that after this arrangement had been made, one of them were to fall ill, and be unable to work on his land at a critical timesay of sowing or harvest. He would naturally ask the other to sow or reap for him. Then his companion might say, with perfect justice, I will do this additional work for you; but if I do it, you must promise to do as much for me at another time. I will count how many hours I spend on your ground, and you shall give me a written promise to work for the same number of hours on mine, whenever I need your help, and you are able to give it. 34. Suppose the disabled mans sickness to continue, and that under various circumstances, for several years, requiring the help of the other, he on each occasion gave a written pledge to work, as soon as he was able, at his companions orders, for the same number of hours which the other had given up to him. What will the positions of the two men be when the invalid is able to resume work? Considered as a Polis, or state, they will be poorer than they would have been otherwise: poorer by the withdrawal of what the sick mans labour would have produced in the interval. His friend may perhaps have toiled with an energy quickened by the enlarged need, but in the end his own land and property must have suffered by the withdrawal of so much of his time and thought from them: and the united property of the two men will be certainly less than it would have been if both had remained in health and activity. But the relations in which they stand to each other are also widely altered. The sick man has not only pledged his labour for some years, but will probably have exhausted his own share of the accumulated stores, and will be in
XVII. D

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consequence for some time dependent on the other for food, which he can only pay or reward him for by yet more deeply pledging his own labour. Supposing the written promises to be held entirely valid (among civilized nations their validity is secured by legal measures*), the person who had hitherto worked for both might now, if he chose, rest altogether, and pass his time in idleness, not only forcing his companion to redeem all the engagements he had already entered into, but exacting from him pledges for further labour, to an arbitrary amount, for what food he had to advance to him. 35. There might not, from first to last, be the least illegality (in the ordinary sense of the word) in the arrangement; but if a stranger arrived on the coast at this advanced epoch of their political economy, he would find one man commercially Rich; the other commercially Poor. He would see, perhaps, with no small surprise, one passing his days in idleness; the other labouring for both, and living sparely, in the hope of recovering his independence at some distant period. This is, of course, an example of one only out of many ways in which inequality of possession may be established between different persons, giving rise to the Mercantile forms of Riches and Poverty. In the instance before us, one of
* The disputes which exist respecting the real nature of money arise more from the disputants examining its functions on different sides, than from any real dissent in their opinions. All money, properly so called, is an acknowledgment of debt; but as such, it may either be considered to represent the labour and property of the creditor, or the idleness and penury of the debtor. The intricacy of the question has been much increased by the (hitherto necessary) use of marketable commodities, such as gold, silver, salt, shells, etc., to give intrinsic value or security to currency; but the f inal and best definition of money is that it is a documentary promise ratified and guaranteed by the nation to give or find a certain quantity of labour on demand. 1 A mans labour for a day is a better standard of value than a measure of any produce, becau se no produce ever maintains a consistent rate of producibility.
1 [On this subject, see the fuller discussion in Munera Pulveris, 68 seq.; below, pp. 194 seq.]

II. THE VEINS OF WEALTH the men might from the first have deliberately chosen to be idle, and to put his life in pawn for present ease; or he might have mismanaged his land, and been compelled to have recourse to his neighbour for food and help, pledging his future labour for it. But what I want the reader to note especially is the fact, common to a large number of typical cases of this kind, that the establishment of the mercantile wealth which consists in a claim upon labour, signifies a political diminution of the real wealth which consists in substantial possessions. 36. Take another example, more consistent with the ordinary course of affairs of trade. Suppose that three men, instead of two, formed the little isolated republic, and found themselves obliged to separate, in order to farm different pieces of land at some distance from each other along the coast: each estate furnishing a distinct kind of produce, and each more or less in need of the material raised on the other. Suppose that the third man, in order to save the time of all three, undertakes simply to superintend the transference of commodities from one farm to the other; on condition of receiving some sufficiently remunerative share of every parcel of goods conveyed, or of some other parcel received in exchange for it. If this carrier or messenger always brings to each estate, from the other, what is chiefly wanted, at the right time, the operations of the two farmers will go on prosperously, and the largest possible result in produce, or wealth, will be attained by the little community. But suppose no intercourse between the landowners is possible, except through the travelling agent; and that, after a time, this agent, watching the course of each mans agriculture, keeps back the articles with which he has been entrusted until there comes a period of extreme necessity for them, on one side or other, and then exacts in exchange for them all that the distressed farmer can spare of other kinds of produce: it is easy to see that by ingeniously watching his opportunities, he might possess himself regularly of the greater

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part of the superfluous produce of the two estates, and at last, in some year of severest trial or scarcity, purchase both for himself and maintain the former proprietors thenceforward as his labourers or servants. 37. This would be a case of commercial wealth acquired on the exactest principles of modern political economy. But more distinctly even than in the former instance, it is manifest in this that the wealth of the State, or of the three men considered as a society, is collectively less than it would have been had the merchant been content with juster profit. The operations of the two agriculturists have been cramped to the utmost; and the continual limitations of the supply of things they wanted at critical times, together with the failure of courage consequent on the prolongation of a struggle for mere existence, without any sense of permanent gain, must have seriously diminished the effective results of their labour; and the stores finally accumulated in the merchants hands will not in any wise be of equivalent value to those which, had his dealings been honest, would have filled at once the granaries of the farmers and his own. The whole question, therefore, respecting not only the advantage, but even the quantity, of national wealth, resolves itself finally into one of abstract justice. It is impossible to conclude, of any given mass of acquired wealth, merely by the fact of its existence, whether it signifies good or evil to the nation in the midst of which it exists. Its real value depends on the moral sign attached to it, just as sternly as that of a mathematical quantity depends on the algebraical sign attached to it. Any given accumulation of commercial wealth may be indicative, on the one hand, of faithful industries, progressive energies, and productive ingenuities: or, on the other, it may be indicative of mortal luxury, merciless tyranny, ruinous chicane. Some treasures are heavy with human tears, as an ill-stored harvest with untimely rain; and some gold is brighter in sunshine than it is in substance.

II. THE VEINS OF WEALTH 38. And these are not, observe, merely moral or pathetic attributes of riches, which the seeker of riches may, if he chooses, despise; they are, literally and sternly, material attributes of riches, depreciating or exalting, incalculably, the monetary signification of the sum in question. One mass of money is the outcome of action which has created,another, of action which has annihilated,ten times as much in the gathering of it; such and such strong hands have been paralyzed, as if they had been numbed by nightshade: so many strong mens courage broken, so many productive operations hindered; this and the other false direction given to labour, and lying image of prosperity set up, on Dura plains1 dug into seven-times-heated furnaces. That which seems to be wealth may in verity be only the gilded index of far-reaching ruin; a wreckers handful of coin gleaned from the beach to which he has beguiled an argosy; a camp-followers bundle of rags unwrapped from the breasts of goodly soldiers dead; the purchase-pieces of potters fields, wherein shall be buried together the citizen and the stranger.2 And therefore, the idea that directions can be given for the gaining of wealth, irrespectively of the consideration of its moral sources, or that any general and technical law of purchase and gain can be set down for national practice, is perhaps the most insolently futile of all that ever beguiled men through their vices. So far as I know, there is not in history record of anything so disgraceful to the human intellect as the modern idea that the commercial text, Buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest, represents, or under any circumstances could represent, an available principle of national economy. Buy in the cheapest market?yes; but what made your market cheap? Charcoal may be cheap among your roof timbers after a fire, and bricks may be cheap in your streets after an earthquake; but fire
[Daniel iii. 1, of Nebuchadnezzars golden image: he s et it up in the plain of Dura, in the province of Babylon.] 2 [Matthew xxvii. 6,7.]
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and earthquake may not therefore be national benefits. Sell in the dearest?yes, truly; but what made your market dear? You sold your bread well to-day: was it to a dying man who gave his last coin for it, and will never need bread more; or to a rich man who to-morrow will buy your farm over your head; or to a soldier on his way to pillage the bank in which you have put your fortune? None of these things you can know. One thing only you can know: namely, whether this dealing of yours is a just and faithful one, which is all you need concern yourself about respecting it; sure thus to have done your own part in bringing about ultimately in the world a state of things which will not issue in pillage or in death. And thus every question concerning these things merges itself ultimately in the great question of justice, which, the ground being thus far cleared for it, I will enter upon in the next paper, leaving only, in this, three final points for the readers consideration. 39. It has been shown that the chief value and virtue of money consists in its having power over human beings; that, without this power, large material possessions are useless, and to any person possessing such power, comparatively unnecessary. But power over human beings is attainable by other means than by money. As I said a few pages back,1 the money power is always imperfect and doubtful; there are many things which cannot be reached with it, others which cannot be retained by it. Many joys may be given to men which cannot be bought for gold, and many fidelities found in them which cannot be rewarded with it. Trite enough,the reader thinks. Yes: but it is not so trite,I wish it were,that in this moral power, quite inscrutable and immeasurable though it be, there is a monetary value value just as real as that represented by more ponderous currencies. A mans hand may be full of invisible
1

[ 30, p. 46.]

II. THE VEINS OF WEALTH gold, and the wave of it, or the grasp, shall do more than anothers with a shower of bullion. This invisible gold, also, does not necessarily diminish in spending. Political economists will do well some day to take heed of it, though they cannot take measure. But farther. Since the essence of wealth consists in its authority over men, if the apparent or nominal wealth fail in this power, it fails in essence; in fact, ceases to be wealth at all. It does not appear lately in England, that our authority over men is absolute. The servants show some disposition to rush riotously upstairs, under an impression that their wages are not regularly paid.1 We should augur ill of any gentlemans property to whom this happened every other day in his drawing-room. So, also, the power of our wealth seems limited as respects the comfort of the servants, no less than their quietude. The persons in the kitchen appear to be ill-dressed, squalid, half-starved. One cannot help imagining that the riches of the establishment must be of a very theoretical and documentary character. 40. Finally. Since the essence of wealth consists in power over men, will it not follow that the nobler and the more in number the persons are over whom it has power, the greater the wealth? Perhaps it may even appear, after some consideration, that the persons themselves are the wealththat these pieces of gold with which we are in the habit of guiding them, are, in fact, nothing more than a kind of Byzantine harness or trappings, very glittering and beautiful in barbaric sight, wherewith we bridle the creatures; but that if these same living creatures could be guided without the fretting and jingling of the Byzants2 in their mouths and ears, they might themselves be more valuable than their bridles. In fact, it may be discovered that the true veins of wealth are purpleand not in Rock, but in
[See above, p. 27.] [Byzants, or bezants, the gold coins struck at Byzantium, were common in England till superseded by the noble, a coin of Edward III. (see Scotts Ivanhoe (vii.): Here, Isaac, lend me a handful of byzants).]
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Fleshperhaps even that the final outcome and consummation of all wealth is in the producing as many as possible full-breathed, bright-eyed, and happy-hearted human creatures. Our modern wealth, I think, has rather a tendency the other way;most political economists appearing to consider multitudes of human creatures not conducive to wealth, or at best conducive to it only by remaining in a dim-eyed and narrow-chested state of being. 41. Nevertheless, it is open, I repeat, to serious question, which I leave to the readers pondering,1 whether, among national manufactures, that of Souls of a good quality may not at last turn out a quite leadingly lucrative one? Nay, in some far-away and yet undreamt-of hour, I can even imagine that England may cast all thoughts of possessive wealth back to the barbaric nations among whom they first arose; and that, while the sands of the Indus and adamant of Golconda may yet stiffen the housings of the charger,2 and flash from the turban of the slave, she, as a Christian mother, may at last attain to the virtues and the treasures of a Heathen one, and be able to lead forth her Sons, saying,
These are My Jewels. 3 [See below, 77, p. 104, where the question is resumed.] [Compare the Preface to the second edition of Modern Painters, vol. i. 14 (Vol. III. p. 21 and n.).] 3 [For this story of Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, see Valerius Maximus, 4, 4 : Cornelia, Gracchorum mater, cum Campana matrona, apud illam hospita, ornamenta sua pulcherrima illius sculi ostenderet, traxit eam sermone, donec a scola redirent liberi, et hc inquit ornamenta sunt mea. For another reference to the story, see Ethics of the Dust, 117. See on this passage generally Fors Clavigera, Letter 90, where Ruskin says that the principles stated more or less eloquently in the close of this chapter were scientifically and in sifted term explained and enforced in Munera Pulveris.]
2 1

ESSAY III
QUI JUDICATIS TER RAM 1

42. SOME centuries before the Christian era, a Jew merchant, largely engaged in business on the Gold Coast, and reported to have made one of the largest fortunes of his time (held also in repute for much practical sagacity), left among his ledgers some general maxims concerning wealth, which have been preserved, strangely enough, even to our own days. They were held in considerable respect by the most active traders of the Middle Ages, especially by the Venetians, who even went so far in their admiration as to place a statue of the old Jew on the angle of one of their principal public buildings.2 Of late years these writings have fallen into disrepute, being opposed in every particular to the spirit of modern commerce. Nevertheless I shall reproduce a passage or two from them here, partly because they may interest the reader by their novelty; and chiefly because they will show him that it is possible for a very practical and acquisitive tradesman to hold, through a not unsuccessful career, that principle of distinction between well-gotten and ill-gotten wealth, which, partially insisted on in my last paper, it must be our work more completely to examine in this. 43. He says, for instance, in one place: The getting of treasures by a lying tongue is a vanity tossed to and fro of them that seek death;3 adding in another, with the same
[For this title, see below, 46.] [For the sculpture of Solomon on the Judgment Angle of the Ducal Palace, see Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. pp. 332, 359, 363).] 3 [The Bible references in 43, 44 are to Proverbs xxi. 6; x. 2; Psalms xlv. 13; Proverbs xxii. 16; xxii. 22 (Rob not the poor because he is poor; neither oppress
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meaning (he has a curious way of doubling his sayings): Treasures of wickedness profit nothing: but justice delivers from death. Both these passages are notable for their assertions of death as the only real issue and sum of attainment by any unjust scheme of wealth. If we read, instead of lying tongue, lying label, title, pretence, or advertisement, we shall more clearly perceive the bearing of the words on modern business. The seeking of death is a grand expression of the true course of mens toil in such business. We usually speak as if death pursued us, and we fled from him; but that is only so in rare instances. Ordinarily he masks himselfmakes himself beautifulall-glorious; not like the Kings daughter, all-glorious within, but outwardly: his clothing of wrought gold. We pursue him frantically all our days, he flying or hiding from us. Our crowning success at three-score and ten is utterly and perfectly to seize, and hold him in his eternal integrityrobes, ashes, and sting. Again: the merchant says, He that oppresseth the poor to increase his riches, shall surely come to want. And again, more strongly: Rob not the poor because he is poor; neither oppress the afflicted in the place of business. For God shall spoil the soul of those that spoiled them. This robbing the poor because he is poor, is especially the mercantile form of theft, consisting in taking advantage of a mans necessities in order to obtain his labour or property at a reduced price. The ordinary highwaymans opposite form of robberyof the rich, because he is richdoes not appear to occur so often to the old merchants mind; probably because, being less profitable and more dangerous than the robbery of the poor, it is rarely practiced by persons of discretion. 44. But the two most remarkable passages in their deep general significance are the following: The rich and the poor have met. God is their maker.
the afflicted in the gate); xxii. 23; xxii. 2; xxix. 13; Wisdom of Solomon (Apocrypha), v. 6 (the sun of righteousness rose not upon us); Malachi iv. 2 (sol justiti in the Vulgate); Acts iii. 14 (the holy one and the just).]

III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM The rich and the poor have met. God is their light.1 They have met: more literally, have stood in each others way (obviaverunt). That is to say, as long as the world lasts, the action and counteraction of wealth and poverty, the meeting, face to face, of rich and poor, is just as appointed and necessary a law of that world as the flow of stream to sea, or the interchange of power among the electric clouds:God is their maker. But, also, this action may be either gentle and just, or convulsive and destructive: it may be by rage of devouring flood, or by lapse of serviceable wave;in blackness of thunderstroke, or continual force of vital fire, soft, and shapeable into love-syllables from far away. And which of these it shall be, depends on both rich and poor knowing that God is their light; that in the mystery of human life, there is no other light than this by which they can see each others faces, and live;light, which is called in another of the books among which the merchants maxims have been preserved, the sun of justice,* of which it is promised that it shall rise at last with healing (health-giving or helping, making whole or
* More, accurately, Sun of Justness; but, instead of the harsh word Justness, the old English Righteousness being commonly employed, has, by getting confused with godliness, or attracting about it various vague and broken meanings, prevented most persons from receiving the force of the passage in which it occurs. The word righteousness properly refers to the justice of rule, or right, as distinguished from equity, which refers to the justice of balance. More broadly, Righteousness is Kings justice; a nd E quity J udges j ustice; t he King guiding or ruling all, the Judge dividing or discerning between opposites (therefore, the double question, Man, who made me a rulerdikasthVor a dividermeristhVover you? 2 ) Thus, with respect to the Justice of Choice (selection, the feebler and passive justice), we have from lego,lex, legal, loi, and loyal; and with respect to the Justice of Rule (direction, the stronger and active justice), we have from rego,rex, regal, roi, and royal. 3
1 [In the second of these texts Ruskin translates the Vulgate instead of giving the version in the English Bible. The verses in the Vulgate (Proverbs xxii. 2; xxix. 13) are Dives et pauper obviaverunt sibi: utriusque operator est Dominus. Pauper et creditor obviaverunt sibi: utriusque illuminator est Dominus.] 2 [Luke xii. 14.] 3 [For these etymologies, compare Munera Pulveris, 113 (below, p. 239), and Crown of Wild Olive, 109.]

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setting at one) in its wings. For truly this healing is only possible by means of justice; no love, no faith, no hope will do it; men will be unwisely fondvainly faithful,unless primarily they are just; and the mistake of the best men through generation after generation, has been that great one of thinking to help the poor by almsgiving, and by preaching of patience or of hope, and by every other means, emollient or consolatory, except the one thing which God orders for them, justice. But this justice, with its accompanying holiness or helpfulness, being even by the best man denied in its trial time, is by the mass of men hated wherever it appears: so that, when the choice was one day fairly put to them, they denied the Helpful One1 and the Just;* and desired a murderer, sedition-raiser, and robber, to be granted to them;the murderer instead of the Lord of Life, the sedition-raiser instead of the Prince of Peace, and the robber instead of the Just Judge of all the world. 45. I have just spoken of the flowing of streams to the sea as a partial image of the action of wealth. In one respect it is not a partial, but a perfect image. The popular economist thinks himself wise in having discovered that wealth, or the forms of property in general, must go where they are required; that where demand is, supply must follow. He farther declares that this course of demand and supply cannot be forbidden by human laws. Precisely in the same sense, and with the same certainty, the waters of the world go where they are required. Where the land falls, the water flows. The course neither of clouds nor rivers can be forbidden by human will. But the disposition and administration of them can be altered by human forethought. Whether the stream shall be a curse or a blessing, depends upon mans labour, and administering intelligence. For
* In another place written with the same meaning, Jus t, and having salvation. 2
1 [For the use here of the word Helpful for Holy, see Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 206); and Munera Pulveris, 101 n. (below, p. 225).] 2 [Zechariah ix. 9.]

III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM centuries after centuries, great districts of the world, rich in soil, and favoured in climate, have lain desert under the rage of their own rivers; nor only desert, but plague-struck.1 The stream which, rightly directed, would have flowed in soft irrigation from field to fieldwould have purified the air, given food to man and beast, and carried their burdens for them on its bosomnow overwhelms the plain and poisons the wind; its breath pestilence, and its work famine. In like manner this wealth goes where it is required. No human laws can withstand its flow. They can only guide it: but this, the leading trench and limiting mound can do so thoroughly, that it shall become water of lifethe riches of the hand of wisdom;* or, on the contrary, by leaving it to its own lawless flow, they may make it, what it has been too often, the last and deadliest of national plagues: water of Marah2the water which feeds the roots of all evil. The necessity of these laws of distribution or restraint is curiously overlooked in the ordinary political economists definition of his own science. He calls it, shortly, the science of getting rich. But there are many sciences, as well as many arts, of getting rich. Poisoning people of large estates, was one employed largely in the Middle Ages; adulteration of food of people of small estates, is one employed largely now. The ancient and honourable Highland method of black mail; the more modern and less honourable system of obtaining goods on credit,3 and the other
* Length of days in her right hand; in her left, riches and honour. 4
1 [The subject of inundations, especially in Italy, was presently to occupy much of Ruskins thought: see in a later volume his lecture on Verona and its Rivers (1870); the letters to the Daily Telegraph on Roman Inundations (1871), below, pp. 547552; Munera Pulveris, 147 (below, p. 270); Sesame and Lilies, 129; and Deucalion, ii. ch. ii. 16.] 2 [Exodus xv. 23.] 3 [On the curse of c redit, see Time and Tide, 75 and Appendix 6 (below, pp. 382, 472); and compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 26. See also Ruskins circular of 1871 with regard to the sale of his books (given in the Bibliographical Note to Sesame and Lilies, Vol. XVIII.).] 4 [Proverbs iii. 16. Compare A Joy for Ever, 120, where the same verse is quoted (Vol. XVI. p. 103).]

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variously improved methods of appropriationwhich, in major and minor scales of industry, down to the most artistic pocket-picking, we owe to recent genius,all come under the general head of sciences, or arts, of getting rich. 46. So that it is clear the popular economist, in calling his science the science par excellence of getting rich, must attach some peculiar ideas of limitation to its character. I hope I do not misrepresent him, by assuming that he means his science to be the science of getting rich by legal or just means. In this definition, is the word just, or legal, finally to stand? For it is possible among certain nations, or under certain rulers, or by help of certain advocates, that proceedings may be legal which are by no means just. If, therefore, we leave at last only the word just in that place of our definition, the insertion of this solitary and small word will make a notable difference in the grammar of our science. For then it will follow that in order to grow rich scientifically, we must grow rich justly; and, therefore, know what is just; so that our economy will no longer depend merely on prudence, but on jurisprudenceand that of divine, not human law. Which prudence is indeed of no mean order, holding itself, as it were, high in the air of heaven, and gazing for ever on the light of the sun of justice; hence the souls which have excelled in it are represented by Dante as stars forming in heaven for ever the figure of the eye of an eagle;1 they having been in life the discerners of light from darkness; or to the whole human race, as the light of the body, which is the eye;2 while those souls which form the wings of the bird (giving power and dominion to justice, healing in its wings) trace also in light the inscription in heaven: DILIGITE JUSTITIAM QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM. Ye who judge the earth, give (not, observe, merely love, but) diligent love to justice: the love which seeks diligently,
[The references here are to Paradiso, xviii.; the words which the souls trace in heaven are from the Wisdom of Solomon, i. 1.] 2 [Matthew vi. 22.]
1

III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM that is to say, choosingly, and by preference to all things else. Which judging or doing judgment in the earth is, according to their capacity and position, required not of judges only, nor of rulers only, but of all men:* a truth sorrowfully lost sight of even by those who are ready enough to apply to themselves passages in which Christian men are spoken of as called to be saints (i.e., to helpful or healing functions); and chosen to be kings1 (i.e., to knowing or directing functions); the true meaning of these titles having been long lost through the pretences of unhelpful and unable persons to saintly and kingly character; also through the once popular idea that both the sanctity and royalty are to consist in wearing long robes and high crowns, instead of in mercy and judgment; whereas all true sanctity is saving power, as all true royalty is ruling power; and injustice is part and parcel of the denial of such power, which makes men as the creeping things, as the fishes of the sea, that have no ruler over them. 47. Absolute justice is indeed no more attainable than absolute truth; but the righteous man is distinguished from the unrighteous by his desire and hope of justice, as the true man from the false by his desire and hope of truth. And though absolute justice be unattainable, as much justice
* I hear that several of our lawyers have been greatly amused by the st atement in the f irst o f t hese p apers t hat a l awyers f unction was t o d o j ustice. 2 I did not intend it for a jest; nevertheless it will be seen that in the above passage neither the determination nor doing of justice are contemplated as functions wholly pec uliar to the lawyer. Possibly, the more our standing armies, whether of soldiers, pastors, or legislators (the generic term pastor including all teachers, and the generic term lawyer including makers as well as interpreters of law), can be superseded b y the force of national heroism, wisdom, and, honesty, the better it may be for the nation. It being the privilege of the fishes, as it is of rats and wolves, to live by the laws of demand and supply; but the distinction of humanity, to live by those of right.
1 [The Bible references here and in the following lines are to Romans i. 7; Revelation i. 6 (made us kings); Psalms ci. 1; and Habakkuk i. 14.] 2 [See above, p . 39. For a later reference to this p assage, significant o f all my future work, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 75.]

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as we need for all practical use is attainable by all those who make it their aim. We have to examine, then, in the subject before us, what are the laws of justice respecting payment of labourno small part, these, of the foundations of all jurisprudence. I reduced, in my last paper, the idea of money payment to its simplest or radical terms.1 In those terms its nature, and the conditions of justice respecting it, can be best ascertained. Money payment, as there stated, consists radically in a promise to some person working for us, that for the time and labour he spends in our service to-day we will give or procure equivalent time and labour in his service at any future time when he may demand it.* If we promise to give him less labour than he has given us, we under-pay him. If we promise to give him more labour than he has given us, we over-pay him. In practice, according to the laws of demand and supply, when two men are ready to do the work, and only one man wants to have it done, the two men underbid each other for it; and the one who gets it to do, is under-paid. But when two men want the work done, and there is only one man ready to do it, the two men who want it done overbid each other, and the workman is over-paid. 48. I will examine these two points of injustice in succession; but first I wish the reader to clearly understand
* It might appear at first that the market price of labour expressed such an exchange: but this is a fallacy, for the market price is the momentary price of the kind of labour required, but the just price is its equivalent of the productive labour of mankind. This difference will be analyzed in its place. 2 It must be noted also that I speak here only of the exchangeable value of labour, not of that of commodities. The exchangeable value of a commodity is that of the labour required to produce it, multiplied into the force of the demand for it. If the value of the labour= x and the force of demand=y, the exchangeable value of the commodity is xy, in which if either x=0, or y=0, xy=0.
1 2

[See above, 34 n., p. 50.] [Touched upon in 70, but not fully analyzed.]

III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM the central principle, lying between the two, of right or just payment. When we ask a service of any man, he may either give it us freely, or demand payment for it. Respecting free gift of service, there is no question at present, that being a matter of affectionnot of traffic. But if he demand payment for it, and we wish to treat him with absolute equity, it is evident that this equity can only consist in giving time for time, strength for strength, and skill for skill. If a man works an hour for us, and we only promise to work half an hour for him in return, we obtain an unjust advantage. If, on the contrary, we promise to work an hour and a half for him in return, he has an unjust advantage. The justice consists in absolute exchange; or, if there be any respect to the stations of the parties, it will not be in favour of the employer: there is certainly no equitable reason in a mans being poor, that if he give me a pound of bread to-day, I should return him less than a pound of bread to-morrow; or any equitable reason in a mans being uneducated, that if he uses a certain quantity of skill and knowledge in my service, I should use a less quantity of skill and knowledge in his. Perhaps, ultimately, it may appear desirable, or, to say the least, gracious, that I should give in return somewhat more than I received. But at present, we are concerned on the law of justice only, which is that of perfect and accurate exchange;one circumstance only interfering with the simplicity of this radical idea of just paymentthat inasmuch as labour (rightly directed) is fruitful just as seed is, the fruit (or interest, as it is called) of the labour first given, or advanced, ought to be taken into account, and balanced by an additional quantity of labour in the subsequent repayment. Supposing the repayment to take place at the end of the year, or of any other given time, this calculation could be approximately made, but as money (that is to say, cash) payment involves no reference to time (it being optional with the person paid to spend what he receives at once or after
XVII.

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any number of years), we can only assume, generally, that some slight advantage must in equity be allowed to the person who advances the labour, so that the typical form of bargain will be: If you give me an hour to-day, I will give you an hour and five minutes on demand. If you give me a pound of bread to-day, I will give you seventeen1 ounces on demand, and so on. All that is necessary for the reader to note is, that the amount returned is at least in equity not to be less than the amount given. The abstract idea, then, of just or due wages, as respects the labourer, is that they will consist in a sum of money which will at any time procure for him at least as much labour as he has given, rather more than less. And this equity or justice of payment is, observe, wholly independent of any reference to the number of men who are willing to do the work. I want a horseshoe for my horse. Twenty smiths, or twenty thousand smiths, may be ready to forge it; their number does not in one atoms weight affect the question of the equitable payment of the one who does forge it. It costs him a quarter of an hour of his life, and so much skill and strength of arm, to make that horseshoe for me. Then at some future time I am bound in equity to give a quarter of an hour, and some minutes more, of my life (or of some other persons at my disposal), and also as much strength of arm and skill, and a little more, in making or doing what the smith may have need of. 49. Such being the abstract theory of just remunerative payment, its application is practically modified by the fact that the order for labour, given in payment, is general, while the labour received is special. The current coin or document is practically an order on the nation for so much work of any kind; and this universal applicability to immediate need renders it so much more valuable than special labour can be, that an order for a less quantity of this general toil will always be accepted as a just equivalent for a greater quantity of special toil. Any given craftsman will
1

[In the Cornhill Magazine, thirteen.]

III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM always be willing to give an hour of his own work in order to receive command over half an hour, or even much less, of national work. This source of uncertainty, together with the difficulty of determining the monetary value of skill,* render the ascertainment (even approximate) of the proper wages of any given labour in terms of a currency, matter of considerable complexity. But they do not affect the principle of exchange. The worth of the work may not be easily
* Under the term skill I mean to include the united force of experience, intellect, and passion, in their operation on manual labour: and under the term passion to include the entire range and agency of the moral feelings; from th e simple patience and gentleness of mind which will give continuity and fineness to the touch, or enable one person to work without fatigue, and with good effect, twice as long as another, up to the qualities of character which render science possible(the retardation of science by envy is one of the most tremendous losses in the economy of the present century 1 )and to the incommunicable emotion and imagination which are the first and mightiest sources of all value in art. It is highly singular that political economists should not yet have perceived, if not the moral, at least the passionate element, to be an inextricable quantity in every calculation. I cannot conceive, for instance, how it was possible that Mr. Mill should have followed the true clue so far as to write,No limit can be set to the importanceeven in a purely productive and and material point of view of mere thought, without seeing that it was logically necessary to add also, and of mere feeling. And this the more, because in his first definition of labour he includes in the idea of it all feelings of a disagreeable kind connected with the employment of ones thoughts in a particular occupation. 2 True; but why not also, feelings of an agreeable kind? It can hardly be supposed that the feelings which retard labour are more essentially a part of the labour than those which accelerate it. The first are paid for as pain, the second as power. The workman is merely indemnified for the first; but the second both produce a part of the exchangeable value of the work, and materially increase its actual quantity. Fritz is with us. He is worth fifty thousand men. Truly, a large addition to the material force;consisting, however, be it observed, not more in operations carried on in Fritzs head, than in operations carried on in his armies heart. No limit can be set to the importance of mere thought. Perhaps not! Nay, suppose some day it should turn out that mere thought was in itself a recommendable object of production, and that all Material production was only a step towards this more precious Immaterial one? [A constant theme with Ruskin; compare Two Paths, 139 (Vol. XVI. p. 374).] [Mills first definition of labour is in the Principles of Political Economy, book i. ch. i. 1. Ruskin in his copy of the book had written in the margin the criticism here made upon the passage. The later quotation is from book i. ch.ii. 8.]
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known; but it has a worth, just as fixed and real as the specific gravity of a substance, though such specific gravity may not be easily ascertainable when the substance is united with many others. Nor is there so much difficulty or chance in determining it, as in determining the ordinary maxima and minima of vulgar political economy. There are few bargains in which the buyer can ascertain with anything like precision that the seller would have taken no less;or the seller acquire more than a comfortable faith that the purchaser would have given no more. This impossibility of precise knowledge prevents neither from striving to attain the desired point of greatest vexation and injury to the other, nor from accepting it for a scientific principle that he is to buy for the least and sell for the most possible, though what the real least or most may be he cannot tell. In like manner, a just person lays it down for a scientific principle that he is to pay a just price, and, without being able precisely to ascertain the limits of such a price, will nevertheless strive to attain the closest possible approximation to them. A practically serviceable approximation he can obtain. It is easier to determine scientifically what a man ought to have for his work, than what his necessities will compel him to take for it. His necessities can only be ascertained by empirical, but his due by analytical, investigation. In the one case, you try your answer to the sum like a puzzled schoolboytill you find one that fits; in the other, you bring out your result within certain limits, by process of calculation. 50. Supposing, then, the just wages of any quantity of given labour to have been ascertained, let us examine the first results of just and unjust payment, when in favour of the purchaser or employer: i.e., when two men are ready to do the work, and only one wants to have it done. The unjust purchaser forces the two to bid against each other till he has reduced their demand to its lowest terms. Let us assume that the lowest bidder offers to do the work at half its just price.

III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM The purchaser employs him, and does not employ the other. The first or apparent result is, therefore, that one of the two men is left out of employ, or to starvation, just as definitely as by the just procedure of giving fair price to the best workman. The various writers who endeavoured to invalidate the positions of my first paper1 never saw this, and assumed that the unjust hirer employed both. He employs both no more than the just hirer. The only difference (in the outset) is that the just man pays sufficiently, the unjust man insufficiently, for the labour of the single person employed. I say, in the outset; for this first or apparent difference is not the actual difference. By the unjust procedure, half the proper price of the work is left in the hands of the employer. This enables him to hire another man at the same unjust rate, on some other kind of work; and the final result is that he has two men working for him at half-price, and two are out of employ. 51. By the just procedure, the whole price of the first piece of work goes into the hands of the man who does it. No surplus being left in the employers hands, he cannot hire another man for another piece of labour. But by precisely so much as his power is diminished, the hired workmans power is increased: that is to say, by the additional half he has the power of using to employ another man in his service. I will suppose, for the moment, the least favourable, though quite probable, casethat, though justly treated himself, he yet will act unjustly to his subordinate; and hire at half-price if he can. The final result will then be, that one man works for the employer, at just price; one for the workman, at half-price; and two, as in the first case, are still out of employ. These two, as I said before, are out of employ in both cases. The difference between the just and unjust procedure does not lie
[The assumption is made, for instance, by the writer of a long leading article in the Scotsman of August 9, 1860.]
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in the number of men hired, but in the price paid to them, and the persons by whom it is paid. The essential difference, that which I want the reader to see clearly, is, that in the unjust case, two men work for one, the first hirer, In the just case, one man works for the first hirer, one for the person hired, and so on, down or up through the various grades of service; the influence being carried forward by justice, and arrested by injustice. The universal and constant action of justice in this matter is therefore to diminish the power of wealth, in the hands of one individual, over masses of men, and to distribute it through a chain of men. The actual power exerted by the wealth is the same in both cases; but by injustice it is put all into one mans hands, so that he directs at once and with equal force the labour of a circle of men about him; by the just procedure, he is permitted to touch the nearest only, through whom, with diminished force, modified by new minds, the energy of the wealth passes on to others, and so till it exhausts itself. 52. The immediate operation of justice in this respect is therefore to diminish the power of wealth, first, in acquisition of luxury, and secondly, in exercise of moral influence. The employer cannot concentrate so multitudinous labour on his own interests, nor can he subdue so multitudinous mind to his own will. But the secondary operation of justice is not less important. The insufficient payment of the group of men working for one, places each under a maximum of difficulty in rising above his position. The tendency of the system is to check advancement. But the sufficient or just payment, distributed through a descending series of offices or grades of labour,* gives each subordinated person fair
* I am sorry to lose time by answering, however c urtly, the equivocations of the writers who sought to obscure the instances given of regulated labour in the first of these papers, 1 by confusing kinds, ranks, and quantities of labour with its qualities. I never said that a colonel should have the same pa y as a private, nor a bishop the same pay as a curate. Neither
1 [A sample of this kind of criticism also may be found in the Scotsman of August 9, 1860, where the writer a sks i f M r. R uskin supposes that a curates wages are, or ought t o be, the same as a bishops, etc., etc.]

III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM and sufficient means of rising in the social scale, if he chooses to use them; and thus not only diminishes the immediate power of wealth, but removes the worst disabilities of poverty. 53. It is on this vital problem that the entire destiny of the labourer is ultimately dependent. Many minor interests may sometimes appear to interfere with it, but all branch from it. For instance, considerable agitation is often caused in the minds of the lower classes when they discover the share which they nominally, and to all appearance, actually, pay out of their wages in taxation (I believe thirty-five or forty per cent.1). This sounds very grievous; but in reality the labourer does not pay it, but his employer. If the workman had not to pay it, his wages would be less by just that sum; competition would still reduce them to the lowest
did I say that more work ought to be paid as less work (so that the curate of a parish of two thousand souls should have no more than the curate of a parish of five hundred). But I said that, so far as you employ it at all, bad work should be paid no less than good work; as a bad clergyman yet takes his tithes, a bad physician takes his fee, and a bad lawyer his costs. And this, as will be farther shown in the conclusion, I said, and say, partly because the best work never was, nor ever will be, done for money at all; 2 but chiefly because, the moment people know they have to pay the bad and good alike, they will try to discern the one from the other, and not use the bad. A sagacious writer in the Scotsman 3 asks me if I should like any common scribbler to be paid by Messrs. Smith, Elder and Co. as their good authors are. I should, if they employed him but would seriously recommend them, for the scribblers sake as well as their own, not to employ him. The quantity of its money which the country at present invests in scribbling is not, in the outcome of it, economically spent; and even the highly ingenious person to whom this question occurred, might perhaps have been more beneficially employed than in printing it.
1 [The calculation refers, it should be noted, not to the share of their wages which they pay in taxation, but to the share of the total taxation which is derived from their wages. It has been calculated that an average working-class income is at the present time taxed 6.9 per cent; an income of 200, 4.6; an income of 500, 7.0 (see the figures in Liberalism, by Herbert Samuel, 1902, p. 190). The proportion of indirect taxatio n (mostly paid by the working classes) to direct was at least 40 per cent.] 2 [See below, p. 515 n., where references are given to other statements of this doctrine.] 3 [In the leading article on August 9, 1860: Would Mr. Ruskin himself think it fair were Messrs. Smith & Elder to pay no more per page to him, a man of genius and reputation, than to the rawest scribbler that ever spoilt foolscap?]

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rate at which life was possible. Similarly the lower orders agitated for the repeal of the corn laws,* thinking they would be better off if bread were cheaper; never perceiving that as soon as bread was permanently cheaper, wages would permanently fall in precisely that proportion. The corn laws were rightly repealed; not, however, because they directly oppressed oppressed the poor, but because they indirectly oppressed them in causing a large quantity of their labour to be consumed unproductively. So also unnecessary taxation
* I have to acknowledge an interesting communication on the subject o f free trade from Paisley (for a short letter from A Well -wisher at, my thanks are yet more due). But the Scottish writer will, I fear, be disagreeably surprised to hear, that I am, and always have been, an utterly fearless and unscrupulous free -trader. Seven years ago, speaking of the various signs of infancy in the European mind ( Stones of Venice, vol. iii., p. 168 1 ), I wrote: The first principles of commerce were acknowledged by the English parliament only a few months ago, in its free -trade measures, and are still so little understood by the million, that no nation dares to abolish its custom-houses. It will be observed that I do not admit even the idea of reciprocity. Let other nations, if they like, keep their ports shut; every wise nation will t hrow its own open. It is not the opening them, but a sudden, inconsiderate, and blunderingly experimental manner of opening them, which does harm. If you have been protecting a manufacture for a long series of years, you must not take the protection off in a moment, so as to throw every one of its operatives at once out of employ, any more than you must take all its wrappings off a feeble child at once in cold weather, though the cumber of them may have been radically injuring its health. Little by little, you must restore it to freedom and to air. Most peoples minds are in curious confusion on the subject of free -trade, because they suppose it to imply enlarged competition. On the contrary, free -trade puts an end to all competition. Protection (among various) other mischievous functions) endeavours to enable one country to compete with another in the production of an article at a disadvantage. When trade is entirely free, no country can be competed with in articles for the production of which it is naturally calculated; nor can it compete with any other, in the production of articles for which it is not naturally calculated. Tuscany, for instance, cannot compete with England in steel, nor England with Tuscany in oil. They must exchange their steel and oil. Which exchange should be as frank and free as honesty and the sea-winds can make it. Competition, indeed, arises at first, and sharply, in order to prove which is strongest in any given manufacture possible to both; this point once ascertained, competition is at an end.
1

[In this edition, Vol. XI. p. 198; and compare Vol. XII. pp. 596 597.]

III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM oppresses them, through destruction of capital; but the destiny of the poor depends primarily always on this one question of dueness of wages. Their distress (irrespectively of that caused by sloth, minor error, or crime) arises on the grand scale from the two reacting forces of competition and oppression. There is not yet, nor will yet for ages be, any real over-population in the world; but a local over-population, or, more accurately, a degree of population locally unmanageable under existing circumstances for want of fore-thought and sufficient machinery, necessarily shows itself by pressure of competition; and the taking advantage of this competition by the purchaser to obtain their labour unjustly cheap, consummates at once their suffering and his own; for in this (as I believe in every other kind of slavery) the oppressor suffers at last more than the oppressed, and those magnificent lines of Pope, even in all their force, fall short of the truth:
Yet, to be just to these poor men of pelf, Each does but HATE HIS NEIGHBOUR AS HIMSELF: Damned to the mines, an equal fate betides The slave that digs it, and the slave that hides.1

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54. The collateral and reversionary operations of justice in this matter I shall examine hereafter2 (it being needful first to define the nature of value); proceeding then to consider within what practical terms a juster system may be established; and ultimately the vexed question of the destinies of the unemployed workmen.* Lest, however, the
* I should be glad if the reader would first clear the ground for himself so far as to determine whether the difficulty lies in getting the work or getting the pay for i t. Does he consider occupation itself to be an expensive luxury, difficult of attainment, of which too little is to be found in the world? or is it rather that, while in the enjoyment even of the most athletic delight,
1 [Moral Essays: Epistle iii., To Allen, Lord Bathurst, on the Use of Riches. Lines 107110. Ruskin quotes from the same epistle below, 65 (p. 89), and in Munera Pulveris, 77 (p. 200).] 2 [A reference to the intended continuation of the papers. The MS. reads: I shall examine in following papers (having already exceeded the due limits of this), proceeding afterwards to consider the various means by which a system may be established, and then the vexed question . . .]

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reader should be alarmed at some of the issues to which our investigations seem to be tending, as if in their bearing against the power of wealth they had something in common with those of socialism,1 I wish him to know, in accurate terms, one or two of the main points which I have in view. Whether socialism has made more progress among the army and navy (where payment is made on my principles), or among the manufacturing operatives (who are paid on my opponents principles), I leave it to those opponents to ascertain and declare. Whatever their conclusion may be, I think it necessary to answer for myself only this: that if there be any one point insisted on throughout my works more frequently than another, that one point is the impossibility of Equality.2 My continual aim has been to show the eternal superiority of some men to others, sometimes even of one man to all others; and to show also the advisability of appointing such persons or person to guide, to lead, or on occasion even to compel and subdue, their inferiors according to their own better knowledge and wiser will. My principles of Political Economy were all involved
men must nevertheless be maintained, and this maintenance is not always forthcoming? We must be clear on this head before going farther, as most people are loosely in the habit of talking o f t he d ifficulty o f finding e mployment. Is i t e mployment t hat we want to find, or support during employment? Is it idleness we wish to put an end to, or hunger? We have to take up both questions in succession, only not both at the same time. No doubt that work is a luxury, and a very great one. It is, indeed, at once a luxury and a necessity; no man can retain either health of mind or body without it. So profoundly do I feel this, that, as will be seen in the sequel, 3 one of the principal objects I would recommend to benevolent and practical persons, is to induce rich people to seek for a larger quantity of this luxury than they at present possess. Nevertheless, it appears by experience that even this healthiest of pleasures may be indulged in to excess, and that human beings are just as liable to surfeit of labour as to surfeit of meat; so that, as on the one hand, it may be charitable to provide, for some people, lighter dinner, and more work,for others, it may be equally expedient to provide li ghter work, and more dinner. [Compare 79 n.; below, p. 107.] [See, for instance, Vol. VIII. p. 167, and Vol. XI. p. 262.] 3 [A reference to the intended, but unwritten, continuation of the papers; see, however, the lecture on Work in the Crown of Wild Olive (Vol. XVIII.), and compare Munera Pulveris, 149 (below, p. 272).]
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III. QUI JUDICATIS TERRAM in a single phrase spoken three years ago at Manchester: Soldiers of the Ploughshare as well as Soldiers of the Sword:1 and they were all summed in a single sentence in the last volume of Modern PaintersGovernment and co-operation are in all things the Laws of Life; Anarchy and competition the Laws of Death.2 And with respect to the mode in which these general principles affect the secure possession of property, so far am I from invalidating such security, that the whole gist of these papers will be found ultimately to aim at an extension in its range; and whereas it has long been known and declared that the poor have no right to the property of the rich, I wish it also to be known and declared that the rich have no right to the property of the poor. 55. But that the working of the system which I have undertaken to develop would in many ways shorten the apparent and direct, though not the unseen and collateral, power, both of wealth, as the Lady of Pleasure, and of capital as the Lord of Toil, I do not deny: on the contrary, I affirm it in all joyfulness; knowing that the attraction of riches is already too strong, as their authority is already too weighty, for the reason of mankind. I said in my last paper3 that nothing in history had ever been so disgraceful to human intellect as the acceptance among us of the common doctrines of political economy as a science. I have many grounds for saying this, but one of the chief may be given in few words. I know no previous instance in history of a nations establishing a systematic disobedience to the first principles of its professed religion. The writings which we (verbally) esteem as divine, not only denounce the love of money as the source of all evil,4 and as an
[A joy for Ever, 15 (Vol. XVI. p. 26); and see above (Preface, 6), p. 22. [Part viii. ch. i. 6 (Vol. VII. p. 207).] [Really in the first paper: see 1; above, p. 25.] 4 [I Timothy vi. 10; Matthew vi. 24. For other references by Ruskin, in a similar sense, to the modern attitude towards the Bible, see Two Paths, 178 n. (Vol. XVI. p. 397); Vol. VI. p. 458; Time and Tide, 34 (below, p. 348); and Crown of Wild Olive, 35.]
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idolatry abhorred of the Deity, but declare mammon service to be the accurate and irreconcileable opposite of Gods service: and, whenever they speak of riches absolute, and poverty absolute, declare woe to the rich, and blessing to the poor. Whereupon we forthwith investigate a science of becoming rich, as the shortest road to national prosperity.
Tai Cristian danner IEtipe, Quando si partiranno i due collegi, LUNO IN ETERNO RICCO, E LALTRO INPE.1
[Paradiso, xix. 109. In Carys translation: Christians like these the thiop shall condemn, When that the two assemblages shall part, One rich eternally, the other poor. Dantes reference in the first line is to Matthew xii. 41 : The men of Nineveh shall rise in judgment with this generation, and condemn it.]
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ESSAY IV
AD VALOREM

56. IN the last paper we saw1 that just payment of labour consisted in a sum of money which would approximately obtain equivalent labour at a future time: we have now to examine the means of obtaining such equivalence. Which question involves the definition of Value, Wealth, Price, and Produce. None of these terms are yet defined so as to be understood by the public.2 But the last, Produce, which one might have thought the clearest of all, is, in use, the most ambiguous; and the examination of the kind of ambiguity attendant on its present employment will best open the way to our work. In his chapter on Capital,* Mr. J. S. Mill instances, as a capitalist, a hardware manufacturer, who, having intended to spend a certain portion of the proceeds of his business in buying plate and jewels, changes his mind, and pays it as wages to additional workpeople. The effect is stated by
* Book I. chap. iv. s. 1. To save space, my future references to Mr. Mills work will be by numberals only, as in this instance, I. iv. 1. Ed. in 2 vols. 8vo, Parker, 1848.
1 2

[See 47, p. 64.] [The MS. continues: Most p ersons confuse t he value of a thing with its p rice (which is as though they should estimate the healing powers of a medicine by the charge of the apothecary); confuse the wealth (or the possessions which constitute the well-being of an individual) with riches (or the possessions which constitute power over others); and, finally, confuse production, or profit, which is an increase of the possessions of the world, with Acquisition or Gain, which is an increase of the possessions of one person by the diminution of those of another. This last word, production, indeed, which one might . . .]
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Mr. Mill to be, that more food is appropriated to the consumption of productive labourers.1 57. Now I do not ask, though, had I written this paragraph, it would surely have been asked of me, What is to become of the silversmiths? If they are truly unproductive persons, we will acquiesce in their extinction. And though in another part of the same passage, the hardware merchant is supposed also to dispense with a number of servants, whose food is thus set free for productive purposes, I do not inquire what will be the effect, painful or otherwise, upon the servants, of this emancipation of their food. But I very seriously inquire why ironware is produce, and silverware is not?2. That the merchant consumes the one, and sells the other, certainly does not constitute the difference, unless it can be shown (which, indeed, I perceive it to be becoming daily more and more the aim of tradesmen to show) that commodities are made to be sold, and not to be consumed. The merchant is an agent of conveyance to the consumer in one case, and is himself the consumer in the other:* but the labourers are in either case equally productive, since they have produced goods to the same value, if the hardware and the plate are both goods.
* If Mr. Mill had wished to show the difference in result between consumption and sale, he should have represented the hardware merchant as consuming his own goods instead of selling them; similarly, the silver merchant as consuming his own go ods instead of selling them. Had he done this, he would have made his position clearer, though less tenable; and perhaps this was the position he really intended to take, tacitly involving his theory, elsewhere stated, and shown in the sequel of this paper to be false,3 that demand for commodities is not demand for labour. But by the most diligent scrutiny of the paragraph two under examination, I cannot determine whether it is a fallacy pure and simple, or the half of one fallacy supported by the whole of a greater one; so that I treat it here on the kinder assumption that it is one fallacy only. [See below, 76, p. 102 and n.] [In his copy of Mill, against the passage about buying plate and jewels, Ruskin wrote i n t he m argin: It i s a v ery c urious fact to see that no art is supposed to be involved in producing plate, in the mind of so enlightened an economist as Mr. Mill.] 3 [See again, below, 76, p. 102.]
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IV. AD VALOREM And what distinction separates them? It is indeed possible that in the comparative estimate of the moralist, with which Mr. Mill says political economy has nothing to do (III. i. 2), a steel fork might appear a more substantial production than a silver one: we may grant also that knives, no less than forks, are good produce; and scythes and ploughshares serviceable articles. But, how of bayonets? Supposing the hardware merchant to effect large sales of these, by help of the setting free of the food of his servants and his silversmith,is he still employing productive labourers, or, in Mr. Mills words, labourers who increase the stock of permanent means of enjoyment (I. iii. 4)? Or if, instead of bayonets, he supply bombs, will not the absolute and final enjoyment of even these energetically productive articles (each of which costs ten pounds*) be dependent on a proper choice of time and place for their enfantement; choice, that is to say, depending on those philosophical considerations with which political economy has nothing to do? 58. I should have regretted the need of pointing out inconsistency in any portion of Mr. Mills work, had not the value of his work proceeded from its inconsistencies. He deserves honour among economists by inadvertently disclaiming the principles which he states, and tacitly introducing the moral considerations with which he declares his science has no connection. Many of his chapters are, therefore, true and valuable; and the only conclusions of his which I have to dispute are those which follow from his premises.
* I take Mr. Helps estimate in his essay on War. 1 Also, when the wrought silver vases of Spain were dashed to fragments by our custom-house officers because bullion might be imported free of duty, but not brains, was the axe that broke them productive?the artist who wrought them unproductive? Or again. If the woodmans axe is productive, is the executioners? as also, if the hemp of a cable be productive, does not the productiveness of hemp in a halter depend on its moral more than on its material application?
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[In Friends in Council, New Series, 1859.]

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Thus, the idea which lies at the root of the passage we have just been examining, namely, that labour applied to produce luxuries will not support so many persons as labour applied to produce useful articles, is entirely true; but the instance given failsand in four directions of failure at oncebecause Mr. Mill has not defined the real meaning of usefulness. The definition which he has givencapacity to satisfy a desire, or serve a purpose (III. i. 2)applies equally to the iron and silver; while the true definitionwhich he has not given, but which nevertheless underlies the false verbal definition in his mind, and comes out once or twice by accident (as in the words any support to life or strength in I. iii. 5)applies to some articles of iron, but not to others, and to some articles of silver, but not to others. It applies to ploughs, but not to bayonets; and to forks, but not to filigree.* 59. The eliciting of the true definitions will give us the reply to our first question, What is value? respecting which, however, we must first hear the popular statements. The word value, when used without adjunct, always means, in political economy, value in exchange (Mill, III. i. 2). So that, if two ships cannot exchange their rudders, their rudders are, in politico-economic language, of no value to either. But the subject of political economy is wealth.(Preliminary remarks, page 1.) And wealth consists of all useful and agreeable objects which possess exchangeable value.(Preliminary remarks, page 10.) It appears, then, according to Mr. Mill, that usefulness and agreeableness underlie the exchange value, and must be ascertained to exist in the thing, before we can esteem it an object of wealth. Now, the economical usefulness of a thing depends not
* Filigree; that is to say, generally, ornament dependent on complexity, not on art.

IV. AD VALOREM merely on its own nature, but on the number of people who can and will use it. A horse is useless, and therefore unsaleable, if no one can ride,a sword, if no one can strike, and meat, if no one can eat. Thus every material utility depends on its relative human capacity. Similarly: The agreeableness of a thing depends not merely on its own likeableness, but on the number of people who can be got to like it. The relative agreeableness, and therefore saleableness, of a pot of the smallest ale, and of Adonis painted by a running brook, depends virtually on the opinion of Demos, in the shape of Christopher Sly.1 That is to say, the agreeableness of a thing depends on its relatively human disposition.* Therefore, political economy, being a science of wealth, must be a science respecting human capacities and dispositions. But moral considerations have nothing to do with political economy (III. i. 2). Therefore, moral considerations have nothing to do with human capacities and dispositions. 60. I do not wholly like the look of this conclusion from Mr. Mills statements:let us try Mr. Ricardos.2
* These statements sound crude in their brevity; but will be found of the utmost importance when they are developed. Thus, in the above instance, economists have never perceived that disposition to buy is a wholly moral element in demand: that is to say, when you give a man half a crown, it depends on his disposition whether he is rich or poor with itwhether he will buy disease, ruin, and hatred, or buy health, advancement, and domestic love. And thus the agreeableness or exchange value of every offered commodity depends on production, not merely of the commodity, but of buyers of it; therefore on the education of buyers, and on all the moral elements by which their disposition to buy this, or that, is formed. I will illustrate and expand into final consequences every one of these definitions in its place: at present they can only be given with extremest brevity; for in order to put the subject at once in a connected form before the reader, I have thrown into one, the opening definitions of four chapters: namely, of that on Value (Ad Valorem); on Price (Thirty Pieces); on Production (Demeter); and on Economy (The Law of the House). 3
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XVII.

[Taming of the Shrew: Induction, sc. ii.] [Principles of Political Economy and Taxation.] [Again a reference to the intended continuation of the book. Compare 77, 84 n.]
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Utility is not the measure of exchangeable value, though it is absolutely essential to it.(Chap. I. sect. i.) Essential in what degree, Mr. Ricardo? There may be greater and less degrees of utility.1 Meat, for instance, may be so good as to be fit for any one to eat, or so bad as to be fit for no one to eat. What is the exact degree of goodness which is essential to its exchangeable value, but not the measure of it? How good must the meat be, in order to possess any exchangeable value? and how bad must it be(I wish this were a settled question in London markets)in order to possess none? There appears to be some hitch, I think, in the working even of Mr. Ricardos principles; but let him take his own example. Suppose that in the early stages of society the bows and arrows of the hunter were of equal value with the implements of the fisherman. Under such circumstances the value of the deer, the produce of the hunters days labour, would be exactly (italics mine) equal to the value of the fish, the product of the fishermans days labour. The comparative value of the fish and game would be entirely regulated by the quantity of labour realized in each. (Ricardo, chap. iii. On Value.) Indeed! Therefore, if the fisherman catches one sprat, and the huntsman one deer, one sprat will be equal in value to one deer; but if the fisherman catches no sprat and the huntsman two deer, no sprat will be equal in value to two deer? Nay; butMr. Ricardos supporters may sayhe means, on an average;if the average product of a days work of fisher and hunter be one fish and one deer, the one fish will always be equal in value to the one deer.
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[In his first draft Ruskin took a different illust ration, thus: You may have a bad pen, which yet may serve; or a good one, which will serve better; and a blunt penknife, which will mend it; or a sharp one, which will mend it quicker. Now, what is the exact degree of utility which is essential to exchangeable value, but not the measure of it? How sharp must the knife be, in order to possess any exchangeable value? and how blunt must it be, in order to possess none? There appears to be some hitch . . .]

IV. AD VALOREM Might I inquire the species of fish? Whale? or white-bait?* It would be waste of time to pursue these fallacies farther; we will seek for a true definition. 61. Much store has been set for centuries upon the use of our English classical education. It were to be wished that our well-educated merchants recalled to mind always this much of their Latin schooling,that the nominative
* Perhaps it may be said, in farther support of Mr. Ricardo, that he meant, when the utility is constant or given, the price varies as the quantity of labour. If he meant this, he should have said it; but, had he meant it, he could have hardly missed the necessary result, that utility would be one measure of price (which he expressly denies it to be); and that, to prove saleableness, he had to prove a given quan tity of utility, as well as a given quantity of labour; to wit, in his own instance, that the deer and fish would each feed the same number of men, for the same number of days, with equal pleasure to their palates. The fact is, he did not know what he mean t himself. The general idea which he had derived from commercial experience, without being able to analyze it, was that when the demand is constant, the price varies as the quantity of labour required for production; or, using the formula I gave in last pa per 1 when y is constant, xy varies as x. But demand never is nor can be ultimately constant, if x varies distinctly;
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[See above, 47 n., p. 64. In the MS. this note is different and longer, thus: Without entering into any of the subtle conditions of price, I will expand and apply in a single instance the formula I gave in my last paper (if x=the quantity of labour required for production and y=force of demand, the price=xy). I will take the instance, chosen by Mr. de Quincey in his Templars letters, of Hat Making, carrying it, however, a little further. Case I. Let the population of England be supposed constant, and suppose that they positively require a certain number of hats every year, but that beavers are in plenty one year and easily caught, th e next year rare. The price of hats will vary as the quantity of labour required to catch the beavers. y is invariable; xy varies as x (Ricardos rule). Case II. The demand for hats is complicated with a demand for pheasants feathers in them, which demand, depending on the imaginations of young ladies and their lovers, is liable to inconstancy, and the encouragement to poaching co-relatively inconstant. x and y are both variable; xy doubly variablegreatest at the west end of the town. Case III. The demand for pheasants feathers expiring, English manufacturers invest a fixed amount of capital in hat making. But a sudden improvement taking place in the taste of the world, the Turks and Chinese resolve to wear nothing but English-made hats. The monarchs of Europe are in consequence reduced to wear hats only on state occasions, and keep their hat-boxes in their treasuries. x is invariable; xy varies as y. Case IV. Taste retrograding more rapidly than it had advanced, the world resolves to go bareheaded. The hatters stocks in trade are employed for scarecrows. y=0; xy=0. Case V. The world having caught cold, and wanting something on its head again, impoverished by its former enthusiasm for hats, and wanting

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of valorem (a word already sufficiently familiar to them) is valor; a word which, therefore, ought to be familiar to them. Valor, from valere, to be well or strong (ugiainw);strong, in life (if a man), or valiant; strong, for life (if a thing), or valuable. To be valuable, therefore, is to avail towards life. A truly valuable or availing thing is that which leads to life with its whole strength. In proportion as it does not lead to life, or as its strength is broken, it is less valuable; in proportion as it leads away from life, it is unvaluable or malignant.
for, as price rises, consumers fall away; and as soon as there is a monopoly (and all scarcity is a form of monopoly, so that every commodity is affected occasionally by some colour of monopoly), y becomes the most influential condition of the price. Thus the price of a painting depends less on its merit than on the interest taken in it by the public; the price of singing less on the labour of the singer than the number of persons who desire to hear him; and the price of gold less on the scarcity which affects it in common with cerium or iridium, than on the sunlight colour and unalterable purity by which it attracts the admiration and answers the trust of mankind. It must be kept in mind, however, that I use the word demand in a somewhat different sense from economists usually. They mean by it the quantity of a thing sold. I mean by it the force of the buyers capable intention to buy. In good English, a persons demand signifies, not what he gets, but what he asks for. Economists also do not notice that objects are not valued by absolute bulk or weight, but by such bulk and weight as is necessary to bring them into use. They say, for instance, that water bears no price in the market. It is true that a cupful does not, b ut a lake does; just as a handful of dust does not, but an acre does. And were it possible to make even the possession of a cupful or handful permanent (i.e., to find a place for them), the earth and sea would be bought up by handfuls and cupfuls. something less expensive, weaves garlands of leaves, which cost nothing. x=0; xy=0. Case VI. Some imaginative person having demonstrated that the garlands would look better with diamonds in them, of the size of the Koh -i-Noor, the world immediately demands a supply of such; but, none being forth-coming, goes without. x=infinity, xy=infinity, and nobody can pay it. Although, however, this formula roughly expresses the radical phenomena of prices, in pursuing the practical results into detail, xy n must be used instead of xy, powers of y varying with different articles, but the factor y n being always much more influential on the price than x. Thus Iridium is as rare as gold, and x is nearly constant for it and for gold; but because the gold is beautiful, if the pric e of Iridium be xy, that of gold will be xy 5 or xy 6 , or some such largely increased sum. Economists also do not notice . . . For the reference to De Quincey, see Dialogue the First in his Dialogues of Three Templars on Political Economy (vol. iv. pp. 194 seq. in his Works, 1863).]

IV. AD VALOREM The value of a thing, therefore, is independent of opinion, and of quantity. Think what you will of it, gain how much you may of it, the value of the thing itself is neither greater nor less. For ever it avails, or avails not; no estimate can raise, no disdain repress, the power which it holds from the Maker of things and of men.1 The real science of political economy, which has yet to be distinguished from the bastard science, as medicine from witchcraft, and astronomy from astrology, is that which teaches nations to desire and labour for the things that lead to life: and which teaches them to scorn and destroy the things that lead to destruction. And if, in a state of infancy, they supposed indifferent things, such as excrescences of shell-fish, and pieces of blue and red stone, to be valuable, and spent large measures of the labour which ought to be employed for the extension and ennobling of life, in diving or digging for them, and cutting them into various shapes,or if, in the same state of infancy, they imagine precious and beneficent things, such as air, light, and cleanliness, to be valueless,or if, finally, they imagine the conditions of their own existence, by which alone they can truly possess or use anything, such, for instance, as peace, trust, and love, to be prudently exchangeable, when the markets offer, for gold, iron, or excrescences of shellsthe great and only science of Political Economy teaches them, in all these cases, what is vanity, and what substance; and how the service of Death, the Lord of Waste, and of eternal emptiness, differs from the service of Wisdom, the Lady of Saving, and of eternal fulness; she who has said, I will cause those that love me to inherit SUBSTANCE; and I will FILL their treasures.2 The Lady of Saving, in a profounder sense than that of the savings bank, though that is a good one: Madonna della Salute,3Lady of Health,which, though commonly
[Compare Munera Pulveris, 3234; below, pp. 164 seq.] [Proverbs viii. 21.] [On the name of the church, so called at Venice, see Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. p. 443).]
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spoken of as if separate from wealth, is indeed a part of wealth. This word, wealth, it will be remembered, is the next we have to define. 62. To be wealthy, says Mr. Mill, is to have a large stock of useful articles.1 I accept this definition. Only let us perfectly understand it. My opponents often lament my not giving them enough logic: I fear I must at present use a little more than they will like; but this business of Political Economy is no light one, and we must allow no loose terms in it. We have, therefore, to ascertain in the above definition, first, what is the meaning of having, or the nature of Possession. Then what is the meaning of useful, or the nature of Utility. And first of possession. At the crossing of the transepts of Milan Cathedral has lain, for three hundred years, the embalmed body of St. Carlo Borromeo. It holds a golden crosier, and has a cross of emeralds on its breast. Admitting the crosier and emeralds to be useful articles, is the body to be considered as having them? Do they, in the politico-economical sense of property, belong to it? If not, and if we may, therefore, conclude generally that a dead body cannot possess property, what degree and period of animation in the body will render possession possible? As thus: lately in a wreck of a Californian ship, one of the passengers fastened a belt about him with two hundred pounds of gold in it, with which he was found afterwards at the bottom. Now, as he was sinkinghad he the gold? or had the gold him?* And if, instead of sinking him in the sea by its weight, the gold had struck him on the forehead, and thereby caused
* Compare G EORGE H ERBERT , The Church Porch, Stanza 28. 2
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[Principles of Political Economy, p. 8 of the Preliminary Remarks (ed. 1848).] 2 [ Wealth is the conjurers devil, Whom when he thinks he hath, the devil hath him. Gold thou mayst safely touch; but if it stick Unto thy hands, it woundeth to the quick.]

IV. AD VALOREM incurable diseasesuppose palsy or insanity,would the gold in that case have been more a possession than in the first? Without pressing the inquiry up through instances of gradually increasing vital power over the gold (which I will, however, give, if they are asked for), I presume the reader will see that possession, or having, is not an absolute, but a gradated, power; and consists not only in the quantity or nature of the thing possessed, but also (and in a greater degree) in its suitableness to the person possessing it and in his vital power to use it. And our definition of Wealth, expanded, becomes: The possession of useful articles, which we can use. This is a very serious change. For wealth, instead of depending merely on a have, is thus seen to depend on a can. Gladiators death, on a habet; but soldiers victory, and States salvation, on a quo plurimum posset. (Liv. VII. 6.1) And what we reasoned of only as accumulation of material, is seen to demand also accumulation of capacity. 63. So much for our verb. Next for our adjective. What is the meaning of useful? The inquiry is closely connected with the last. For what is capable of use in the hands of some persons, is capable, in the hands of others, of the opposite of use, called commonly from-use, or ab-use. And it depends on the person, much more than on the article, whether its usefulness or ab-usefulness will be the quality developed in it. Thus, wine, which the Greeks, in their Bacchus, made rightly the type of all passion, and which, when used, cheereth god and man2 (that is to say, strengthens both the divine life, or reasoning power, and the earthy, or carnal power, of man); yet, when abused, becomes Dionusos,
[The reference is to the devotion of M. Curtius, who leapt into the chasm which had appeared in the Roman Forum, and which no human power had availed to fill up. The gods required t he sacrifice of the b est: quo p lurimum populus R omanus p osset, i d enim illi loco dicandum vates canebant, si rem publicam Romanam perpetuam esse vellent.] 2 [Judges ix. 13. On the use and abuse of wine, compare Time and Tide, 63 (below, p. 371).]
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hurtful especially to the divine part of man, or reason.1 And again, the body itself, being equally liable to use and to abuse, and, when rightly disciplined, serviceable to the State, both for war and labour;but when not disciplined, or abused, valueless to the State, and capable only of continuing the private or single existence of the individual (and that but feebly)the Greeks called such a body an idiotic or private body, from their word signifying a person employed in no way directly useful to the State; whence finally, our idiot, meaning a person entirely occupied with his own concerns.2 Hence, it follows that if a thing is to be useful, it must be not only of an availing nature, but in availing hands. Or, in accurate terms, usefulness is value in the hands of the valiant; so that this science of wealth being, as we have just seen, when regarded as the science of Accumulation, accumulative of capacity as well as of material,when regarded as the Science of Distribution, is distribution not absolute, but discriminate; not of every thing to every man, but of the right thing to the right man. A difficult science, dependent on more than arithmetic. 64. Wealth, therefore, is THE POSSESSION OF THE VALUABLE 3 BY THE VALIANT; and in considering it as a power existing in a nation, the two elements, the value of the thing, and the valour of its possessor, must be estimated
[The actual meaning of the word Dionysus is, however, matter of uncertainty. Zeus of Nysa (a supposed place) was the favourite derivation among the ancients. Of modern guesses son of Zeus seems as good as any: see Preller-Robert, Griechische Mythologie, i. 664 n. Ruskins derivation is not clear.] 2 [The derivation of the word, through its secondary sense in Greek of layman (as opposed to professional), is thus traced by Trench: The idiot, or idiwthV, was originally the private man, as contradistinguished from one clothed with office, and taking his share in the management of public affairs. In this its primary use it is occasionally employed in English; as when Jeremy Taylor says, Humility is a duty in great ones, as well as in idiots. It came then to signify a rude, ignorant, unskilled, intellectually unexercised person, a boor; this derived or secondary sense bearing witness to a conviction woven deep into the Greek mind of the indispensableness of public life, even to the right development of the intellect, a conviction which could scarcely have uttered itself with greater clearness than it does in this secondary use of idiot (On the Study of Words, p. 85, ed. 1867).] 3 [Compare Xenophons Economist, as cited below, p. 288.]
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IV. AD VALOREM together.1 Whence it appears that many of the persons commonly considered wealthy, are in reality no more wealthy than the locks of their own strong boxes are, they being inherently and eternally incapable of wealth; and operating for the nation, in an economical point of view, either as pools of dead water, and eddies in a stream (which, so long as the stream flows, are useless, or serve only to drown people, but may become of importance in a state of stagnation should the stream dry); or else, as dams in a river, of which the ultimate service depends not on the dam, but the miller; or else, as mere accidental stays and impediments, acting not as wealth, but (for we ought to have a correspondent term) as illth, causing various devastation and trouble around them in all directions; or lastly, act not at all, but are merely animated conditions of delay, (no use being possible of anything they have until they are dead,) in which last condition they are nevertheless often useful as delays, and impedimenta, if a nation is apt to move too fast. 65. This being so, the difficulty of the true science of Political Economy lies not merely in the need of developing manly character to deal with material value, but in the fact, that while the manly character and material value only form wealth by their conjunction, they have nevertheless a mutually destructive operation on each other. For the manly character is apt to ignore, or even cast away, the material value:whence that of Pope:
Sure, of qualities demanding praise, More go to ruin fortunes, than to raise.2

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And on the other hand, the material value is apt to undermine the manly character; so that it must be our work, in
1 [The MS. here appends the following footnote (with which compare p. 83 n., above): Here a lso, a s i n t he c ase o f p rice of c ommodities, t he t rue Algebraical v alue of wealth is a compound quantity; if the value of the possessions=x and wisdom of possession=y, the wealth is xy and it=0, if either x or y=0.] 2 [Moral Essays: Epistle iii., lines 201, 202. Ruskin quotes from memory; the first line in Pope is Yet sure, of qualities deserving praise. See above, 53.]

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the issue, to examine what evidence there is of the effect of wealth on the minds of its possessors; also, what kind of person it is who usually sets himself to obtain wealth, and succeeds in doing so; and whether the world owes more gratitude to rich or to poor men, either for their moral influence upon it, or for chief goods, discoveries, and practical advancements. I may, however, anticipate future conclusions, so far as to state that in a community regulated only by laws of demand and supply, but protected from open violence, the persons who become rich are, generally speaking, industrious, resolute, proud, covetous, prompt, methodical, sensible, unimaginative, insensitive, and ignorant. The persons who remain poor are the entirely foolish, the entirely wise,* the idle, the reckless, the humble, the thoughtful, the dull, the imaginative, the sensitive, the well-informed, the improvident, the irregularly and impulsively wicked, the clumsy knave, the open thief, and the entirely merciful, just, and godly person. 66. Thus far, then, of wealth. Next, we have to ascertain the nature of PRICE; that is to say, of exchange value, and its expression by currencies. Note first, of exchange, there can be no profit in it. It is only in labour there can be profitthat is to say, a making in advance, or making in favour of (from proficio). In exchange, there is only advantage, i.e., a bringing of vantage or power to the exchanging persons. Thus, one man, by sowing and reaping, turns one measure of corn into two measures. That is Profit. Another, by digging and forging, turns one spade into two spades. That is Profit. But the man who has two measures of corn wants sometimes to dig; and the man who has two spades wants sometimes
* . Arist. Plut. 582. 1 It would but weaken the grand words to lean on the preceding ones: , .!
1 [The preceding lines are 558 and 559. From a later line (586) Ruskin took the motto for the title-page of The Crown of Wild Olive.]

IV. AD VALOREM to eat:They exchange the gained grain for the gained tool; and both are the better for the exchange; but though there is much advantage in the transaction, there is no profit. Nothing is constructed or produced. Only that which had been before constructed is given to the person by whom it can be used. If labour is necessary to effect the exchange, that labour is in reality involved in the production, and, like all other labour, bears profit. Whatever number of men are concerned in the manufacture, or in the conveyance, have share in the profit; but neither the manufacture nor the conveyance are the exchange, and in the exchange itself there is no profit. There may, however, be acquisition, which is a very different thing. If, in the exchange, one man is able to give what cost him little labour for what has cost the other much, he acquires a certain quantity of the produce of the others labour. And precisely what he acquires, the other loses. In mercantile language, the person who thus acquires is commonly said to have made a profit; and I believe that many of our merchants are seriously under the impression that it is possible for everybody, somehow, to make a profit in this manner. Whereas, by the unfortunate constitution of the world we live in, the laws both of matter and motion have quite rigorously forbidden universal acquisition of this kind. Profit, or material gain, is attainable only by construction or by discovery; not by exchange. Whenever material gain follows exchange, for every plus there is a precisely equal minus. Unhappily for the progress of the science of Political Economy, the plus quantities, orif I may be allowed to coin an awkward pluralthe pluses, make a very positive and venerable appearance in the world, so that every one is eager to learn the science which produces results so magnificent; whereas the minuses have, on the other hand, a tendency to retire into back streets, and other places of shade,or even to get themselves wholly and finally put out of sight in graves: which renders the algebra of this

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science peculiar, and difficultly legible; a large number of its negative signs being written by the account-keeper in a kind of red ink, which starvation thins, and makes strangely pale, or even quite invisible ink, for the present. 67. The Science of Exchange, or, as I hear it has been proposed to call it, of Catallactics,1 considered as one of gain, is, therefore, simply nugatory; but considered as one of acquisition, it is a very curious science, differing in its data and basis from every other science known. Thus:If I can exchange a needle with a savage for a diamond, my power of doing so depends either on the savages ignorance of social arrangements in Europe, or on his want of power to take advantage of them, by selling the diamond to any one else for more needles. If, farther, I make the bargain as completely advantageous to myself as possible, by giving to the savage a needle with no eye in it (reaching, thus a sufficiently satisfactory type of the perfect operation of catallactic science), the advantage to me in the entire transaction depends wholly upon the ignorance, powerlessness, or heedlessness of the person dealt with. Do away with these, and catallactic advantage becomes impossible. So far, therefore, as the science of exchange relates to the advantage of one of the exchanging persons only, it is founded on the ignorance or incapacity of the opposite person. Where these vanish, it also vanishes. It is therefore a science founded on nescience, and an art founded on artlessness. But all other sciences and arts, except this, have for their object the doing away with their opposite nescience and artlessness. This science, alone of sciences, must, by all available means, promulgate and prolong its opposite nescience; otherwise the science itself is impossible. It is, therefore, peculiarly and alone the science of darkness; probably a bastard sciencenot by any means a divina scientia, but one begotten of another father, that father who, advising his children
[The term was first used by Whately in his Lectures on Political Economy (1831): The name I should have preferred as the most descriptive, and on the whole least objectionable, is that of Catallactics, or the Science of Exchange.]
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IV. AD VALOREM to turn stones into bread, is himself employed in turning bread into stones, and who, if you ask a fish of him (fish not being producible on his estate), can but give you a serpent.1 68. The general law, then, respecting just or economical exchange, is simply this:There must be advantage on both sides (or if only advantage on one, at least no disadvantage on the other) to the persons exchanging; and just payment for his time, intelligence, and labour, to any intermediate person effecting the transaction (commonly called a merchant); and whatever advantage there is on either side, and whatever pay is given to the intermediate person, should be thoroughly known to all concerned. All attempt at concealment implies some practice of the opposite, or undivine science, founded on nescience. Whence another saying of the Jew merchantsAs a nail between the stone joints, so doth sin stick fast between buying and selling.2 Which peculiar riveting of stone and timber, in mens dealings with each other, is again set forth in the house which was to be destroyedtimber and stones togetherwhen Zechariahs roll (more probably curved sword3) flew over it: the curse that goeth forth over all the earth upon every one that stealeth and holdeth himself guiltless,4 instantly followed by the vision of the Great Measure;the measure of the injustice of them in all the earth (auth h adikia autwn en pash th gh), with the weight of lead for its lid, and the woman, the spirit of wickedness, within it;that is to say, Wickedness hidden by dulness, and formalized, outwardly, into ponderously established cruelty. It shall be set upon its own base in the land of Babel.*
* Zech. v. 11. See note on the passage, at p. 148 [here p. 100]. [Matthew vii. 10.] [Ecclesiasticus xxvii. 2.] 3 [Flying roll in the Authorised Version; volumen volans in the Vulgate; but flying sickle (drepanon petomenon) in the Septuagint. Ruskin here uses the Septuagint, a s i nstead o f injustice ( adikia), o ur v ersion h as resemblance; s o i n v erse 11, where the Septuagint has Babylon, our version has Shinar.] 4 [Zechariah v. 3 ff.]
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69. I have hitherto carefully restricted myself, in speaking of exchange, to the use of the term advantage; but that term includes two ideas: the advantage, namely, of getting what we need, and that of getting what we wish for. Three-fourths of the demands existing in the world are romantic; founded on visions, idealisms, hopes, and affections; and the regulation of the purse is, in its essence, regulation of the imagination and the heart. Hence, the right discussion of the nature of price is a very high meta-physical and psychical problem; sometimes to be solved only in a passionate manner, as by David in his counting the price of the water of the well by the gate of Bethlehem;1 but its first conditions are the following:The price of anything is the quantity of labour given by the person desiring it, in order to obtain possession of it. This price depends on four variable quantities. A. The quantity of wish the purchaser has for the thing; opposed to a, the quantity of wish the seller has to keep it. B. The quantity of labour the purchaser can afford, to obtain the thing; opposed to b, the quantity of labour the seller can afford, to keep it. These quantities are operative only in excess: i.e., the quantity of wish (A) means the quantity of wish for this thing, above wish for other things; and the quantity of work (B) means the quantity which can be spared to get this thing from the quantity needed to get other things. Phenomena of price, therefore, are intensely complex, curious, and interestingtoo complex, however, to be examined yet; every one of them, when traced far enough, showing itself at last as a part of the bargain of the Poor of the Flock (or flock of slaughter2), If ye think good, give ME my price, and if not, forbearZech. xi. 12; but as the price of everything is to be calculated finally in labour, it is necessary to define the nature of that standard. 70. Labour is the contest of the life of man with an
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[2 Samuel xxiii. 15, 16.] [Zechariah xi. 7.]

IV. AD VALOREM opposite;the term life including his intellect, soul, and physical power, contending with question, difficulty, trial, or material force.1 Labour is of a higher or lower order, as it includes more or fewer of the elements of life: and labour of good quality, in any kind, includes always as much intellect and feeling as will fully and harmoniously regulate the physical force. In speaking of the value and price of labour, it is necessary always to understand labour of a given rank and quality, as we should speak of gold or silver of a given standard. Bad (that is, heartless, inexperienced, or senseless) labour cannot be valued; it is like gold of uncertain alloy, or flawed iron.* The quality and kind of labour being given, its value, like that of all other valuable things, is invariable. But the quantity of it which must be given for other things is variable: and in estimating this variation, the price of other things must always be counted by the quantity of labour; not the price of labour by the quantity of other things. 71. Thus, if we want to plant an apple sapling in rocky ground, it may take two hours work; in soft ground, perhaps only half an hour. Grant the soil equally good for the tree in each case. Then the value of the sapling planted by two hours work is nowise greater than that of the sapling planted in half an hour. One will bear no more fruit than the other. Also, one half-hour of work is as valuable
* Labour which is entirely good of its kind, that is to say, effective, or efficient, the Greeks called weighable, or axioV, translated usually worthy, and because thus substantial and true, they called its price timh, the honourable estimate of it (honorarium): this word being founded on their conception of true labour as a divine thing, to be honoured with the kind of honour given to the gods; whereas the price of false labour, or of that which led away from life, was to be, not honour, but vengeance; for which they reserved another word, 2 attributing the exaction of such price to a peculiar goddess, called Tisiphone, the requiter (or quittance -taker) of death; a person versed in the highest branches of arithmetic, and punctual in her habits; with whom accounts current have been opened also in modern days. [Compare Munera Pulveris, 59 (below, pp. 182183).] [Namely, tisiV. For other references to Tisiphone, as the goddess of retribution, see below, 73 (p. 99), and Munera Pulveris, 130 (p. 255).]
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as another half-hour; nevertheless, the one sapling has cost four such pieces of work, the other only one. Now, the proper statement of this fact is, not that the labour on the hard ground is cheaper than on the soft; but that the tree is dearer. The exchange value may, or may not, afterwards depend on this fact. If other people have plenty of soft ground to plant in, they will take no cognizance of our two hours labour in the price they will offer for the plant on the rock. And if, through want of sufficient botanical science, we have planted an upas-tree instead of an apple, the exchange value will be a negative quantity; still less proportionate to the labour expended. What is commonly called cheapness of labour, signifies, therefore, in reality, that many obstacles have to be overcome by it; so that much labour is required to produce a small result. But this should never be spoken of as cheapness of labour, but as dearness of the object wrought for. It would be just as rational to say that walking was cheap, because we had ten miles to walk home to our dinner, as that labour was cheap, because we had to work ten hours to earn it. 72. The last word which we have to define is Production. I have hitherto spoken of all labour as profitable; because it is impossible to consider under one head the quality or value of labour, and its aim. But labour of the best quality may be various in aim. It may be either constructive (gathering, from con and struo), as agriculture; nugatory, as jewel-cutting; or destructive (scattering, from de and struo), as war. It is not, however, always easy to prove labour, apparently nugatory, to be actually so;* generally, the formula holds good: he that gathereth not, scattereth;1
* The most accurately nugatory labour is, perhaps, that of which not enough is given to answer a purpose effectually, and which, therefore, has all to be done over again. Also, labour which fails of effect through
1

[Matthew xii. 30.]

IV. AD VALOREM thus, the jewellers art is probably very harmful in its ministering to a clumsy and inelegant pride.1 So that, finally, I believe nearly all labour may be shortly divided into positive and negative labour: positive, that which produces life; negative, that which produces death; the most directly negative labour being murder, and the most directly positive, the bearing and rearing of children: so that in the precise degree in which murder is hateful, on the negative side of idleness, in that exact degree child-rearing is admirable, on the positive side of idleness. For which reason, and because of the honour that there is in rearing* children, while the wife is said to be as the vine (for cheering), the children are as the olive branch,2 for praise: nor for praise only, but for peace (because large families can only be reared in times of peace): though since, in their spreading and voyaging in various directions, they distribute strength, they are, to the
non-co-operation. The cur of a little village near Bellinzona, to whom I had expressed wonder that the peasants allowed the Ticino to flood their fields, told me that they would not join to build an effectual embankment high up the valley, because everybody said that would help his neighbours as much as himself. So every pr oprietor built a bit of low embankment about his own field; and the Ticino, as soon as it had a mind, swept away and swallowed all up together. 3 * O bserve, I s ay, rearing, n ot begetting. The p raise i s i n t he s eventh s eason, n ot in sporhtoV, nor in futalia, but in opwra. 4 It is strange that men always praise enthusiastically any person who, by a momentary exertion, saves a life; but praise very hesitatingly a person who, by exertion and self-denial prolonged through years, creates one. We give the crown ob civem servatum;why not ob civem natum? Born, I mean, to the full, in soul as well as body. England has oak enough, I think, for both chaplets.
1 [Compare Seven Lamps (Vol. VIII. p. 265); Lectures on Architecture and Painting 51 (Vol. XII. p. 73); Time and Tide, 131, 171 (below, pp. 425, 457); Ethics of the Dust, 10; Crown of Wild Olive, 147; Aratra Pentelici, 17. For jewel cutting, when directed to an artistic end, see Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. p. 198).] 2 [Psalms cxxviii. 3.] 3 [Ruskin recorded this incident in a letter to his father on July 10, 1858, from Isola Bella, whither he had gone after a long stay at Bellinzona: see Introduction to Vol. VII. p. xxxvi. He refers to it again in his letters on Roman Inundations (below, p . 551).] 4 [Ruskin refers to the series of seven seasons as distinguished by Galen, but changes the orderear (the spring), qeroV (the summer), opwra (the dog-days, the season of ripe fruit), fqinopwron (the autumn), sporhtoV (the seed time), ceimwn (the winter), futalia (the planting time).]
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home strength, as arrows in the hand of the giant1striking here and there far away. Labour being thus various in its result, the prosperity of any nation is in exact proportion to the quantity of labour which it spends in obtaining and employing means of life. Observe,I say, obtaining and employing; that is to say, not merely wisely producing, but wisely distributing and consuming. Economists usually speak as if there were no good in consumption absolute.* So far from this being so, consumption absolute is the end, crown, and perfection of production; and wise consumption is a far more difficult art than wise production. Twenty people can gain money for one who can use it; and the vital question, for individual and for nation, is, never how much do they make? but to what purpose do they spend? 73. The reader may, perhaps, have been surprised at the slight reference I have hitherto made to capital, and its functions. It is here the place to define them. Capital signifies head, or source, or root materialit is material by which some derivative or secondary good is produced. It is only capital proper (caput vivum, not caput mortuum2) when it is only thus producing something different from itself. It is a root, which does not enter into vital function till it produces something else than a root: namely, fruit. That fruit will in time again produce roots; and so all living capital issues in reproduction of capital; but capital which produces nothing but capital is only root producing root; bulb issuing in bulb, never in tulip; seed issuing in seed, never in bread. The Political Economy of Europe has hitherto devoted itself wholly to the multiplication, or (less even) the aggregation, of bulbs. It never saw, nor conceived, such a thing as a tulip. Nay, boiled bulbs they
* When Mr. Mill speaks of productive consumption, he only means consumption which results in increase of capital or material wealth. See I. iii. 4, and I. iii. 5. [Psalms cxxvii. 4.] [Caput mortuum, the term used by the old chemists to designate the residuum of chemicals when all their volatile matter had escaped.]
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IV. AD VALOREM might have beenglass bulbsPrince Ruperts drops,1 consummated in powder (well, if it were glass-powder and not gunpowder), for any end or meaning the economists had in defining the laws of aggregation. We will try and get a clearer notion of them. The best and simplest general type of capital is a well-made ploughshare. Now, if that ploughshare did nothing but beget other ploughshares, in a polypous manner,however the great cluster of polypous plough might glitter in the sun, it would have lost its function of capital. It becomes true capital only by another kind of splendour,when it is seen splendescere sulco,2 to grow bright in the furrow; rather with diminution of its substance, than addition, by the noble friction. And the true home question, to every capitalist and to every nation, is not, how many ploughs have you? but, where are your furrows? nothow quickly will this capital reproduce itself?but, what will it do during reproduction? What substance will it furnish, good for life? What work construct, protective of life? if none, its own reproduction is uselessif worse than none,(for capital may destroy life as well as support it), its own reproduction is worse than useless; it is merely an advance from Tisiphone, on mortgagenot a profit by any means. 74. Not a profit, as the ancients truly saw, and showed in the type of Ixion;3for capital is the head, or fountain
[For this expression, see Vol. IV. p. 240 n.] [Virgil, Georgics, i. 46: Vere novo . . . incipiat . . . sulco attritus splendescere vomer.] 3 [Ruskin here moralises the legend of Ixion, who had promised hi s father-in-law, Deioneus, a valuable present, but had not given it. Deioneus in consequence stole the horses of Ixion, who thereuponthe first among the heroes to shed blood of kindred craftily (Pindar, Pyth. ii. 32)invited his father-in-law to a banquet, and threw him into a secret pit, filled with fire. Ixion was unable to obtain expiation from gods or men, till at last Zeus received him in pity and purified him. Pindar, in the same ode, tells the story of Ixions infatuation, and of his eternal punis hment on the wheel. Ixion, says the poet, writhing on his winged wheel, proclaims this message unto men, To him who does thee service make fair recompense. From this passage, and from later lines in the same odewhere the poet teaches the worthlessness of riches if not joined with the happy gift of wisdomRuskin seems to have taken a clue for his own interpretation of the story.]
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head, of wealththe well-head of wealth, as the clouds are the well-heads of rain: but when clouds are without water,1 and only beget clouds, they issue in wrath at last, instead of rain, and in lightning instead of harvest; whence Ixion is said first to have invited his guests to a banquet, and then made them fall into a pit filled with fire; which is the type of the temptation of riches issuing in imprisoned torment,torment in a pit, (as also Demas silver mine,2) after which, to show the rage of riches passing from lust of pleasure to lust of power, yet power not truly understood, Ixion is said to have desired Juno, and instead, embracing a cloud (or phantasm),3 to have begotten the Centaurs; the power of mere wealth being, in itself, as the embrace of a shadow,comfortless, (so also Ephraim feedeth on wind and followeth after the east wind;4 or that which is notProv. xxiii. 5; and again Dantes Geryon,5 the type of avaricious fraud, as he flies, gathers the air up with retractile claws,Iaer a se raccolse,*) but in its offspring, a mingling of the brutal with the human nature: human in sagacityusing both intellect and arrow; but brutal in its body and hoof, for consuming, and trampling
* So also in the vision of the women bearing the ephah, before quoted, 6 the wind was in their wings, not wings of a stork, as in our version; but milvi, of a kite, in the Vulgate, or perhaps more accurately still in the Septuagint, hoopoe, a bird connected typically with the power of riches by many traditions, of which that of its petition f or a c rest o f gold i s p erhaps t he m ost i nteresting. The Birds o f Aristophanes, in which
1 [See Jude 12; Ruskin quotes the words in Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 458), and in Sesame and Lilies, 23 (Vol. XVIII. p. 74).] 2 [In the Pilgrims Progress (part i.): a little Hill called Lucre, and in that Hill a Silver-Mine, which some of them that had formerly gone that way, because of the rarity of it, had turned aside to see; but going too near the brink of the pit, the ground being deceitful under them, broke, and they were slain. . . . A little way off the road, over against the Silver-Mine, stood Demas (gentleman-like) to call to Passengers to come and see, etc.] 3 [Compare Queen of the Air, 29: the disappointed fury of Ixion (taking shadow for power).] 4 [Hosea xii. 1.] 5 [Inferno, xvii. 105. The passage is quoted in extenso and further commented upon in Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. pp. 399, 400.] 6 [From Zechariah v. 3 seq.: see above, 68, p. 93.]

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down. For which sin Ixion is at last bound upon a wheelfiery and toothed, and rolling perpetually in the air;the type of human labour when selfish and fruitless (kept far into the Middle Ages in their wheel of fortune1); the wheel which has in it no breath or spirit, but is whirled by chance only; whereas of all true work the Ezekiel vision is true, that the Spirit of the living creature is in the wheels, and where the angels go, the wheels go by them;2 but move no otherwise. 75. This being the real nature of capital, it follows that there are two kinds of true production, always going on in an active State: one of seed, and one of food; or production for the Ground, and for the Mouth; both of which are by covetous persons thought to be production only for the granary; whereas the function of the granary is but intermediate and conservative, fulfilled in distribution; else it ends in nothing but mildew, and nourishment of rats and worms. And since production for the Ground is only useful with future hope of harvest, all essential production is for the Mouth; and is finally measured by the mouth; hence, as I said above,3 consumption is the crown of production; and the wealth of a nation is only to be estimated by what it consumes. The want of any clear sight of this fact is the capital error, issuing in rich interest and revenue of error among
its part is principal, are full of them; note especially the fortification of the air with baked bricks, like Babylon, L. 550; and, again, compare the Plutus of Dante, who (to show the influence of riches in destroying the reason) is the only on e of the powers of the Inferno who cannot speak intelligibly; and also the cowardliest; he is not merely quelled or restrained, but literally collapses at a word; the sudden and helpless operation of mercantile panic being all told in the brief metaphor, as the sails, swollen with the wind, fall, when the mast breaks. 4 [See below, Munera Pulveris, 100 n. (p. 223).] [Ezekiel i. 15 and following verses.] 3 [See 72, p. 98.] 4 [Inferno, vii. 13, 14, and preceding lines. The passage is further quot ed and explained in Munera Pulveris, 58 n. (see below, p. 182).]
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the political economists. Their minds are continually set on money-gain, not on mouth-gain; and they fall into every sort of net and snare, dazzled by the coin-glitter as birds by the fowlers glass; or rather (for there is not much else like birds in them) they are like children trying to jump on the heads of their own shadows; the money-gain being only the shadow of the true gain, which is humanity. 76. The final object of political economy, therefore, is to get good method of consumption, and great quantity of consumption: in other words, to use everything, and to use it nobly; whether it be substance, service, or service perfecting substance. The most curious error in Mr. Mills entire work, (provided for him originally by Ricardo,1) is his endeavour to distinguish between direct and indirect service, and consequent assertion that a demand for commodities is not demand for labour (I. v. 9, et seq.). He distinguishes between labourers employed to lay out pleasure grounds, and to manufacture velvet; declaring that it makes material difference to the labouring classes in which of these two ways a capitalist spends his money; because the employment of the gardeners is a demand for labour, but the purchase of velvet is not.* Error colossal, as well as strange. It will, indeed, make a difference to the labourer whether we bid him swing
* The value of raw material, which has, indeed, to be deducted from the price of the labour, is not contemplated in the passages referred to, Mr. Mill having fallen into the mistake solely by pursuing the collateral results of the payment of wages to middlemen. He saysThe consumer does not, with his own funds, pay the weaver for his days work. Pardon me: the consumer of the velvet pays the weaver with his own funds as much as he pays the gardener. He pays, probably, an intermediate ship -owner, velvet merchant, and shopman; pays carriage money, shop rent, damage money, time money, and care money; all these are above and beside the velvet price, (just as the wages of a head gardener would be above the grass price); but the velvet is as much produced by the c onsumers c apital, t hough h e does n ot p ay for i t t ill s ix m onths a fter p roduction, a s the grass is produced by his
1 [Mill in the passage referred to mentions Ricardo as one of the few economists who have kept the principle steadily in view. This proposition that a demand for commodities is not a demand for labour is examined at greater le ngth in Fors Clavigera, Letter 2.]

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his scythe in the spring winds, or drive the loom in pestilential air; but, so far as his pocket is concerned, it makes to him absolutely no difference whether we order him to make green velvet, with seed and a scythe, or red velvet, with silk and scissors. Neither does it anywise concern him whether, when the velvet is made, we consume it by walking on it, or wearing it, so long as our consumption of it is wholly selfish. But if our consumption is to be in anywise unselfish, not only our mode of consuming the articles we require interests him, but also the kind of article we require with a view to consumption. As thus (returning1 for a moment to Mr. Mills great hardware theory*): it matters, so far as the labourers immediate profit is concerned, not an iron filing whether I employ him in growing a peach, or forging a bombshell;2 but my probable mode of consumption of those articles matters seriously. Admit that it is to be in both cases unselfish, and the difference, to him, is final, whether when his child is ill, I walk into his cottage and give it the peach, or drop the shell down his chimney, and blow his roof off. The worst of it, for the peasant, is, that the capitalists consumption of the peach is apt to be selfish, and of the shell, distributive; but, in all cases, this is the broad and
capital, though he does not pay the man who rolled and mowed it on Monday, till Saturday afternoon. I do not know if Mr. Mills conclusion, the capital cannot be dispensed with, the purchasers can (p. 98), has yet been reduced to practice in the City on any large scale. * Which, observe, is the precise opposite of the one under examination. The hardware theory required us to discharge our gardeners and eng age manufacturers; the velvet theory requires us to discharge our manufacturers and engage gardeners. It is one very awful form of the operation of wealth in Europe that it is entirely capitalists wealth which supports unjust wars. 3 Just wars do not need [See above, 56, p. 77.] [For a passing reference to this passage, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 51.] 3 [Compare Munera Pulveris, 19 (below, p. 142); and Sesame and Lilies, 47 (Vol. XVIII. p. 103), where Ruskin repeated this note. In referring to it again in 1885, Ruskin noted that he should have said, in accuracy, capitalists cash, not wealth: see his Introduction to R. G. Sillars Usury, 4 (1885), reprinted in a later volume of this edition. See also Ethics of the Dust, Note 6.]
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general fact, that on due catallactic commercial principles, somebodys roof must go off in fulfilment of the bombs destiny. You may grow for your neighbour, at your liking, grapes or grape-shot; he will also, catallactically, grow grapes or grape-shot for you, and you will each reap what you have sown.1 77. It is, therefore, the manner and issue of consumption which are the real tests of production. Production does not consist in things laboriously made, but in things serviceably consumable; and the question for the nation is not how much labour it employs, but how much life it produces. For as consumption is the end and aim of production, so life is the end and aim of consumption. I left this question to the readers thought two months ago,2 choosing rather that he should work it out for himself than have it sharply stated to him. But now, the ground being sufficiently broken (and the details into which the several questions, here opened, must lead us, being too complex for discussion in the pages of a periodical, so
so much money to support them; for most of the men who wage such, wage them gratis; 3 but for an unjust war, mens bodies and souls have both to be bought; and the best tools of war for them besides; which makes such war costly t o the maximum; not to speak of the cost of base fear, and angry suspicion, between nations which have not grace nor honesty enough in all their multitudes to buy an hours peace of mind with: as, at present, France and England, 4 purchasing of each other ten millions sterling worth of consternation annually, (a remarkably light crop, half thorns and half aspen leaves,sown, reaped, and granaried by the science of the modern political economist, teaching covetousness instead of truth). And all unjust war be ing supportable, if not by pillage of the enemy, only by loans from capitalists, these loans are repaid by subsequent taxation of the people, who appear to have no will in the matter, the capitalists will being the primary root of the war; but its real ro ot is the covetousness of the whole nation, rendering it incapable of faith, frankness, or justice, and bringing about, therefore, in due time, his own separate loss and punishment to each person. [Galatians vi. 7.] [See above, 4041, pp. 5556.] 3 [The MS. adds: and often their weapons are inexpensivemany a just battle having been won with sticks and rocks (as Morgarten and some of Hofers). For the battle of Morgarten, in which the Swiss peasantry rolled down an avalanche of rocks and trunks upon the enemy, see Vol. V. p. 415 n.; and for Hofer, Vol. II. p. 88 n.] 4 [Compare Munera Pulveris, Appendix i. (below, p. 286), Sesame and Lilies, 48 (Vol. XVIII. p. 104).]
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that I must pursue them elsewhere1), I desire, in closing the series of introductory papers, to leave this one great fact clearly stated. THERE IS NO WEALTH BUT LIFE. Life, including all its powers of love, of joy, and of admiration.2 That country is the richest which nourishes the greatest number of noble and happy human beings; that man is richest who, having perfected the functions of his own life to the utmost, has also the widest helpful influence, both personal, and by means of his possessions, over the lives of others. A strange political economy; the only one, nevertheless, that ever was or can be: all political economy founded on self-interest* being but the fulfilment of that which once brought schism into the Policy of angels, and ruin into the Economy of Heaven.3 78. The greatest number of human beings noble and happy. But is the nobleness consistent with the number? Yes, not only consistent with it, but essential to it. The maximum of life can only be reached by the maximum of virtue. In this respect the law of human population differs wholly from that of animal life. The multiplication of animals is checked only by want of food, and by the hostility of races; the population of the gnat is restrained by the hunger of the swallow, and that of the swallow by the scarcity of gnats. Man, considered as an animal, is indeed limited by the same laws: hunger, or plague, or war, are the necessary and only restraints upon his increase,effectual restraints hitherto,his principal study having been how most swiftly to destroy himself, or ravage his dwelling-places,
* In all reasoning about prices, the proviso must be understood, supposing all parties to take care of their own interest.Mill, III. i. 5.
1 [A reference to the compulsory closing of the present series of papers: see above, p. xxviii.] 2 [Compare Modern Painters, vol. ii., where Ruskin quotes Wordsworths line, We live by admiration, hope, and love (Vol. IV. p. 29 n.), and see the other passages noted at Vol. XVI. p. 154.] 3 [And through covetousness shall they with feigned words make merchandise of you: whose judgment now of a long time lingereth not. . . . For if God spared not the angels that sinned, but cast them down to hell . . . (2 Peter ii. 3, 4).]

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and his highest skill directed to give range to the famine, seed to the plague, and sway to the sword. But, considered as other than an animal, his increase is not limited by these laws. It is limited only by the limits of his courage and his love. Both of these have their bounds; and ought to have; his race has its bounds also; but these have not yet been reached, nor will be reached for ages. 79. In all the ranges of human thought I know none so melancholy as the speculations of political economists on the population question. It is proposed to better the condition of the labourer by giving him higher wages. Nay, says the economist,if you raise his wages, he will either people down to the same point of misery at which you found him, or drink your wages away. He will. I know it. Who gave him this will? Suppose it were your own son of whom you spoke, declaring to me that you dared not take him into your firm, nor even give him his just labourers wages, because if you did he would die of drunkenness, and leave half a score of children to the parish. Who gave your son these dispositions?I should enquire. Has he them by inheritance or by education? By one or other they must come; and as in him, so also in the poor. Either these poor are of a race essentially different from ours, and unredeemable (which, however often implied, I have heard none yet openly say), or else by such care as we have ourselves received, we may make them continent and sober as ourselveswise and dispassionate as we aremodels arduous of imitation. But, it is answered, they cannot receive education. Why not? That is precisely the point at issue. Charitable persons suppose the worst fault of the rich is to refuse the people meat; and the people cry for their meat, kept back by fraud, to the Lord of Multitudes.* Alas! it
* James v. 4. Observe, in these statements I am not taking up, nor countenancing one whit, the common socialist idea of division of property: 1 division of property is its destruction; and with it the destruction of all
1

144.]

[Compare 54; above, p. 74. See also Munera Pulveris, Preface, 21; below, p.

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is not meat of which the refusal is cruelest, or to which the claim is validest. The life is more than the meat.1 The rich not only refuse food to the poor; they refuse wisdom; they refuse virtue; they refuse salvation. Ye sheep without shepherd,2 it is not the pasture that has been shut from you, but the Presence. Meat! perhaps your right to that may be pleadable; but other rights have to be pleaded first. Claim your crumbs from the table if you will; but claim them as children, not as dogs; claim your right to be fed, but claim more loudly your right to be holy, perfect, and pure. Strange words to be used of working people! What! holy; without any long robes or anointing oils; these rough-jacketed, rough-worded persons; set to nameless, dishonoured service? Perfect!these, with dim eyes and cramped limbs, and slowly wakening minds? Pure!these, with sensual desire and grovelling thought; foul of body and coarse of soul? It may be so; nevertheless, such as
hope, all industry, and all justice: it simply chaosa chaos towards which the believers in modern political economy are fast tending, and from which I am striving to save them. The rich man does not keep back meat from the poor by retaining his riches; but b y basely using them. Riches are a form of strength; and a strong man does not injure others by keeping his strength, but by using it injuriously. The socialist, seeing a strong man oppress a weak one, cries outBreak the strong mans arms; but I say, Teach him to use them to better purpose. The fortitude and intelligence which acquire riches are intended, by the Giver of both, not to scatter, nor to give away, but to employ those riches in the service of mankind; in other words, in the redemption of the erring and aid of the weakthat is to say, there is first to be the work to gain money; then the Sabbath of use for itthe Sabbath, whose law is, not to lose life, but to save. 3 It is continually the fault or the folly of the poor that they are poor, as i t is usually a childs fault if it falls into a pond, and a cripples weakness that slips at a crossing; nevertheless, most passers-by would pull the child out, or help up the cripple. Put it at the worst, that all the poor of the world are but disobedient children, or careless cripples, and that all rich people are wise and strong, and you will see at once that neither is the socialist right in desiring to make everybody poor, powerless, and foolish as he is himself, nor the rich man right in leaving the children in the mire.
1 2 3

[Matthew vi. 25.] [Numbers xxvii. 17; Matthew ix. 36.] [See Luke xiii. 14 seq.]

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they are, they are the holiest, perfectest, purest persons the earth can at present show. They may be what you have said; but if so, they yet are holier than we who have left them thus. But what can be done for them? Who can clothewho teachwho restrain their multitudes? What end can there be for them at last, but to consume one another? I hope for another end, though not, indeed, from any of the three remedies for over-population commonly suggested by economists. 80. These three are, in briefColonization; Bringing in of waste lands; or Discouragement of Marriage.1 The first and second of these expedients merely evade or delay the question. It will, indeed, be long before the world has been all colonized, and its deserts all brought under cultivation. But the radical question is, not how much habitable land is in the world, but how many human beings ought to be maintained on a given space of habitable land. Observe, I say ought to be, not how many can be. Ricardo, with his usual inaccuracy, defines what he calls the natural rate of wages as that which will maintain the labourer.2 Maintain him! yes; but how?the question was instantly thus asked of me by a working girl, to whom I read the passage. I will amplify her question for her. Maintain him, how? As, first, to what length of life?
1 [For Ruskins references to C olonisation, s ee the letter on Railway Economy given below, p. 534; also a letter to the Daily Telegraph of January 15, 1870 (reprinted in Arrows of the Chace, 1880, vol. ii. p. 185, and in a later volume of this edition), where he calls on English gentlemen t o b ecome Captains of Emigration; with which passage, compare his exhortation in Lectures on Art, 29. On the bringing of waste lands under cultivation, see Notes on the General Principles of Employment , etc., below, p. 545. On the regulation of marriage, Time and Tide, 124; below, p. 420.] 2 [Principles of Political Economy, ch. v. (On Wages): The natural price of labour is that price which is necessary to enable the labourers, one with another, to subsist and to perpetuate their race, without either increase or diminution. Ricardo adds, The power of the labourer to support himself, and the family which may be necessary to keep up the number of labourers, does not depend on the quantity of money which he may receive for wages, but on the quantity of food, necessaries, and conveniences become essential to him from habit, which that money will purchase.]

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Out of a given number of fed persons, how many are to be oldhow many young? that is to say, will you arrange their maintenance so as to kill them earlysay at thirty or thirty-five on the average, including deaths of weakly or ill-fed children?or so as to enable them to live out a natural life? You will feed a greater number, in the first case,* by rapidity of succession; probably a happier number in the second: which does Mr. Ricardo mean to be their natural state, and to which state belongs the natural rate of wages? Again: A piece of land which will only support ten idle, ignorant, and improvident persons, will support thirty or forty intelligent and industrious ones. Which of these is their natural state, and to which of them belongs the natural rate of wages? Again: If a piece of land support forty persons in industrious ignorance; and if, tired of this ignorance, they set apart ten of their number to study the properties of cones, and the sizes of stars; the labour of these ten being withdrawn from the ground, must either tend to the increase of food in some transitional manner, or the persons set apart for sidereal and conic purposes must starve, or some one else starve instead of them. What is, therefore, the natural rate of wages of the scientific persons, and how does this rate relate to, or measure, their reverted or transitional productiveness? Again: If the ground maintains, at first, forty labourers in a peaceable and pious state of mind, but they become in a few years so quarrelsome and impious that they have to set apart five, to meditate upon and settle their disputes;ten, armed to the teeth with costly instruments, to enforce the decisions; and five to remind everybody in an eloquent manner of the existence of a God;what will be the result upon the general power of production, and what is the
* The quantity of life is the same in both cases; but it is differently allotted.

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natural rate of wages of the meditative, muscular, and oracular labourers? 81. Leaving these questions to be discussed, or waived, at their pleasure, by Mr. Ricardos followers, I proceed to state the main facts bearing on that probable future of the labouring classes which has been partially glanced at by Mr. Mill. That chapter and the preceding one1 differ from the common writing of political economists in admitting some value in the aspect of nature, and expressing regret at the probability of the destruction of natural scenery. But we may spare our anxieties on this head. Men can neither drink steam, nor eat stone. The maximum of population on a given space of land implies also the relative maximum of edible vegetable, whether for men or cattle; it implies a maximum of pure air, and of pure water. Therefore: a maximum of wood, to transmute the air, and of sloping ground, protected by herbage from the extreme heat of the sun, to feed the streams. All England may, if it so chooses, become one manufacturing town;2 and Englishmen, sacrificing themselves to the good of general humanity, may live diminished lives in the midst of noise, of darkness, and of deadly exhalation. But the world cannot become a factory nor a mine. No amount of ingenuity will ever make iron digestible by the million, nor substitute hydrogen for wine. Neither the avarice nor the rage of men will ever feed them; and however the apple of Sodom and the grape of Gomorrah may spread their table for a time with dainties of ashes, and nectar of asps,so long as men live by bread, the far away valleys must laugh as they are covered with the gold of God, and the shouts of His happy multitudes ring round the winepress and the well.3 82. Nor need our more sentimental economists fear the too wide spread of the formalities of a mechanical agriculture.
[Book iv. ch. vi. (Of the Stationary State). Ch. vii. (On the Probable Futurity of the Labouring Classes).] 2 [Compare Time and Tide, 10 (below, p. 326); Lectures on Art, 123; Fors Clavigera, Letter 35; and Vol. VII. p. 425.] 3 [Compare Time and Tide, 45 (below, p. 355).]
1

IV. AD VALOREM

111

The presence of a wise population implies the search for felicity as well as for food; nor can any population reach its maximum but through that wisdom which rejoices1 in the habitable parts of the earth. The desert has its appointed place and work; the eternal engine, whose beam is the earths axle, whose beat is its year, and whose breath is its ocean, will still divide imperiously to their desert kingdoms bound with unfurrowable rock, and swept by unarrested sand, their powers of frost and fire: but the zones and lands between, habitable, will be loveliest in habitation. The desire of the heart is also the light of the eyes.2 No scene is continually and untiringly loved, but one rich by joyful human labour; smooth in field; fair in garden; full in orchard; trim, sweet, and frequent in homestead; ringing with voices of vivid existence. No air is sweet that is silent;3 it is only sweet when full of low currents of under soundtriplets of birds, and murmur and chirp of insects, and deep-toned words of men, and wayward trebles of childhood. As the art of life is learned, it will be found at last that all lovely things are also necessary;the wild flower by the wayside, as well as the tended corn; and the wild birds and creatures of the forest, as well as the tended cattle; because man doth not live by bread only,4 but also by the desert manna; by every wondrous word and unknowable work of God. Happy, in that he knew them not, nor did his fathers know; and that round about him reaches yet into the infinite, the amazement of his existence. 83. Note, finally, that all effectual advancement towards this true felicity of the human race must be by individual, not public effort. Certain general measures may aid, certain revised laws guide, such advancement; but the measure and law which have first to be determined are those of
1 2 3 4

[Proverbs viii. 31.] [See Proverbs xv. 30.] [Compare Ruskins letter from Zug given in Vol. VII. p. xxxi.] [Deuteronomy viii. 3; Matthew iv. 4; and see Job xxxvii. 14.]

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UNTO THIS LAST

each mans home. We continually hear it recommended by sagacious people to complaining neighbours (usually less well placed in the world than themselves), that they should remain content in the station in which Providence has placed them.1 There are perhaps some circumstances of life in which Providence has no intention that people should be content. Nevertheless, the maxim is on the whole a good one; but it is peculiarly for home use. That your neighbour should, or should not, remain content with his position, is not your business; but it is very much your business to remain content with your own. What is chiefly needed in England at the present day is to show the quantity of pleasure that may be obtained by a consistent, well-administered competence, modest, confessed, and laborious.2 We need examples of people who, leaving Heaven to decide whether they are to rise in the world, decide for themselves that they will be happy in it, and have resolved to seeknot greater wealth, but simpler pleasure; not higher fortune, but deeper felicity; making the first of possessions, self-possession; and honouring themselves in the harmless pride and calm pursuits of peace. Of which lowly peace it is written that justice and peace have kissed each other; and that the fruit of justice is sown in peace of them that make peace;3 not peace-makers in the common understandingreconcilers of quarrels; (though that function also follows on the greater one;) but peace-Creators; Givers of Calm. Which you cannot give, unless you first gain; not is this gain one which will follow assuredly on any course of business, commonly so called. No form of gain is less probable, business being (as is shown in the language of all nationspwlein from pelw, prariV from peraw, venire, vendre, and venal, from venio, etc.) essentially restlessand probably contentious;having a raven-like mind to the motion to and fro, as to the carrion
1 2

[For Ruskins views on this maxim of the Church Catechism, see below, p. 320 n.] [Compare Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 426).] 3 [Psalms lxxxv. 10; James iii. 18.]

IV. AD VALOREM

113

food; whereas the olive-feeding and bearing birds look for rest for their feet;1 thus it is said of Wisdom that she hath builded her house, and hewn out her seven pillars;2 and even when, though apt to wait long at the doorposts, she has to leave her house and go abroad, her paths are peace3 also. 84. For us, at all events, her work must begin at the entry of the doors: all true economy is Law of the house. Strive to make that law strict, simple, generous: waste nothing, and grudge nothing. Care in nowise to make more of money, but care to make much of it; remembering always the great, palpable, inevitable factthe rule and root of all economythat what one person has, another cannot have; and that every atom of substance, of whatever kind, used or consumed, is so much human life spent; which, if it issue in the saving present life, or gaining more, is well spent, but if not is either so much life prevented, or so much slain. In all buying, consider, first, what condition of existence you cause in the producers of what you buy; secondly, whether the sum you have paid is just to the producer, and in due proportion, lodged in his hands;* thirdly, to how much clear use, for food, knowledge, or joy, this that you have bought can be put; and fourthly, to whom and in what way it can be most speedily and serviceably distributed; in all dealings whatsoever insisting on entire openness and stern fulfilment; and in all doings, on perfection and loveliness of accomplishment; especially on fineness and purity
* The proper offices of middlemen, namely, overseers (or authoritative workmen), conveyancers (merchants, sailors, retail dealers, etc.), and order -takers (persons employed to receive directions from the consumer), must, of course, be examined before I can enter farther into the question of just payment of the first producer. But I have not spoken of them in these introductory papers, because the evils attendant on the abuse of such intermediate functions result not from any alleged principle of modern political economy, but from private carelessness or iniquity. [Genesis viii. 7.] [Proverbs ix. 1.] 3 [Proverbs iii. 17words often quoted by Ruskin; see, for instance, A joy for Ever, 120 n. (Vol. XVI. p. 103; and Time and Tide, 60; below, p. 367).]
2 1

XVII.

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UNTO THIS LAST

of all marketable commodity: watching at the same time for all ways of gaining, or teaching, powers of simple pleasure; and of showing oson en asfodelw meg oneiar1the sum of enjoyment depending not on the quantity of things tasted, but on the vivacity and patience of taste. 85. And if, on due and honest thought over these things, it seems that the kind of existence to which men are now summoned by every plea of pity and claim of right, may, for some time at least, not be a luxurious one;consider whether, even supposing it guiltless, luxury would be desired by any of us, if we saw clearly at our sides the suffering which accompanies it in the world. Luxury is indeed possible in the futureinnocent and exquisite; luxury for all, and by the help of all; but luxury at present can only be enjoyed by the ignorant; the cruelest man living could not sit at his feast, unless he sat blindfold.2 Raise the veil boldly; face the light; and if, as yet, the light of the eye can only be through tears, and the light of the body3 through sackcloth, go thou forth weeping, bearing precious seed, until the time come, and the kingdom, when Christs gift of bread, and bequest of peace, shall be Unto this last as unto thee;4 and when, for earths severed multitudes of the wicked and the weary, there shall be holier reconciliation than that of the narrow home, and calm economy, where the Wicked ceasenot from trouble, but from troublingand the Weary are at rest.5
[Hesiod, Works and Days, 40, 41: nhpioi, oude isasin osw pleon hmisu pantoV, oud oson en malach te kai asfodelw meg oneiar. Fools! they know not how much the half exceeds the whole, nor howgreat blessing lies in mallow and asphodelherbs which grow wild in Greece, and were the food of the very poor (Aristophanes, Plutus, 544).] 2 [Compare The Opening of the Crystal Palace, 18, where Ruskin thus lifts the veil upon a London dinner-party (Vol. XII. p. 430).] 3 [Matthew vi. 22.] 4 [Matthew xx. 13.] 5 [Job iii. 17.]
1

II MUNERA PULVERIS
(WRITTEN AND FIRST PUBLISHED IN 1862, 1863)

MUNERA PULVERIS
SIX ESSAYS
ON THE ELEMENTS OF

POLITICAL ECONOMY.

BY

JOHN RUSKIN,
HONORARY STUDENT OF CHRISTCHURCH, OXFORD.

LONDON: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR


BY SMITH, ELDER & CO., 15, WATERLOO PLACE;

AND SOLD BY
MR. G. ALLEN, HEATHFIELD COTTAGE, KESTON, KENT.

1872.

[Bibliographical Note.The essays collected in Munera Pulveris originally appearedunder the heading
ESSAYS ON POLITICAL ECONOMY.

Being a Sequel to Papers which appeared in the Cornhill Magazine.


B Y J OHN R USKIN .

in Frasers Magazine, 18621863: Chapter I. (of the work as now arranged), June 1862, vol. 66, pp. 784792; Chapter II., September 1862, vol. 66, pp. 265280; Chapters III. and IV., December 1862, vol. 66, pp. 742756; and Chapters V. and VI., April 1863, vol. 67, pp. 441462. The publication of the papers was then suspended (see above, p. lxviii.), and nine years later Ruskin collected them (with considerable revision) into a volume, which has appeared in the following editions: First Edition (1872).The title-page is as shown on the preceding leaf here. Octavo, pp. xxvii.+186. The volume was the Second in the Works Series, and a general title-page (unnumbered) preceded the particular one: The | Works of John Ruskin, | Honorary Student of Christchurch, Oxford. | Volume II. | Munera Pulveris. | [Rose] | London: Printed for the author | By Smith, Elder & Co., 15, Waterloo Place; | and sold by | Mr. G. Allen, Heathfield Cottage, Keston, Kent. | 1872. Contents (here p. 129), p. iii.; Preface (here pp. 131146), pp. v.xxvii.; Text, pp. 1175; Appendices, pp. 177186. The imprint (in the centre of the leaf facing the last page) is London: Printed by Smith, Elder and Co., Old Bailey, E.C. The headlines are Preface (on both left and right hand pages) Chap. I. Definitions. (Economy.), and so on as described below on p. 129 n.; and Appendices (on left and right hand pages). This was the first book to bear Mr. Allens name on the title-page. Issued on January 1, 1872, in purple calf, with gilt edges and tooled after an ecclesiastical fashion; lettered across the back: Ruskin. | Works. | Vol. | II. | Munera | Pulveris. Price 9s. 6d.; increased on January 1, 1874, to 18s. 1000 copies. In this volume the original essays were considerably revised and rearranged; full particulars are given below (see Vari Lectiones). Second Edition (1880).This was a reprint of the First Edition; the only differences are typographical. The general title-page is: The | Works of John Ruskin, | Honorary Student of Christchurch, and Honorary Fellow | of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. | Volume II. | Munera Pulveris. | [Rose.] George Allen, | Sunnyside, Orpington. Kent. | 1880.
119

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The particular title-page is also different, thus: Munera Pulveris. | Six Essays | on the Elements of | Political Economy. | By | John Ruskin, | Honorary Student of Christchurch, and Honorary Fellow of Corpus | Christi College, Oxford. | Second Thousand. | George Allen, | Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent. | 1880. This edition has also a different imprint (in the same place as before): Chiswick Press:Charles Whittingham and Co., Tooks Court, Chancery Lane. Issued, again in Ruskin calf, price 18s. The price was reduced in 1893 to 15s. in calf and 9s. 6d. in cloth; and again in 1900 to 14s. 6d. calf, 7s. 6d. cloth. This edition is still current (1905). In July 1882 some copies were put up in mottled-grey paper boards, with white paper back-lable, which reads: Ruskin. | Works. | Vol. II. | Munera | Pulveris. These were sold at 13s. (reduced in 1900 to 7s. 6d.). This edition was printed by mistake on demy octavo paper instead of medium; but the book was put up in medium octavo boards to range with the other volumes of the Works Series. (So also in the case of The Eagles Nest.) In April 1893 copies were put up in green cloth, lettered on the back. Price 13s. (reduced in 1900 to 7s. 6d.). In this form also the Second Edition is still current. Third, or Small Edition (1886).The title-page of this edition is: Munera Pulveris. | Six Essays | on the Elements of Political Economy. | By | John Ruskin, | Honorary Student of Christchurch, and Honorary Fellow | of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. | New Edition. | George Allen, | Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent. | 1886. | [ All rights reserved.] Small crown 8vo, pp. xxxii.+218. Not being in the Works Series, this edition omits the general title-page. Contents, p. v.; Preface, pp. vii.xxxii.; Text, pp. 1205; Appendices, pp. 207218. The imprint (at the foot of the reverse of the title-page and at the foot of the last page) is Printed by Hazell, Watson, & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury. The sub-titles of the chapters are omitted from the headlines. The text remained unchanged (except for a few trifling and accidental alterations: see Vari). Issued in August 1886 in chocolate and in dark green cloth; lettered across the back: Ruskin | Munera | Pulveris. Price 5s. 3000 copies. Fourth, or Second Small, Edition (1894).This was a reprint of the Third, but the imprint was that of Messrs. Ballantyne, Hanson & Co., and the publishers was George Allen, Sunnyside, Orpington | and | 156, Charing Cross Road, London. It included an index (by Mr. Wedderburn, pp. 220240), and the paragraphs of the Preface were numbered. Issued in June 1894. Price 5s. 2000 copies. This edition was electrotyped, and further issues of it were made (with changes only on the title-page) in July 1898Third Small Edition(1000 copies); January 1899Ninth Thousand; and June 1904Tenth Thousand. The price was reduced in January 1904 to 3s. 6d.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

121

Pocket Edition (1904).Simultaneously with the issue last mentioned, 3000 copies were printed off (with new title-page) for the Pocket Edition, uniform with other volumes (see Vol. XV. p. 6). The title-page is: Munera Pulveris | By | John Ruskin | London: George All en. On the reverse: June 1904 | All rights reserved. Issued in terra-cotta cloth at 2s. 6d. net, and in limp leather at 3s. 6d. net. In October 1904, 2000 more copies were printed, completing the fifteenth thousand of the work in the small form (17th thousand in all) (?).] There have been the usual unauthorised American editions. An authorised American (Brantwood) Edition was issued in 1891 by Charles E. Merrill & Co., New York, with an introduction by Charles Eliot Norton, pp. vi.xiv.

_______________
Notices of the essays as they appeared in Frasers Magazine were published in the Morning Star (a leading article), December 4; and the Weekly Review, December 6, 1862. At the time when they were collected into a volume (1872), Ruskins books were not sent to the Press, and the volume was therefore not reviewed.

_______________
Vari Lectiones.There have, as already stated, been no intentional variations in the text of any of the editions of Munera Pulveris in a collected form. Such few variations as have crept in are noted in the following list. It is, however, mainly occupied by variations between the book in its collected form and the original essays. These are very numerous. The following list mentions them all (a few trifling differences of spelling or punctuation alone excepted). The more important variations are noted under the text; they are included in this list only by references to the pages. The list compares the original essays with the present text; that is to say, the first readings are those of the essays; the second, those in the text. Title.Each of the essays had the general title, as shown at the beginning of this Note. On the left-hand pages the headline throughout was Essays on Political Economy; on the right-hand pages the headlines were as given here, in notes on pp. 147, 164, 194, 217, 231, 262. They were presumably supplied by the editor of the Magazine (Froude). Contents and Headlines: see p. 129 n. The Notes added by the author in 1872 are here distinguished by being included in round brackets; square brackets in earlier editions (see p. cxiii.). Chapter i. 2. This paragraph was printed as a footnote, with the following variations: line 1, in modern days for lately in England; line 3, the phenomena for some accidental phenomena; lines 3, 4, modern and nor has it . . . these were omitted; lines 7, 8, as long as it is allowed to pass for as long as its unscholarly and undefined statements are . . .; line 11, either misunderstood or misapplied for nearly useless to mankind; line 17, and as a misused word always is liable to involve an obscured thought, and all careful thinkers, either on this or any other subject are sure . . .

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8, footnote, Appendix I. referred to in the note was printed at this place as a footnote. 9, line 20, see p. 151 n. 11, third line from end, this paper for this first chapter. 12, line 1, Section I.Wealth. Wealth, it has been said . . .; footnote, the italics spoken of in the authors note of 1872 (p. 153) were here and there omitted in the original essays. 14, last line, see p. 154 n. 15, line 5, and before medicine; line 9, We shall enter into separate inquiry as to the conditions of value under each of these heads. The following sketch of the entire subject may be useful for future reference. 16, lines 1, 2, A and B for first and secondly; A and B were correspondingly inserted before Its value and The second element; lines 8, 9, the words in order to give effectual value followed intrinsic value; line 13, see p. 155 n.; line 16, see p. 155 n.; line 25, forms for is; line 26, see p. 155 n. 17, lines 2 and 10, 13 and 29, A and B as above; line 14, see p. 156 n.; line 11, secondarily for secondly. 19, lines 2 and 4, again A and B. 21, Section II.Money; line 7, see p. 158 n. 22, line 1, real was omitted before worth; line 3, which it professes to represent after labour. 23, line 10, . . . takes place exclusively in the new piece, according to the inferiority of its credit. 25, line 1, Finally before the use; line 10, of currency for proper to currency; line 11, worth of money in the market for market worth of bullion; last line, see p. 160 n. 26, line 1, Section III.Riches; lines 16, 17, contrary only in the manner of the terms warmth and cold, of which . . . 27, line 12, be for are; lines 18, 19, see p. 161 n. 28, lines 13, Since there are two modes in which inequality, which is indeed the condition and constituent of riches, may be establishednamely . . . 29, line 7, A. Their power . . . and similarly with B and C in lines 14 and 20; in lines 20, 21, their redundance for the redundance of wealth. 31, line 1, last paper for first chapter; line 3, . . . definitions, so as to avoid confusion in their use when we enter into the detail of our subject; line 13, wealth consists in things exchangeable at rated prices for the worth of things depends on the demand for them, instead of on the use of them. 32, line 13, yet before become; line 20, . . . in proportion. They are separable by instinct and judgment, but not interchangeable; and in things . . . 33, line 1, the for any, and into which we have presently to enter after wealth; line 8, will for may. 34, lines 1 and 2, So that, finally, wealth is not the accidental . . . but the constant . . .; lines 2 and 3, only to omitted and there are no italics; footnote, the Appendix II. here referred to was in the original printed as a footnote in this place; lines 7 and 8, would be but

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

123

as the weighing; line 11, faithful omitted; line 12, she omitted; line 13, it for that she. 35, line 24, great for true; line 29, grain for atom; lines 30 and 31, its twin grain of governing capacity. 36, lines 2 and 3, that in estimating property which we cannot use as wealth, because it is exchangeable, we in reality . . . 37, line 5, For a mans . . .; line 6, for himself omitted; line 7, to others omitted; footnote, the Appendix III. here referred to was originally printed as a footnote in this place; lines 3641, and whatever beautiful things you may obtain possession of, and by servants, for whose maintenance you will be charged, and whom you will have the trouble of superintending omitted; and they for the accumulated property. 38, lines 68, no italics; line 9, there was a misprint here (p. 268 in the original essay), which the author corrected (see below, p. 290 n.); line 14, see p. 169 n.; line 16, probably for evil, and the omitted before contents; last line, service for advantage; footnote, in previous editions the whole of this was enclosed in brackets, thus denoting that none of it appeared in the original essay. This, however, is not the case; the terminal bracket is now placed at the end of the matter added in 1872. In the original note somewhat was inserted before dogged. 39, line 5, the for his, and our for the; line 17, a different rate and manner of variation is. 40, line 1, real or imaginary, that is to say, after wealth; footnote, Appendix IV. was here printed as a footnote; line 3, a for the; line 8, after other things there was an asterisk, and the passage now in the textThe question of equivalence . . . and so onwas printed as a footnote, namely being inserted (in our line 10) before how; lines 19 and 20, the labourer speedily uses this general order, or, in common . . .; and in following lines, order and it for order and them; line 29, here however, in revising, Ruskin forgot to change order into orders, and the correction is now made. 41, lines 47, But a Government may be far other than a conservative power. It may be on the one hand constructive, on the other destructive. If a constructive, or improving power, using . . .; line 12, see p. 172 n. 42, lines 4, 6, 8, (A), (B), and (C) inserted. 43, line 4, see p. 173 n. 50, line 12, see p. 177 n.; line 17, the collected editions all read combustible; combustibles is now read, in accordance with the original essay. 51, line 1, above for in 49. 54, line 11, does not follow for cannot be assumed. 58, line 18, see p. 182 n. 59, line 4, see p. 183 n.; footnote, last line, all italicised. 60, footnote, see p. 184 n. 61, line 9, irrespectively of any questions of demand or supply for being dependent much on application of money. 62, footnote, lines 1920, see p. 185 n. 62, line 4, price not italicised; line 21, see p. 187 n.

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63, line 9, their omitted before existence. 65, line 13, strong or weak not italicised. 66, line 15, quantity for need. 67, line 16, necessarily omitted; lines 18 and 19, and as an expression of passion, plays a more and more important part in the nations . . .; line 21, again part for power. Chapter iii. 68, line 1, paper for chapter. 69, lines 1 and 2, no italics; lines 1523, see p. 195 n. 71, lines 1315, see p. 196 n. 76, line 23, so was placed before as to despise; see also p. 199 n. 77, authors second footnote, the words (consisting of herds and cattle) were inserted in 1872; authors fourth footnote, stater for drachma, and sequin for zecchin; daguerreotyping Venetian architecture for taking daguerreotypes at Venice. Two of these corrections were made by Ruskin in his terminal note (see p. 290 n.). 78, lines 6 and 9, Incontroversible currencies, those of . . . interfere with its causes. 79, lines 68, see p. 201 n.; line 10, pursue for visit, and see p. 201 n.; line 15, the quick in quicksand not italicised. 80, line 8, (whatever its credit power) inserted after document; line 9, therefore omitted; line 10, being inserted after as; and and his subsequent will to work, after issuer; last line, see p. 202 n. 81, authors footnote, line 8, gradated (the form commonly used by Ruskin) for graduated. 82, authors footnote, line 2, still time for time still. 83, line 1, Finally for Farther. 84, lines 3 and 4, chiefly omitted, and depends for depend; lines 6 and 7, see p. 206 n.; lines 16 and 17, vileness of nature and of use; lines 21 and 22, competition for consequent dispute, of them omitted after accumulation, and reckoning for estimate of them. 85, line 1, Now, the for The; lines 4 and 5, the more they tire of them and want to change . . .; line 7, . . . currency; while the large . . .; lines 11 and 12, vacancy in idea omitted; line 12, absoluteness for seclusion; last three lines, measure superiorities in other things; but everybody can understand money and count it. 86, last line, see p. 208 n. 8794, see authors footnote, p. 208. 87, line 29, respecting for of; line 32, of for in. 88, line 7, none not italicised; lines 10 and 11, compare . . . turba omitted (see Ruskins terminal note, p. 290 n.); line 17, soccorrien was misprinted toccarriencorrected by Ruskin in his terminal note (see p. 290 n.); line 18, sight has hitherto been misprinted light; line 33, see p. 210 n. 90, line 5, ploutou for ploutou; line 18, constant for divine. 91, lines 1216, . . . cave; to men she gives no rich feast, nothing but pure . . . corn, milk, and wine, the three . . .; line 17, (see Appendix V.) omitted. 94, line 27, see p. 216 n. Chapter iv. 95, line 3, and for so that. 97, line 4, or rob omitted; line 5, lake for sea, and

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

125

instead of etc., or over a mountain, though not across a lake, etc.; lines 9 and 10, over a mountain but not over a ferry for fifty miles, but not in being carried five; line 12, one not italicised, nor any italics in lines 14 and 15. 98, line 2, Now note that omitted; line 3, for in itself read as such; line 22, a just one for just pay; line 36, in for on before rent and price; line 42, see p. 220 n. 100, line 8, it harden for that hardens; lines 13 and 14, no italics; line 32, the original essay (p. 754) and all editions hitherto have misprinted learning for leaning, though Ruskin himself corrected it in Frasers Magazine (see below, p. 290 n.); fourth line from end, see p. 224 n. 101, authors footnote, the first linesAs Charis . . . Cherishwere in the original essay printed as a separate footnote, appended to the word Labour in our line 10 of 101; this was an error; the note was intended to be appended to the word Charitas in 102, line 1Ruskin noted this error in the Magazine (see p. 290 n., below). 101, authors footnote, lines 68, see p. 225 n.; last line of footnote, cruel people or omitted; 101, line 23, etc. after Phaxque; line 28, here the present 104 was appended as a footnote; line 31, deal with for employ themselves in. 102, authors footnote, a few misprints in accents in all previous editions have now been corrected. In the original essay wnomakeai was misprinted anagomenaicorrected by Ruskin in his terminal note (see p. 290 n.); this was corrected in 1872, when also the English translation was added. 103, lines 9 and 10, not merely . . . mast were in error printed after the quotation from George Herbert (in which passions in all previous editions is here corrected to passions). 104, line 9, IS in Fraser and ed. 1; the capitals dropped out in the smaller editions. 106, lines 14, It remains, in order to complete the series of our definitions, that we examine the general conditions of government, and fix the sense in which we are to use, in future, the terms applied to them; line 13, or accomplishment added after completeness; line 18, practice, or added before ethical. 107, last three lines, see p. 223 n. 108, line 1, see p. 223 n.; line 5, and for or; line 6, surrounding omitted. 109, line 9, but omitted; authors footnote, line 14, see p. 235 n.; the references in this note to Xenophons Economist have been wrongly given in all previous editions: they are here corrected from i. 4 and i. 6 to iv. 3 and vi. 5; 109, lines 1719, see p. 235 n.; last line, see p. 236 n.; in the authors footnote to the last line the English translation was introduced in 1872. 111, line 1, A. Archic Law omitted. 112, last line but one, at that bridle rein for at the bridle. 113, last line, see p. 239 n. 114, line 1, B omitted. 115, line 16 to end, the wordsThese laws . . . subjectedwere in the original essay printed as a footnote (the word and being added when they were raised to the text); line 35, are schools for is a

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school; line 36, treasuries not italicised; lines 39, 40, see p. 240 n.; line 43, While, finally for Finally. 116, line 1, C omitted; line 3 to end, this passage was printed as a footnote; line 13, funds devoted to disputation for exercise in oratory. 117, lines 1 and 2, Therefore, in order to true analysis of it, we . . . this word injury; line 7, un not italicised; line 9, carelessness for indolence. 118, line 7, or before help; line 8, by omitted. 119, line 7 to end, see p. 242 n.; also De and Ef not italicised. 120, line 2, again no italics; line 4, old between great and wrathful; line 10, as straight and earnest for strong, and correspondingly in line 12, as for but stronger still. 121, line 1, are for are part of; line 2, see p. 243 n.; lines 9 and 10, see p. 243 n.; line 13, see p. 244 n.; last five lines, . . . and governors; the modes of such discernment forming the real constitution of the state, and not the titles . . . fulfil it. And this brings us to the third division of our subject. 122, line 14, fights battles, or directs that they be fought for orders war or peace; line 15, exponent for arbiter; last line, see p. 245 n. 124, authors second footnote, see p. 247 n. 124, line 28, see p. 247 n.; authors third footnote, line 1, expressed the popular security wisely, saying for says; line 4, Yes, and when the four winds (your only pilots) steer competitively from the four corners, wV d ot. . . akanqaV, perhaps the mariner may wish for keel and wheel again; at the end of the section, in the quotation from Carlyle, a few typographical alterations are here made in accordance with Carlyles text. 125, line 3, either to be for to be either; lines 6, 7, no italics. 126, line 9, Then for tyranny omitted, and correspondingly in line 11, of tyranny for of it; line 11, nearly for closely; line 16, Tennant in all previous editions is here corrected to Tennent. 127, line 3, costly not italicised. 128, line 3, no italics; line 8, I am prepared to admit; line 14, it would be for would it not be; line 24, the averting of hostile liquid fire; line 25, see p. 252 n.; line 29, parcels inserted before even; last lines, see p. 253 n. 129, line 1, thus omitted, and see p. 253 n.; line 19, inferring for implying; line 26, the previous paper for 105. 130, lines 8, 9, or even . . . placed in it omitted; line 16, highly for very; line 36, her brother for Apollo. 131, lines 2, 3, no italics. 132, lines 2, 3, no italics; lines 810, see p. 256 n. 133, line 2, no italics; in the latter portion of this section the original essay omitted (Ariel in the pine), (in the cowslip-bell I lie), or (Calibans slavery and freedom), and themselves after Ariel and Caliban, and or diminished at the end, and in line 9, read clothes-stealing for drinking. 134, line 1, see p. 257 n.; line 3, the attack of Caliban on for Caliban attacking. 134, authors second footnote, this in the original essay was a continuation of the note analysing the Tempest, which is now

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printed in the main text; for alterations in this second note, see p. 257 n. 134, lines 911, . . . spirits of freedom and mechanical labour. Prospero . . .; line 15, ravens feather not italicised ; line 18, phantasms of God for divine phantasms; line 20, all fondness and emptiness for fond and empty; line 22, true liberty for generous and free-hearted service; lines 24 and 25, and 42, quotation marks have been inserted in this edition; line 25, fearful for dreadful; line 29, see p. 259 n.; line 35, power of liberty for vis viva; line 37, after not italicised. 135, line 2, somewhat before more length, and matter for subject of slavery. Chapter vi. 136, line 2, we must study this relation in its simplest . . . 136, authors footnote, line 2, innocent not italicised; I assume poverty . . . 136, lines 20 and 21, of your work and for it omitted, and see p. 263 n. 137, last two lines, no italics; nor were there any in 138, 139. 139, line 1, rare for rarely, and line 9, of the weaving after design (the authors statement, p. 264 n., that he had not altered a syllable in the paragraph requires this small amount of qualification). 140, lines 7 and 8, expressions for expression, of foolish convictions for of foul and foolish convictions; lines 10 and 11, and malicious omitted; last line, misconception for misrepresentation. 141, line 10, only for but; line 11, all not italicised; line 15, clothing, and in for clothing,in; lines 16 and 17, and around his fields a wedge of wall against flood omitted; line 19, many of for half, and peasantry for peasants; line 23, not not italicised. 142, lines 2 and 3, not only omitted, and and for but. 143, line 2, the words At the end of a few years are put before We may conceive; lines 3 and 4, no italics; last line but one, true for rational. 144, line 9, see p. 267 n. 145, lines 5 and 6, entirely recommendable; or even omitted; line 9, I only wish for But I am determined that, and to for shall; line 10, and see omitted; line 13, master for masters and you for we; line 15, may Heaven for God; lines 33 and 36, no italics; last two lines, man for manly people, and child for childish one. 146, lines 1 and 2, There may be thus, and, to a certain extent, there always is a government . . .; lines 4 and 5, . . . it consists, observe, of two distinct functionsthe collection . . .; line 8, or for and when it is dishonourable; lines 911, for for it consists . . . appropriation to. 147, lines 9 and 10, no italics; line 16, in Savoy omitted; line 29, there for in Fraser, therefore in eds. 1 and 2; therefore, afterwards. 148, lines 8 and 9, . . . chance of bullet, for their prides sake,. . . 149, line 27, hour of year for season. 150, line 1, But for Going back to the matter in hand; line 8, with for lighted by, small omitted, and in it after window; line 9, entered by omitted. 151, line 11, of the evening for in the evening; line 12, without nails after the panels; line 14, fastening omitted; lines 14,

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15, with useless precision omitted; lines 16, 17, fasten and with decent strength omitted; line 18, He not italicised. 152, line 14, no italics. 153, lines 28, 29, it for he does, know omitted, and any evil for for disease. 153, authors second footnote, in the last line 42 is a misprint in all previous editions for 12. 154, line 7, promise anything for hope. 155, authors footnote, lines 3 and 4, in Fraser: Men are apt to watch rather the exchanges in a state than its damages; but the exchanges are only of importance so far as they bring about these last. A large . . . In eds. 13 as in the present text; in the later editions IS was not printed in capitals. 155, footnote, line 11, fact for reality; line 16, see p. 279 n. 158, quotation from Carlyle, see p. 280 n. 159, line 6, then for secondly; line 9, icewards and sunwards transposed; line 10, you inserted after given; line 14, you have for it has; line 17, see p. 282 n. 160, line 6, see p. 282 n. Appendices.Introductory passage added in 1872. Appendix i.Line 13, . . . of justice. The necessity . . .; lines 22 and 23, . . . of the results of the want of education of large masses of nations in principles of justice; and see below, p. 286 n.; line 25, among nations, is for prove. For other, and more extensive, alterations in this Appendix, see pp. 285, 286 nn. Appendix ii.This Appendix appeared in the original essays as a footnote to 34 (at our line 3). Lines 9 and 10, see p. 287 n.; line 13, . . . for bitter, so betraying the first of all Loyalties . . .; line 15, serving for serve, and dwelling for House; line 16, see p. 287 n.; line 21, image-or likeness-breaking for image-breaking; line 23, in resolution or persuasion for to do, or persuade to doing; last line, a phantasm for an imagination. Appendix iii.This appeared in the original essays as a footnote to 37 (at our line 14). Lines 13, I reserve until the completion of these papers any support, by the authority of other writers, of the statements made in them; indeed were such authorities wisely sought for and shown, there would be . . .; line 8, seven for a hundred; line 9, exclaimed for revolted; line 15, preceding inserted before passages; end of the Appendix, see p. 288 n. Appendix iv.This appeared in the original essays as a footnote to 40. Lines 2021, . . . purity of bodily ailment, as well as of religious conviction? Why, having . . .; line 22, they may for may they; line 24, spiritual for theological; line 27, inconvenient, for inapplicable; end of the Appendix, see p. 289 n. Appendix v.For the place of this and the following Appendix in the original essays, see p. 290 n. Lines 67, usual useful ingenuity for customary helpfulness; lines 1213, . . . myths, respecting them all I have but this to say: Even . . .; line 18, high for mute; line 20, see p. 291 n.; last line, no not italicised. Appendix vi.Line 4, even for often much; line 18, in the day-time for at noon.]

CONTENTS 1
PAGE

PREFACE
CHAP.

131

I.

DEFINITIONS:
ECONOMY USEFULNESS WEALTH VALUE MONEY RICHES

147 151 152 153 157 160

II .

STORE-KEEPING:
OF GOOD THINGS FOR EXCHANGE IN CURATORSHIP IMAGINARY PERSONAL PUBLIC NATIONAL MISCHIEVOUS LUXURIOUS OF WAGE-FUND DISTRIBUTIVE APPORTIONED AND CLAIMING AND VALUING AND CHOOSING WITHOUT EXCHANGE THE RIGHT OF IT

164 166 167 169 170 172 173 174 176 177 178 180 181 183 190 192 192

1 [In all editions hitherto the Contents have been merely Chap. I. Definitions, II. Store-keeping, and so on; but in eds. 1 and 2 Ruskin indicated the contents of the various pages by additions to the headlines, thus: Chap. I. Definitions (Economy), Chap. II. Store-Keeping (Of Good Things), and so on. In later editions (owing to the re-setting of the text) these descriptive headlines were abandoned, and here also it has been found impossible so to give them; but the above list preserves them in a different form. The titles of the Appendices are, however, supplied by the editors, as no descriptive headlines were given to them in eds. 1 and 2.]

129
XVII. I

130
CHAP.

MUNERA PULVERIS
PAGE

III. COIN-KEEPING:
AUTHORIZED IMAGINARY COMPULSORY PERSONAL WORSHIPFUL AND SCATTERING UNDER PENALTIES IV. COMMERCE: IN WORKMANSHIP IN KINDNESS IN UNKINDNESS SHAKESPEARIAN HOMERIC OF LIBERAL PERSONS OF ROGUES V. GOVERNMENT: I. CUSTOMARY ii. LEGAL iii. SENATORIAL iv. ARBITRARY VI. MASTERSHIP: ESSENTIAL CAUSE OF BY STARVATION PROVIDENTIAL ACQUISTIVE TUTORIAL ROYAL FATAL PITIFUL EXPECTANT OF DEATH BY AGE OF YOUTH PRODUCTIVE ETERNAL

194 199 201 202 207 209 211 217 220 222 223 226 227 229 231 236 244 251 262 264 265 267 268 269 271 273 275 276 278 282 285 287 287 289 290 292

APPENDICES: I. THE FORTIFYING VIRTUES II. IDOLATRY III. THE ECONOMY OF HORACE AND XENOPHON IV. GOVERNMENT INTERFERENCE V. THE MEANING OF PARABLES VI. THE DERIVATION OF WORDS

PREFACE
[1872]

1.THE following pages contain, I believe, the first accurate analysis of the laws of Political Economy which has been published in England. Many treatises, within their scope, correct, have appeared in contradiction of the views popularly received;1 but no exhaustive examination of the subject was possible to any person unacquainted with the value of the products of the highest industries, commonly called the Fine Arts; and no one acquainted with the nature of those industries has, so far as I know, attempted, or even approached, the task. So that, to the date (1863) when these Essays were published, not only the chief conditions of the production of wealth had remained unstated, but the nature of wealth itself had never been defined. Every one has a notion, sufficiently correct for common purposes, of what is meant by wealth, wrote Mr. Mill, in the outset of his treatise;2 and contentedly proceeded, as if a chemist should proceed to investigate the laws of chemistry without endeavouring to ascertain the nature of fire or water, because every one had a notion of them, sufficiently correct for common purposes. 2. But even that apparently indisputable statement was untrue. There is not one person in ten thousand who has
1 [As Ruskin was almost certainly not familiar with the works of the German Historical School of Economists, he probably was thinking here of such English treatises as that of Richard Jones on Rent (1831), attacking Ricardo, and John Lalors Money and Morals (1852). Perhaps he was t hinking a lso of Carlyles various assaults on the dismal science (see Ruskins letter to Dr. John Brown quoted above, p. xxxiv.).] 2 [See Unto this Last, Preface, 2; above, p. 18.]

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a notion sufficiently correct, even for the commonest purposes, of what is meant by wealth; still less of what wealth everlastingly is, whether we mean it or not; which it is the business of every student of economy to ascertain. We, indeed, know (either by experience or in imagination) what it is to be able to provide ourselves with luxurious food, and handsome clothes; and if Mr. Mill had thought that wealth consisted only in these, or in the means of obtaining these, it would have been easy for him to have so defined it with perfect scientific accuracy. But he knew better: he knew that some kinds of wealth consisted in the possession, or power of obtaining, other things than these; but, having, in the studies of his life, no clue to the principles of essential value, he was compelled to take public opinion as the ground of his science; and the public, of course, willingly accepted the notion of a science founded on their opinions. 3. I had, on the contrary, a singular advantage, not only in the greater extent of the field of investigation opened to me by my daily pursuits, but in the severity of some lessons I accidentally received in the course of them. When, in the winter of 1851, I was collecting materials for my work on Venetian architecture, three of the pictures of Tintoret on the roof of the School of St. Roch were hanging down in ragged fragments, mixed with lath and plaster, round the apertures made by the fall of three Austrian heavy shot.1 The city of Venice was not, it appeared, rich enough to repair the damage that winter; and buckets were set on the floor of the upper room of the school to catch the rain, which not only fell directly through the shot holes, but found its way, owing to the generally pervious state of the roof, through many of the canvases of Tintoret in other parts of the ceiling. 4. It was a lesson to me, as I have just said, no less
1 [For other references to this incident, see Vol. XII. p. 421, and Vol. XVI. p. 76 n.; and for similar neglect in 1846, Vol. IV. pp. 40, 395, and Vol. X. p. 437.]

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133

direct than severe; for I knew already at that time (though I have not ventured to assert, until recently at Oxford,1) that the pictures of Tintoret in Venice were accurately the most precious articles of wealth in Europe, being the best existing productions of human industry. Now at the time that three of them were thus fluttering in moist rags from the roof they had adorned, the shops of the Rue Rivoli at Paris were, in obedience to a steadily-increasing public Demand, beginning to show a steadily-increasing Supply of elaborately finished and coloured lithographs, representing the modern dances of delight, among which the cancan2 has since taken a distinguished place. 5. The labour employed on the stone of one of these lithographs is very much more than Tintoret was in the habit of giving to a picture of average size. Considering labour as the origin of value, therefore, the stone so highly wrought would be of greater value than the picture; and since also it is capable of producing a large number of immediately saleable or exchangeable impressions, for which the demand is constant, the city of Paris naturally supposed itself, and on all hitherto believed or stated principles of political economy, was, infinitely richer in the possession of a large number of these lithographic stones, (not to speak of countless oil pictures and marble carvings of similar character), than Venice in the possession of those rags of mildewed canvas, flaunting in the south wind and its salt rain. And, accordingly, Paris provided (without thought of the expense) lofty arcades of shops, and rich recesses of innumerable private apartments, for the protection of these better treasures of hers from the weather.3 6. Yet, all the while, Paris was not the richer for these possessions. Intrinsically, the delightful lithographs were not wealth, but polar contraries of wealth. She was, by
[In the lecture on The Relation between Michael Angelo and Tintoret, delivered in 1871.] 2 [See below, Time and Tide, 48, p. 357.] 3 [For another reference to the Rue de Rivoli, see Vol. IX. p. 257.]
1

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the exact quantity of labour she had given to produce these, sunk below, instead of above, absolute Poverty. They not only were false Richesthey were true Debt which had to be paid at lastand the present aspect of the Rue Rivoli shows in what manner.1 And the faded stains of the Venetian ceiling, all the while, were absolute and inestimable wealth. Useless to their possessors as forgotten treasure in a buried city, they had in them, nevertheless, the intrinsic and eternal nature of wealth; and Venice, still possessing the ruins of them, was a rich city; only, the Venetians had not a notion sufficiently correct even for the very common purpose of inducing them to put slates on a roof, of what was meant by wealth. 7. The vulgar economist would reply that his science had nothing to do with the qualities of pictures, but with their exchange-value only; and that his business was, exclusively, to consider whether the remains of Tintoret were worth as many ten-and-sixpences as the impressions which might be taken from the lithographic stones. But he would not venture, without reserve, to make such an answer, if the example be taken in horses, instead of pictures. The most dull economist would perceive and admit, that a gentleman who had a fine stud of horses was absolutely richer than one who had only ill-bred and broken-winded ones. He would instinctively feel, though his pseudo-science had never taught him, that the price paid for the animals, in either case, did not alter the fact of their worth; that the good horse, though it might have been bought by chance for a few guineas, was not therefore less valuable, nor the owner of the galled jade any the richer, because he had given a hundred for it. 8. So that the economist, in saying that his science takes no account of the qualities of pictures, merely signifies that he cannot conceive of any quality of essential badness
[The date was 1872, the reference thus being to the destruction caused by the Commune.]
1

PREFACE

135

or goodness existing in pictures; and that he is incapable of investigating the laws of wealth in such articles. Which is the fact. But, being incapable of defining intrinsic value in pictures, it follows that he must be equally helpless to define the nature of intrinsic value in painted glass, or in painted pottery, or in patterned stuffs, or in any other national produce requiring true human ingenuity. Nay, though capable of conceiving the idea of intrinsic value with respect to beasts of burden, no economist has endeavoured to state the general principles of National Economy, even with regard to the horse or the ass. And, in fine, the modern political economists have been, without exception, incapable of apprehending the nature of intrinsic value at all.1 9. And the first specialty of the following treatise consists in its giving at the outset, and maintaining as the foundation of all subsequent reasoning, a definition of Intrinsic Value, and Intrinsic Contrary-of-Value; the negative power having been left by former writers entirely out of account, and the positive power left entirely undefined. But, secondly: the modern economist, ignoring intrinsic value, and accepting the popular estimate of things as the only ground of his science, has imagined himself to have ascertained the constant laws regulating the relation of this popular demand to its supply; or, at least, to have proved that demand and supply were connected by heavenly balance, over which human foresight had no power. I chanced, by singular coincidence, lately to see this theory of the law of demand and supply brought to as sharp practical issue in another great siege, as I had seen the theories of intrinsic value brought, in the siege of Venice.2 10. I had the honour of being on the committee under the presidentship of the Lord Mayor of London, for the victualling of Paris after her surrender.3 It became, at one
[Compare the Crown of Wild Olive Introduction, 8.] [See above, 3. Venice surrendered to the Austrians after a siege of fifteen months on August 22, 1849.] 3 [January 1871; see Fors Clavigera, Letter 33 (Notes and Correspondence). For other references to the siege of Paris, see Aratra Pentelici, 208; and here, 48, p. 175 n.]
2 1

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period of our sittings, a question of vital importance at what moment the law of demand and supply would come into operation, and what the operation of it would exactly be: the demand on this occasion, being very urgent indeed; that of several millions of people within a few hours of utter starvation, for any kind of food whatsoever. Nevertheless, it was admitted, in the course of debate, to be probable that the divine principle of demand and supply might find itself at the eleventh hour, and some minutes over, in want of carts and horses; and we ventured so far to interfere with the divine principle as to provide carts and horses, with haste which proved, happily, in time for the need; but not a moment in advance of it. It was farther recognised by the committee that the divine principle of demand and supply would commence its operations by charging the poor of Paris twelve-pence for a pennys worth of whatever they wanted; and would end its operations by offering them twelve-pence worth for a penny, of whatever they didnt want. Whereupon it was concluded by the committee that the tiny knot, on this special occasion, was scarcely dignus vindice,1 by the divine principle of demand and supply: and that we would venture, for once, in a profane manner, to provide for the poor of Paris what they wanted, when they wanted it. Which, to the value of the sums entrusted to us, it will be remembered we succeeded in doing. 11. But the fact is that the so-called Law, which was felt to be false in this case of extreme exigence, is alike false in cases of less exigence. It is false always, and everywhere. Nay, to such an extent is its existence imaginary, that the vulgar economists are not even agreed in their account of it; for some of them mean by it, only that prices are regulated by the relation between demand and supply, which is partly true; and others mean that the relation itself is one with the process of which it is unwise to interfere; a statement which is not only, as in
1

[Horace, Ars Poetica, 191 (dignus vindice nodus).]

PREFACE

137

the above instance, untrue; but accurately the reverse of the truth: for all wise economy, political or domestic, consists in the resolved maintenance of a given relation between supply and demand, other than the instinctive, or (directly) natural, one. 12. Similarly, vulgar political economy asserts for a law that wages are determined by competition. Now I pay my servants exactly what wages I think necessary to make them comfortable. The sum is not determined at all by competition; but sometimes by my notions of their comfort and deserving, and sometimes by theirs. If I were to become penniless to-morrow, several of them would certainly still serve me for nothing. In both the real and supposed cases the so-called law of vulgar political economy is absolutely set at defiance. But I cannot set the law of gravitation at defiance, nor determine that in my house I will not allow ice to melt, when the temperature is above thirty-two degrees. A true law outside of my house will remain a true one inside of it. It is not, therefore, a law of Nature that wages are determined by competition. Still less is it a law of State, or we should not now be disputing about it publicly, to the loss of many millions of pounds to the country. The fact which vulgar economists have been weak enough to imagine a law, is only that, for the last twenty years a number of very senseless persons have attempted to determine wages in that manner; and have, in a measure, succeeded in occasionally doing so. 13. Both in definition of the elements of wealth, and in statement of the laws which govern its distribution, modern political economy has been thus absolutely incompetent, or absolutely false. And the following treatise is not as it has been asserted with dull pertinacity, an endeavour to put sentiment in the place of science;1 but it
[Compare 99 n.; below, p. 222. For a reply by Ruskin to the charge of sentimentality, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 41; and for passages in which he emphasises the intensely practical character of his mind, see ibid., Letter 37, and Prterita, ii. 197.]
1

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contains the exposure of what insolently pretended to be a science; and the definition, hitherto unassailedand I do not fear to assert, unassailableof the material elements with which political economy has to deal, and the moral principles in which it consists; being not itself a science, but a system of conduct founded on the sciences, and impossible, except under certain conditions of moral culture.1 Which is only to say, that industry, frugality, and discretion, the three foundations of economy, are moral qualities, and cannot be attained without moral discipline: a flat truism, the reader may think, thus stated, yet a truism which is denied both vociferously, and in all endeavour, by the entire populace of Europe; who are at present hopeful of obtaining wealth by tricks of trade, without industry; who, possessing wealth, have lost in the use of it even the conception,how much more the habit?of frugality; and who, in the choice of the elements of wealth, cannot so much as losesince they have never hitherto at any time possessed,the faculty of discretion. 14. Now if the teachers of the pseudo-science of economy had ventured to state distinctly even the poor conclusions they had reached on the subjects respecting which it is most dangerous for a populace to be indiscreet, they would have soon found, by the use made of them, which were true, and which false. But on main and vital questions, no political economist has hitherto ventured to state one guiding principle. I will instance three subjects of universal importance. National Dress. National Rent. National Debt. Now if we are to look in any quarter for a systematic and exhaustive statement of the principles of a given science, it must certainly be from its Professor at Cambridge. 15. Take the last edition2 of Professor Fawcetts Manual of Political Economy, and forming, first, clearly in your
1 2

[See below, ch. i. 1; p. 147.] [The third edition, published in 1869.]

PREFACE

139

mind these three following questions, see if you can find an answer to them. I. Does expenditure of capital on the production of luxurious dress and furniture tend to make a nation rich or poor? II. Does the payment, by the nation, of a tax on its land, or on the produce of it, to a certain number of private persons, to be expended by them as they please, tend to make the nation rich or poor? III. Does the payment, by the nation, for an indefinite period, of interest on money borrowed from private persons, tend to make the nation rich or poor? These three questions are, all of them, perfectly simple, and primarily vital. Determine these, and you have at once a basis for national conduct in all important particulars. Leave them undetermined, and there is no limit to the distress which may be brought upon the people by the cunning of its knaves, and the folly of its multitudes. I will take the three in their order. 16. (I.) Dress. The general impression on the public mind at this day is, that the luxury of the rich in dress and furniture is a benefit to the poor. Probably not even the blindest of our political economists would venture to assert this in so many words. But where do they assert the contrary? During the entire period of the reign of the late Emperor it was assumed in France, as the first principle of fiscal government, that a large portion of the funds received as rent from the provincial labourer should be expended in the manufacture of ladies dresses in Paris. Where is the political economist in France, or England, who ventured to assert the conclusions of his science as adverse to this system? As early as the year 1857 I had done my best to show the nature of the error, and to give warning of its danger;* but not one of the men who
* Political Economy of Art. (Smith and Elder, 1857, pp. 6576. 1 )
1

[See now Vol. XVI. pp. 4753.]

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had the foolish ears of the people intent on their words, dared to follow me in speaking what would have been an offence to the powers of trade; and the powers of trade in Paris had their full way for fourteen years more,with this result, to-day,as told us in precise and curt terms by the Minister of Public Instruction,*
We have replaced glory by gold, work by speculation, faith and honour by scepticism. To absolve or glorify immorality; to make much o f loose women; to gratify our eyes with luxury, our ears with the tales of orgies; to aid in the manuvres of public robbers, or to applaud them; to laugh at morality, and only believe in success; to love nothing but pleasure, adore nothing but force; to replace work with a fecundity of fancies; to speak without thinking; to prefer noise to glory; to erect sneering into a system, and lying into an institutionis this the spectacle that we have seen?is this the society that we have been?

Of course, other causes, besides the desire of luxury in furniture and dress, have been at work to produce such consequences; but the most active cause of all has been the passion for these; passion unrebuked by the clergy, and, for the most part, provoked by economists, as advantageous to commerce; nor need we think that such results have been arrived at in France only; we are ourselves following rapidly on the same road. France, in her old wars with us, never was so fatally our enemy as she has been in the fellowship of fashion, and the freedom of trade: nor, to my mind, is any fact recorded of Assyrian or Roman luxury more ominous, or ghastly, than one which came to my knowledge a few weeks ago, in England; a respectable and well-to-do father and mother, in a quiet north country town, being turned into the streets in their old age, at the suit of their only daughters milliner. 17. (II.) Rent. The following account of the real nature of rent is given, quite accurately, by Professor
* See report of speech 1 of M. Jules Simon, in Pall Mall Gazette of October 27th, 1871.
1

[At the annual meeting of the Institute of France.]

PREFACE

141

Fawcett, at page 112 of the last edition of his Political Economy:1


Every country has probably been subjugated, and grants of vanquished territory were the ordinary rewards which the conquering chief bestowed upon his more distinguished followers . . . . Lands obtained by force had to be defended by force; and before law had asserted her supremacy, and property was made secure, no baron was able to retain his possessions, unless those who lived on his estates were prepared to defend them. . . .* As property became secure, and landlords felt that the power of the State would protect them in all the rights of property, every vestige of these f eudal tenures was abolished, and the relation between landlord and tenant has thus become purely commercial. A landlord offers his land to any one who is willing to take it; he is anxious to receive the highest rent he can obtain. What are the principles w hich regulate the rent which may thus be paid?

These principles the Professor goes on contentedly to investigate, never appearing to contemplate for an instant the possibility of the first principle in the whole businessthe maintenance, by force, of the possession of land obtained by force, being ever called in question by any human mind. It is, nevertheless, the nearest task of our day to discover how far original theft may be justly encountered by reactionary theft, or whether reactionary theft be indeed theft at all; and farther, what, excluding either original or corrective theft, are the just conditions of the possession of land. 18. (III.) Debt. Long since, when, a mere boy, I used to sit silently listening to the conversation of the London merchants who, all of them good and sound men of business, were wont occasionally to meet round my fathers dining-table, nothing used to surprise me more than the conviction openly expressed by some of the soundest and most cautious of them, that if there were no National debt they would not know what to do with their money, or where to place it
* The omitted sentences merely amplify the statement; they in no wise modify it.
1 [Book ii. ch. iii. ad init. Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 22, where this passage is referred to, and the subject of Rent and Land Tenure further discussed.]

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safely. At the 399th page of his Manual,1 you will find Professor Fawcett giving exactly the same statement
In our own country, this certainty against risk of loss is provided by the public funds;

and again, as on the question of rent, the Professor proceeds, without appearing for an instant to be troubled by any misgiving that there may be an essential difference between the effects on national prosperity of a Government paying interest on money which it spent in fireworks fifty years ago, and of a Government paying interest on money to be employed to-day on productive labour. That difference, which the reader will find stated and examined at length, in 127129 of this volume, it is the business of economists, before approaching any other question relating to government, fully to explain. And the paragraphs to which I refer, contain, I believe, the only definite statement of it hitherto made. 19. The practical result of the absence of any such statement is, that capitalists, when they do not know what to do with their money, persuade the peasants, in various countries, that the said peasants want guns to shoot each other with. The peasants accordingly borrow guns, out of the manufacture of which the capitalists get a percentage, and men of science much amusement and credit. Then the peasants shoot a certain number of each other, until they get tired; and burn each others homes down in various places. Then they put the guns back into towers, arsenals, etc., in ornamental patterns; (and the victorious party put also some ragged flags in churches). And then the capitalists tax both, annually, ever afterwards, to pay interest on the loan of the guns and gunpowder.2 And that is what capitalists call knowing what to do with their money; and what commercial men in general call practical as opposed to sentimental Political Economy.
[Book iii. ch. xii.] [On this subject of capitalist-made war, compare Unto this Last, 76 n.; above, pp. 103104.]
2 1

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143

20. Eleven years ago, in the summer of 1860, perceiving then fully, (as Carlyle had done long before), what distress was about to come on the said populace of Europe through these errors of their teachers, I began to do the best I might, to combat them, in the series of papers for the Cornhill Magazine, since published under the title of Unto this Last. The editor of the Magazine1 was my friend, and ventured the insertion of the three first essays; but the outcry against them became then too strong for any editor to endure, and he wrote to me, with great discomfort to himself, and many apologies to me, that the Magazine must only admit one Economical Essay more. I made, with his permission, the last one longer than the rest, and gave it blunt conclusion as well as I couldand so the book now stands; but, as I had taken not a little pains with the Essays, and knew that they contained better work than most of my former writings, and more important truths than all of them put together, this violent reprobation of them by the Cornhill public set me still more gravely thinking; and, after turning the matter hither and thither in my mind for two years more, I resolved to make it the central work of my life to write an exhaustive treatise on Political Economy. It would not have been begun, at that time, however, had not the editor of Frasers Magazine2 written to me, saying that he believed there was something in my theories, and would risk the admission of what I chose to write on this dangerous subject; whereupon, cautiously, and at intervals, during the winter of 186263, I sent him, and he ventured to print, the preface of the intended work, divided into four chapters. Then, though the Editor had not wholly lost courage, the Publisher indignantly interfered; and the readers of Fraser, as those of the Cornhill, were protected, for that time, from farther disturbance on my part. Subsequently, loss of health, family distress,3 and various
1 2 3

[Thackeray: see above, Introduction, p. xxviii.] [Froude: see above, Introduction, p. l.] [The death of his father in March 1864.]

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untoward chances, prevented my proceeding with the body of the book;seven years have passed ineffectually; and I am now fain to reprint the Preface by itself, under the title which I intended for the whole. 21. Not discontentedly; being, at this time of life, resigned to the sense of failure; and also, because the preface is complete in itself as a body of definitions, which I now require for reference in the course of my Letters to Workmen;1 by which also, in time, I trust less formally to accomplish the chief purpose of Munera Pulveris practically summed in the two paragraphs 27 and 28: namely, to examine the moral results and possible rectifications of the laws of distribution of wealth, which have prevailed hitherto without debate among men. Laws which ordinary economists assume to be inviolable, and which ordinary socialists imagine to be on the eve of total abrogation. But they are both alike deceived. The laws which at present regulate the possession of wealth are unjust, because the motives which provoke to its attainment are impure; but no socialism can effect their abrogation, unless it can abrogate also covetousness and pride, which it is by no means yet in the way of doing. Nor can the change be, in any case, to the extent that has been imagined. Extremes of luxury may be forbidden, and agony of penury relieved; but nature intends, and the utmost efforts of socialism will not hinder the fulfilment of her intention, that a provident person shall always be richer than a spendthrift; and an ingenious one more comfortable than a fool. But, indeed, the adjustment of the possession of the products of industry depends more on their nature than their quantity, and on wise determination therefore of the aims of industry. A nation which desires true wealth, desires it moderately, and can therefore distribute it with kindness, and possess it with pleasure; but one which desires false wealth, desires it immoderately, and can neither dispense it with justice, nor enjoy it in peace.
[The sub-title of Fors Clavigera is Letters t o t he Workmen a nd Labourers o f Great Britain.]
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22. Therefore, needing, constantly in my present work, to refer to the definitions of true and false wealth given in the following Essays, I republish them with careful revisal. They were written abroad; partly at Milan, partly during a winter residence on the south-eastern slope of the Mont Salve, near Geneva; and sent to London in as legible MS. as I could write; but I never revised the press sheets, and have been obliged, accordingly, now to amend the text here and there, or correct it in unimportant particulars. Wherever any modification has involved change in the sense, it is enclosed in square brackets; and what few explanatory comments I have felt it necessary to add, have been indicated in the same manner.1 No explanatory comments, I regret to perceive, will suffice to remedy the mischief of my affected concentration of language, into the habit of which I fell by thinking too long over particular passages, in many and many a solitary walk towards the mountains of Bonneville or Annecy. But I never intended the book for anything else than a dictionary of reference, and that for earnest readers; who will, I have good hope, if they find what they want in it, forgive the affectedly curt expressions. The Essays, as originally published, were, as I have just stated, four in number. I have now, more conveniently, divided the whole into six chapters; and (as I purpose throughout this edition of my works) numbered the paragraphs. I inscribed the first volume of this series2 to the friend who aided me in chief sorrow. Let me inscribe the second to the friend and guide who has urged me to all chief labour, THOMAS CARLYLE. 23. I would that some better means were in my power
[In order to prevent confusion in this edition (in which editors notes are enclosed in square brackets), the authors footnotes of 1872 are here enclosed in round brackets.] 2 [The revised Works series. The first volumeSesame and Liliesissued in 1871, was dedicated (Preface, 19) to filh (Lady Mount Temple), for whom, and for whose help in chief sorrow, see Prterita, ii. 39.]
XVII. K
1

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of showing reverence to the man who alone, of all our masters of literature, has written, without thought of himself, what he knew it to be needful for the people of his time to hear, if the will to hear were in them: whom, therefore, as the time draws near when his task must be ended, Republican and Free-thoughted England assaults with impatient reproach; and out of the abyss of her cowardice in policy and dishonour in trade, sets the hacks of her literature to speak evil, grateful to her ears, of the Solitary Teacher who has asked her to be brave for the help of Man, and just, for the love of God.
DENMARK HILL,

25th November, 1871.

MUNERA PULVERIS
T E MARIS P ULVERIS
ET TERR NUM EROQUE CARENTIS AREN COHIBENT ,

M ENSOREM M UNERA .
1

A RCHYTA , M ATINUM

EXIGUI PROPE LITUS PARVA

CHAPTER I
D E F I N I TI O N S
2

1. As domestic economy regulates the acts and habits of a household, Political Economy regulates those of a society or State, with reference to the means of its maintenance. Political economy is neither an art nor a science; but a system of conduct and legislature, founded on the sciences, directing the arts, and impossible, except under certain conditions of moral culture. 2. The study which lately in England has been called Political Economy is in reality nothing more than the investigation of some accidental phenomena of modern commercial operations, nor has it been true in its investigation even of these. It has no connection whatever with political economy, as understood and treated of by the great thinkers of past ages; and as long as its unscholarly and undefined statements are allowed to pass under the same name, every word written on the subject by those thinkersand chiefly
1 [Horace: Odes, i. 28. For a translation and the meaning of the title, see above, Introduction, pp. lxv. seq.] 2 [This chapter was the first essay in the Magazine. The headlines to it were: Maintenance of Life.Work and its Reward.Value and Valuable Things.Money and Riches.]

147

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the words of Plato, Xenophon, Cicero, and Baconmust be nearly useless to mankind. The reader must not, therefore, be surprised at the care and insistance with which I have retained the literal and earliest sense of all important terms used in these papers; for a word is usually well made at the time it is first wanted; its youngest meaning has in it the full strength of its youth; subsequent senses are commonly warped or weakened; and as all careful thinkers are sure to have used their words accurately, the first condition, in order to be able to avail ourselves of their sayings at all, is firm definition of terms. 3. By the maintenance of a State is to be understood the support of its population in healthy and happy life;1 and the increase of their numbers, so far as that increase is consistent with their happiness. It is not the object of political economy to increase the numbers of a nation at the cost of common health or comfort; nor to increase indefinitely the comfort of individuals, by sacrifice of surrounding lives, or possibilities of life. 4. The assumption which lies at the root of nearly all erroneous reasoning on political economy,namely, that its object is to accumulate money or exchangeable property,may be shown in a few words to be without foundation. For no economist would admit national economy to be legitimate which proposed to itself only the building of a pyramid of gold. He would declare the gold to be wasted, were it to remain in the monumental form, and would say it ought to be employed. But to what end? Either it must be used only to gain more gold, and build a larger pyramid, or for some purpose other than the gaining of gold. And this other purpose, however at first apprehended, will be found to resolve itself finally into the service of man;that is to say, the extension, defence, or comfort of his life. The golden pyramid may perhaps be providently built, perhaps improvidently; but the wisdom or folly of
1

[See Unto this Last, 77, p. 105.]

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149

the accumulation can only be determined by our having first clearly stated the aim of all economy, namely, the extension of life. If the accumulation of money, or of exchangeable property, were a certain means of extending existence, it would be useless, in discussing economical questions, to fix our attention upon the more distant objectlifeinstead of the immediate onemoney. But it is not so. Money may sometimes be accumulated at the cost of life, or by limitations of it; that is to say, either by hastening the deaths of men, or preventing their births. It is therefore necessary to keep clearly in view the ultimate object of economy; and to determine the expediency of minor operations with reference to that ulterior end. 5. It has been just stated that the object of political economy is the continuance not only of life, but of healthy and happy life. But all true happiness is both a consequence and cause of life: it is a sign of its vigour, and source of its continuance. All true suffering is in like manner a consequence and cause of death. I shall therefore, in future, use the word Life singly: but let it be understood to include in its signification the happiness and power of the entire human nature, body and soul. 6. That human nature, as its Creator made it, and maintains it wherever His laws are observed, is entirely harmonious. No physical error can be more profound, no moral error more dangerous, than that involved in the monkish doctrine of the opposition of body to soul. No soul can be perfect in an imperfect body: no body perfect without perfect soul. Every right action and true thought sets the seal of its beauty on person and face;1 every wrong action and foul thought its seal of distortion; and the various aspects of humanity might be read as plainly as a printed history, were it not that the impressions are so complex that it
1 [So in The Art of England, 83: On all the beautiful features of men and women, throughout the ages, a re written the solemnities a nd majesty of the law they knew, etc.]

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must always in some cases (and, in the present state of our knowledge, in all cases) be impossible to decipher them completely. Nevertheless, the face of a consistently just, and of a consistently unjust person, may always be rightly distinguished at a glance; and if the qualities are continued by descent through a generation or two, there arises a complete distinction of race. Both moral and physical qualities are communicated by descent,1 far more than they can be developed by education, (though both may be destroyed by want of education); and there is as yet no ascertained limit to the nobleness of person and mind which the human creature may attain, by persevering observance of the laws of God respecting its birth and training. 7. We must therefore yet farther define the aim of political economy to be The multiplication of human life at the highest standard. It might at first seem questionable whether we should endeavour to maintain a small number of persons of the highest type of beauty and intelligence, or a larger number of an inferior class. But I shall be able to show in the sequel, that the way to maintain the largest number is first to aim at the highest standard. Determine the noblest type of man, and aim simply at maintaining the largest possible number of persons of that class, and it will be found that the largest possible number of every healthy subordinate class must necessarily be produced also. 8. The perfect type of manhood, as just stated, involves the perfections (whatever we may hereafter determine these to be) of his body, affections, and intelligence. The material things, therefore, which it is the object of political economy to produce and use, (or accumulate for use,) are things which serve either to sustain and comfort the body, or exercise rightly the affections and form the intelligence.*
* See Appendix I. [p. 285].
1

[Compare Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 344 n.).]

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151

Whatever truly serves either of these purposes is useful to man, wholesome, healthful, helpful, or holy. By seeking such things, man prolongs and increases his life upon the earth. On the other hand, whatever does not serve either of these purposes,much more whatever counteracts them,is in like manner useless to man, unwholesome, unhelpful, or unholy; and by seeking such things man shortens and diminishes his life upon the earth. 9. And neither with respect to things useful or useless can mans estimate of them alter their nature. Certain substances being good for his food, and others noxious to him, what he thinks or wishes respecting them can neither change, nor prevent, their power. If he eats corn, he will live; if nightshade, he will die. If he produce or make good and beautiful things, they will Re-Create him; (note the solemnity and weight of the word); if bad and ugly things, they will corrupt or break in piecesthat is, in the exact degree of their power, Kill him. For every hour of labour, however enthusiastic or well intended, which he spends for that which is not bread,1 so much possibility of life is lost to him. His fancies, likings, beliefs, however brilliant, eager, or obstinate, are of no avail if they are set on a false object. Of all that he has laboured for, the eternal law of heaven and earth measures out to him for reward, to the utmost atom, that part which he ought to have laboured for, and withdraws from him (or enforces on him, it may be) inexorably, that part which he ought not to have laboured for2 until, on his summer threshing-floor, stands his heap of corn; little or much, not according to his labour, but to his discretion. No commercial arrangements, no painting of surfaces, nor alloying of substances, will avail him a pennyweight. Nature asks of him calmly
[Isaiah lv. 2: Wherefore do ye spend money for that which is not bread? and your labour for that which satisfieth not?] 2 [The original essay here reads: . . . laboured for. The dust and chaff are all, to the last speck, winnowed away, and on his summer threshing-floor. . .]
1

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and inevitably, What have you found, or formedthe right thing or the wrong? By the right thing you shall live; by the wrong you shall die. 10. To thoughtless persons it seems otherwise. The world looks to them as if they could cozen it out of some ways and means of life. But they cannot cozen IT: they can only cozen their neighbours. The world is not to be cheated of a grain; not so much as a breath of its air can be drawn surreptitiously. For every piece of wise work done, so much life is granted; for every piece of foolish work, nothing; for every piece of wicked work, so much death is allotted. This is as sure as the courses of day and night. But when the means of life are once produced, men, by their various struggles and industries of accumulation or exchange, may variously gather, waste, restrain, or distribute them; necessitating, in proportion to the waste or restraint, accurately, so much more death. The rate and range of additional death are measured by the rate and range of waste; and are inevitable;the only question (determined mostly by fraud in peace, and force in war) is, Who is to die, and how? 11. Such being the everlasting law of human existence, the essential work of the political economist is to determine what are in reality useful or life-giving things, and by what degrees and kinds of labour they are attainable and distributable. This investigation divides itself under three great heads;the studies, namely, of the phenomena, first, of WEALTH; secondly, of MONEY; and thirdly, of RICHES. These terms are often used as synonymous, but they signify entirely different things. Wealth consists of things in themselves valuable; Money, of documentary claims to the possession of such things; and Riches is a relative term, expressing the magnitude of the possessions of one person or society as compared with those of other persons or societies. The study of Wealth is a province of natural science:it deals with the essential properties of things.

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153

The study of Money is a province of commercial science:it deals with conditions of engagement and exchange. The study of Riches is a province of moral science:it deals with the due relations of men to each other in regard of material possessions; and with the just laws of their association for purposes of labour. I shall in this first chapter shortly sketch out the range of subjects which will come before us as we follow these three branches of inquiry. 12. And first of WEALTH, which, it has been said, consists of things essentially valuable. We now, therefore, need a definition of value. Value signifies the strength, or availing of anything towards the sustaining of life, and is always twofold; that is to say, primarily, INTRINSIC, and secondarily, EFFECTUAL. The reader must, by anticipation, be warned against confusing value with cost, or with price. Value is the life-giving power of anything; cost, the quantity of labour required to produce it; price, the quantity of labour which its possessor will take in exchange for it.* Cost and price are commercial conditions, to be studied under the head of money. 13. Intrinsic value is the absolute power of anything to support life. A sheaf of wheat of given quality and weight has in it a measurable power of sustaining the substance of the body; a cubic foot of pure air, a fixed power of sustaining its warmth; and a cluster of flowers of given beauty a fixed power of enlivening or animating the senses and heart. It does not in the least affect the intrinsic value of the wheat, the air, or the flowers, that men refuse or despise them. Used or not, their own power is in them, and that particular power is in nothing else.
* (Observe these definitions,they are of much importance,and connect with them the sentences in italics on next page. 1 )
1

[See below, the letter on The Definition of Wealth: Appendix i. 3, p. 486.]

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14. But in order that this value of theirs may become effectual, a certain state is necessary in the recipient of it. The digesting, breathing, and perceiving functions must be perfect in the human creature before the food, air, or flowers can become of their full value to it. The production of effectual value, therefore, always involves two needs: first, the production of a thing essentially useful; then the production of the capacity to use it. Where the intrinsic value and acceptant capacity come together there is Effectual value, or wealth; where there is either no intrinsic value, or no acceptant capacity, there is no effectual value; that is to say, no wealth.1 A horse is no wealth to us if we cannot ride, nor a picture if we cannot see, nor can any noble thing be wealth, except to a noble person. As the aptness of the user increases, the effectual value of the thing used increases; and in its entirety can co-exist only with perfect skill of use, and fitness of nature.2 15. Valuable material things may be conveniently referred to five heads: (i.) Land, with its associated air, water, and organisms. (ii.) Houses, furniture, and instruments. (iii.) Stored or prepared food, medicine, and articles of bodily luxury, including clothing. (iv.) Books. (v.) Works of art. The conditions of value in these things are briefly as follows: 16. (i.) Land. Its value is twofold; first, as producing
[Compare Unto this Last, 62 (above, p. 87).] [The original essay reads or harmony of nature for and fitness of nature, and then continues: The effectual value of a given quantity of any commodity existing in the world at any moment is therefore a mathematical function of the capacity existing in the human race to enjoy it. Let its intrinsic value be represented by x, and the recipient faculty by y; its effectual value is x y, in which the sum varies as either co-efficient varies, is increased by eithers increase,* and cancelled by eithers absence.
2 1

* With this somewhat strange and ungeometrical limitation, however, which, here expressed for the moment in the briefest terms, we must afterwards trace in detail, that x y may be indefinitely increased by the inc rease of y only; but not by the increase of x, unless y increase also in a fixed proportion.]

I.DEFINITIONS

155

food and mechanical power; secondly, as an object of sight and thought, producing intellectual power. Its value, as a means of producing food and mechanical power, varies with its form (as mountain or plain), with its substance (in soil or mineral contents), and with its climate. All these conditions of intrinsic value must be known and complied with by the men who have to deal with it, in order to give effectual value; but at any given time and place, the intrinsic value is fixed: such and such a piece of land, with its associated lakes and seas, rightly treated in surface and substance, can produce precisely so much food and power, and no more.1 The second element of value in land being its beauty, united with such conditions of space and form as are necessary for exercise, and for fulness of animal life,2 land of the highest value in these respects will be that lying in temperate climates, and boldly varied in form; removed from unhealthy or dangerous influences (as of miasm or volcano); and capable of sustaining a rich fauna and flora. Such land, carefully tended by the hand of man, so far as to remove from it unsightlinesses and evidences of decay, guarded from violence, and inhabited, under mans affectionate protection, by every kind of living creature that can occupy it in peace, is the most precious property that human beings can possess.3
[The original essay here adds: Its surface treatment (agriculture) and substance treatment (practical geology and chemistry) are the first roots of economical science. By surface treatment, however, I mean more than agriculture as commonly understood; I mean land and sea culture;dominion over both the fixed and the flowing fields;perfect acquaintance with the laws of climate, and of vegetable and animal growth in the given tracts of earth or ocean, and of their relations to those of other districts; such relations regulating especially the producti on of those articles of food which, being in each particular spot producible in the highest perfection, will bring the best price in commercial exchanges.] 2 [Here the original essay reads: . . . exercise, or pleasant to the eye, associated with vital organism. Land . . . is that lying . . .] 3 [The original essay here adds: The determination of the d egree in which these two elements of value can be u nited in land, or in which either element must, or should, in particular cases, be sacrificed to the other, forms the most important branch of economical inquiry respecting preferences of things.]
1

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17. (ii.) Buildings, furniture, and instruments. The value of buildings consists, first, in permanent strength, with convenience of form, of size, and of position; so as to render employment peaceful, social intercourse easy, temperature and air healthy. The advisable or possible magnitude of cities and mode of their distribution in squares, streets, courts, etc.; the relative value of sites of land, and the modes of structure which are healthiest and most permanent, have to be studied under this head. The value of buildings consists secondly in historical association, and architectural beauty, of which we have to examine the influence on manners and life. The value of instruments consists, first, in their power of shortening labour, or otherwise accomplishing1 what human strength unaided could not. The kinds of work which are severally best accomplished by hand or by machine;the effect of machinery in gathering and multiplying population, and its influence on the minds and bodies of such population; together with the conceivable uses of machinery on a colossal scale in accomplishing mightly and useful works, hitherto unthought of, such as the deepening of large river channels;changing the surface of mountainous districts;irrigating tracts of desert in the torrid zone;breaking up, and thus rendering capable of quicker fusion, edges of ice in the northern and southern Arctic seas, etc., so rendering parts of the earth habitable which hitherto have been lifeless, are to be studied under this head.2 The value of instruments is, secondarily, in their aid to abstract sciences. The degree in which the multiplication of such instruments should be encouraged, so as to make them, if large, easy of access to numbers (as costly telescopes), or so cheap as that they might, in a serviceable
1 2

[Here the original essay adds (as ships).] [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 49, where this passage is referred to.]

I.DEFINITIONS

157

form, become a common part of the furniture of households, is to be considered under this head.* 18. (iii.) Food, medicine, and articles of luxury. Under this head we shall have to examine the possible methods of obtaining pure food in such security and equality of supply as to avoid both waste and famine: then the economy of medicine and just range of sanitary law: finally the economy of luxury, partly an sthetic and partly an ethical question. 19. (iv.) Books. The value of these consists, First, in their power of preserving and communicating the knowledge of facts. Secondly, in their power of exciting vital or noble emotion and intellectual action. They have also their corresponding negative powers of disguising and effacing the memory of facts, and killing the noble emotions, or exciting base ones. Under these two heads we have to consider the economical and educational value, positive and negative, of literature;the means of producing and educating good authors, and the means and advisability of rendering good books generally accessible, and directing the readers choice to them. 20. (v.) Works of art. The value of these is of the same nature as that of books; but the laws of their production and possible modes of distribution are very different, and require separate examination. 21. II.MONEY. Under this head, we shall have to examine the laws of currency and exchange; of which I will note here the first separate principles. Money has been inaccurately spoken of as merely a means of exchange. But it is far more than this. It is a documentary expression of legal claim. It is not wealth,
* (I cannot now recast these sentences, pedantic in their generalization, and intended more for index than statement, but I must guard the reader fro m thinking that I ever wish for cheapness by bad quality. A poor boy need not always learn mathematics; but, if you set him to do so, have the farther kindness to give him good compasses, not cheap ones, whose points bend like lead.)

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but a documentary claim to wealth, being the sign1 of the relative quantities of it, or of the labour producing it, to which, at a given time, persons, or societies, are entitled. If all the money in the world, notes and gold, were destroyed in an instant, it would leave the world neither richer nor poorer than it was. But it would leave the individual inhabitants of it in different relations. Money is, therefore, correspondent in its nature to the title-deed of an estate. Though the deed be burned, the estate still exists, but the right to it has become disputable. 22. The real worth of money remains unchanged, as long as the proportion of the quantity of existing money to the quantity of existing wealth or available labour remains unchanged. If the wealth increases, but not the money, the worth of the money increases; if the money increases, but not the wealth, the worth of the money diminishes. 23. Money, therefore, cannot be arbitrarily multiplied, any more than title-deeds can. So long as the existing wealth or available labour is not fully represented by the currency, the currency may be increased without diminution of the assigned worth of its pieces. But when the existing wealth, or available labour, is once fully represented, every piece of money thrown into circulation diminishes the worth of every other existing piece, in the proportion it bears to the number of them, provided the new piece be received with equal credit; if not, the depreciation of worth takes place, according to the degree of its credit. 24. When, however, new money, composed of some substance of supposed intrinsic value (as of gold), is brought into the market, or when new notes are issued which are
1

[The original essay here reads: . . .a means of exchange. It is, on the contrary, an expression of right. It is not wealth, but a documentary claim to wealth, being a sign* . . .
* Always, and necessarily, an imperfect sign; but capable of approximate accuracy if rightly ordered.

In the footnote Always was misprinted Moneys the correction was made in an Erratum note at the end of the second paper.]

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159

supposed to be deserving of credit, the desire to obtain the money will, under certain circumstances, stimulate industry: an additional quantity of wealth is immediately produced, and if this be in proportion to the new claims advanced, the value of the existing currency is undepreciated. If the stimulus given be so great as to produce more goods than are proportioned to the additional coinage, the worth of the existing currency will be raised. Arbitrary control and issues of currency affect the production of wealth, by acting on the hopes and fears of men, and are, under certain circumstances, wise. But the issue of additional currency to meet the exigencies of immediate expense, is merely one of the disguised forms of borrowing or taxing. It is, however, in the present low state of economical knowledge, often possible for governments to venture on an issue of currency, when they could not venture on an additional loan or tax, because the real operation of such issue is not understood by the people, and the pressure of it is irregularly distributed, and with an unperceived gradation. 25. The use of substances of intrinsic value as the materials of a currency, is a barbarism;a remnant of the conditions of barter, which alone render commerce possible among savage nations. It is, however, still necessary,1 partly as a mechanical check on arbitrary issues; partly as a means of exchanges with foreign nations. In proportion to the extension of civilization, and increase of trustworthiness in governments, it will cease. So long as it exists, the phenomena of the cost and price of the articles used for currency are mingled with those proper to currency itself, in an almost inextricable manner: and the market worth of bullion is affected by multitudinous accidental circumstances, which have been traced, with more or less success, by writers on commercial operations: but with these variations the true political economist has no more to do than an engineer,
1

[See below, pp. 197 seq.]

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fortifying a harbour of refuge against Atlantic tide, has to concern himself with the cries or quarrels of children who dig pools with their fingers for its streams1 among the sand. 26.III.RICHES. According to the various industry, capacity, good fortune, and desires of men, they obtain greater or smaller share of, and claim upon, the wealth of the world. The inequalities between these shares, always in some degree just and necessary, may be either restrained by law or circumstance within certain limits; or may increase indefinitely. Where no moral or legal restraint is put upon the exercise of the will and intellect of the stronger, shrewder, or more covetous men, these differences become ultimately enormous. But as soon as they become so distinct in their extremes as that, on one side, there shall be manifest redundance of possession, and on the other manifest pressure of need,the terms riches and poverty are used to express the opposite states; being contrary only as the terms warmth and cold are contraries, of which neither implies an actual degree, but only a relation to other degrees, of temperature. 27. Respecting riches, the economist has to inquire, first, into the advisable modes of their collection; secondly, into the advisable modes of their administration. Respecting the collection of national riches, he has to inquire, first, whether he is justified in calling the nation rich, if the quantity of wealth it possesses relatively to the wealth of other nations, be large; irrespectively of the manner of its distribution. Or does the mode of distribution in any wise affect the nature of the riches? Thus, if the king alone be richsuppose Crsus or Mausolusare the Lydians or Carians therefore a rich nation? Or if a few slave-masters are rich, and the nation is otherwise
1

[The original essay reads ebbing currents instead of streams.]

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composed of slaves, is it to be called a rich nation? For if not, and the ideas of a certain mode of distribution or operation in the riches, and of a certain degree of freedom in the people, enter into our idea of riches as attributed to a people, we shall have to define the degree of fluency, or circulative character which is essential to the nature of common wealth;1 and the degree of independence of action required in its possessors. Questions which look as if they would take time in answering.* 28. And farther. Since the inequality, which is the condition of riches, may be established in two opposite modesnamely, by increase of possession on the one side, and by decrease of it on the otherwe have to inquire, with respect to any given state of riches, precisely in what manner the correlative poverty was produced: that is to say, whether by being surpassed only, or being depressed also; and if by being depressed, what are the advantages, or the contrary, conceivable in the depression. For instance, it being one of the commonest advantages of being rich to entertain a number of servants, we have to inquire, on the one side, what economical process produced the riches of the master; and on the other, what economical process produced the poverty of the persons who serve him; and what advantages each, on his own side, derives from the result. 29. These being the main questions touching the collection of riches, the next, or last, part of the inquiry is into their administration. Their possession involves three great economical powers
* (I regret the ironical manner in which this passage, one of great importance in the matter of it, was written. The gist of it is, that the first of all inquiries respecting the wealth of any nation is not, how much it has; but whether it is in a form that can be used, and in the possession of persons who can use it.)
1 [The original essay reads: essential to their vitality; and the degree . . . their possessors.]

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which require separate examination: namely, the powers of selection, direction, and provision. The power of SELECTION relates to things of which the supply is limited (as the supply of best things is always). When it becomes matter of question to whom such things are to belong, the richest person has necessarily the first choice, unless some arbitrary mode of distribution be otherwise determined upon. The business of the economist is to show how this choice may be a Wise one. The power of DIRECTION arises out of the necessary relation of rich men to poor, which ultimately, in one way or another, involves the direction of, or authority over, the labour of the poor; and this nearly as much over their mental as their bodily labour. The business of the economist is to show how this direction may be a Just one. The power of PROVISION1 is dependent upon the redundance of wealth, which may of course by active persons be made available in preparation for future work or future profit; in which function riches have generally received the name of capital; that is to say, of head-, or source-material. The business of the economist is to show how this provision may be a Distant one. 30. The examination of these three functions of riches will embrace every final problem of political economy;and, above, or before, all, this curious and vital problem,whether, since the wholesome action of riches in these three functions will depend (it appears) on the Wisdom, Justice, and Farsightedness of the holders; and it is by no means to be assumed that persons primarily rich, must therefore be just and wise,it may not be ultimately possible so, or somewhat so, to arrange matters, as that persons primarily just and wise, should therefore be rich? Such being the general plan of the inquiry before us, I
1

[The original essay inserts: or, preparatory sight (for pro-accumulation is by no means necessarily pro-vision), is dependent . . .]

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shall not limit myself to any consecutive following of it, having hardly any good hope of being able to complete so laborious a work as it must prove to me; but from time to time, as I have leisure, shall endeavour to carry forward this part or that, as may be immediately possible; indicating always with accuracy the place which the particular essay will or should take in the completed system.

CHAPTER II
STORE-KEEPING
1

31. THE first chapter having consisted of little more than definition of terms, I purpose, in this, to expand and illustrate the given definitions. The view which has here been taken of the nature of wealth, namely, that it consists in an intrinsic value developed by a vital power, is directly opposed to two nearly universal conceptions of wealth. In the assertion that value is primarily intrinsic, it opposes the idea that anything which is an object of desire to numbers, and is limited in quantity, so as to have rated worth in exchange, may be called, or virtually become, wealth. And in the assertion that value is, secondarily, dependent upon power in the possessor, it opposes the idea that the worth of things depends on the demand for them, instead of on the use of them. Before going farther, we will make these two positions clearer. 32. I. First. All wealth is intrinsic, and is not constituted by the judgment of men.2 This is easily seen in the case of things affecting the body; we know, that no force of fantasy will make stones nourishing, or poison innocent; but it is less apparent in things affecting the mind. We are easilyperhaps willinglymisled by the appearance of beneficial results obtained by industries addressed wholly to the gratification of fanciful desire; and apt to suppose that whatever is widely coveted, dearly bought, and pleasurable in possession, must be included in our definition of wealth.
1 [This chapter was the second essay in the Magazine. The headlines were: Nature of Wealth.Variations of Value.The National Store.Nature of Labour.Value and Price.The Currency.] 2 [Compare Unto this Last, 61; above, p. 84.]

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It is the more difficult to quit ourselves of this error because many things which are true wealth in moderate use, become false wealth in immoderate; and many things are mixed of good and evil,as mostly, books, and works of art,out of which one person will get the good, and another the evil; so that it seems as if there were no fixed good or evil in the things themselves, but only in the view taken, and use made of them. But that is not so. The evil and good are fixed; in essence, and in proportion. And in things in which evil depends upon excess, the point of excess, though indefinable, is fixed; and the power of the thing is on the hither side for good, and on the farther side for evil. And in all cases this power is inherent, not dependent on opinion or choice. Our thoughts of things neither make, nor mar their eternal force; norwhich is the most serious point for future considerationcan they prevent the effect of it (within certain limits) upon ourselves. 33. Therefore, the object of any special analysis of wealth will be not so much to enumerate what is serviceable, as to distinguish what is destructive; and to show that it is inevitably destructive; that to receive pleasure from an evil thing is not to escape from, or alter the evil of it, but to be altered by it; that is, to suffer from it to the utmost, having our own nature, in that degree, made evil also. And it may be shown farther, that, through whatever length of time or subtleties of connexion the harm is accomplished, (being also less or more according to the fineness and worth of the humanity on which it is wrought,) still, nothing but harm ever comes of a bad thing. 34. So that, in sum, the term wealth is never to be attached to the accidental object of a morbid desire, but only to the constant object of a legitimate one.* By the fury of
* (Remember carefully this statement, that Wea lth consists only in the things which the nature of humanity has rendered in all ages, and must render in all ages to come, (that i s what I m eant b y constant,) t he o bjects of legitimate d esire. And s ee Appendix II.) [p. 287].

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ignorance, and fitfulness of caprice, large interests may be continually attached to things unserviceable or hurtful; if their nature could be altered by our passions, the science of political Economy would remain, what it has been hitherto among us, the weighing of clouds, and the portioning out of shadows. But of ignorance there is no science; and of caprice no law. Their disturbing forces interfere with the operations of faithful Economy, but have nothing in common with them: she, the calm arbiter of national destiny, regards only essential power for good in all that she accumulates, and alike disdains the wanderings* of imagination, and the thirsts of disease. 35. II. Secondly. The assertion that wealth is not only intrinsic, but dependent, in order to become effectual, on a given degree of vital power in its possessor, is opposed to another popular view of wealth;namely, that though it may always be constituted by caprice, it is, when so constituted, a substantial thing, of which given quantities may be counted as existing here, or there, and exchangeable at rated prices. In this view there are three errors. The first and chief is the overlooking the fact that all exchangeableness of commodity, or effective demand for it, depends on the sum of capacity for its use existing, here or elsewhere. The book we cannot read, or picture we take no delight in, may indeed be called part of our wealth, in so far as we have power of exchanging either for something we like better. But our power of effecting such exchange, and yet more, of effecting it to advantage, depends absolutely on the number of accessible persons who can understand the book, or enjoy the painting, and who will dispute the possession of them. Thus the actual worth of either, even to us, depends no more on their essential goodness than on the capacity existing somewhere for the perception of it; and it is vain in any completed system of production to think of obtaining
* (The Wanderings, observe, not the Right goings, of Imagination. She is very far from despising these.)

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one without the other. So that, though the true political economist knows that co-existence of capacity for use with temporary possession cannot be always secured, the final fact, on which he bases all action and administration, is that, in the whole nation, or group of nations, he has to deal with, for every atom of intrinsic value produced he must with exactest chemistry produce its twin atom of acceptant digestion, or understanding capacity; or, in the degree of his failure, he has no wealth. Natures challenge to us is, in earnest, as the Assyrians mock: I will give thee two thousand horses, if thou be able on thy part to set riders upon them.1 Baviecas paces are brave, if the Cid backs him;2 but woe to us, if we take the dust of capacity, wearing the armour of it, for capacity itself, for so all procession, however goodly in the show of it, is to the tomb. 36. The second error in this popular view of wealth is, that in giving the name of wealth to things which we cannot use, we in reality confuse wealth with money. The land we have no skill to cultivate, the book which is sealed to us, or dress which is superfluous, may indeed be exchangeable, but as such are nothing more than a cumbrous form of banknote, of doubtful or slow convertibility. As long as we retain possession of them, we merely keep our bank-notes in the shape of gravel or clay, or book-leaves, or of embroidered tissue. Circumstances may, perhaps, render such forms the safest, or a certain complacency may attach to the exhibition of them; into both these advantages we shall inquire afterwards;3 I wish the reader only to observe here, that exchangeable property which we cannot use is, to us personally, merely one of the forms of money, not of wealth.
[2 Kings xviii. 23.] [See Lockharts Spanish Ballads (Bavieca). Bavieca (=dolt), the Cids horse, who survived his master for two years and a half, during which time no one was allowed to mount him. The Cid transferred to the rough colt of his choic e the name which his godfather had given to him for choosing it.] 3 [Not specifically dealt with; but see ch. vi. (Mastership).]
2 1

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37. The third error in the popular view is the confusion of Guardianship with Possession; the real state of men of property being, too commonly, that of curators, not possessors, of wealth. A mans power over his property is, at the widest range of it, fivefold; it is power of Use, for himself, Administration, to others, Ostentation, Destruction, or Bequest; and possession is in use only, which for each man is sternly limited; so that such things, and so much of them as he can use, are, indeed, well for him, or Wealth; and more of them, or any other things, are ill for him, or Illth.*1 Plunged to the lips in Orinoco,2 he shall drink to his thirst measure; more, at his peril: with a thousand oxen on his lands, he shall eat to his hunger measure; more, at his peril. He cannot live in two houses at once; a few bales of silk or wool will suffice for the fabric of all the clothes he can ever wear, and a few books will probably hold all the furniture good for his brain.3 Beyond these, in the best of us but narrow, capacities, we have but the power of administering, or mal-administering, wealth: (that is to say, distributing, lending, or increasing it);of exhibiting it (as in magnificence of retinue or furniture),of destroying, or, finally, of bequeathing it. And with multitudes of rich men, administration degenerates into curatorship; they merely hold their property in charge, as Trustees, for the benefit of some person or persons to whom it is to be delivered upon their death; and the position, explained in clear terms, would hardly seem a covetable one. What would be the probable feelings of a youth, on his entrance into life, to
* See Appendix III. [p. 287].
1 [See Unto this Last, 64 (above, p. 89), where Ruskin first coins the word illth; and with this 37 generally, compare Aratra Pentelici, 63.] 2 [Ruskin, in selecting here the Orinoco among great river s, perhaps had in the back of his mind the diet of dwellers by that river, as described by Humboldt in the passage cited in Fors Clavigera, Letter 27.] 3 [On this point compare Sesame and Lilies, Preface of 1871, 4; The Study of Architecture in our Schools, 17; The Cestus of Aglaia, 75; A Joy for Ever, 65 (Vol. XVI. p. 59).]

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whom the career hoped for him was proposed in terms such as these: You must work unremittingly, and with your utmost intelligence, during all your available years, you will thus accumulate wealth to a large amount; but you must touch none of it, beyond what is needful for your support. Whatever sums you gain, beyond those required for your decent and moderate maintenance, and whatever beautiful things you may obtain possession of, shall be properly taken care of by servants, for whose maintenance you will be charged, and whom you will have the trouble of super-intending, and on your death-bed you shall have the power of determining to whom the accumulated property shall belong, or to what purposes be applied? 38. The labour of life, under such conditions, would probably be neither zealous nor cheerful; yet the only difference between this position and that of the ordinary capitalist is the power which the latter supposes himself to possess, and which is attributed to him by others, of spending his money at any moment. This pleasure, taken in the imagination of power to part with that with which we have no intention of parting, is one of the most curious, though commonest forms of the Eidolon, or Phantasm of Wealth. But the political economist has nothing to do with this idealism, and looks only to the practical issue of itnamely, that the holder of wealth, in such temper, may be regarded simply as a mechanical means of collection; or as a money-chest with a slit in it,1 not only receptant but suctional, set in the public thoroughfare;chest of which only Death has the key, and evil Chance the distribution of the contents. In his function of Lender (which, however, is one
1 [In the original essay the following note was here subjoined, the words in the present textnot only receptant but suctionalbeing omitted: The orifice being not merely of a recipient but of a suctional character. Among the types of human virtue and vice presented grotesquely by the lower animals, perhaps none is more curiously definite than that of avarice in the Cephalopod, a c reature which h as a p urse f or a b ody; a h awks b eak f or a m outh; suckers for feet and hands; and whose house is its own skeleton. The cuttle-fish is the most familiar member of the class of the Cephalopoda.]

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of administration, not use, as far as he is himself concerned), the capitalist takes, indeed, a more interesting aspect; but even in that function, his relations with the State are apt to degenerate into a mechanism for the convenient contraction of debt;a function the more mischievous, because a nation invariably appeases its conscience with respect to an unjustifiable expense by meeting it with borrowed funds, expresses its repentance of a foolish piece of business by letting its tradesmen wait for their money, and always leaves its descendants to pay for the work which will be of the least advantage to them.* 39. Quit of these three sources of misconception, the reader will have little farther difficulty in apprehending the real nature of Effectual value. He may, however, at first not without surprise, perceive the consequences involved in his acceptance of the definition. For if the actual existence of wealth be dependent on the power of its possessor, it follows that the sum of wealth held by the nation, instead of being constant or calculable, varies hourly, nay, momentarily, with the number and character of its holders! and that in changing hands, it changes in quantity. And farther, since the worth of the currency is proportioned to the sum of material wealth which it represents, if the sum of the wealth changes, the worth of the currency changes. And thus both the sum of the property, and power of the currency, of the State, vary momentarily as the character and number of the holders. And not only so, but different rates and kinds of variation are caused by the character of the holders of different kinds of wealth. The transitions of value caused by the character of the holders of land differ in mode from those caused by character in holders of works of art; and these again from those caused by character in holders of machinery or other working capital. But we
* (I would beg the readers very close attention to these 37th and 38th paragraphs. It would be well if a dogged conviction could be enforced on nations, as on individuals, that, with few exceptions, what they cannot at present pay for, they should not at present have.)

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cannot examine these special phenomena of any kind of wealth until we have a clear idea of the way in which true currency expresses them; and of the resulting modes in which the cost and price of any article are related to its value. To obtain this we must approach the subject in its first elements. 40. Let us suppose a national store of wealth, composed of material things either useful, or believed to be so, taken charge of by the Government,* and that every workman, having produced any article involving labour in its production, and for which he has no immediate use, brings it to add to this store, receiving from the Government, in exchange, an order either for the return of the thing itself, or of its equivalent in other things, such as he may choose out of the store, at any time when he needs them. The question of equivalence itself (how much wine a man is to receive in return for so much corn, or how much coal in return for so much iron) is a quite separate one, which we will examine presently.1 For the time, let it be assumed that this equivalence has been determined, and that the Government order, in exchange for a fixed weight of any article (called, suppose, a), is either for the return of that weight of the article itself, or of another fixed weight of the article b, or another of the article c, and so on. Now, supposing that the labourer speedily and continually presents these general orders, or, in common language, spends the money, he has neither changed the circumstances of the nation, nor his own, except in so far as he may have produced useful and consumed useless articles, or vice vers. But if he does not use, or uses in part only, the orders he receives, and lays aside some portion of them; and thus every day bringing his contribution to the national store, lays by some percentage of the orders received in exchange for it, he increases the national wealth
* See Appendix IV. [p. 289].
1

[See below, 58 seq.]

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daily by as much as he does not use of the received orders, and to the same amount accumulates a monetary claim on the Government. It is, of course, always in his power, as it is his legal right, to bring forward this accumulation of claim, and at once to consume, destroy, or distribute, the sum of his wealth. Supposing he never does so, but dies, leaving his claim to others, he has enriched the State during his life by the quantity of wealth over which that claim extends, or has, in other words, rendered so much additional life possible in the State, of which additional life he bequeaths the immediate possibility to those whom he invests with his claim. Supposing him to cancel the claim, he would distribute this possibility of life among the nation at large. 41. We hitherto consider the Government itself as simply a conservative power, taking charge of the wealth entrusted to it. But a Government may be more or less than a conservative power. It may be either an improving, or destructive one. If it be an improving power, using all the wealth entrusted to it to the best advantage, the nation is enriched in root and branch at once, and the Government is enabled, for every order presented, to return a quantity of wealth greater than the order was written for, according to the fructification obtained in the interim.1 This ability may be either concealed, in which case the currency does not completely represent the wealth of the country, or it may be manifested by the continual payment of the excess of value on each order, in which case there is (irrespectively, observe, of collateral results afterwards to be examined) a perpetual rise in the worth of the currency, that is to say, a fall in the price of all articles represented by it. 42. But if the Government be destructive, or a consuming
1

[The original essay here added a note: The reader must be warned in advance that the conditions here supposed have nothing to do with the interest of money commonly so called.]

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power, it becomes unable to return the value received on the presentation of the order. This inability may either be concealed by meeting demands to the full, until it issue in bankruptcy, or in some form of national debt;or it may be concealed during oscillatory movements between destructiveness and productiveness, which result on the whole in stability;or it may be manifested by the consistent return of less than value received on each presented order, in which case there is a consistent fall in the worth of the currency, or rise in the price of the things represented by it. 43. Now, if for this conception of a central Government, we substitute that of a body of persons occupied in industrial pursuits, of whom each adds in his private capacity to the common store,1 we at once obtain an approximation to the actual condition of a civilized mercantile community, from which approximation we might easily proceed into still completer analysis. I purpose, however, to arrive at every result by the gradual expansion of the simpler conception; but I wish the reader to observe, in the meantime, that both the social conditions thus supposed (and I will by anticipation say also, all possible social conditions) agree in two great points; namely, in the primal importance of the supposed national store or stock, and in its destructibility or improveability by the holders of it. 44. I. Observe that in both conditions, that of central Government-holding, and diffused private-holding, the quantity of stock is of the same national moment. In the one case, indeed, its amount may be known by examination of the persons to whom it is confided; in the other it cannot be known but by exposing the private affairs of every individual. But, known or unknown, its significance is the
1

[The original essay here continues: . . . the common store: so that the store itself, instead of remaining a public property of ascertainable quantity, for the guardianship of which a body of public men are responsible, becomes disseminated private property, each man giving, in exchange for any article received from another, a general order for its equivalent in whatever other article the claimant may desire (such general order being payable by any number of the society in whose possession the demanded article may be found), we at once . . .]

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same under each condition. The riches of the nation consist in the abundance, and their wealth depends on the nature, of this store. 45. II. In the second place, both conditions (and all other possible ones) agree in the destructibility or improveability of the store by its holders. Whether in private hands, or under Government charge, the national store may be daily consumed, or daily enlarged, by its possessors; and while the currency remains apparently unaltered, the property it represents may diminish or increase. 46. The first question, then, which we have to put under our simple conception of central Government, namely, What store has it? is one of equal importance, whatever may be the constitution of the State; while the second questionnamely, Who are the holders of the store? involves the discussion of the constitution of the State itself. The first inquiry resolves itself into three heads: 1. What is the nature of the store? 2. What is its quantity in relation to the population? 3. What is its quantity in relation to the currency? The second inquiry into two: 1. Who are the Holders of the store, and in what proportions? 2. Who are the Claimants of the store (that is to say, the holders of the currency), and in what proportions? We will examine the range of the first three questions in the present paper; of the two following, in the sequel. 47. I. QUESTION FIRST. What is the nature of the store? Has the nation hitherto worked for and gathered the right thing or the wrong? On that issue rest the possibilities of its life. For example, let us imagine a society, of no great extent, occupied in procuring and laying up store of corn, wine, wool, silk, and other such preservable materials of food and clothing; and that it has a currency representing them. Imagine farther, that on days of festivity, the

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society, discovering itself to derive satisfaction from pyrotechnics, gradually turns its attention more and more to the manufacture of gunpowder; so that an increasing number of labourers, giving what time they can spare to this branch of industry, bring increasing quantities of combustibles into the store, and use the general orders received in exchange to obtain such wine, wool, or corn, as they may have need of. The currency remains the same, and represents precisely the same amount of material in the store, and of labour spent in producing it. But the corn and wine gradually vanish, and in their place, as gradually, appear sulphur and saltpetre, till at last the labourers who have consumed corn and supplied nitre, presenting on a festal morning some of their currency to obtain materials for the feast, discover that no amount of currency will command anything Festive, except Fire. The supply of rockets is unlimited, but that of food, limited, in a quite final manner; and the whole currency in the hands of the society represents an infinite power of detonation, but none of existence. 48. This statement, caricatured as it may seem, is only exaggerated in assuming the persistence of the folly to extremity, unchecked, as in reality it would be, by the gradual rise in price of food. But it falls short of the actual facts of human life in expression of the depth and intensity of the folly itself. For a great part (the reader would not believe how great until he saw the statistics in detail) of the most earnest and ingenious industry of the world is spent in producing munitions of war; gathering, that is to say, the materials, not of festive, but of consuming fire; filling its stores with all power of the instruments of pain, and all affluence of the ministries of death. It was no true Trionfo della Morte* which men have seen and feared (sometimes
* (I little thought, what Trionfo della Morte would be, for this very cause, and in literal fulfilment of the closing words of the 47th paragraph, over the fields and houses of Europe, and over its fairest citywithin seven years from the day I wrote it. 1 )
1 [A reference again to the Franco-German war, the siege of Paris, and the subsequent Communist rising: compare p. 135, above, and see Vol. XVI. p. 155 n.]

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scarcely feared) so long; wherein he brought them rest from their labours.1 We see, and share, another and higher form of his triumph now. Taskmaster, instead of Releaser, he rules the dust of the arena no less than of the tomb; and, content once in the grave whither man went, to make his works to cease and his devices to vanish,2now, in the busy city and on the serviceable sea, makes his work to increase, and his devices to multiply. 49. To this doubled loss, or negative power of labour, spent in producing means of destruction, we have to add, in our estimate of the consequences of human folly, whatever more insidious waste of toil there is in production of unnecessary luxury. Such and such an occupation (it is said) supports so many labourers, because so many obtain wages in following it; but it is never considered that unless there be a supporting power in the product of the occupation, the wages given to one man are merely withdrawn from another. We cannot say of any trade that it maintains such and such a number of persons, unless we know how and where the money, now spent in the purchase of its produce, would have been spent, if that produce had not been manufactured. The purchasing funds truly support a number of people in making This; but (probably)3 leave unsupported an equal number who are making, or could have made That. The manufacturers of small watches thrive at Geneva;it is well;but where would the money spent on small watches have gone, had there been no small watches to buy? 50. If the so frequently uttered aphorism of mercantile economy4Labour is limited by capital, were true, this question would be a definite one. But it is untrue; and
[Revelation xiv. 13.] [Ecclesiastes ix. 10.] [See below, 51, p. 177.] 4 [As, for instance, by Mill, book i. ch. v. (Fundamental Propositions respecting Capital), 1: The first of these propositions is, That industry is limited by capital. In his copy of the book Ruskin wrote in the margin, at the head of this chapter, Industry dependent on Will, not on Capital. Single head and heart may do all. Napoleon with his starving army.]
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that widely. Out of a given quantity of funds for wages, more or less labour is to be had, according to the quantity of will with which we can inspire the workman; and the true limit of labour is only in the limit of this moral stimulus of the will, and of the bodily power. In an ultimate, but entirely unpractical sense, labour is limited by capital, as it is by matterthat is to say, where there is no material, there can be no work,but in the practical sense, labour is limited only by the great original capital1 of head, heart, and hand. Even in the most artificial relations of commerce, labour is to capital as fire to fuel: out of so much fuel, you can have only so much fire; but out of so much fuel you shall have so much fire,not in proportion to the mass of combustibles, but to the force of wind that fans and water that quenches; and the appliance of both. And labour is furthered, as conflagration is, not so much by added fuel, as by admitted air.* 51. For which reasons, I had to insert, in 49, the qualifying probably; for it can never be said positively that the purchase-money, or wages fund, of any trade is withdrawn from some other trade. The object itself may be the stimulus of the production of the money which buys it; that is to say, the work by which the purchaser obtained the means of buying it, would not have been done by him, unless he had wanted that particular thing. And the production of any article not intrinsically (nor in the process of manufacture) injurious, is useful, if the desire of it causes productive labour in other directions. 52. In the national store, therefore, the presence of
* (The meaning of which is, that you may spend a great deal of money, and get very little work for it, and that little bad; but having good air, or spirit, to put life into it, with very little money, you may get a gr eat deal of work, and all good; which, observe, is an arithmetical, not at all a poetical or visionary circumstance.)
1

[Here the original essay appended a footnote: This aphorism, being hurried English for labour is limited by want of capital, involves also a wkward English i n its d enial, which c annot b e h elped.]
M

XVII.

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things intrinsically valueless does not imply an entirely correlative absence of things valuable. We cannot be certain that all the labour spent on vanity has been diverted from reality, and that for every bad thing produced a precious thing has been lost. In great measure, the vain things represent the results of roused indolence; they have been carved, as toys, in extra time; and, if they had not been made, nothing else would have been made. Even to munitions of war this principle applies; they partly represent the work of men who, if they had not made spears, would never have made pruning-hooks,1 and who are incapable of any activities but those of contest. 53. Thus then, finally, the nature of the store has to be considered under two main lights; the one, that of its immediate and actual utility; the other, that of the past national character which it signifies by its production, and future character which it must develop by its use. And the issue of this investigation will be to show us that Economy does not depend merely on principles of demand and supply, but primarily on what is demanded, and what is supplied; which I will beg of you to observe, and take to heart. 54. II. QUESTION SECOND.What is the quantity of the store in relation to the population? It follows from what has been already stated that the accurate form in which this question has to be put isWhat quantity of each article composing the store exists in proportion to the real need for it by the population? But we shall for the time assume, in order to keep all our terms at the simplest, that the store is wholly composed of useful articles, and accurately proportioned to the several needs for them. Now it cannot be assumed, because the store is large in proportion to the number of the people, that the people
[See Isaiah ii. 4; Joel iii. 10; Micah iv. 3; often quoted by Ruskin: e.g., below, p. 463, and Vol. XVI. p. 411.]
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must be in comfort; nor because it is small, that they must be in distress. An active and economical race always produces more than it requires, and lives (if it is permitted to do so) in competence on the produce of its daily labour. The quantity of its store, great or small, is therefore in many respects indifferent to it, and cannot be inferred from its aspect. Similarly an inactive and wasteful population, which cannot live by its daily labour, but is dependent, partly or wholly, on consumption of its store, may be (by various difficulties, hereafter to be examined, in realizing or getting at such store) retained in a state of abject distress, though its possessions may be immense. But the results always involved in the magnitude of store are, the commercial power of the nation, its security, and its mental character. its commercial power, in that according to the quantity of its store may be the extent of its dealings; its security, in that according to the quantity of its store are its means of sudden exertion or sustained endurance; and its character, in that certain conditions of civilization cannot be attained without permanent and continually accumulating store, of great intrinsic value, and of peculiar nature.* 55. Now, seeing that these three advantages arise from largeness of store in proportion to population, the question arises immediately, Given the storeis the nation enriched by diminution of its numbers? Are a successful national speculation, and a pestilence, economically the same thing? This is in part a sophistical question; such as it would be to ask whether a man was richer when struck by disease which must limit his life within a predicable period, than he was when in health. He is enabled to enlarge his current expenses, and has for all purposes a larger sum at his immediate disposal (for, given the fortune, the shorter the life, the larger the annuity); yet no man considers himself richer because he is condemned by his physician.
* (More especially, works of great art.)

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56. The logical reply is that, since Wealth is by definition only the means of life, a nation cannot be enriched by its own mortality. Or in shorter words, the life is more than the meat;1 and existence itself, more wealth than the means of existence. Whence, of two nations who have equal store, the more numerous is to be considered the richer, provided the type of the inhabitant be as high (for, though the relative bulk of their store be less, its relative efficiency, or the amount of effectual wealth, must be greater). But if the type of the population be deteriorated by increase of its numbers, we have evidence of poverty in its worst influence; and then, to determine whether the nation in its total may still be justifiably esteemed rich, we must set or weigh, the number of the poor against that of the rich. To effect which piece of scale-work, it is of course necessary to determine, first, who are poor and who are rich; nor this only, but also how poor and how rich they are. Which will prove a curious thermometrical investigation; for we shall have to do for gold and for silver, what we have done for quicksilver;determine, namely, their freezing-point, their zero, their temperate and fever-heat points; finally, their vaporescent point, at which riches, sometimes explosively, as lately in America,2 make to themselves wings:3and correspondently, the number of degrees below zero at which poverty, ceasing to brace with any wholesome cold, burns to the bone.*
* (The meaning of that, in plain English, is, that we must find out how far poverty and riches are good or bad for people, and what is the difference between being miserably poorso as, perhaps, to be driven to crime, or to pass life in suffering and being blessedly poor, in the sense meant in the Sermon on the Mount. 4 For I suppose the people who believe that sermon, [Matthew vi. 25.] [See for the allusion here, A Joy for Ever, 151 (Vol. XVI. p. 137 and n..).] 3 [Proverbs xxiii. v.] 4 [Matthew v. 3: Blessed are the poor in spirit; for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Luke vi. 20, 24: Blessed by ye poor . . . But woe unto you that are rich! for ye have received your consolation.]
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57. For the performance of these operations, in the strictest sense scientific, we will first look to the existing so-called science of Political Economy; we will ask it to define for us the comparatively and superlatively rich, and the comparatively and superlatively poor; and on its own termsif any terms it can pronounceexamine, in our prosperous England, how many rich and how many poor people there are; and whether the quantity and intensity of the poverty is indeed so overbalanced by the quantity and intensity of wealth, that we may permit ourselves a luxurious blindness to it, and call ourselves, complacently, a rich country. And if we find no clear definition in the existing science, we will endeavour for ourselves to fix the true degrees of the scale, and to apply them.* 58. III. QUESTION THIRD. What is the quantity of the store in relation to the currency? We have seen1 that the real worth of the currency, so far as dependent on its relation to the magnitude of the store, may vary, within certain limits, without affecting its worth in exchange. The diminution or increase of the represented wealth may be unperceived, and the currency may be taken either for more or less than it is truly worth. Usually it is taken for much more; and its power in exchange, or credit-power, is thus increased up to a given strain upon its relation to existing wealth. This credit-power is of chief importance in the thoughts, because most sharply present to the experience, of a mercantile
do not think (if they ever honestly ask themselves what they do think), either that Luke vi. 24 is a merely poetical exclamation, or that the Beatitude of Poverty has yet been attained in St. Martins Lane and other back streets of London.) * (Large plans!Eight years are gone, and nothing done yet. But I keep my purpose of making one day this balance, or want of balance, visible, in those so seldom used scales of Justice.)
1

[Above, 39, p. 170.]

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community: but the conditions of its stability* and all other relations of the currency to the material store are entirely simple in principle, if not in action. Far other than simple are the relations of the currency to the available labour which1 it also represents. For this relation is involved not only with that of the magnitude of the store to the number, but with that of the magnitude of the store to the mind, of the population. Its proportion to their number, and the resulting worth of currency, are calculable; but its proportion to their will for labour is not. The worth of the piece of money which claims a given quantity of the store is, in exchange, less or greater according to the facility of obtaining the same quantity of the same thing without having recourse to the store. In other words, it depends on the immediate Cost and Price of the thing. We must now, therefore, complete the definition of these terms. 59. All cost and price are counted in Labour. We must know first, therefore, what is to be counted as Labour. I have already2 defined Labour to be the Contest of the
* These are nearly all briefly represented by the image used for the forc e of money by Dante, of mast and sail:

Quali dal vento le gonfiate vele Caggiono avvolte, poi ch lalber fiacca Tal cadde a terra la fiera crudele.3
The image may be followed out, like all of Dantes, into as close detail as the reader chooses. Thus the stress of the sail must be proportioned to the strength of the mast, and it is only in unforeseen danger that a skilful seaman ever carries all the canvas his spars will bear; states of mercantile languor are like the flap of the sail in a calm; of mercan tile precaution, like taking in reefs; and mercantile ruin is instant on the breaking of the mast. (I mean by credit-power, the general impression on the national mind that a sovereign, or any other coin, is worth so much bread and cheese so much wineso much horse and carriageor so much fine art: it may be really worth, when tried, less or more than is thought: the thought of it is the credit -power.)
1 [The original essay here added by our definition (p. 790) the reference here being to 22.] 2 [In Unto this Last, 70 (above, pp. 9495).] 3 [Inferno, vii. 13; compare Unto this Last, 74 n. (above, p. 101).]

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life of man with an opposite.1 Literally, it is the quantity of Lapse, loss, or failure of human life, caused by any effort. It is usually confused with effort itself, or the application of power (opera); but there is much effort which is merely a mode of recreation, or of pleasure. The most beautiful actions of the human body, and the highest results of the human intelligence, are conditions, or achievements, of quite unlaborious,nay, of recreative,effort. But labour is the suffering in effort. It is the negative quantity, or quantity of de-feat, which has to be counted against every Feat, and of de-fect, which has to be counted against every Fact, or Deed of men. In brief, it is that quantity of our toil which we die in. We might, therefore, priori, conjecture (as we shall ultimately find), that it cannot be bought, nor sold. Everything else is bought and sold for Labour, but Labour itself cannot be bought nor sold for anything, being priceless.* The idea that it is a commodity to be bought or sold, is the alpha and omega of Politico-Economic fallacy. 60. This being the nature of labour, the Cost of anything is the quantity of labour necessary to obtain it;the quantity for which, or at which, it stands (constat). It is literally the Constancy of the thing;you shall win itmove itcome at it, for no less than this. Cost is measured and measurable (using the accurate
* The object of Political Economy is not to buy, nor to sell labour, but to spare it. Every attempt to buy or sell it is, in the outcome, ineffectual; so far as successful, it is not sale, but Betrayal; and the purchase-money is a part of that thirty pieces which bought, first the greatest of labours, and afterwards the burial -field of the Stranger; 2 for this purchase-money, being in its very smallness or vileness the exactly measured opposite of the vilis annona amicorum, 3 makes all men strangers to each other. [The original essay here appended a footnote: That i s t o s ay, i ts only p rice i s i ts r eturn. C ompare Unto this Last, p. 80, and what follows. See now pp. 64 seq., above.] 2 [Matthew xxvi. 15; xxvii. 37.] 3 [Horace, Epistles, i. 12, 24: Vilis amicorum est annona, bonis ubi quid deest (when good men lack, the price of friends is low).]
1

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Latin terms) only in labor, not in opera.* It does not matter how much work a thing needs to produce it; it matters only how much distress. Generally the more the power it requires, the less the distress; so that the noblest works of man cost less than the meanest. True labour, or spending of life, is either of the body, in fatigue or pain; of the temper or heart (as in perseverance of search for things,patience in waiting for them,fortitude or degradation in suffering for them, and the like), or of the intellect. All these kinds of labour are supposed to be included in the general term, and the quantity of labour is then expressed by the time it lasts. So that a unit of labour is an hours work or a days work, as we may determine. 61. Cost, like value, is both intrinsic and effectual. Intrinsic cost is that of getting the thing in the right way; effectual cost is that of getting the thing in the way we set about it. But intrinsic cost cannot be made a subject of analytical investigation, being only partially discoverable, and that by long experience. Effectual cost is all that the political economist can deal with; that is to say, the cost of the thing under existing circumstances, and by known processes.
* Ciceros distinction, 1 sordidi qustus, quorum oper, non quorum artes emuntur, admirable in principle, is inaccurate in expression, because Cicero did not practically know how much operative dexterity is necessary in all the higher arts; but the cost of this dexterity is incalculable. Be it great or small, the cost of the mere perfectness of touch in a hammer-stroke of Donatellos, or a pencil-touch of Correggios, is inestimable by any ordinary arithmetic. 2 (Old notes, these, more embarrassing, I now perceive, than elucidatory; but right, and worth retaining.) Only observe, as some labour is more destructive of life than other labour, the hour or day of the more destructive toil is supposed to include proportionate rest. Though men do not, or cannot, usually take such rest, except in death. [De Officiis, i. 42, 150.] [The original essay adds: The best masters themselves usually estimate it at sums varying from t wo to three or four shillings a day, with wine or soup extra. Compare Vol. VII. p. 459, and Crown of Wild Olive, 41.]
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Cost, being dependent much on application of method, varies with the quantity of the thing wanted, and with the number of persons who work for it. It is easy to get a little of some things, but difficult to get much; it is impossible to get some things with few hands, but easy to get them with many. 62. The cost and value of things, however difficult to determine accurately, are thus both dependent on ascertainable physical circumstances.*
* There is, therefore, observe, no such thing as cheapness (in the common use of that term), without some error or injustice. A thing is said to be cheap, not because it is common, but because it is supposed to be sold under its worth. Everything has its proper and true worth at any given time, in relation to everything else; and at that worth should be bought and sold. If sold under it, it is cheap to the buyer by exactly so much as t he s eller loses, a nd n o m ore. P utrid m eat, a t t wopence a p ound, i s n ot cheaper t han wholesome meat at sevenpence a pound; it is probably much dearer; but if, by watching your opportunity, you can get the wholesome meat for sixpence a pound, it is ch eaper to you by a penny, which you have gained, and the seller has lost. The present rage for cheapness is either, therefore, simply and literally a rage for badness of all commodities, or it is an attempt to find persons whose necessities will force them to let you have more than you should for your money. It is quite easy to produce such persons, and in large numbers; for the more distress there is in a nation, the more cheapness of this sort you can obtain, and your boasted cheapness is thus merely a measure of the extent of your national distress. There is, indeed, a condition of apparent cheapness, which we have some right to be triumphant in; 1 namely, the real reduction in cost of articles by right application of labour. But in this case the article is only cheap with reference to its former price; the so-called cheapness is only our expression for the sensation of contrast between its former and existing prices. So soon as the new methods of producing the article are established, it ceases to be esteemed either cheap or dear, at the new price, as at the old one, and is felt to be cheap only when accident enables it to be purchased beneath this new value. And it is no advantage to produce the article more easily, except as it enables you to multiply your population. Cheapness of this kind is merely the discovery that more men can be maintained on the same ground; and the question how many you will maintain in proportion to your additional means, remains exactly in the same terms that it did before. A form of immediate cheapness results, however, in many cases, without
1 [For have some right to be triumphant in, the original essay reads confuse, in practice and in reasoning, with the other.]

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But their price is dependent on the human will. Such and such a thing is demonstrably good for so much. And it may demonstrably be had for so much. But it remains questionable, and in all manner of ways questionable, whether I choose to give so much.* This choice is always a relative one. It is a choice to give a price for this, rather than for that;a resolution to have the thing, if getting it does not involve the loss of a better thing. Price depends, therefore, not only on the cost of the commodity itself, but on its relation to the cost of every other attainable thing. Farther. The power of choice is also a relative one. It depends not merely on our own estimate of the thing, but on everybody elses estimate;1 therefore on the number and force of the will of the concurrent buyers, and on the existing quantity of the thing in proportion to that number and force.
distress, from the labour of a population where food is redundant, or where the labour by which the food is produced leaves much idle time on their hands, which may be applied to the production of cheap articles. All such phenomena indicate to the political economist places where the labour is unbalanced. In the first case, the just balance is to be effected by taking labourers from the spot where pressure exists, and sending them to that where food is redundant. In the second, the cheapness is a local accident, advantageous to the local purchaser, disadvantageous to the local producer. It is one of the first duties of commerce to extend the market, and thus give the local producer his full advantage. Cheapness caused by natural accidents of harvest, weather, etc., is always counterbalanced, in due time, by natural scarcity, similarly caused. it is the part of wise government, and healthy commerce, so to provide in times and places of plenty for times and places of dearth, as that there shall never be waste, nor famine. Cheapness caused by gluts of the market is merely a disease of clumsy and wanton commerce. * Price has been already defined (p. 153) to be the quantity of labour which t he possessor of a thing is willing to take for it. It is best to consider the price to be that fixed by the possessor, because the possessor has absolute power of refusing sale, while the purchaser has no absolute power of compelling it; but the effectual or market price is that at which their estimates coincide.
1

[See above, 35, p. 166.]

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Hence the price of anything depends on four variables.1 (1.) Its cost. (2.) Its attainable quantity at that cost. (3.) The number and power of the persons who want it. (4.) The estimate they have formed of its desirableness. Its value only affects its price so far as it is contemplated in this estimate; perhaps, therefore, not at all. 63. Now, in order to show the manner in which price is expressed in terms of a currency, we must assume these four quantities to be known, and the estimate of desirableness, commonly called the Demand, to be certain. We will take the number of persons at the lowest. Let A and B be two labourers who demand, that is to say, have resolved to labour for, two articles, a and b. Their demand for these articles (if the reader likes better, he may say their need) is to be conceived as absolute, their existence depending on the getting these two things. Suppose, for instance, that they are bread and fuel, in a cold country, and let a represent the least quantity of bread, and b the least quantity of fuel, which will support a mans life for a day. let a be producible by an hours labour, but b only by two hours labour. Then the cost of a is one hour, and of b two (cost, by our definition, being expressible in terms of time). If, therefore, each man worked both for his corn and fuel, each would have to work three hours a day. But they divide the labour for its greater ease.* Then if A works
* This greater ease ought to be allowed for by a diminution in the times of the divided work; but as the proportion of times would remain the same, I do not introduce this unnecessary complexity into the calculation. [The original essay here appended a footnote: The two first of these variables are included in the x, and the two last in the y, of the formula given at p.81 of Unto this Last, and the four are the radical conditions which regulate the price of things on first producti on; in their price in exchange, the third and fourth of these divide each into two others, forming the four which are stated at p. 136 of Unto this Last. The references are now to pp. 64 and 94, above.]
1

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three hours, he produces 3 a, which is one a more than both the men want. And if B works three hours, he produces only 1 b, or half of b less than both want. But if A work three hours and B six, A has 3 a, and B has 3 b, a maintenance in the right proportion for both for a day and a half; so that each might take half a days rest. But as B has worked double time, the whole of this days rest belongs in equity to him. Therefore the just exchange should be, A giving two a for one b, has one a and one b;maintenance for a day. B giving one b for two a, has two a and two b;maintenance for two days. But B cannot rest on the second day, or A would be left without the article which B produces. Nor is there any means of making the exchange just, unless a third labourer is called in. Then one workman, A, produces a, and two, B and C, produce b:A, working three hours, has three a;B, three hours, 1 b;C, three hours, 1 b. B and C each give half of b for a, and all have their equal daily maintenance for equal daily work. To carry the example a single step farther, let three articles, a, b, and c be needed. Let a need one hours work, b two, and c four; then the days work must be seven hours, and one man in a days work can make 7 a, or 3 b, or 1 c. Therefore one A works for a, producing 7 a; two Bs work for b, producing 7 b; four Cs work for c, producing 7 c. A has six a to spare, and gives two a for one b, and four a for one c. Each B has 2 b to spare, and gives b for one a, and two b for one c. Each C has of c to spare, and gives c for one b, and of c for one a. And all have their days maintenance. Generally, therefore, it follows that if the demand is constant,* the relative prices of things are as their costs, or as the quantities of labour involved in production.
* Compare Unto this Last, p. 115, et seq. [here p. 82].

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64. Then, in order to express their prices in terms of a currency, we have only to put the currency into the form of orders for a certain quantity of any given article (with us it is in the form of orders for gold), and all quantities of other articles are priced by the relation they bear to the articles which the currency claims. But the worth of the currency itself is not in the slightest degree founded more on the worth of the article which it either claims or consists in (as gold) than on the worth of every other article for which the gold is exchangeable. It is just as accurate to say, so many pounds are worth an acre of land, as an acre of land is worth so many pounds. The worth of gold, of land, of houses, and of food, and of all other things, depends at any moment on the existing quantities and relative demands for all and each; and a change in the worth of, or demand for, any one, involves an instantaneously correspondent change in the worth of, and demand for, all the rest;a change as inevitable and as accurately balanced (though often in its process as untraceable) as the change in volume of the outflowing river from some vast lake, caused by change in the volume of the inflowing streams, though no eye can trace, nor instrument detect, motion, either on its surface, or in the depth. 65. Thus, then, the real working power or worth of the currency is founded on the entire sum of the relative estimates formed by the population of its possessions; a change in this estimate in any direction (and therefore every change in the national character), instantly alters the value of money, in its second great function of commanding labour. But we must always carefully and sternly distinguish between this worth of currency, dependent on the conceived or appreciated value of what it represents, and the worth of it, dependent on the existence of what it represents. A currency is true or false, in proportion to the security with which it gives claim to the possession of land, house, horse, or picture; but a currency

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is strong or weak,* worth much or worth little, in proportion to the degree of estimate in which the nation holds the house, horse, or picture which is claimed. Thus the power of the English currency has been, till of late, largely based on the national estimate of horses and of wine: so that a man might always give any price to furnish choicely his stable, or his cellar; and receive public approval therefore: but if he gave the same sum to furnish his library, he was called mad, or a biblio-maniac. And although he might lose his fortune by his horses, and his health or life by his cellar, and rarely lost either by his books, he was yet never called a Hippo-maniac nor an Oino-maniac;1 but only Biblio-maniac, because the current worth of money was understood to be legitimately founded on cattle and wine, but not on literature. The prices lately given at sales for pictures and MSS. indicate some tendency to change in the national character in this respect, so that the worth of the currency may even come in time to rest, in an acknowledged manner, somewhat on the state and keeping of the Bedford missal, as well as on the health of Caractacus or Blink Bonny;2 and old pictures be considered property, no less than old port. They might have been so before now, but that it is more difficult to choose the one than the other. 66. Now, observe, all these sources of variation in the power of the currency exist, wholly irrespective of the influences of vice, indolence, and improvidence. We have hitherto supposed, throughout the analysis, every professing labourer to labour honestly, heartily, and in harmony
* (That is to say, the love of money is founded first on the intenseness of des ire for given things; a youth will rob the till, now-a-days, for pantomime tickets and cigars; the strength of the currency being irresistible to him, in consequence of his desire for those luxuries.) [Compare Sesame and Lilies, 32.] [The Bedford Hours, generally known as the Bedford Missal, was written and illuminated for the Duke of Bedford, and presented to Henry VI. in 1430. It was acquired in 1852 for the Library of the British Museum (Add. MSS. 18,850). Caractacus, winner of the Derby in 1862. Blink Bonny, winner of the Derby and the Thousand Guineas in 1857.]
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with his fellows. We have now to bring farther into the calculation the effects of relative industry, honour, and forethought; and thus to follow out the bearings of our second inquiry: Who are the holders of the Store and Currency, and in what proportions? This, however, we must reserve for our next papernoticing here only that, however distinct the several branches of the subject are, radically, they are so interwoven in their issues that we cannot rightly treat any one, till we have taken cognizance of all. Thus the need of the currency in proportion to number of population is materially influenced by the probable number of the holders in proportion to the non-holders; and this again, by the number of holders of goods, or wealth, in proportion, to the non-holders of goods. For as, by definition, the currency is a claim to goods which are not possessed, its quantity indicates the number of claimants in proportion to the number of holders; and the force and complexity of claim. For if the claims be not complex, currency as a means of exchange may be very small in quantity. A sells some corn to B, receiving a promise from B to pay in cattle, which A then hands over to C, to get some wine. C in due time claims the cattle from B; and B takes back his promise. These exchanges have, or might have been, all effected with a single coin or promise; and the proportion of the currency to the store would in such circumstances indicate only the circulating vitality of itthat is to say, the quantity and convenient divisibility of that part of the store which the habits of the nation keep in circulation. If a cattle breeder is content to live with his household chiefly on meat and milk, and does not want rich furniture, or jewels, or booksif a wine and corn grower maintains himself and his men chiefly on grapes and bread;if the wives and daughters of families weave and spin the clothing of the household, and the nation, as a whole, remains content with the produce of its own soil and the work of its own hands, it has little occasion for circulating media. It pledges and promises little and seldom; exchanges

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only so far as exchange is necessary for life. The store belongs to the people in whose hands it is found, and money is little needed either as an expression of right, or practical means of division and exchange. 67. But in proportion as the habits of the nation become complex and fantastic (and they may be both, without therefore being civilized), its circulating medium must increase in proportion to its store. If every one wants a little of everything,if food must be of many kinds, and dress of many fashions,if multitudes live by work which, ministering to fancy, has its pay measured by fancy, so that large prices will be given by one person for what is valueless to another,if there are great inequalities of knowledge, causing great inequalities of estimate,and, finally, and worst of all, if the currency itself, from its largeness, and the power which the possession of it implies, becomes the sole object of desire with large numbers of the nation, so that the holding of it is disputed among them as the main object of life:in each and all of these cases, the currency necessarily enlarges in proportion to the store; and as a means of exchange and division, as a bond of right, and as an object of passion, has a more and more important and malignant power over the nations dealings, character, and life. Against which power, when, as a bond of Right, it becomes too conspicuous and too burdensome, the popular voice is apt to be raised in a violent and irrational manner, leading to revolution instead of remedy. Whereas all possibility of Economy depends on the clear assertion and maintenance of this bond of right, however burdensome. The first necessity of all economical government1 is to secure the unquestioned and unquestionable working of the great law of Propertythat a man who works for a thing shall be allowed to get it, keep it, and consume it, in peace; and that he who does not eat his cake to-day, shall be seen, without grudging, to have his cake to-morrow. This,
1

[For a reference to this passage, see below, p. 375 and n.]

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I say, is the first point to be secured by social law; without this, no political advance, nay, no political existence, is in any sort possible. Whatever evil, luxury, iniquity, may seem to result from it, this is nevertheless the first of all Equities; and to the enforcement of this, by law and police-truncheon, the nation must always primarily set its mindthat the cupboard door may have a firm lock to it, and no mans dinner be carried off by the mob, on its way home from the bakers.1 Which, thus fearlessly asserting, we shall endeavour in next paper to consider how far it may be practicable for the mob itself, also, in due breadth of dish, to have dinners to carry home.
1 [Compare Time and Tide, 68 (below, p. 375), where Ruskin refers to this passage.]

XVII.

CHAPTER III
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68. IT will be seen by reference to the last chapter that our present task is to examine the relation of holders of store to holders of currency; and of both to those who hold neither. In order to do this, we must determine on which side we are to place substances such as gold, commonly known as bases of currency. By aid of previous definitions the reader will now be able to understand closer statements than have yet been possible. 69. The currency of any country consists of every document acknowledging debt, which is transferable in the country.* This transferableness depends upon its intelligibility and credit. Its intelligibility depends chiefly on the difficulty of forging anything like it;its credit much on national character, but ultimately always on the existence of substantial means of meeting its demand. As the degrees of transferableness are variable, (some documents passing only in certain places, and others passing, if at all, for less than their inscribed value,) both the mass,
* (Remember this definition: it is of great importance as opposed to the imperfect ones usually given. When first these essays were published, I remember one of their reviewers asking contemptuously, Is half -a-crown a document? it never having before occurred to him that a document might be stamped as well as written, and stamped on silver as well as on parchment.) (I do not mean the demand of the holder of a five-pound note for five pounds, but the demand of the holder of a pound for a pounds worth of something good.)
1 [This chapter was part of the third essay in the Magazine. The headlines to the portion of the essay included in the present chapter were: The Currency. The Currency-holders and the Store-holders.The Disease of Desire.]

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and, so to speak, fluidity, of the currency, are variable. True or perfect currency flows freely, like a pure stream; it becomes sluggish or stagnant in proportion to the quantity of less transferable matter which mixes with it, adding to its bulk, but diminishing its purity. [Articles of commercial value, on which bills are drawn, increase the currency indefinitely; and substances of intrinsic value, if stamped or signed without restriction so as to become acknowledgments of debt, increase it indefinitely also. Every bit of gold found in Australia, so long as it remains uncoined, is an article offered for sale like any other; but as soon as it is coined into pounds, it diminishes the value of every pound we have now in our pockets.]1 70. Legally authorized or national currency, in its perfect condition, is a form of public acknowledgment of debt, so regulated and divided that any person presenting a commodity of tried worth in the public market, shall, if he please, receive in exchange for it a document giving him claim to the return of its equivalent, (1) in any place, (2) at any time, and (3) in any kind. When currency is quite healthy and vital, the persons entrusted with its management are always able to give on demand either, A. The assigning document for the assigned quantity of goods. Or, B. The assigned quantity of goods for the assigning document.
[The square brackets here denote that the passage enclosed in them was inserted by Ruskin in revising the original essay for republication in 1872. (By error, however, the terminal bracket has hitherto been placed after indefinitely also instead of after our pockets.) The essay reads thus: . . . diminishing its purity. Substances of intrinsic value, such as gold, mingle also with the currency, and increase, while they modify, its power; these are carried by it as stones are carried by a torrent, sometimes momentarily impeding, sometimes concentrating its force, but not affecting its purity. These substances of intrinsic value may be also stamped or signed so as to become acknowledgments of debt, and then become, so far as they operate independently of their intrinsic value, part of the real currency. Deferring consideration of minor forms of currency, consisting o f documents bearing private signature, we will examine the principles of legally authorized or national currency. This in its perfect condition . . .]
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If they cannot give document for goods, the national exchange is at fault. If they cannot give goods for document, the national credit is at fault. The nature and power of the document are therefore to be examined under the three relations it bears to Place, Time, and Kind. 71. (1.) It gives claim to the return of equivalent wealth in any Place. Its use in this function is to save carriage, so that parting with a bushel of corn in London, we may receive an order for a bushel of corn at the Antipodes, or elsewhere. To be perfect in this use, the substance of currency must be to the maximum portable, credible, and intelligible. Its non-acceptance or discredit results always from some form of ignorance or dishonour: so far as such interruptions rise out of differences in denomination, there is no ground for their continuance among civilized nations. It may be convenient in one country to use chiefly copper for coinage, in another silver, and in another gold,reckoning accordingly in centimes, francs, or zecchins: but that a franc should be different in weight and value from a shilling, and a zwanziger1 vary from both, is wanton loss of commercial power. 72. (2.) It gives claim to the return of equivalent wealth at any Time. In this second use, currency is the exponent of accumulation: it renders the laying-up of store at the command of individuals unlimitedly possible;whereas, but for its intervention, all gathering would be confined within certain limits by the bulk of property, or by its decay, or the difficulty of its guardianship. I will pull down my barns and build greater,2 cannot be a daily saying; and all
[The original essays read: . . . francs, or sequins: but that a French franc should be different in weight and value from an English shilling, and an Austrian zwanziger vary in weight and alloy from both . . . The zecchino, or sequinstill current in Tuscany when Ruskin wrotewas of pure gold, of the value of 2 scudi, or in all 8s. 10d. The zwanziger, or lira Austriaca, equalled the Italian lira and 9 denari, and passed for 1 pauls (or about 10d.)] 2 [Luke xii. 18.]
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material investment is enlargement of care. The national currency transfers the guardianship of the store to many; and preserves to the original producer the right of re-entering on its possession at any future period. 73. (3.) It gives claim (practical, though not legal) to the return of equivalent wealth in any Kind. It is a transferable right, not merely to this or that, but to anything; and its power in this function is proportioned to the range of choice. If you give a child an apple or a toy, you give him a determinate pleasure, but if you give him a penny, an indeterminate one, proportioned to the range of selection offered by the shops in the village. The power of the worlds currency is similarly in proportion to the openness of the worlds fair, and, commonly, enhanced by the brilliancy of external aspect, rather than solidity, of its wares. 74. We have said that the currency consists of orders for equivalent goods. If equivalent, their quality must be guaranteed. The kinds of goods chosen for specific claim must, therefore, be capable of test, while, also, that a store may be kept in hand to meet the call of the currency, smallness of bulk, with great relative value, is desirable; and indestructibility, over at least a certain period, essential. Such indestructibility, and facility of being tested, are united in gold; its intrinsic value is great, and its imaginary value greater; so that, partly through indolence, partly through necessity and want of organization, most nations have agreed to take gold for the only basis of their currencies;with this grave disadvantage, that its portability enabling the metal to become an active part of the medium of exchange, the stream of the currency itself becomes opaque with goldhalf currency and half commodity, in unison of functions which partly neutralize, partly enhance, each others force.1 75. They partly neutralize, since in so far as the gold is commodity, it is bad currency, because liable to sale; and
[Compare above, p. 195 n. For a passing reference to this subject, see fors Clavigera, Letter 25, where the use of scarce metals is spoken of as often necessary rather than in itself beneficent.]
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in so far as it is currency, it is bad commodity, because its exchange value interferes with its practical use. Especially its employment in the higher branches of the arts becomes unsafe on account of its liability to be melted down for exchange. Again. They partly enhance, since in so far as the gold has acknowledged intrinsic value, it is good currency, because everywhere acceptable; and in so far as it has legal exchangeable value, its worth as a commodity is increased. We want no gold in the form of dust or crystal; but we seek for it coined, because in that form it will pay baker and butcher. And this worth in exchange not only absorbs a large quantity in that use,* but greatly increases the effect on the imagination of the quantity used in the arts. Thus, in brief, the force of the functions is increased, but their precision blunted, by their unison. 76. These inconveniences, however, attach to gold as a basis of currency on account of its portability and preciousness. But a far greater inconvenience attaches to it as the only legal basis of currency. Imagine gold to be only attainable in masses weighing several pounds each, and its value, like that of malachite or marble, proportioned to its largeness of bulk;it could not then get itself confused with the currency in daily use, but it might still remain as
* (Read, and think over, the following note very carefully. 1 ) The waste of labour in obtaining the gold, though it cannot be estimated by help of any existing data, may be understood in its bearing on entire economy by supposing it limited to transactions between two persons. If two farmers in Australia have been exchanging corn and cattle with each other for years, keeping their accounts of reciprocal debt in any simple way, the sum of the possessions of either would not be diminished, though the part of it which was lent or borrowed were only reckoned by marks on a stone, or notches on a tree; and the one counted himself accordingly, so many scratches, or so many notches, better than the other. But it would soon be seriously diminished if, discovering gold in their fi elds, each resolved only to accept golden counters for a reckoning; and accordingly, whenever he wanted a sack of corn or a cow, was obliged to go and wash sand for a week before he could get the means of giving a receipt for them.
1

[And compare the letter in the Appendix to this volume, ii. 1 (p. 489).]

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its basis; and this second inconvenience would still affect it, namely, that its significance as an expression of debt varies, as that of every other article would, with the popular estimate of its desirableness, and with the quantity offered in the market. My power of obtaining other goods for gold depends always on the strength of public passion for gold, and on the limitation of its quantity, so that when either of two things happensthat the world esteems gold less, or finds it more easilymy right of claim is in that degree effaced; and it has been even gravely maintained that a discovery of a mountain of gold would cancel the National Debt; in other words, that men may be paid for what costs much in what costs nothing. Now, it is true that there is little chance of sudden convulsion in this respect; the world will not so rapidly increase in wisdom as to despise gold on a sudden; and perhaps may [for a little time]1 desire it more eagerly the more easily it is obtained; nevertheless, the right of debt ought not to rest on a basis of imagination; nor should the frame of a national currency vibrate with every misers panic, and every merchants imprudence. 77. There are two methods of avoiding this insecurity, which would have been fallen upon long ago, if, instead of calculating the conditions of the supply of gold, men had only considered how the world might live and manage its affairs without gold at all.* One is, to base the currency on substances of truer intrinsic value; the other, to base it
* It is difficult to estimate the curious futility of discussions such as that which lately occupied a section of the British Association, 2 on the absorption of gold, while no one can produce even the simplest of the data necessary for the inquiry. To take the first occurring one,What means have we of ascertaining the weight of gold employed this year in the toilettes of the women of Europe (not to speak of Asia); and, supposing it known, what means of conjecturing the weight by which, next year, their fancies, and the changes of style among their jewellers, will diminish or increase it?
1 [Here, again, the square brackets denote that the words were inserted by Ruskin in 1872; he should similarly have enclosed on a sudden.] 2 [A reference to the meeting at Cambridge, in October 1862, at which Fawcett read a paper On the Economic Effects of the recent Gold Discoveries.]

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on several substances instead of one. If I can only claim gold, the discovery of a golden mountain starves me; but if I can claim bread, the discovery of a continent of cornfields need not trouble me. If, however, I wish to exchange my bread for other things, a good harvest will for the time limit my power in this respect; but if I can claim either bread, iron, or silk at pleasure, the standard of value has three feet instead of one, and will be proportionately firm.1 Thus, ultimately, the steadiness of currency depends upon the breadth of its base; but the difficulty of organization increasing with this breadth, the discovery of the condition at once safest and most convenient* can only be by long analysis, which must for the present be deferred. Gold or silver may always be retained in limited use, as a luxury of coinage and questionless standard, of one weight and alloy among all nations, varying only in the die. The purity of coinage, when metallic, is closely indicative of the honesty of the system of revenue, and even of the general dignity of the State.
* See, in Popes epistle to Lord Bathurst, his sketch of the difficulties and uses of a currency literally pecuniary(consisting of herds of cattle). 2 His Grace will gameto Whites a bull be led, etc. Perhaps both; perhaps silver only. It may be found expedient ultimately to leave gold free for use in the arts. As a means of reckoning, the standard might be, and in some cases has already been, entirely ideal.See Mills Political Economy, book iii. chap. vii. at beginning. The purity of the drachma 3 and zecchin were not without significance of the state of intellect, art, and policy, both in Athens and Venice; [Compare, again, the letter in Appendix ii. 1 (p. 488).] [The words in brackets were added in 1872. For other quotations from the same poem, see Unto this Last, 53, 65 (above, pp. 73, 89).] 3 [Ruskin o riginally wrote stater, which i n a t erminal n ote t o t he e ssays i n Frasers Magazine he altered to drachmaremarking (see below, p. 290 n.) that though in a passage in the Clouds, which best illustrates the point in question, Aristophanes speaks of gold, the Attic silver was the true standard. There is a mention of the stater in the Clouds (line 1041: plein h muriwn est axion stathrwn)and t his is worth more than 10,000 staters that a man, though choosing the worse arguments, should after all winbut this does not seem to throw much light on the point in question. As Ruskin may not have had an Aristophanes by him at the time, it seems probable that he was really thinking of a passage in the Frogs (720), where reference is made to the gold coinage issued at Athens just before the year 405. The poet there contrasts the old Attic silver coinage, renowned for its purity, with this gold issue, so debased that he calls it no better than brass. The standard coin was the silver stater (or tetradrachm); the ordinary gold staters (=20 drachmas) were Persian coins current in Greece.]
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78. Whatever the article or articles may be which the national currency promises to pay, a premium on that article indicates bankruptcy of the government in that proportion, the division of its assets being restrained only by the remaining confidence of the holders of notes in the return of prosperity to the firm. Currencies of forced acceptance, or of unlimited issue, are merely various modes of disguising taxation, and delaying its pressure, until it is too late to interfere with the cause of pressure. To do away with the possibility of such disguise would have been among the first results of a true economical science, had any such existed; but there have been too many motives for the concealment, so long as it could by any artifices be maintained, to permit hitherto even the founding of such a science. 79. And indeed, it is only through evil conduct, wilfully persisted in, that there is any embarrassment, either in the theory or working of currency. No exchequer is ever embarrassed, nor is any financial question difficult of solution, when people keep their practice honest, and their heads cool. But when governments lose all office of pilotage, protection, or scrutiny; and live only in magnificence of authorized larceny, and polished mendicity;1 or when the people, choosing Speculation (the s usually redundant in the spelling) instead of Toil, visit no dishonesty with chastisement, that each may with impunity take his dishonest turn;2there are no tricks of financial terminology that will save them; all signature and mintage do but magnify the ruin they retard;
a fact first impressed upon me ten years, ago, when, in taking daguerreotypes at Venice, I found no purchaseable gold pure enough to gild them with, except that of the old Venetian zecchin. 3 [Here Ruskin pruned the original essay a little, which reads: . . . protection, scrutiny, and witness; and live only in magnificence of authorized larceny, effulgent mendacity, and polished mendicity. . . .] 2 [Here, again, Ruskin curtailed; the original essay reads: . . . dishonest turn, and enlarge their lust of wealth through ignorance of its use, making their harlot of the dust, and setting Earth the Mother at the mercy of Earth the Destroyer, so that she has to seek in hell the children she left playing in the meadows,there are no tricks . . . For a note on this passage, see the Introduction; above, p. lxvii.] 3 [Ruskin refers to 1850. For his interest in daguerreotypes, see Vol. III. p. 210; Vol. VIII. pp. 4, 13; and Vol. X. p. 356; also Prterita, ii. 141, 221.]
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and even the riches that remain, stagnant or current, change only from the slime of Avernus to the sand of Phlegethon1quicksand at the embouchure;land fluently recommended by recent auctioneers as eligible for building leases. 80. Finally, then, the power of true currency is fourfold. (1.) Credit power. Its worth in exchange, dependent on public opinion of the stability and honesty of the issuer. (2.) Real worth. Supposing the gold, or whatever else the currency expressly promises, to be required from the issuer, for all his notes; and that the call cannot be met in full. Then the actual worth of the document would be, and its actual worth at any moment is, therefore, to be defined as, what the division of the assets of the issuer would produce for it. (3.) The exchange power of its base. Granting that we can get five pounds in gold for our note, it remains a question how much of other things we can get for five pounds in gold. The more of other things exist, and the less gold, the greater this power. (4.) The power over labour, exercised by the given quantity of the base, or of the things to be got for it. The question in this case is, how much work, and (question of questions!) whose work, is to be had for the food which five pounds will buy. This depends on the number of the population, on their gifts, and on their dispositions, with which, down to their slightest humours, and up to their strongest impulses, the power of the currency varies.2 81. Such being the main conditions of national currency, we proceed to examine those of the total currency, under the broad definition, transferable acknowledgment
[Ruskin writes with Virgil and Dante in his mind; thinking of the putrid and stagnant waters of Lake Avernus (neid, vi.) and of Phlegethon, the river of Hell whose waters of blood race quickly (ibid., 550): for Dantes Phlegethon, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 23.] 2 [Here the original essay continues: . . . . currency varies; and in this last of its rangesthe range of passion, price, or praise (converso in pretium Deo), is at once least, and greatest. See Horace, Odes, iii. 16, 8the ode which begins with an ironical rationalisation of the legend of Dana: the way was smooth and plain when the god was turned into his price in gold.]
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of debt;* among the many forms of which there are in effect only two, distinctly opposed; namely, the acknowledgments of debts which will be paid, and of debts which will not. Documents, whether in whole or part, of bad debt, being to those of good debt as bad money to bullion, we put for the present these forms of imposture aside (as in analysing a metal we should wash it clear of dross), and then range, in their exact quantities, the true currency of the country on one side, and the store or property of the
* Under which term, observe, we include all documents of debt which, being honest, might be transferable, though they practically are not transferred; while we exclude all documents which are in reality worthless, though in fact transferred, temporarily, as bad money is. The documen t of honest debt, not transferred, is merely to paper currency as gold withdrawn from circulation is to that of bullion. 1 Much confusion has crept into the reasoning on this subject from the idea that the withdrawal from circulation is a definable state, whereas it is a graduated state, and indefinable. The sovereign in my pocket is withdrawn from circulation as long as I choose to keep it there. It is no otherwise withdrawn if I bury it, nor even if I choose to make it, and others, into a golden cup, and drink out of them; since a rise in the price of the wine, or of other things, may at any time cause me to melt the cup and throw it back into currency; and the bullion operates on the prices of the things in the market as directly, though not as forcibly, while it is in the form of a cup as it does in the form of a sovereign. No calculation can be founded on my humour in either case. If I like to handle rouleaus, and therefore keep a quantity of gold, to play with, in the form of jointed basaltic columns, it is all one in its effect on the market as if I kept it in the form of twisted filigree, or, steadily amicus lamn, 2 beat the narrow gold pieces into broad ones, and dined off them. The probability is greater that I break the rouleau than that I melt the plate; but the increased probability is not calculable. Thus, documents are only withdrawn from the currency when cancelled, and bullion when it is so effectually lost as that the probability of finding it is no greater than of finding new gold in the mine.
[Here, also, see the letter in Appendix ii. 1 (p. 489).] [The reference here is to Horace, Odes, ii. 2, 2: Nullus argento color est avaris Abdito terris, inimice lamn Crispe Sallusti, nisi temperato Splendeat usu lamna being the unwrought bar into which the metal was first run. As silver has no brightness while it is still in the earth, but shines with fair use, so money only acquires its value by the purposes it is put tois the poets argument; Ruskin takes a man who, on the contrary, is amicus lamn, and keeps his gold in the form of bullion.]
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country on the other. We place gold, and all such substances, on the side of documents, as far as they operate by signature;on the side of store as far as they operate by value. Then the currency represents the quantity of debt in the country, and the store the quantity of its possession. The ownership of all the property is divided between the holders of currency and holders of store, and whatever the claiming value of the currency is at any moment, that value is to be deducted from the riches of the store-holders.1 82. Farther, as true currency represents by definition debts which will be paid, it represents either the debtors wealth, or his ability and willingness; that is to say, either wealth existing in his hands transferred to him by the creditor, or wealth which, as he is at some time surely to return it, he is either increasing, or, if diminishing, has the will and strength to reproduce. A sound currency therefore, as by its increase it represents enlarging debt, represents also enlarging means; but in this curious way, that a certain quantity of it marks the deficiency of the
1

[Here the original essay proceeds: . . . store-holders, the deduction being practically made in the payment of rent for houses and lands, of interest on stock, and in other ways hereafter to be examined. At present I wish only to note the broad relations of the two great classesthe currency-holders and the store-holders.* Of course they are partly united, most monied men having possessions of land or other goods; but they are separate in their nature and functions. The currency-holders as a class regulate the demand for labour, and the store-holders holders the laws of it; the currency-holders determine what shall be produced, and the store-holders the conditions of its production.
* They are (up to the amount of the currency) simply creditors and debtors the commercial types of the two great sets of humanity which those words describe; for debt, and credit are of course merely the mercantile forms of the words duty and creed, which give the central ideas; only it is more accurate to say faith than creed, because creed has been applied carelessly to mere forms of words. Duty properly signifies whatever in substance or act one person owes to another, and faith the others trust in his rendering it. The French devoir and foi are fuller and clearer words than ours; for, faith being the passive of fact, foi comes straight through fides fr om fio; and the French keep the group of words formed from the infinitive fieri, se fier, se dfier, dfiance and the grand following dfi. Our English affiance, definance, confidence, diffidence retain accurate meanings; but our faithful has become obscure from being used for faithworthy, as well as full of faith. His names that sat on him was called Faithful and True. Trust i s t he p assive o f t rue s aying, a s f aith is t he p assive o f d ue d oing; a nd t he r ight learning of these etymologies, which are in the strictest sense only to be learned by heart, is of considerably more importance to the youth of a nation than its reading and ciphering.

For a further note (in the original essay) on the etymology of faith, etc., see below, p. 290 n.; and compare Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. pp. 326327). The Bible quotation is from Revelation xix. 11.]

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wealth of the country from what it would have been if that currency had not existed.* In this respect it is like the detritus of a mountain; assume that it lies at a fixed angle, and the more the detritus, the larger must be the mountain; but it would have been larger still, had there been none. 83. Farther, though, as above stated,1 every man possessing money has usually also some property beyond what is necessary for his immediate wants, and men possessing property usually also hold currency beyond what is necessary for their immediate exchanges, it mainly determines the class to which they belong, whether in their eyes the money is an adjunct of the property, or the property of the money. In the first case the holders pleasure is in his possessions, and in his money subordinately, as the means of bettering or adding to them. In the second, his pleasure is in his money, and in his possessions only as representing it. (In the first case the money is as an atmosphere surrounding the wealth, rising from it and raining back upon it; but in the second, it is as a deluge, with the wealth floating, and for the most part perishing in it.) The shortest distinction between the men is that the one wishes always to buy, and the other to sell.
* For example, suppose an active peasant, having got his ground into good order and built himself a comfortable house, finding time still o n his hands, sees one of his neighbours little able to work, and ill-lodged, and offers to build him also a house, and to put his land in order, on condition of receiving for a given period rent for the building and tithe of the fruits. The offer is accepted, and a document given promissory of rent and tithe. This note is money. It can only be good money if the man who has incurred the debt so far recovers his strength as to be able to take advantage of the help he has received, and meet the demand of the note; if he lets his house fall to ruin, and his field to waste, his promissory note will soon be valueless: but the existence of the note at all is a consequence of his not having worked so stoutly as the other. Let him gain as much as to be able to pay back the entire debt; the note is cancelled, and we have two rich store-holders and no currency. (You need not trouble yourself to make out the sentence in parenthesis, unless you like, but do not think it is mere metaphor. It states a fact which I could n ot have stated so shortly, but by metaphor.)
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[Stated in a passage in the original essays: see p. 204 n.]

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84. Such being the great relations of the classes, their several characters are of the highest importance to the nation; for on the character of the store-holders chiefly depend the preservation, display, and serviceableness of its wealth; on that of the currency-holders, its distribution; on that of both, its reproduction.1 We shall, therefore, ultimately find it to be of incomparably greater importance to the nation in whose hands the thing is put, than how much of it is got; and that the character of the holders may be conjectured by the quality of the store; for such and such a man always asks for such and such a thing; nor only asks for it, but if it can be bettered, betters it: so that possession and possessor reciprocally act on each other, through the entire sum of national possession. The base nation, asking for base things, sinks daily to deeper vileness of nature and weakness in use; while the noble nation, asking for noble things, rises daily into diviner eminence in both; the tendency to degradation being surely marked by ataxia; that is to say, (expanding the Greek thought,2) by carelessness as to the hands in which things are put, consequent dispute for the acquisition of them, disorderliness in accumulation of them, inaccuracy in estimate of them, and bluntness in conception as to the entire nature of possession. 85. The currency-holders always increase in number and influence in proportion to the bluntness of nature and clumsiness of the store-holders; for the less use people can make of things, the more they want of them, and the sooner weary of them, and want to change them for something else; and all frequency of change increases the quantity and power of currency. The large currency-holder himself is
[Here the original essay reads: . . . its reproduction. The store-holders are either constructive, neutral, or destructive; and in subsequent papers we shall with respect to every kind of wealth, examine the relative power of the store-holder for its improvement or destruction; and we shall then find it to be . . .] 2 [ataxia meaning originally want of military discipline, and t hen p assing t o mean want of discipline in character (as in Platos Crito, 53 D.).]
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essentially a person who never has been able to make up his mind as to what he will have, and proceeds, therefore, in vague collection and aggregation, with more and more infuriate passion, urged by complacency in progress, vacancy in idea, and pride of conquest. While, however, there is this obscurity in the nature of possession of currency, there is a charm in the seclusion of it, which is to some people very enticing. In the enjoyment of real property, others must partly share. The groom has some enjoyment of the stud, and the gardener of the garden; but the money is, or seems, shut up; it is wholly enviable. No one else can have part in any complacencies arising from it. The power of arithmetical comparison is also a great thing to unimaginative people. They know always they are so much better than they were, in money; so much better than others, in money; but wit cannot be so compared, nor character. My neighbour cannot be convinced that I am wiser than he is, but he can, that I am worth so much more; and the universality of the conviction is no less flattering than its clearness. Only a few can understand,none measureand few will willingly adore, superiorities in other things; but everybody can understand money, everybody can count it, and most will worship it. 86. Now, these various temptations to accumulation would be politically harmless if what was vainly accumulated had any fair chance of being wisely spent. For as accumulation cannot go on for ever, but must some day end in its reverseif this reverse were indeed a beneficial distribution and use, as irrigation from reservoir, the fever of gathering, though perilous to the gatherer, might be serviceable to the community. But it constantly happens (so constantly, that it may be stated as a political law having few exceptions), that what is unreasonably gathered is also unreasonably spent by the persons into whose hands it finally falls. Very frequently it is spent in war, or else in a stupefying luxury, twice hurtful, both in being indulged by the rich and

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witnessed by the poor. So that the mal tener and mal dare1 are as correlative as complementary colours; and the circulation of wealth, which ought to be soft, steady, strong, far-sweeping, and full of warmth, like the Gulf stream, being narrowed into an eddy, and concentrated on a point, changes into the alternate suction and surrender of Charybdis. Which is indeed, I doubt not, the true meaning of that marvellous fable, infinite, as Bacon said of it,2 in matter of meditation.*3 87. It is a strange habit of wise humanity to speak in enigmas only, so that the highest truths and usefullest laws must be hunted for through whole picture-galleries of dreams, which to the vulgar seem dreams only.4 Thus Homer, the Greek tragedians, Plato, Dante, Chaucer, Shakespeare, and Goethe, have hidden all that is chiefly serviceable in their work, and in all the various literature they absorbed and re-embodied, under types which have rendered it quite useless to the multitude. What is worse, the two primal declarers of moral discovery, Homer and Plato, are partly at issue; for Platos logical power quenched his imagination, and he became incapable of understanding the purely imaginative element either in poetry or painting: he therefore somewhat overrates the pure discipline of passionate art in song and music, and misses that of meditative art. There is, however, a deeper reason for his distrust of Homer. His
* (What follows, to the end of the chapter, was a note only, in the first printing; but for after service, it is of more value than any other part of the book, so I have put it into the main text.)
1 [Inferno, vii. 58, where Dante, in the fourth circle, finds one common doom awaiting the prodigal and the avaricious: that ill they gave, and ill they kept, hath deprived them of the beauteous world.] 2 [See ch. xxvii. in Bacons De Sapientia Veterum: quam nos breviter perstringemus tametsi infinitam trahat contemplationemhis discussion of the fable of Charybdis.] 3 [Here the original essay continued: The disease of desire having especial relation to the great art of Exchange, or Commerce, we must, in order to complete our code of first principles, shortly state the nature and limits of that art. It then continued as at 95 here.] 4 [On this subject, compare Vol. XI. pp. 178180; Cestus of Aglaia, 36, 48; Queen of the Air, 17; and a letter given in the Introduction, above, p. lxiv.]

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lines beginning Or puoi, figliuol, etc.: (but the usurers, who made their money inactively, sit on the sand, equally without rest, however. Di qua, di la, soccorrien, etc.) For it is not avarice, but contention for riches, leading to this double misuse of them, which, in Dantes sight, is the unredeemable sin. The place of its punishment is guarded by Plutus, the great enemy, and la fira crudele,1 a spirit quite different from the Greek Plutus, who, though old and blind, is not cruel, and is curable, so as to become far-sighted. (ou tufloV all oxu blepwnPlatos epithets in first book of the Laws.2) Still more does this Dantesque type differ from the resplendent Plutus of Goethe in the second part of Faust, who is the personified power of wealth for good or evilnot the passion for wealth; and again from the Plutus of Spenser, who is the passion of mere aggregation.3 Dantes Plutus is specially and definitely the Spirit of Contention and Competition, or Evil Commerce; because, as I showed before, this kind of commerce makes all men strangers;4 his speech is therefore unintelligible, and no single soul of all those ruined by him has recognizable features.5 On the other hand, the redeemable sins of avarice and prodigality are, in Dantes sight, those which are without deliberate or calculated operation. The lust, or lavishness, of riches can be purged, so long as there has been no servile consistency of dispute and competition for them. The sin is spoken of as that of degradation by the love of earth; it is
[Inferno, vi., last line: Quivi trovammo Pluto il gran nemico (quoted also in Vol. VII. p. 401); and Lectures on Landscape, 89.] 2 [631 C.: Of the lesser gods the first is health, the second b eauty, the third strength . . . and the fourth is wealth, not the blind god, but one who is keen of sight, and has wisdom for a companion.] 3 [See The Faerie Queene, book ii. canto vii. 24 seq.. Compare Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. p. 403).] 4 [See above, 59 n.; p. 183.] 5 [The original essay adds here: (La sconoscente vita Ad ogni conoscenza or li fa bruni.) The reference is to the Inferno, vii. 5354 (La sconoscente vita, c he i fe sozzi, Ad ogni . . .: the ignoble life which made them sordid now makes t hem unto all discernment dim). Ruskin quotes the passage again in Fors Clavigera, Letter 8; and for the inarticulateness of Dantes Plutus, compare Unto this Last, 74 n.; above, p. 100.]
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purified by deeper humiliationthe souls crawl on their bellies; their chant is, my soul cleaveth unto the dust.1 But the spirits thus condemned are all recognizable, and even the worst examples of the thirst for gold, which they are compelled to tell the histories of during the night, are of men swept by the passion of avarice into violent crime, but not sold to its steady work. 89. The precept given to each of these spirits for its deliverance isTurn thine eyes to the lucre (lure)2 which the Eternal King rolls with the mighty wheels. Otherwise, the wheels of the Greater Fortune, of which the constellation is ascending when Dantes dream begins.3 Compare George Herbert
Lift up thy head; Take stars for money; stars, not to be told By any art, yet to be purchased.4

And Platos notable sentence in the third book of the Polity:Tell them they have divine gold and silver in their souls for ever; that they need no money stamped of menneither may they otherwise than impiously mingle the gathering of the divine with the mortal treasure, for through that which the law of the multitude has coined, endless crimes have been done and suffered; but in theirs is neither pollution nor sorrow.5 90. At the entrance of this place of punishment an evil spirit is seen by Dante, quite other than the Gran Nemico. The great enemy is obeyed knowingly and willingly; but the spiritfeminineand called a Siren6is the Deceitfulness of riches, apath ploutou of the Gospels,7 winning obedience by guile. This is the Idol of riches, made doubly phantasmal by Dantes seeing her in a dream. She is lovely
[Psalms cxix. 25, quoted by Dante from the Vulgate: see Purgatorio, xix. 73.] [Logoro (lure) in Dante; Ruskin appears to assume a connexion between the words lure and lucre which can hardly be maintained.] 3 [Purgatorio, xix. 47.] 4 [The Church Porch, xxix. Ruskin quotes from memory; the first words are Raise thy head.] 5 [Republic, iii. 416 E.] 6 [Purgatorio, xix. 19.] 7 [Matthew xiii. 22.]
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to look upon, and enchants by her sweet singing, but her womb is loathsome. Now, Dante does not call her one of the Sirens carelessly, any more than he speaks of Charybdis carelessly; and though he had got at the meaning of Homeric fable only through Virgils obscure tradition of it,1 the clue he has given us is quite enough. Bacons interpretation, the Sirens, or pleasures,2 which has become universal since his time, is opposed alike to Platos meaning and Homers. The Sirens are not pleasures, but Desires: in the Odyssey they are the phantoms of vain desire;3 but in Platos Vision of Destiny, phantoms of divine desire; singing each a different note on the circles of the distaff of Necessity, but forming one harmony, to which the three great Fates put words.4 Dante, however, adopted the Homeric conception of them,5 which was that they were demons of the Imagination, not carnal; (desire of the eyes; not lust of the flesh;6) therefore said to be daughters of the Muses.7 Yet not of the Muses, heavenly or historical, but of the Muse of pleasure; and they are at first winged, because even vain hope excites and helps when first formed; but afterwards, contending for the possession of the imagination with the Muses themselves, they are deprived of their wings. 91. And thus we are to distinguish the Siren power from
[In neid, v. 864 seq.] [The title of ch. xxxi. in his De Sapientia Veterum.] [Odyssey, xii. 4054, 153200. For an interesting discussion of the Myths of the Sirens in art and literature, see Miss Jane Harrisons Myths of the Odyssey (1882), pp. 146182.] 4 [Republic, x . 6 17 B .: The spindle t urns on t he k nees o f N ecessity; a nd on t he u pper surface of each circle is a Siren, who goes round with them, hymning a single sound and note. The eight together form one harmony; and round about, at equal intervals, there is another band, three in number, each sitting upon her throne: these are the Fates, daughters of Necessity, who are clothed in white raiment and have garlands upon their heads, Lachesis and Clotho and Atropos, who accompany with their voi ces the harmony of the SirensLachesis singing of t he past, Clotho of the p resent, Atropos of the future (Jowetts version).] 5 [Probably, however, not consciously so; for Dante, as Ruskin has just said, seems to h ave b een i gnorant o f H omers a ccount: s ee Paget Toynbees Dante Dictionary, under Sirena.] 6 [Ezekiel xxiv. 16; 1 John ii. 16.] 7 [Here Ruskin passes to versions of the legend later than Homer. Apollonius Rhodius (iv. 894) makes the Sirens daughters of the Muse Terpsichore; and other writers tell of a contest, on lyre and flute, between the Sirens and the Muses, in which the victors fell upon the Sirens, plucked their feathers, and wore them in token of victory (Julian, Epist. 41; Pausanias, ix. 34, 3).]
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the power of Circe, who is no daughter of the Muses, but of the strong elements, Sun and Sea;1 her power is that of frank, and full vital pleasure, which, if governed and watched, nourishes men; but, unwatched, and having no moly, bitterness or delay, mixed with it, turns men into beasts, but does not slay them,leaves them, on the contrary, power of revival. She is herself indeed an Enchantress;pure Animal life; transformingor degradingbut always wonderful (she puts the stores on board the ship invisibly, and is gone again, like a ghost2); even the wild beasts rejoice and are softened around her cave; the transforming poisons she gives to men are mixed with no rich feast, but with pure and right nourishment,Pramnian wine, cheese, and flour;3 that is, wine, milk, and corn, the three great sustainers of lifeit is their own fault if these make swine of them; (see Appendix V.) and swine are chosen merely as the type of consumption; as Platos uwn poliV, in the second book of the Polity,4 and perhaps chosen by Homer with a deeper knowledge of the likeness in variety of nourishment, and internal form of body. Et quel est, sil vous plait, cet audacieux animal qui se permet dtre bti au dedans comme une jolie petite fille? Hlas! chre enfant, jai honte de le nommer, et il ne faudra pas men vouloir. Cest . . . cest le cochon. Ce nest pas prcisment flatteur pour vous; mais nous en sommes tout l, et si cela vous contrarie par trop, il faut aller vous plaindre au bon Dieu qui a voulu que les choses fussent arranges ainsi: seulement le cochon, qui ne pense qu manger, a lestomac bien plus vaste que nous et cest toujours une consolation.(Histoire dune Bouche de Pain, Lettre ix.5) 92. But the deadly Sirens are in all things opposed to the Circean power. They promise pleasure, but never give
[Odyssey, x. 138, 139. For the herb moly as a counter-charm, see ibid., 305.] [Odyssey, x. 571574.] 3 [Odyssey, x. 235.] 4 [Republic, 372.] 5 [Jean Mac, Histoire dune Bouche de Pain: lettres une petite fille sur la v ie de lhomme et des animaux, 1861 (an English translation, by Mrs. A. Gatty, was published in 1864).]
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it. They nourish in no wise; but slay by slow death. And whereas they corrupt the heart and the head, instead of merely betraying the senses, there is no recovery from their power; they do not tear nor scratch, like Scylla, but the men who have listened to them are poisoned, and waste away. Note that the Sirens field is covered, not merely with the bones, but with the skins,1 of those who have been consumed there. They address themselves, in the part of the song which Homer gives, not to the passions of Ulysses, but to his vanity, and the only man who ever came within hearing of them, and escaped untempted, was Orpheus, who silenced the vain imaginations by singing the praises of the gods.2 93. It is, then, one of these Sirens whom Dante takes as the phantasm or deceitfulness of riches; but note further, that she says it was her song that deceived Ulysses.3 Look back to Dantes account of Ulysses death, and we find it was not the love of money, but pride of knowledge,4 that betrayed him; whence we get the clue to Dantes complete meaning: that the souls whose love of wealth is pardonable have been first deceived into pursuit of it by a dream of its higher uses, or by ambition. His Siren is therefore the Philotim of Spenser, daughter of Mammon
Whom all that folk with such contention Do flock about, my deare, my daughter is Honour and dignitie from her alone Derived are.5
1 [See Odyssey, xii. 46; and for the Sirens song, ibid., 184191. Ruskin quotes it in the Eagles Nest, both in Greek ( 78) and in English ( 74).] 2 [See Apollodorus, i. 9, 25; and compare Apollonius Rhodius, iv. 905.] 3 [Purgatorio, xix. 22: I, from his course, Ulysses by my lay enchanted drew.] 4 [Inferno, xxvi. 9499: Nor fondness for my son, nor reverence Of my old father, nor return of love, That should have crownd Penelope with joy, Could overcome in me the zeal I had To explore the world, and search the ways of life, Mans evil and his virtue. For other notes by Ruskin on Dantes account of the death of Ulysses the most melancholy piece in all Dantesee Letters to Charles Eliot Norton, vol. i. p. 210 (reprinted in a later volume of this edition), and Eagles Nest, 75.] 5 [The Faerie Queene, ii. 7, 48.]

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By comparing Spensers entire account of this Philotim with Dantes of the Wealth-Siren, we shall get at the full meaning of both poets; but that of Homer lies hidden much more deeply. For his Sirens are indefinite; and they are desires of any evil thing; power of wealth is not specially indicated by him, until, escaping the harmonious danger of imagination, Ulysses has to choose between two practical ways of life, indicated by the two rocks of Scylla and Charybdis. The monsters that haunt them are quite distinct from the rocks themselves, which, having many other sub-ordinate significations, are in the main Labour and Idleness, or getting and spending; each with its attendant monster, or betraying demon. The rock of gaining has its summit in the clouds, invisible, and not to be climbed; that of spending is low, but marked by the cursed fig-tree, which has leaves, but no fruit.1 We know the type elsewhere;2 and there is a curious lateral allusion to it by Dante when Jacopo di Sant Andrea, who had ruined himself by profusion and committed suicide, scatters the leaves of the bush of Lotto degli Agli, endeavouring to hide himself among them.3 We shall hereafter examine the type completely;4 here I will only give an approximate rendering of Homers words, which have been obscured more by translation than even by tradition.5 94. They are overhanging rocks. The great waves of blue water break round them; and the blessed Gods call them the Wanderers. By one of them no winged thing can passnot even the wild doves that bring ambrosia to their father Jovebut the smooth rock seizes its sacrifice of them. (Not even ambrosia to be had without Labour. The word is peculiaras a part of anything is offered for sacrifice; especially
[For the fig-tree of Charybdis, see below, p. 290.] [See Matthew xxi. 19; Mark xi. 13; and for the parable, Luke xiii. 6.] [Inferno, xiii. 115 seq.] 4 [A reference to the intended, but unwritten, sequel: see, however, 152153, below (p. 276), for some discussion of similar topics.] 5 [Odyssey, xii. 5964. Then Ruskin omits several lines, and continues with 73 81, 8592, 101107.]
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used of heave-offering.1) It reaches the wide heaven with its top, and a dark-blue cloud rests on it, and never passes; neither does the clear sky hold it, in summer nor in harvest. Nor can any man climb itnot if he had twenty feet and hands, for it is as smooth as though it were hewn. And in the midst of it is a cave which is turned the way of hell. And therein dwells Scylla, whining for prey; her cry, indeed, is no louder than that of a newly-born whelp: but she herself is an awful thingnor can any creature see her face and be glad; no, though it were a god that rose against her. For she had twelve feet, all fore-feet, and six necks, and terrible heads on them; and each has three rows of teeth, full of black death. But the opposite rock is lower than this, though but a bow-shot distant; and upon it there is a great fig-tree, full of leaves; and under it the terrible Charybdis sucks down the black water. Thrice in the day she sucks it down, and thrice casts it up again; be not thou there when she sucks down, for Neptune himself could not save thee. (Thus far went my rembling note, in Frasers Magazine.2 The Editor sent me a compliment on itof which I was very proud; what the Publisher thought of it, I am not informed;3 only I know that eventually he stopped the papers. I think a great deal of it myself, now, and have put it all in large print accordingly, and should like to write more; but will, on the contrary, self-denyingly, and in gratitude to any reader who has got through so much, end my chapter.)
1 [Homers word is afaireitai The word afairema is used in the Septuagint (Numbers xv. 20, 21; xviii. 27; xxxi. 41) of heave-offerings (i.e., in the Levitical law offerings which were heaved or elevated by the priest).] 2 [The original note went, however, a little further, adding: The reader will find the meaning of these types gradually elicited as we proceed.] 3 [The editor was Froude; the publishers Parker, Son, and Brown; but a little later the magazine was transferred to Messrs. Longman.]

CHAPTER IV
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95. As the currency conveys right of choice out of many things in exchange for one, so Commerce is the agency by which the power of choice is obtained; so that countries producing only timber can obtain for their timber silk and gold; or, naturally producing only jewels and frankincense, can obtain for them cattle and corn. In this function, commerce is of more importance to a country in proportion to the limitations of its products, and the restlessness of its fancy;generally of greater importance towards Northern latitudes. 96. Commerce is necessary, however, not only to exchange local products, but local skill. Labour requiring the agency of fire can only be given abundantly in cold countries; labour requiring suppleness of body and sensitiveness of touch, only in warm ones; labour involving accurate vivacity of thought only in temperate ones; while peculiar imaginative actions are produced by extremes of heat and cold, and of light and darkness. The production of great art is limited to climates warm enough to admit of repose in the open air, and cool enough to render such repose delightful. Minor variations in modes of skill distinguish every locality. The labour which at any place is easiest, is in that place cheapest; and it becomes often desirable that products raised in one country should be wrought in another. Hence have arisen discussions on International values which will be one day remembered as highly curious exercises of the human
[This chapter was the continuation of the third essay in the Magazine. The headlines to the portion of the essay contained in the present chapter were: Labour and its Conditions.Trader and Traditor.The Homeric Atlantis.]
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mind. For it will be discovered, in due course of tide and time,1 that international value is regulated just as interprovincial or inter-parishional value is. Coals and hops are exchanged between Northumberland and Kent on absolutely the same principles as iron and wine between Lancashire and Spain. The greater breadth of an arm of the sea increases the cost, but does not modify the principle of exchange; and a bargain written in two languages will have no other economical results than a bargain written in one. The distances of nations are measured, not by seas, but by ignorances; and their divisions determined, not by dialects, but by enmities.* 97. Of course, a system of international values may always be constructed if we assume a relation of moral law to physical geography; as, for instance, that it is right to cheat or rob across a river, though not across a road; or across a sea, though not across a river, etc.;again, a system of such values may be constructed by assuming similar relations of taxation to physical geography; as, for instance, that an article should be taxed in crossing a river, but not in crossing a road; or in being carried fifty miles, but not in being carried five, etc.; such positions are indeed not easily maintained when once put in logical form; but one law of international value is maintainable in any form: namely, that the farther your neighbour lives from you, and the less he understands you, the more you are bound to be true in your dealings with him; because your power
* (I have repeated the substance of this and the next paragraph so often 2 since, that I am ashamed and weary. Th e thing is too true, and too simple, it seems, for anybody ever to believe. Meantime, the theories of international values, as explained by Modern Political Economy, have brought about last years pillage of France by Germany, and the affectionate relati ons now existing in consequence between the inhabitants of the right and left banks of the Rhine.)
1 2

[A foreshadowing of the t itle of R uskins next b ook on economics: Time and Tide.] [See, for instance, Vol. XI. pp. 198199.]

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over him is greater in proportion to his ignorance, and his remedy more difficult in proportion to his distance.* 98. I have just said the breadth of sea increases the cost of exchange. Now note that exchange, or commerce, in itself, is always costly; the sum of the value of the goods being diminished by the cost of their conveyance, and by the maintenance of the persons employed in it; so that it is only when there is advantage to both producers (in getting the one thing for the other) greater than the loss in conveyance, that the exchange is expedient. And it can only be justly conducted when the porters kept by the producers (commonly called merchants) expect merepay, and not profit. For in just commerce there are but three partiesthe two persons or societies exchanging, and the agent or agents of exchange; the value of the things to be exchanged is known by both the exchangers, and each receives equal value, neither gaining nor losing (for whatever one gains the other loses). The intermediate agent is paid a known percentage by both, partly for labour in conveyance, partly for care, knowledge, and risk; every attempt at concealment of the amount of the pay indicates either effort on the part of the agent to obtain unjust profit, or effort on the part of the exchangers to refuse him just pay. But for the most part it is the first, namely the effort on the part of the merchant to obtain larger profit (so-called) by buying cheap and selling dear. Some part, indeed, of this larger gain is deserved, and might be openly demanded, because it is the reward of the merchants knowledge, and foresight of probable
* (I wish some one would examine and publish accurately the late dealings of the Governors of the Cape with the Caffirs. 1 ) (By pay, I mean wages for labour or skill; by profit, gain dependent on the state of the market.)
1 [Note added in the edition of 1872, written in 1871. It is not clear to what dealings Ruskin refers; possibly to those with the Griquas, consequent upon the discovery of the diamond fields at Kimberley, which resulted (October 27, 1871) on the declaration of Griqualand West as British territory. For other references to the Kaffirs, see Fors Clavigera, Letters 1 and 62.]

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love of justice, and reverently religious nature, made him dread, as death, every form of fallacy; but chiefly, fallacy respecting the world to come (his own myths being only symbolic exponents of a rational hope). We shall perhaps now every day discover more clearly how right Plato was in this, and feel ourselves more and more wonderstruck that men such as Homer and Dante (and, in an inferior sphere, Milton), not to speak of the great sculptors and painters of every age, have permitted themselves, though full of all nobleness and wisdom, to coin idle imaginations of the mysteries of eternity, and guide the faiths of the families of the earth by the courses of their own vague and visionary arts:1 while the indisputable truths of human life and duty, respecting which they all have but one voice, lie hidden behind these veils of phantasy, unsought, and often unsuspected. I will gather carefully, out of Dante and Homer, what, in this kind, bears on our subject, in its due place; the first broad intention of their symbols may be sketched at once. 88. The rewards of a worthy use of riches, subordinate to other ends, are shown by Dante in the fifth and sixth orbs of Paradise;2 for the punishment of their unworthy use, three places are assigned; one for the avaricious and prodigal whose souls are lost (Hell, canto 7); one for the avaricious and prodigal whose souls are capable of purification (Purgatory, canto 19); and one for the usurers, of whom none can be redeemed (Hell, canto 17). The first group, the largest in all hell (gente pi che altrove troppa, compare Virgils qu maxima turba3), meet in contrary currents, as the waves of Charybdis, casting weights at each other from opposite sides. This weariness of contention is the chief element of their torture; so marked by the beautiful
[Compare The Mystery of Life and its Arts: Sesame and Lilies, 112 (Vol. XVIII. p. 158).] 2 [Compare Unto this Last, 46 (above, p.62), where Ruskin refers in a similar sense to Paradiso, xviii. The fifth and sixth orbs of Paradise are the Heavens of Mars and of Jupiter, which, however, the poet assigns (not with any direct reference to the use of riches) respectively to the spirits of those who fought for the faith, and of those who loved and exercised justice.] 3 [neid, vi. 611.]
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necessity; but the greater part of such gain is unjust; and unjust in this most fatal way, that it depends, first, on keeping the exchangers ignorant of the exchange value of the articles; and, secondly, on taking advantage of the buyers need and the sellers poverty. It is, therefore, one of the essential, and quite the most fatal, forms of usury; for usury means merely taking an exorbitant* sum for the use of anything; and it is no matter whether the exorbitance is on loan or exchange, on rent or on pricethe essence of the usury being that it is obtained by advantage of opportunity or necessity, and not as due reward for labour. All the great thinkers, therefore, have held it to be unnatural and impious, in so far as it feeds on the distress of others, or their folly. Nevertheless, attempts to repress it by law1 must for ever be ineffective; though
* (Since I wrote this, I have worked out the question of interest of money, which always, until lately, had embarrassed and defeated me; and I find that the payment of interest of any amount whatever is real usury, a nd entirely u njustifiable. I was s hown this chiefly by the pamphlets issued by Mr. W. C. Sillar, 2 though I greatly regret the impatience which causes Mr. Sillar to regard usury as the radical crime in political economy. There are others worse, which act with it.) Hence Dantes companionship of Cahors, Inf., canto xi., 3 supported by the view taken of the matter throughout the Middle Ages, in common with the Greeks. [Here the original essay continues: . . . by law (or in other words, to regulate prices by law so far as their variations depend on iniquity, and not on nature) must for ever . . .] 2 [These pamphlets, by Mr. William Cameron Sillar, are as follow: Usury, its Nature and Effects (1867); Usury, its Character further Investigated (1868); Interest or Usury, in what Respect it Differs from Rent of Houses, etc. (1871); Interest, wherein it Differs from Usury. Including an Extract from the Exposition upon the First Epistle to the Thessalonians iv. 6, by Bishop Jewell (1871); and Usury or Interest (1873). For references to them, see Fors Clavigera, Letters 21, 22, 43 (Notes and Correspondence, where again Ruskin disagrees with Mr. Sillar in thinking this one sin of receiving interest on money means every other), and many others. Mr. R. G. Sillar also, at a later date, published the following pamphlets on the subject: Usury: a Paper read before the Somerville Club (1883); Usury: a Paper read before the London Junior Clergy Society (1883); Usury: a Paper read before some Members of the University of Cambridge (1885); and Usury: its Pernicious Effects on English Agriculture and Commerce (1885). To the last named Ruskin contributed an Introduction (reprinted in a later volume of this edition).] 3 [Line 53: e Soddoma, e Caorsa, E chi, spregiand o Dio, col cuor favellaCahors being then a city much frequented by usurers: compare, below, p. 560.]
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Plato, Bacon, and the First Napoleon1all three of them men who knew somewhat more of humanity than the British merchant usually doestried their hands at it, and have left some (probably) good moderative forms of law, which we will examine in their place.2 But the only final check upon it must be radical purifying of the national character, for being, as Bacon calls it, concessum propter duritiem cordis,3 it is to be done away with by touching the heart only; not, however, without medicinal lawas in the case of the other permission, propter duritiem.4 But in this more than in anything (though much in all, and though in this he would not himself allow of their application, for his own laws against usury are sharp enough), Platos words in the fourth book of the Polity are true, that neither drugs, nor charms, nor burnings, will touch a deep-lying political sore, any more than a deep bodily one; but only right and utter change of constitution: and that they do but lose their labour who think that by any tricks of law they can get the better of these mischiefs of commerce, and see not that they hew at a Hydra.5 99. And indeed this Hydra seems so unslayable, and sin sticks so fast between the joinings of the stones of buying
[Writing to his father from Mornex (September 7, 1862), when this part of Munera Pulveris was in preparation, Ruskin says: I was amused and pleased this morning to see in the Times of September 3, that,among other unpractical and weak-minded persons, such as Xenophon and Bacon,I happen to have the First Napoleon with me in my political economy. I dont care much for my new ally, he having been given to thievin g . . . See times page 5, 3rd col.: We find him advising Bank of France to discount bills on patriotic principles, etc.fixed rate of wages. The reference in the Times is to a review of the Correspondence de Napoleon I., tome ix., Paris, 1862, where, after the passage quoted by Ruskin, it is added that Napoleon also sought to establish rates of wages and prices.] 2 [Again a reference to the intended sequel. Ruskins discussion of usury was postponed to a later period of his work: see Fors Clavigera, passim. For P latos views o n usury, see the Laws, x i 9 21. For a nother r eference t o B acons, s ee Fors Clavigera, Letter 43 (Notes and Correspondence). Had R uskin referred to Napoleons laws on the subject, he would doubtless have instanced his re-establishment in 1806 of the monopoly of the Mont de Pit with a view to checking the extortions of usurers.] 3 [See Bacons Essays: XLI. Of Usury.] 4 [See Matthew xix. 8.] 5 [Republic, 426 E.]
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and selling, that to trade in things, or literally crossgive1 them, has warped itself, by the instinct of nations, into their worst word for fraud; for, because in trade there cannot but be trust, and it seems also that there cannot but also be injury in answer to it, what is merely fraud between enemies becomes treachery among friends: and trader, traditor, and traitor are but the same word. For which simplicity of language there is more reason than at first appears; for as in true commerce there is no profit, so in true commerce there is no sale. The idea of sale is that of an interchange between enemies respectively endeavouring to get the better one of another; but commerce is an exchange between friends; and there is no desire but that it should be just, any more than there would be between members of the same family.* The moment there is a bargain over the pottage, the family relation is dissolved:typically, the days of mourning for my father are at hand. Whereupon follows the resolve, then will I slay my brother.2 100. This inhumanity of mercenary commerce is the more notable because it is a fulfilment of the law that the corruption of the best is the worst.3 For as, taking the body natural for symbol of the body politic, the governing and forming powers may be likened to the brain, and the and communation of things in changed utilities, labouring to the limbs, the mercantile, presiding over circulation and communication of things in changed utilities, is symbolized by the heart; and, if that hardens, all is lost. And this is the ultimate lesson which the leader of English
* (I do not wonder when I re-read this, that people talk about my sentiment. But there is no sentiment whatever in the matter. It is a hard and bare commercial fact, that if two people deal together who dont try t o cheat each other, they will, in a given time, make more money out of each other than if they do. See 104.)
1 [This is a derivation which can hardly be maintained; trade in old English being the path which we tread (see Skeats Etymological Dictionary), and not connected with the Latin tradere (trans dare).] 2 [Genesis xxvii. 41.] 3 [For other references to this proverbial saying, see Vol. V p. 47; Vol. VII. p. 209; and below, in Time and Tide, 52, 139, pp. 362, 430.]

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intellect meant for us, (a lesson, indeed, not all his own, but part of the old wisdom of humanity,) in the tale of the Merchant of Venice; in which the true and incorrupt merchant,kind and free, beyond every other Shakspearian conception of men,is opposed to the corrupted merchant, or usurer;1 the lesson being deepened by the expression of the strange hatred which the corrupted merchant bears to the pure one, mixed with intense scorn, This is the fool that lent out money gratis; look to him, jailor,2 (as to lunatic no less than criminal) the enmity, observe, having its symbolism literally carried out by being aimed straight at the heart, and finally foiled by a literal appeal to the great moral law that flesh and blood cannot be weighed, enforced by Portia* (Portion), the type of divine Fortune, found, not in gold, nor in silver, but in lead, that is to say, in endurance and patience, not in
* Shakspeare would certainly never have chosen this name had he been forced to retain the Roman spelling. Like Perdita, lost lady, or C ordelia, heart-lady, P ortia i s fortune lady. The t wo g reat r elative groups of words, Fortuna, f ero, a nd f ors Portio, porto, and pars (with the lateral branch op-portune, im-portune, opportunity, etc.), are of deep and intricate significance; their various senses of bringing, abstracting, and sustaining being all centralized by the wheel (which bears and moves at once), or still better, the ball (spera) of fortune,Volve sua spera, e beata si gode: 3 the motive power of this wheel distinguishing its goddess from the fixed majesty of Necessitas with her iron nails; or anagkh, with her pillar of fire and iridescent orbits, fixed at the centre. Portus and porta, and gate in its connexion with gain, form another interesting branch group; and Mors, the concentration of delaying, is always to be remembered with Fors, the concentration of bringing and bearing, passing on into Fortis and Fortitude. (This note is literally a mere memorandum for the future work which I am now completing in Fors Clavigera; 4 it was printed partly in vanity, but also with real desire to get people to share the interest I found in the careful study of the leading words in noble languages. Compare the next note.)
1 [For a reference to Ruskins explanation here (and cf. 134, p. 257) of the intent of Shakespeare throughout the Merchant of Venice, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 76.] 2 [Merchant of Venice, Act iii. sc. 3, line 2.] 3 [Inferno, vii. 96: Fortune rolls on her sphere and in her bliss exults.] 4 [The object of which work, said Ruskin, was to explain the powers of Chance, or Fortune: see Letter 43, and the General Index.]

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splendour; and finally taught by her lips also, declaring, instead of the law and quality of merces, the greater law and quality of mercy, which is not strained, but drops as the rain, blessing him that gives and him that takes.1 And observe that this mercy is not the mean Misericordia, but the mighty Gratia, answered by Gratitude, (observe Shylocks leaning on the, to him detestable, word, gratis, and compare the relations of Grace to Equity given in the second chapter of the second book of the Memorabilia;2) that is to say, it is the gracious or loving, instead of the strained, or competing manner, of doing things, answered, not only with merces or pay, but with merci or thanks. And this is indeed the meaning of the great benediction Grace, mercy, and peace,3 for there can be no peace without grace, (not even by help of rifled cannon,4) not even without triplicity of graciousness, for the Greeks, who began but with one Grace, had to open their scheme into three before they had done.5
[Merchant of Venice, Act iv. sc. 1.] [In which chapter, at the beginning, the argument of Socrates is that ingratitude to a benefactor, be he enemy or friend, is a form of injustice.] 3 [1 Timothy i. 2.] 4 [Here the original essay appended a footnote: Out of whose mouths, indeed, no peace was ever promulgated, but only equipoise of panic, highly tremulous on the edge in cha nges of wind.] 5 [A letter from Ruskin to his father (Boulogne, July 1, 1861), illustrates this passage and 101: Grace is in the Iliad a single Goddess, the wife of Vulcan; she is feminine household strength; afterwards this single goddess becomes three, of whom the youngest and loveliest, Aglaia, was still the wife of Vulcan. They are the Powers of all benevolent and affectionate social action; and whereas every other Goddess occasionally becomes hostile or terrible, the Graces never appear but in acts of kindness, whence gradually grace comes to signify kindness or favour, and so we have to do a grace, or demand a grace: so faire grace in French, to pardon; demander grace, to seek pardon; demander une grace, to ask a favour. But the original meaning of the word is always the power of benevolent action, and thus the Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ means the power for life and kindness, the animating mercy; not the greatest mercy. It refers especially to the life of the branches in the vine, and therefore comes first in all the benedictions (the Grace of Christ, and Love of God, and Fellowship of the Holy Ghost), for this life must precede all other gifts. So the hackneyed and little understood expressionKing or Queen by the grace of Godmeans by the power and help of God, not merely by permission of God or pardon of God. There are many interesting details connected with the passing of the
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101. With the usual tendency of long repeated thought, to take the surface for the deep, we have conceived these goddesses as if they only gave loveliness to gesture; whereas their true function is to give graciousness to deed, the other loveliness arising naturally out of that. In which function Charis becomes Charitas;* and has a name and praise even greater than that of Faith or Truth, for these may be
* As Charis becomes Charitas, the word Cher, or Dear, passes from Shylocks sense of it (to buy cheap and sell dear) into Antonios sense of it: emphasized with the final i in tender Chri, and hushed to English calmness in our noble Cherish. The reader must not think that any care can be misspent in tracing the connexion and power of the words which we have to use in the sequel. (See Appendix VI. 1 ) Much education sums itself in making men economize their words, and understand them. Nor is it possible to estimate the harm which has been done, in matters of higher speculation and conduct, by loose verbiage, though we may guess at it by observing the dislike which people show to having anything about their religion said to them in simple words, because then they understand it. Thus congregations meet weekly to invoke the influence of a Spirit of Life and Truth; yet if any part of that character were intelligibly expressed to them by the formulas of the service, they would be offended. Suppose, for instance, in the closing benediction, the clergyman were to give vital significance to the vague word Holy, and were to say, the fellowship of the Helpful 2 and Honest Ghost be with you, and remain with you always, what would be the horror of many, first at the one Goddess into three. For some time there were only two at Athens, and as many at Sparta, but I cant write out these unless I had my Greek books. You must also remember that the Greek word f or Grace i s Charis, whence t he Latin Charitas and finally our Charity. One might write quite an interesting lecture on the branchings of the word; into the Italian grazia and carita; and the French grace and gracieuse on one side, and charit on the other; and our gracious and graceful, and on its equivocal uses leading to error, like the Maria mater grati of the Roman Catholics, and the modern English state of grace in a sense of pardon. Everything becomes endless when one works it out. For Charis, wife of Hephstus, see Iliad, xviii. 382. For the two Graces of Sparta and Athens, etc., see Pausanias, ix. 35, 15. For the three Graces, see Hesiod, Theogony, 907, and for Aglaia, as wife of Hephstus, ibid., 945. For other notes by Ruskin on the expression Dei Gratia, see 105, p. 229; Sesame and Lilies, 91 (Vol. XVIII. p. 139); and Crown of Wild Olive, 145; and on cariV and gratia, compare Lectures on Art, 91.] 1 [See below, p. 292. The original essay here reads: . . . sequel. Not only does all soundness of reasoning depend on the work done in the outset, but we may sometimes gain more by insistance on the expression of a truth, than by much wordless thinking about it; for to strive to express it clearly is often to detect it thoroughly; and education, even as regards thought, nearly sums itself in making . . .] 2 [On Holy a nd Helpful, c ompare, b elow, p . 2 87 n., and Vol. VII. p. 206; and see Unto this Last, 44 (above, p. 60).]
XVII. P

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maintained sullenly and proudly; but Charis is in her countenance always gladdening (Aglaia), and in her service instant and humble; and the true wife of Vulcan, or Labour. And it is not until her sincerity of function is lost, and her mere beauty contemplated instead of her patience, that she is born again of the foam flake, and becomes Aphrodit; and it is then only that she becomes capable of joining herself to war and to the enmities of men, instead of to labour and their services. Therefore the fable of Mars and Venus is chosen by Homer, picturing himself as Demodocus, to sing at the games in the court of Alcinous.1 Phacia is the Homeric island of Atlantis; an image of noble and wise government, concealed, (how slightly!) merely by the change of a short vowel for a long one in the name of its queen;2 yet misunderstood by all later writers, (even by Horace, in his pinguis, Phaxque3). That fable expresses the perpetual error of men in thinking that grace and dignity can only be reached by the soldier, and never by the artizan; so that commerce and the useful arts have had the honour and beauty taken away, and only the Fraud and Pain left to them, with the lucre. Which is, indeed, one great reason of the continual blundering about the offices of government with respect to commerce. The higher classes are ashamed to employ themselves in it; and though ready enough to fight for (or occasionally against) the people,to preach to
irreverence of so intelligible an expression; and secondly, at the discomfortable occurrence of the suspicion that while throughout the commercial dealings of the week they had denied the propriety of Help, and possibility of Honesty, the Person whose company they had been now asking to be blessed with could have no fellowship with cruel people or knaves. [Odyssey, viii. 266 seq.] [Arkih (virtue) b ecoming Arhthwhich, in Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 274), Ruskin takes a s still meaning to Homer Virtue. It should b e noted, h owever, that Homers name shows a double changethe initial A being long, instead of short as in areth. The Queens name is thus usually interpreted as meaning prayed for (like Samuel). For another reference to Arete, see below, 134, p. 258.] 3 [Epist. i. xv. 24. Pinguis ut inde domum possim Phaxque reverti: a sleek Phacian.]
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them,or judge them, will not break bread for them;1 the refined upper servant who has willingly looked after the burnishing of the armoury and ordering of the library, not liking to set foot in the larder. 102. Farther still. As Charis becomes Charitas on the one side, she becomesbetter stillChara, Joy, on the other; or rather this is her very mothers milk2 and the beauty of her childhood; for God brings no enduring Love, nor any other good, out of pain; nor out of contention; but out of joy and harmony. And in this sense, human and divine, music and gladness, and the measures of both, come into her name; and Cher becomes full-vowelled Cheer, and Cheerful; and Chara opens into Choir and Choral.* 103. And lastly. As Grace passes into Freedom of action, Charis becomes Eleutheria, or Liberality; a form of liberty quite curiously and intensely different from the thing usually understood by Liberty in modern language:3 indeed, much more like what some people would call slavery: for a Greek always understood, primarily, by liberty, deliverance from the law of his own passions (or from what the Christian writers call bondage of corruption4), and this
* ta men oun alla zwa ouk ecein aisqhsin twn en taiV kinhsesi taxewn oude ataxiwn, oiV dh ruqmoV onoma kai armonia hmin de ouV eipomen touV qeouV (Apollo, the Muses, and Bacchusthe grave Bacchus, that isruling the choir of age;5 or Bacchus restraining; sva tene, cum Berecyntio cornu, tympana, etc.6) sugcoreutaV dedosqai, toutouV einai kai touV dedwkotaV thn enruqmon te kai enarmonion aisqhsin meq hdonhV . . . corouV te wnomakenai para thV caraV emfuton onoma. Other animals have no perception of order nor of disorder in motion; but for us, Apollo and Bacchus and the Muses are appointed to mingle in our dances; and these are they who have given us the sense of delight in rhythm and harmony. And the name of choir, choral dance, (we may believe,) came from chara (delight).Larvs, book ii.7
1

427.]

[Compare Vol. XII. p. 343; Vol. XVI. p. 98; and below, Time and Tide, 134, p.

2 [Compare Vol. VII. p. 451, and Sesame and Lilies, 98, 105 (Vol. XVIII. pp. 146, 151).] 3 [Compare Vol. VIII. pp. 248249.] 4 [Romans viii. 21.] 5 [For the reference to Plato here, see Lectures on Landscape, 13.] 6 [Horace, Odes, i. 18, 13: Silence the savage cymbals and the horn (used in Cybeles worship on Mount Berecyntus in Phrygia).] 7 [654 A. See Modern Painters, vol. v. pt. viii. ch. i. 20 (Vol. VII. p. 215), where the last words are also quoted and commented upon.]

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a complete liberty: not being merely safe from the Siren, but also unbound from the mast,1 and not having to resist the passion, but making it fawn upon, and follow him(this may be again partly the meaning of the fawning beasts about the Circean cave; so, again, George Herbert
Correct thy passions spite, Then may the beasts draw thee to happy light2)

And it is only in such generosity that any man becomes capable of so governing others as to take true part in any system of national economy. Nor is there any other eternal distinction between the upper and lower classes than this form of liberty, Eleutheria, or benignity, in the one, and its opposite of slavery, Douleia, or malignity, in the other; the separation of these two orders of men, and the firm government of the lower by the higher, being the first conditions of possible wealth and economy in any State,the Gods giving it no greater gift than the power to discern its true freemen, and malignum spernere vulgus.3 104. While I have traced the finer and higher laws of this matter for those whom they concern, I have also to note the material lawvulgarly expressed in the proverb, Honesty is the best policy.4 That proverb is indeed wholly inapplicable to matters of private interest. It is not true that honesty, as far as material gain is concerned, profits individuals. A clever and cruel knave will in a mixed society always be richer than an honest person can be. But Honesty IS the best policy, if policy mean practice of State. For fraud gains nothing in a State. It only enables the knaves in it to live at the expense of honest people; while there is for every act of fraud, however small, a loss of wealth to the community. Whatever the fraudulent person gains, some other person loses, as
1 2 3 4

[Odyssey, xii. 160; and for the fawning beasts, see ibid., x. 215.] [The Church Porch, xliv.] [Horace, Odes, ii. 16, 39, 40.] [Compare Time and Tide, 33 (below, p. 347).]

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fraud produces nothing; and there is, besides, the loss of the time and thought spent in accomplishing the fraud, and of the strength otherwise obtainable by mutual help (not to speak of the fevers of anxiety and jealousy in the blood, which are a heavy physical loss, as I will show in due time). Practically, when the nation is deeply corrupt, cheat answers to cheat; every one is in turn imposed upon, and there is to the body politic the dead loss of the ingenuity, together with the incalculable mischief of the injury to each defrauded person, producing collateral effect unexpectedly. My neighbour sells me bad meat: I sell him in return flawed iron. We neither of us get one atom of pecuniary advantage on the whole transaction, but we both suffer unexpected inconvenience; my men get scurvy, and his cattle-truck runs off the rails. 105. The examination of this form of Charis must, therefore, lead us into the discussion of the principles of government in general, and especially of that of the poor by the rich, discovering how the Graciousness joined with the Greatness, or Love with Majestas, is the true Dei Gratia, or Divine Right, of every form and manner of King; i.e., specifically, of the thrones, dominations, princedoms, virtues, and powers of the earth:1of the thrones, stable, or ruling, literally right-doing powers (rex eris, recte si facies2):of the dominationslordly, edifying, dominant and harmonious powers; chiefly domestic, over the built thing, domus, or house; and inherently twofold, Dominus and Domina; Lord and Lady:of the Princedoms, pre-eminent, incipient, creative, and demonstrative powers; thus poetic and mercantile, in the princeps carmen deduxisse3 and the merchant-prince:of the Virtues or Courages; militant, guiding, or Ducal powers:and finally of the Strengths, or
1 [Paradise Lost, v. 601. See also Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. p. 86); and Sesame and Lilies, 90.] 2 [Horace, Epistles, i. 1, 59.] 3 [An application of Horace, Odes, iii. 30, 13 (the ode beginning Exegi monumentum re perennius): Dicar . . . princeps olium carmen ad Italos Deduxisse modos (the first, men will say, to have made the olian lay at home among Italian measures).]

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Forces pure; magistral powers, of the More over the less, and the forceful and free over the weak and servile elements of life. Subject enough for the next paper, involving economical principles of some importance, of which, for theme, here is a sentence, which I do not care to translate, for it would sound harsh in English,* though, truly, it is one of the tenderest ever uttered by man; which may be meditated over, or rather through, in the meanwhile, by any one who will take the pains:
Ar oun, wsper ippoV tw anepisthmoni men egceirounti de crhsqai zhmia estin, outw kai adelfoV, otan tiV autw mh epistamenoV egceirh crhsqai, zhmiaesti; 1 * (My way now, is to say things plainly, if I can, whether they sound harsh or not;this is the translationIs it possible, then, that as a horse is only a mischief to any one who attempts to use him without knowing how, so also our brother, if we attempt to use him without knowing how, may be a mischief to us?)
1 [Xenophon, Memorabilia, ii. 3, 7. On the subject of wealth and use, see above, 35 (p. 167); Unto this Last, 62, 64 (above, pp. 86, 88); and Fors Clavigera, Letter 70.]

CHAPTER V
GOVERNM ENT 1

106. IT remains for us, as I stated in the close of the last chapter, to examine first the principles of government in general, and then those of the government of the Poor by the Rich. The government of a state consists in its customs, laws, and councils, and their enforcements.2 I. CUSTOMS. As one person primarily differs from another by fineness of nature, and, secondarily, by fineness of training, so also, a polite nation differs from a savage one, first, by the refinement of its nature, and secondly by the delicacy of its customs. In the completeness of custom, which is the nations self-government, there are three stagesfirst, fineness in method of doing or of being;called the manner or moral of acts; secondly, firmness in holding such method after adoption, so that it shall become a habit in the character: i.e., a constant having or behaving; and, lastly, ethical power in performance and endurance, which is the skill following on habit, and the ease reached by frequency of right doing.
[This and the following chapter were the fourth essay in the Magazine. The headlines to the portion of the essay contained in the present chapter were: Laws.Critic Law.Governments.Slavery.] 2 [In explanation of this passage Ruskin wrote to his father as follows (Talloires, April 27, 1863): I never intended and t heir enforcements t o b e a fourth section of d ivision. It is merely an explanatory or completing termas one says Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and their proper arms. Arms is not a fourth head; it belongs to all the three p revious ones. So does enforcements. They are spoken of u nder the h ead of policewhipsprisonsetc.pathetic oratory, etc.; but they are infinit e, of course, and cant be separately discharged.]
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The sensibility of the nation is indicated by the fineness of its customs; its courage, continence, and self-respect by its persistence in them. By sensibility I mean its natural perception of beauty, fitness, and rightness; or of what is lovely, decent, and just: faculties dependent much on race, and the primal signs of fine breeding in man; but cultivable also by education, and necessarily perishing without it. True education has, indeed, no other function than the development of these faculties, and of the relative will. It has been the great error of modern intelligence to mistake science for education. You do not educate a man by telling him what he knew not, but by making him what he was not.1 And making him what he will remain for ever: for no wash of weeds will bring back the faded purple.2 And in that dyeing there are two processesfirst, the cleansing and wringing-out, which is the baptism with water; and then the infusing of the blue and scarlet colours, gentleness and justice, which is the baptism with fire. 107.* The customs and manners of a sensitive and highly-trained race are always Vital: that is to say, they are orderly manifestations of intense life, like the habitual action of the fingers of a musician. The customs and manners of a vile and rude race, on the contrary, are conditions of decay: they are not, properly speaking, habits,
* (Think over this paragraph carefully; it should have been much expanded to be quite intelligible; but it contains all that I want it to contain.) [Compare Vol. XI. p. 204 n.; Vol. VII. p. 429.] [Ruskin (as he wrote to his father from Mornex, March 29, 1863) was here referring to Horace, Odes, iii. 5, 28: neque amissos colores Lana refert medicata fuco, Nec vera virtus, cum semel excidit, Curat reponi deterioribus. Fucus, h e e xplains, m eans sea-weed u sed t o i mitate Tyrian p urple c heaply. R uskins phrase refers also, he adds, to a passage of Plato of the same general meanin g; and finally to St. Johns baptism of repentance, and Christs with the Holy Ghost and fire.]
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but incrustations; not restraints, or forms, of life; but gangrenes, noisome, and the beginnings of death. And generally, so far as custom attaches itself to indolence instead of action, and to prejudice instead of perception, it takes this deadly character, so that thus
Custom hangs upon us with a weight Heavy as frost, and deep almost as life.1

But that weight, if it becomes impetus, (living instead of dead weight) is just what gives value to custom, when it works with life, instead of against it.2 108. The high ethical training of a nation3 implies perfect Grace, Pitifulness, and Peace; it is irreconcilably inconsistent with filthy or mechanical employments,with the desire of money,and with mental states of anxiety, jealousy, or indifference to pain. The present insensibility of the upper classes of Europe to the surrounding aspects of suffering, uncleanness, and crime, binds them not only into one responsibility with the sin, but into one dishonour with the foulness, which rot at their thresholds. The crimes daily recorded in the police-courts of London and Paris (and much more those which are unrecorded) are a disgrace to the whole body politic;* they are, as in the body
* The ordinary brute, who flourishes in the very centre of ornate life, tells us of unknown depths on the verge of which we totter, being bound to thank our stars every day we live that there is not a general outbreak, a nd a revolt from the yoke of civilization.Times leader, Dec. 25, 1862. Admitting that our stars are to be thanked for our safety, whom are we to thank for the danger? [Wordsworth: Intimations of Immortality (And custom lie upon thee, etc.): the lines are quoted also in Vol. IV. p. 98 and Vol. V. p. 369.] 2 [Instead of But that weight, etc., the original essay reads: This p ower and d epth are, h owever, j ust what give value to custom, when it works with life, instead of against it.] 3 [Here the original essay adds: . . . nation, being threefold, of body, heart, and practice (compare the statement in the Preface to Unto this Last), involves exquisiteness in all its perceptions of circumstance,all its modes of act,and all its operations of thought. It implies . . . For the reference to Unto this Last, see above, p. 21.]
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natural, stains of disease on a face of delicate skin, making the delicacy itself frightful. Similarly, the filth and poverty permitted or ignored in the midst of us are as dishonourable to the whole social body, as in the body natural it is to wash the face, but leave the hands and feet foul. Christs way is the only true one: begin at the feet;1 the face will take care of itself. 109. Yet, since necessarily, in the frame of a nation, nothing but the head can be of gold, and the feet, for the work they have to do, must be part of iron, part of clay;foul or mechanical work is always reduced by a noble race to the minimum in quantity; and, even then, performed and endured, not without sense of degradation, as a fine temper is wounded by the sight of the lower offices of the body. The highest conditions of human society reached hitherto have cast such work to slaves; but supposing slavery of a politically defined kind to be done away with, mechanical and foul employment must, in all highly organized states, take the aspect either of punishment or probation. All criminals should at once be set to the most dangerous and painful forms of it, especially to work in mines and at furnaces,* so as to relieve the innocent population as far as possible: of merely rough (not mechanical) manual labour,
* Our politicians, even the best of them, regard only the distress caused by the failure of mechanical labour. The degradation caused by its excess is a far more serious subject of thought, and of future fear. I shall examine this part of our subject at length hereafter. 2 There can hardly be any doubt, at present, cast on the truth of the above passages, as all the great thinkers are unanimous on the matter. Platos words are terrific in their scorn and pity whenever he touches on the mechanical arts. He calls the men employed in them not even human, but partially and diminutively human, anqrwpiskoi, and opposes such work to noble occupations, not merely as prison is opposed t o f reedom, b ut a s a c onvicts d ishonoured p rison i s t o t he t emple ( escape f rom them being like that of a criminal to the sanctuary); and the destruction caused by them being of soul no less [See Luke vii. 45, 46, and John xiii. 5.] [Again a reference to the intended, but unaccomplished, sequel. Ruskin, however, returned to the subject in Time and Tide, 103 (below, p. 402); and compare Crown of Wild Olive, 2, 89, 90, and Lectures on Art, 123.]
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especially agricultural, a large portion should be done by the upper classes;bodily health, and sufficient contrast and repose for the mental functions, being unattainable without it;1 what necessarily inferior labour remains to be done, as
than body.Rep. vi. 9. Compare Laws, v. 11. 2 Xenophon dwells on the evil of occupations at the furnace, and especially their ascolia, want of leisure.Econ. iv. 3. (Modern England, with all its pride of education, has lost that first sense of the word school; and till it recover that, it will find no other rightly.) His word for the harm to the s oul i s to break i t, as we say of the heart.Econ. vi. 5. And herein, also, is the root of the scorn, otherwise apparently most strange and cruel, with which Homer, Dante, and Shakspeare always speak of the populace; 3 for it is entirely true that, in great states, the lower orders are low by nature as well as by task, being precisely that pa rt of the commonwealth which has been thrust down for its coarseness or unworthiness (by coarseness I mean especially insensibility and irreverencethe profane of Horace 4 ); and when this ceases to be so, and the corruption and profanity are in the higher instead of the lower orders, there arises, first helpless confusion; then, if the lower classes deserve power, ensues swift revolution, and they get it; but if neither the populace nor their rulers deserve it, there follows mere darkness and dissolution, till, out of the putrid elements, some new capacity of order rises, like grass on a grave; if not, there is no more hope, nor shadow of turning, for that nation. Atropos has her way with it. So that the law of national health is like that of a great lake or sea, in perfect but slow circulation, letting the dregs fall continually to the lowest place, and the clear water rise; yet so as that there shall be no neglect of the lower orders, but perfect supervision and sympathy, so that if one member suffer, all members shall suffer with it.
1 [The italics here were introduced by Ruskin in 1872they emphasise schemes which he had much at heart at the time; compare Vol. VII. pp. 341, 429; and Vol. X. p. 201.] 2 [The references are to the Republic, vi. 495 C. (again referred to below, 134: see the MS. facsimile for the Greek); and to the Laws, 741 E.: No man either ought, or indeed will be, allowed to exercise any ignoble occupation, of which the vulgarity (banausia) deters a freeman, and disinclines him to acqu ire riches by any such means (Jowetts version). After furnace the original essay inserted (root of banausoV)banausoV meaning literally working by the fire (from baunoV , furnace). For the passages in Xenophon next referred to, see Bibliotheca Pastorum, Economist, iv. 1. See, on the general subject, Time and Tide, 103 (below, p. 402); Crown of Wild Olive, 89, 90; and Lectures on Art, 123.] 3 [There is not, I think, an example in all the Iliad of a chief falling, or even being wounded, by an ignoble hand (see Mahaffys Social Life in Greece, p. 12); and Thersites is the only common soldier mentioned by name in the poem. For Dantes scorn of the populace, see such passages as Inferno, xv. 61, 68; Purgatorio, vi. 127 seq., xi. 113; and Convivio, i. 11. For Shakespeare see, for instance, King John, iv. 2 (the lean, unwashed artificer).] 4 [Odes, iii. 1, 1.]

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especially in manufactures, should, and always will, when the relations of society are reverent and harmonious, fall to the lot of those who, for the time, are fit for nothing better. For as, whatever the perfectness of the educational system, there must remain infinite differences between the natures and capacities of men; and these differing natures are generally rangeable under the two qualities of lordly, (or tending towards rule, construction, and harmony), and servile (or tending towards misrule, destruction, and discord); and, since the lordly part is only in a state of profitableness while ruling, and the servile only in a state of redeemableness while serving, the whole health of the state depends on the manifest separation of these two elements of its mind; for, if the servile part be not separated and rendered visible in service, it mixes with, and corrupts, the entire body of the state; and if the lordly part be not distinguished, and set to rule, it is crushed and lost, being turned to no account, so that the rarest qualities of the nation are all given to it in vain.*1 II. LAWS. 110. These are the definitions and bonds of custom, or of what the nation desires should become custom.
* olighV, kai allwV gignomenhV (Little, and that little born in vain.) The bitter sentence never was so true as at this day. 2 [The original essay continued: The effecting of which distinction is the first object, as we shall presently see, of national councils. See 125; below, p. 248.] 2 [Plato, Republic, vi. 495 B. Ruskins translation of the words cited is not accepted by the commentators. Which even otherwise (i.e., setting aside the cause of destruction just mentioned) is a rare growth is the note in Jowett and Campbells edition of the Republic. The passage in its context is as follows: Thus, you see, that we were not wrong in saying that in fact the very ingredients of the philosophic character, when he is ill-educated, are in a manner the causes of a mans falling away from philosophy; to which result the so-called goods of life, riches and all such paraphernalia, likewise contribute. Yes, indeed, that was truly said. This, then, my good friend, is the ruin and failure of the finest character adapted to the best of all pursuitsa character which even otherwise is rarely to be met with.]
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Law is either archic,* (of direction), meristic, (of division), or critic, (of judgment). Archic law is that of appointment and precept: it defines what is and is not to be done. Meristic law is that of balance and distribution: it defines what is and is not to be possessed. Critic law is that of discernment and award: it defines what is and is not to be suffered. 111. A. ARCHIC LAW. If we choose to unite the laws of precept and distribution under the head of statutes, all law is simply either of statute or judgment; that is, first the establishment of ordinance, and, secondly, the assignment of the reward, or penalty, due to its observance or violation. To some extent these two forms of law must be associated, and, with every ordinance, the penalty of disobedience to it be also determined. But since the degrees and guilt of disobedience vary, the determination of due reward and punishment must be modified by discernment of special fact, which is peculiarly the office of the judge, as distinguished from that of the lawgiver and law-sustainer, or king; not but that the two offices are always theoretically, and in early stages, or limited numbers, of society, are often practically, united in the same person or persons.
* (This following note is a mere cluster of memoranda, but I keep it for reference.) Thetic, or Thesmic, would perhaps be a better term than archic; but liable to be confused with some which we shall want relating to Theoria. The administrators of the three great divisions of law are severally Archons, Merists, and Dicasts. The Archons are the true princes, or beginners of things; or leaders (as of an orchestra). The Merists are properly the Domini, or Lords 1 of houses and nations. The Dicasts, properly, the judges, and that with Olympian justice, which reaches to heaven and hell. The violation of archic law is amartia (error), ponhria (failure), or plhmmeleia (discord). The violation of meristic law is anomia (iniquity). The violation of critic law is adikia (injury). Iniquity is the central generic term; for all law is fatal; it is the division to men of their fate; as the fold of their pasture, it is nomoV; as the assigning of their portion, moira.
1

[Here the original essay inserted (law-wards).]

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112. Also, it is necessary to keep clearly in view the distinction between these two kinds of law, because the possible range of law is wider in proportion to their separation. There are many points of conduct respecting which the nation may wisely express its will by a written precept or resolve, yet not enforce it by penalty:* and the expedient degree of penalty is always quite a separate consideration from the expedience of the statute; for the statute may often be better enforced by mercy than severity, and is also easier in the bearing, and less likely to be abrogated. Farther, laws of precept have reference especially to youth, and concern themselves with training; but laws of judgment to manhood, and concern themselves with remedy and reward. There is a highly curious feeling in the English mind against educational law: we think no mans liberty should be interfered with till he has done irrevocable wrong; whereas it is then just too late for the only gracious and kingly interference, which is to hinder him from doing it.1 Make your educational laws strict, and your criminal ones may be gentle; but, leave youth its liberty, and you will have to dig dungeons for age. And it is good for a man that he wear the yoke in his youth:2 for the reins may then be of silken thread; and with sweet chime of silver bells at the bridle; but, for the captivity of age, you must forge the iron fetter, and cast the passing bell. 113. Since no law can be, in a final or true sense, established, but by right, (all unjust laws involving the
* (This is the only sentence which, in revising these essays, I am now inclined to question; but the point is one of extreme difficulty. 3 There might be a law, for instance, of curfew, that candles should be put out, unless for necessary service, at such and such an hour, the idea of necessary service being quite indefinable, and no penalty possible; yet t here would b e a d istinct c onsciousness of i llegal c onduct i n young ladies minds who danced by candlelight till dawn.)
1 [Compare Notes on the General Principles of Employment for the Destitute and Criminal Classes; below, p. 542.] 2 [Lamentations iii. 27.] 3 [The same distinction that is made in the text is also discussed in A Joy for Ever, 123 (Vol. XVI. p. 107).]

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ultimate necessity of their own abrogation), the law-giving can only become a law-sustaining power in so far as it is Royal, or right doing;in so far, that is, as it rules, not mis-rules, and orders, not dis-orders, the things submitted to it. Throned on this rock of justice, the kingly power becomes established and establishing; qeioV, or divine, and, therefore, it is literally true that no ruler can err, so long as he is a ruler, or arcwn oudeiV amartanei tste otan arcwn h;1 perverted by careless thought, which has cost the world somewhat, intothe king can do no wrong.2 114. B. MERISTIC LAW,* or that of the tenure of property, first determines what every individual possesses by right, and secures it to him; and what he possesses by wrong, and deprives him of it. But it has a far higher provisory function: it determines what every man should possess, and puts it within his reach on due conditions; and what he should not possess, and puts this out of his reach, conclusively. 115. Every article of human wealth has certain conditions attached to its merited possession; when these are unobserved, possession becomes rapine. And the object of meristic law is not only to secure to every man his rightful share (the share, that is, which he has worked for, produced, or received by gift from a rightful owner), but to enforce the due conditions of possession, as far as law may conveniently reach; for instance, that land shall not be wantonly allowed to run to waste, that streams shall not be poisoned by the persons through whose properties
* (Read this and the next paragraph with attent ion; they contain clear statements, which I cannot mend, of things most necessary.)
1 2

[Plato, Republic, i. 340 E.: no ruler errs when he is a ruler.] [The original essay adds: Which is a divine right of kings indeed, and quite unassailable, so long as the terms of it are God and my Right, a nd n ot Satan a nd m y Wrong, which is apt, in some coinages, to appear on the reverse of the die under a good lens.]

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they pass, nor air be rendered unwholesome beyond given limits. Laws of this kind exist already in rudimentary degree, but need large development: the just laws respecting the possession of works of art have not hitherto been so much as conceived, and the daily loss of national wealth, and of its use, in this respect, is quite incalculable. And these laws need revision quite as much respecting property in national as in private hands. For instance: the public are under a vague impression that, because they have paid for the contents of the British Museum, every one has an equal right to see and to handle them. But the public have similarly paid for the contents of Woolwich arsenal; yet do not expect free access to it, or handling of its contents. The British Museum is neither a free circulating library, nor a free school:1 it is a place for the safe preservation, and exhibition on due occasion, of unique books, unique objects of natural history, and unique works of art; its books can no more be used by everybody than its coins can be handled, or its statues cast. There ought to be free libraries in every quarter of London, with large and complete reading-rooms attached; so also free educational museums should be open in every quarter of London, all day long, and till late at night, well lighted, well catalogued, and rich in contents both of art and natural history. But neither the British Museum nor National Gallery is a school; they are treasuries; and both should be severely restricted in access and in use. Unless some order of this kind is made, and that soon, for the MSS. department of the Museum, (its superintendents have sorrowfully told me this, and repeatedly,2) the best MSS. in the collection will be destroyed, irretrievably, by the careless and continual handling to which they are now subjected.
[Compare Ruskins letter to the Times (January 27, 1866) on the British Museum; reprinted in Arrows of the Chace, 1880, vol. i. p. 78, and in a later volume of this edition.] 2 [For (its superintendents . . . repeatedly), the original essay has (Sir Frederic Madden was complaining o f t his t o m e o nly t he o ther d ay). S ir Frederic M adden, F.R.S. (18011873) was assistant-keeper of manuscripts at the British Museum, 18281837, and head of the department, 18371866.]
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Finally, in certain conditions of a nations progress, laws limiting accumulation of any kind of property may be found expedient. 116. C. CRITIC LAW determines questions of injury, and assigns due rewards and punishments to conduct.1 Two curious economical questions arise laterally with respect to this branch of law, namely, the cost of crime, and the cost of judgment. The cost of crime is endured by nations ignorantly, that expense being nowhere stated in their budgets; the cost of judgment, patiently, (provided only it can be had pure for the money,) because the science, or perhaps we ought rather to say the art, of law, is felt to found a noble profession and discipline; so that civilized nations are usually glad that a number of persons should be supported by exercise in oratory and analysis. But it has not yet been calculated what the practical value might have been, in other directions, of the intelligence now occupied in deciding, through courses of years, what might have been decided as justly, had the date of judgment been fixed, in as many hours. Imagine one half of the funds which any great nation devotes to dispute by law, applied to the determination of physical questions in medicine, agriculture, and theoretic science; and calculate the probable results within the next ten years! I say nothing yet of the more deadly, more lamentable loss, involved in the use of purchased, instead of personal, justiceepaktw par allwnaporia oikeiwn.2 117. In order to true analysis of critic law, we must understand the real meaning of the word injury. We commonly understand by it, any kind of harm done by one man to another; but we do not define the
1 [Ruskin quoted 116 (in part), 117, 118, 119, and 120 (in part) in The Tortoise of gina, 7 (see a later volume of this edition), thus: Critic Law . . . to conduct. Therefore, in order to true analysis of, we must understand . . .] 2 [Plato, Republic, iii. 405 B.: Does it not seem to you a scandalous thing, and a strong proof of defective education, to be obliged to use justice imported from others, in the character of lords and judges, in consequence of the lack of it at home?]

XVII.

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idea of harm: sometimes we limit it to the harm which the sufferer is conscious of; whereas much the worst injuries are those he is unconscious of; and, at other times, we limit the idea to violence, or restraint; whereas much the worst forms of injury are to be accomplished by indolence, and the withdrawal of restraint. 118. Injury is then simply the refusal, or violation of, any mans right or claim upon his fellows: which claim, much talked of in modern times, under the term right, is mainly resolvable into two branches: a mans claim not to be hindered from doing what he should; and his claim to be hindered from doing what he should not; these two forms of hindrance being intensified by reward, help, and fortune, or Fors, on one side, and by punishment, impediment, and even final arrest, or Mors, on the other. 119. Now, in order to a mans obtaining these two rights, it is clearly needful that the worth of him should be approximately known; as well as the want of worth, which has, unhappily, been usually the principal subject of study for critic law, careful hitherto only to mark degrees of de-merit, instead of merit;assigning, indeed, to the Deficiencies (not always, alas! even to these) just estimate,1 fine, or penalty; but to the Efficiencies, on the other side, which are by much the more interesting, as well as the only profitable part of its subject, assigning neither estimate nor aid. 120. Now, it is in this higher and perfect function of critic law, enabling instead of disabling, that it becomes truly Kingly,2 instead of Draconic: (what Providence gave the great, wrathful legislator his name?3): that is, it becomes the law of man and of life, instead of the law of the worm and of deathboth of these laws being set in changeless poise one against another, and the enforcement
[The original essay here reads: just fine, diminution, or (with the broad vowels) damnation; but to the . . . assigning in any clear way neither measurement nor aid.] 2 [In the lecture, The Tortoise of gina, Ruskin here added or Basilican.] 3 [For the laws of Draco (dragon), see Xenophons Economist, xi. 4, 4, translated in Bibliotheca Pastorum, i.]
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of both being the eternal function of the lawgiver, and true claim of every living soul: such claim being indeed strong to be mercifully hindered, and even, if need be, abolished, when longer existence means only deeper destruction, but stronger still to be mercifully helped, and recreated, when longer existence and new creation mean nobler life. So that reward and punishment will be found to resolve themselves mainly* into help and hindrance; and these again will issue naturally from true recognition of deserving, and the just reverence and just wrath which follow instinctively on such recognition. 121. I say, follow, but, in reality, they are part of the recognition.1 Reverence is as instinctive as anger;both of them instant on true vision: it is sight and understanding that we have to teach, and these are reverence. Make a man perceive worth, and in its reflection he sees his own relative unworth, and worships thereupon inevitably, not with stiff courtesy, but rejoicingly, passionately, and, best of all, restfully: for the inner capacity of awe and love is infinite in man; and only in finding these, can we find peace.2 And the common insolences and petulances of the people, and their talk of equality,3 are not irreverence in
* (Mainly; not altogether. Conclusive reward of high virtue is loving and crowning, not helping; and conclusive punishment of deep vice is hating and crushing, not merely hindering.) [The original essay here adds: Reverence is but the perceiving of the thing in its entire truth: truth reverted is truth revered (vereor and veritas having clearly the same root), so that Goethe is for once, and for a wonder, wrong in that part of the noble scheme of education in Wilhelm Meister, in which he says that reverence is not innate, and must be taught. On reconsideration, Ruskin abandoned the idea (accepted by none of the philologists) of a common origin for vereor and veritas. For the reference to Goethe, compare Time and Tide, 96 (below, p. 398), where the same passage in Wilhelm Meister is noticed; and for the instinct of reverence, see also Crown of Wild Olive, 137. The reference is to ch. x. of Wilhelm Meisters Travels (p. 70 in Carlyles translation, Peoples Edition). Carlyle cited the passage in his Rectorial Address at Edinburgh.] 2 [For and only . . . peace, the original essay reads: and when his eyes are once opened to the sight of beauty and honour, it is with him as with a lover, who, falling at his mistresss feet, would cast himself through the earth, if it might be, to fall lower, and find a deeper and humbler place.] 3 [See above, p. 74 n.]
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them in the least, but mere blindness, stupefaction,and fog in the brains,*1 the first sign of any cleansing away of which is, that they gain some power of discerning, and some patience in submitting to, their true counsellors and governors. In the mode of such discernment consists the real constitution of the state, more than in the titles or offices of the discerned person; for it is no matter, save in degree of mischief, to what office a man is appointed, if he cannot fulfil it. 122. III. GOVERNMENT BY COUNCIL. This is the determination, by living authority, of the national conduct to be observed under existing circumstances; and the modification or enlargement, abrogation or enforcement, of the code of national law according to present needs or purposes. This government is necessarily always by council, for though the authority of it may be vested in one person, that person cannot form any opinion on a matter of public interest but by (voluntarily or involuntarily) submitting himself to the influence of others. This government is always twofoldvisible and invisible. The visible government is that which nominally carries on the national business; determines its foreign relations, raises taxes, levies soldiers, orders war or peace, and otherwise becomes the arbiter of the national fortune. The invisible government is that exercised by all energetic and intelligent men, each in his sphere, regulating the inner will and secret ways of the people, essentially forming its character, and preparing its fate.
* Compare Chaucers villany (clownishness). Full foul and chorlishe seemed she, And eke villaneous for to be, And little coulde of norture To worship any creature. 2
1 [The original essay reads brains, which pass away in the degree that they are raised and purified, the first sign of which raising is . . .] 2 [The Romaunt of the Rose, lines 177180.]

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Visible governments are the toys of some nations,1 the diseases of others, the harness of some, the burdens of more, the necessity of all. Sometimes their career is quite distinct from that of the people, and to write it, as the national history, is as if one should number the accidents which befall a mans weapons and wardrobe, and call the list his biography.2 Nevertheless, a truly noble and wise nation necessarily has a noble and wise visible government, for its wisdom issues in that conclusively.3 123. Visible governments are, in their agencies, capable of three pure forms, and of no more than three. They are either monarchies, where the authority is vested in one person; oligarchies, when it is vested in a minority; or democracies, when vested in a majority. But these three forms are not only, in practice, variously limited and combined, but capable of infinite difference in character and use, receiving specific names according to their variations; which names, being nowise agreed upon, nor consistently used, either in thought or writing, no man can at present tell, in speaking of any kind of government, whether he is understood; nor, in hearing, whether he understands. Thus we usually call a just government by one person a monarchy, and an unjust and cruel one, a tyranny: this might be reasonable if it had reference to the divinity of true government; but to limit the term oligarchy to government by a few rich people, and to call government by a few wise or noble people aristocracy, evidently is absurd, unless it were proved that rich people never could be wise, or noble people rich; and farther absurd, because there are other distinctions in character, as well as riches. or wisdom, (greater purity of race, or strength of purpose,
[Compare Sesame and Lilies, 42.] [Compare Vol. XVI. p. 452 and n.] [The original essay adds here: Not out of t he oak, n or out of t he rock, b ut out of the temper of man, is his polity; where t he t emper i nclines, i t i nclines a s S amson b y h is p illar, a nd d raws all down with it. The quotation is from Plato (Republic), viii. 544 D.: h oiei ek druos poqen h petras tas politeias gignesqai, all ouci ek twn hqwn twn en tais polesin.]
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for instance), which may give the power of government to the few. So that if we had to give names to every group or kind of minority, we should have verbiage enough. But there is only one right nameoligarchy. 124. So also the terms republic and democracy* are confused, especially in modern use; and both of them are liable to every sort of misconception. A republic means, properly, a polity in which the state, with its all, is at every mans service, and every man, with his all, at the states service(people are apt to lose sight of the last condition,) but its government may nevertheless be oligarchic (consular, or decemviral, for instance), or monarchic (dictatorial). But a democracy means a state in which the government rests directly with the majority of the citizens. And both these conditions have been judged only by such accidents and aspects of them as each of us has had experience of; and sometimes both have been confused with anarchy, as it is the fashion at present to talk of the failure of republican institutions in America, when there has never yet been in America any such thing as an institution, but only defiance of institution; neither any such thing as a res-publica, but only a multitudinous res-privata; every man for himself. It is not republicanism which fails now in America; it is your model science of political economy, brought to its perfect practice. There you may see competition, and the law of demand and supply (especially in paper), in beautiful and unhindered operation. Lust of wealth, and trust in it; vulgar faith in magnitude and multitude, instead of nobleness; besides that faith natural to backwoods-men
* (I leave this paragraph, in every syllable, as it was written, during the rage of the American war; 1 it was meant to refer, however, chiefly to the Northerns: what modifications its hot and partical terms require I will give in another place: let it stand here as it stood. 2 ) Supply and demand! Alas! for what noble work was there ever any audible demand i n t hat p oor s ense? ( Past and Present). Nay, the demand is not loud, even for ignoble work. See Average Earnings of Betty
1 [For other references to the American Civil War, see below, pp. 286, 289; and Time and Tide, 141 (below, p. 432 n.).] 2 [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 14, where this 124 is referred to.]

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lucum ligna*perpetual self-contemplation issuing in passionate vanity; total ignorance of the finer and higher arts, and of all that they teach and bestow;1 and the discontent of energetic minds unoccupied, frantic with hope of uncomprehended change, and progress they know not whither;these are the things that have failed in America; and yet not altogether failedit is not collapse, but collision; the greatest railroad accident on record, with fire caught from the furnace, and Catilines quenching non aqu, sed ruin. But I see not, in any of our talk of
Taylor, i n Times of 4 th February o f t his year [ 1863]: Worked f rom M onday m orning a t 8 A.M. to Friday night at 5.30 P.M. for 1s. 5d.Laissez faire. [This kind of slavery finds no Abolitionists that I hear of.] 2 * (That the sacred grove is nothing but logs. 3 ) Ames, by report of Waldo Emerson, says that a monarchy is a merchantman, which sails well, but will sometimes strike on a rock, and go to the bottom; whilst a republic is a raft, which would never sink, but then your feet are always in the water. Yes, that is comfortable; and though your raft cannot sink (being too worthless for that), it may go to pieces, I suppose, when the four winds (your only pilots) steer competitively from its four corners, and carry it, wV opwrinoV Borehn forehsin akanqaV, 4 and then more than your feet will be in the water. ( Not w ith water, b ut with r uin. 5 The worst ruin being that which the Americans chiefly boast of. They sent all their best and honestest [The original essay here appends a footnote: See Bacons note in the Advancement of Learning, on didicisse fideliter artes (but indeed the accent had need be upon fideliter). It taketh away vain admiration of anything, which is the root of all weakness; for all things a re admired either because they are new, or because they are great, etc. Bacon (book i. 8, 1) quotes the lines from Ovid (Ep. Pont. ii. 9, 47) Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes Emollit mores, neck sinit ease feros and continues:It taketh away the wildness and barbarism and fierceness of mens minds; but indeed the accent had need be upon fideliter: for a little superficial learning both rather work a contrary effect . . . It taketh away vain admiration, etc.] 2 [The square brackets here are Ruskins, added i n 1872. Inverted commas h ave h ere been introduced in the first two lines of the note, the words being a quotation from book iii. ch. x. of Carlyles Past and Present.] 3 [Horace, Epist. i. 6, 31. Ruskins father had asked for an explanati on of lucum ligna, and Ruskin replied from Annecy (April 12, 1863): Lucus is peculiarly a sacred grove; Horace has been speaking to moral and religious peoplethen turns suddenly, saying, but, if you think virtue is but words, and the sacred grove but logs, you may make as much money as you likeVirtutem verba putas, et lucum ligna.] 4 [Odyssey, v. 328: as the North wind in the harvest sweepeth the thistle -down.] 5 [Cicero, Pro Murena, 25, 51.]
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them, justice enough done to their erratic strength of purpose, nor any estimate taken of the strength of endurance of domestic sorrow, in what their women and children suppose a righteous cause. And out of that endurance and suffering, its own fruit will be born with time; [not abolition of slavery, however. See 130]1 and Carlyles prophecy of them (June, 1850), as it has now come true in the first clause, will, in the last: America, too, will find that caucuses, division-lists, stump-oratory, and speeches to Buncombe will not carry men to the immortal gods; that the Washington Congress, and constitutional battle of Kilkenny cats is, there as here, naught for such objects; quite incompetent for such; and, in fine, that said sublime constitutional arrangement will require to be (with terrible throes, and travail such as few expect yet) remodelled, abridged, extended, suppressed, torn asunder, put together again;not without heroic labour and effort, quite other than that of the Stump-Orator and the Revival Preacher, one day.2 125.* Understand, them, once for all, that no form of government, provided it be a government at all, is, as such, to be either condemned or praised, or contested for in anywise, but by fools.3 But all forms of government are good just so far as they attain this one vital necessity of policythat the wise and kind, few or many, shall govern the unwise and unkind; and they are evil so far as they miss of this, or reverse it. Nor does the form, in any case, signify one whit, but its firmness, and adaptation to the need; for if there be many foolish persons in a state, and few wise, then it is good that the few govern; and if there be many wise,
youths, Harvard University men and the like, to that accursed war; got them nearly all shot; wrote pretty biographies (to the ages of 17, 18, 19) and epitaphs for them; and so, having washed all the salt out of the nation in blood, left themselves to putrefaction, and the morality of New York.) * (This paragraph contains the gist of all that precede.)
1 2

[The insertion in the text, in square brackets, here, is the authors, made in 1872.] [Latter-Day Pamphlets: No. VI. Parliaments (1st June, 1850).] 3 [Compare Time and Tide, 158 (below, p. 446).]

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and few foolish, then it is good that the many govern; and if many be wise, yet one wiser, then it is good that one should govern; and so on. Thus, we may have the ants republic, and the realm of bees,1 both good in their kind; one for groping, and the other for building; and nobler still, for flying;the Ducal monarchy* of those
Intelligent of seasons, that set forth The aery caravan, high over seas.2

126. Nor need we want examples, among the inferior creatures of dissoluteness, as well as resoluteness, in government. I once saw democracy finely illustrated by the beetles of North Switzerland, who by universal suffrage, and elytric3 acclamation, one May twilight, carried it, that they would fly over the Lake of Zug; and flew short, to the great disfigurement of the Lake of Zug,Kanqarou limhn4over some leagues square, and to the close of the cockchafer democracy for that year. Then, for tyranny, the old fable of the frogs and the stork finely touches one form of it;5 but truth will image it more closely than fable,
* (Whenever you are puzzled by any apparently mistaken use of words in these essays, take your dictionary, remembering I had to fix terms, as well as principles. A Duke is a dux or leader; the flying wedge of cranes is under a ducal monarch a very different personage from a queen-bee. The Venetians, with a beautiful instinct, gave the name to their King of the Sea.) [Pope: Essay on Man, iii. 184.] [Milton: Paradise Lost, vii. 428, 429. The whole passage reads: Part loosely wing the region; part, more wise, In common, ranged in figure, wedge their way, Intelligent of seasons, and set forth Their aery caravan, high over seas Flying, and over lands, with mutual wing Easing their flight: so steers the prudent crane, etc.] 3 [This word is a coinage of Ruskins, elytron (elnytron, sheath) being the hard wing-case of an insect.] 4 [A play on the words, suggested by Aristophanes Pax, 145; the harbour of Cantharus (one of the harbours of the Pirus), or bettle harbour.] 5 [The allusion may be to the familiar fable of the frogs asking for a ki ng. Jupiter first threw them a log of wood, but they grumbled at so spiritless a master. He than sent them King Stork, who devoured them eagerly. But Ruskins tale from true life, of the kites in Ceylon, suggests that he may here have been thinking also of the fable (sop, ch. clviii.), in which a frog and a mouse, disputing their claims to a marsh, are both carried off by a kite.]
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for tyranny is not complete when it is only over the idle, but when it is over the laborious and the blind. This description of pelicans and climbing perch, which I find quoted in one of our popular natural histories, out of Sir Emerson Tennents Ceylon,1 comes as near as may be to the true image of the thing: Heavy rains came on, and as we stood on the high ground, we observed a pelican on the margin of the shallow pool gorging himself; our people went towards him, and raised a cry of Fish, fish! We hurried down, and found numbers of fish struggling upward through the grass, in the rills formed by the trickling of the rain. There was scarcely water to cover them, but nevertheless they made rapid progress up the bank, on which our followers collected about two baskets of them. They were forcing their way up the knoll, and had they not been interrupted, first by the pelican, and afterwards by ourselves, they would in a few minutes have gained the highest point, and descended on the other side into a pool which formed another portion of the tank. In going this distance, however, they must have used muscular exertion enough to have taken them half a mile on level ground; for at these places all the cattle and wild animals of the neighbourhood had latterly come to drink, so that the surface was everywhere indented with footmarks, in addition to the cracks in the surrounding baked mud, into which they fish tumbled in their progress. In those holes, which were deep, and the sides perpendicular, they remained to die, and were carried off by kites and crows.*
* (This is a perfect picture of the French under the tyrann ies of their Pelican Kings, before the Revolution. But they must find other than Pelican Kings or rather, Pelican Kings of the Divine brood, that feed their children, and with their best blood.)
1 [Ceylon: an Account of the Island, Physical, Historical, and Topographical, 2 vols., 1859, vol. i. pp. 215216n. By Sir James Emerson Tennent (18041869); traveller, politician, and author; secretary to the India House (1841 1843), and to the Colonial Government of Ceylon (18451850); M.P. for Belfast; created a baronet, 1867.]

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127. But whether governments be bad or good, one general disadvantage seems to attach to them in modern timesthat they are all costly.* This, however, is not essentially the fault of the governments. If nations choose to play at war, they will always find their governments willing to lead the game, and soon coming under that term of Aristophanes, kaphloi aspidwn, Shield-sellers.1 And when (phm epi pihmati 2) the shields take the form of iron ships, with apparatus for defence against liquid fire,as I see by latest accounts they are now arranging the decks in English dockyardsthey become costly biers enough for the grey convoy of chief-mourner waves, wreathed with funereal foam, to bear back the dead upon; the massy shoulders of those corpse-bearers being intended for quite other work, and to bear the living, and food for the living, if we would let them. 128. Nor have we the least right to complain of our governments being expensive, so long as we set the government to do precisely the work which brings no return. If our present doctrines of political economy be just, let us trust them to the utmost; take that war business out of the governments hands, and test there in the principles of supply and demand. Let our future sieges of Sebastopol
* (Read carefully, from this point; because here begins the statement of things requiring to be done, which I am now re-trying to make definite in Fors Clavigera. 3 ) (Evil on the top of Evil. Delphic oracle, meaning iron o n the anvil.) [Pax, 447.] [Ruskin explained this passage in a letter to his father (from Annecy, April 12, 1863): There is a pretty allusion in the Greek words in the passage about shield-ships. When the Spartans wanted the body of Orestes,or rather, were ordered to find it, near Tegeaon pain of continual defeats, the Pythian oracle told them they would find it in a place where blow answered blow, and calamity lay upon calamity. They found it under a smiths anvil; the calamity on calamity,phm epi phmati, being iron laid on iron. The reference is to Herodotus, i. 67; compare Seven Lamps, Vol. VIII. p. 69 n., where the passage is again referred to.] 3 [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letters 22, where this passage is referred to in a distinction there drawn between shield-sellers and shield-bearers (squires).]
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be done by contractno capture, no pay(I admit that things might sometimes go better so); and let us sell the commands of our prospective battles, with our vicarages, to the lowest bidder; so may we have cheap victories, and divinity. On the other hand, if we have so much suspicion of our science that we dare not trust it on military or spiritual business, would it not be but reasonable to try whether some authoritative handling may not prosper in matters utilitarian? If we were to set our governments to do useful things instead of mischievous, possibly even the apparatus itself might in time come to be less costly. The machine, applied to the building of the house, might perhaps pay, when it seems not to pay, applied to pulling it down. If we made in our dockyards ships to carry timber and coals, instead of cannon, and with provision for the brightening of domestic solid culinary fire, instead of for the scattering of liquid hostile fire, it might have some effect on the taxes.1 Or suppose that we tried the experiment on land instead of water carriage; already the government, not unapproved, carries letters and parcels for us; larger packages may in time follow;even general merchandisewhy not, at last, ourselves? Had the money spent in local mistakes and vain private litigation, on the railroads of England, been laid out, instead, under proper government restraint, on really useful railroad work, and had no absurd expense been incurred in ornamenting stations,2 we might already have had,what ultimately it will be found we must have,quadruple rails, two for passengers, and two for traffic, on every great line; and we might have been carried in swift safety, and watched and warded by
[The original essay here adds: Or if the iron bottoms were to bring us home nothing better than ivory and peacocks, instead of martial glory, we might at least have gayer suppers, and doors of the right material for dreams after them. Here, as in some other places, Ruskins memory of the passage in Homer ( Odyssey, xix. 562) is at fault, for it is false dreams that come through the ivory gates: compare Vol. XIV. p. 330.] 2 [On this subject, compare Time and Tide, 83 (below, p. 390), and Vol. VIII. p. 160 and n. See also pp. 528, 535.]
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well-paid pointsmen, for half the present fares.1 [For, of course, a railroad company is merely an association of turnpike-keepers, who make the tolls as high as they can, not to mend the roads with, but to pocket. The public will in time discover this, and do away with turnpikes on rail roads, as on all other public-ways.]2 129.3 Suppose it should thus turn out, finally, that a true government set to true work, instead of being a costly engine, was a paying one? that your government, rightly organized, instead of itself subsisting by an income-tax, would produce its subjects some subsistence in the shape of an income dividend?police, and judges duly paid besides, only with less work than the state at present provides for them. A true government set to true work!Not easily to be imagined, still less obtained; but not beyond human hope or ingenuity. Only you will have to alter your election systems somewhat, first. Not by universal suffrage, nor by votes purchaseable with beer, is such government to be had. That is to say, not by universal equal suffrage.4 Every man upwards of twenty, who had been convicted of no legal crime, should have his say in this matter; but afterwards a louder voice, as he grows older, and approves himself wiser. If he has one vote at twenty, he should have two at thirty, four at forty, ten at fifty. For every single vote which he has with an income of a hundred a year, he should have ten with an income of a thousand, (provided you first see to it that wealth is, as nature intended it to be, the reward of sagacity and industrynot of good luck in a scramble or a lottery). For every single vote which
[See the letters on Railroad Management; below, pp. 528, 535.] [The passage enclosed in square brackets here was thus added by the author in 1872.] 3 [The original essay here had: w Dhmidion, oraVta lagd a ooi qewrw? The lines is 1199 in the Knights of Aristophanes (oh, my dear little Demos, do you see what dainties I am bringing you?] 4 [Here Ruskin develops ideas which he had sketched out twelve years before in some letters of 1851 intended for the Times: see Vol. XII. pp. lxxxiii., 600602.]
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he had as subordinate in any business, he should have two when he became a master; and every office and authority nationally bestowed, implying trustworthiness and intellect, should have its known proportional number of votes attached to it. But into the detail and working of a true system in these matters we cannot now enter; we are concerned as yet with definitions only, and statements of first principles, which will be established now sufficiently for our purposes when we have examined the nature of that form of government last on the list in 105,the purely Magistral, exciting at present its full share of public notice, under its ambiguous title of slavery. 130. I have not, however, been able to ascertain in definite terms, from the declaimers against slavery, what they understand by it.1 If they mean only the imprisonment or compulsion of one person by another, such imprisonment or compulsion being in many cases highly expedient, slavery, so defined, would be no evil in itself, but only in its abuse; that is, when men are slaves, who should not be, or masters, who should not be, or even the fittest characters for either state, placed in it under conditions which should not be. It is not, for instance, a necessary condition of slavery, nor a desirable one, that parents should be separated from children, or husbands from wives; but the institution of war, against which people declaim with less violence, effects such separations,not unfrequently in a very permanent manner. To press a sailor, seize a white youth by conscription for a soldier, or carry off a black one for a labourer, may all be right acts or all wrong ones, according to needs and circumstances. It is wrong to scourge
1 [Ruskin, it should be observed, was no defender of negro slavery, in the common sense of that term (see Time and Tide, 149; below, p. 438). As against the doctorine of natural equality, he held that there was such a thing as natural slavery; and for the rest, he reminded his readers that there is white slavery, as well as black; and that men could not compound for their indulgence in economic slavery at home by declaiming against negro slavery abroad. See on these points, Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. p. 193); Time and Tide, 105 (below, p. 403); Crown of Wild Olive, 119; Cestus of Aglaia, 55; and the letters below, pp. 518, 521.]

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a man unnecessarily. So it is to shoot him. Both must be done on occasion; and it is better and kinder to flog a man to his work, than to leave him idle till he robs, and flog him afterwards. The essential thing for all creatures is to be made to do right; how they are made to do itby pleasant promises, or hard necessities, pathetic oratory, or the whipis comparatively immaterial.* To be deceived is perhaps as incompatible with human dignity as to be whipped; and I suspect the last method to be not the worst, for the help of many individuals. The Jewish nation throve under it, in the hand of a monarch reputed not unwise; it is only the change of whip for scorpion1 which is inexpedient; and that change is as likely to come to pass on the side of license as of law. For the true scorpion whips are those of the nations pleasant vices,2 which are to it as St. Johns locustscrown on the head, ravin in the mouth, and sting in the tail.3 If it will not bear the rule of Athena and Apollo, who shepherd without smiting (ou plhgh nemonteV4), Athena at last calls no more in the corners of the streets; and then follows the rule of Tisiphone,5 who smites without shepherding. 131. If, however, by slavery, instead of absolute compulsion, is meant the purchase, by money, of the right of compulsion, such purchase is necessarily made whenever a portion
* (Permit me to enforce and reinforce this statement, with all earnestness. It is the sum of what needs most to be understood, in the matt er of education.) [See 1 Kings xii. 11.] [King Lear, v. 3. lines 170171: The gods are just, and of our pleasant vices Make instruments to plague us.] 3 [See Revelation ix. 310.] 4 [See Platos Critias, 109 B.: In former ages the gods had the wh ole earth distributed among them by allotment . . . Each of them obtained righteously by lot what they wanted, and peopled their own districts; and when they had peopled them, they tended us human beings who belonged to them as shepherds tend their flocks, excepting only that they did not use bodily force, like shepherds driving their flocks afield with a blow, but govern us like pilots from the stern of a vessel, which is an easy way of guiding animals by the rudder of persuasion.] 5 [See Unto this Last, 70, 73; above, pp. 95, 99.]
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of any territory is transferred, for money, from one monarch to another: which has happened frequently enough in history, without its being supposed that the inhabitants of the districts so transferred became therefore slaves. In this, as in the former case, the dispute seems about the fashion of the thing, rather than the fact of it. There are two rocks in mid-sea, on each of which, neglected equally by instructive and commercial powers, a handful of inhabitants live as they may. Two merchants bid for the two properties, but not in the same terms. One bids for the people, buys them, and sets them to work, under pain of scourge; the other bids for the rock, buys it, and throws the inhabitants into the sea. The former is the American, the latter the English method, of slavery; much is to be said for, and something against, both, which I hope to say in due time and place.* 132. If, however, slavery mean not merely the purchase of the right of compulsion, but the purchase of the body and soul of the creature itself for money, it is not, I think, among the black races that purchases of this kind are most extensively made, or that separate souls of a fine make fetch the highest price. This branch of the inquiry we shall have occasion also to follow out at some length,1 for in the worst instances of the selling of souls, we are apt to get, when we ask if the sale is valid, only Pyrrhons answer None can know. 133. The fact is that slavery is not a political institution at all, but an inherent, natural, and eternal inheritance of a large portion of the human raceto whom, the more you give of their own free will, the more slaves they will make themselves. In common parlance, we idly confuse captivity
* (A pregnant paragraph, meant against English and Scotch, landlords who drive their people off the land.) (In Lucians dialogue,The sale of lives. 2 ) [See the note on p. 254.] [The original essay reads: in the worst instances of the Biwn prasiV we are apt to get only Pyrrhons answer, ti fhV;epriamhn se; Adhlon. See 27 (towards the end of the dialogue).]
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with slavery, and are always thinking of the difference between pinetrunks (Ariel in the pine), and cowslipbells (in the cowslip-bell I lie1), or between carrying wood and drinking (Calibans slavery and freedom), instead of noting the far more serious differences between Ariel and Caliban themselves, and the means by which, practically, that difference may be brought about or diminished. 134.* Platos slave, in the Polity, who, well dressed and washed, aspires to the hand of his masters daughter, corresponds curiously to Caliban attacking Prosperos cell; and there is an undercurrent of meaning throughout, in the Tempest as well as in the Merchant of Venice; referring in this case to government, as in that to commerce. Miranda (the wonderful, so addressed first by Ferdinand,
* (I raise this analysis of the Tempest into my text; but it is nothing but a hurried note, which I may never have time to expand. I have retouched it here and there a little, however. 2 ) Of Shakspeares names I will afterwards speak at more length: 3 they are curiouslyoften barbarouslymuch by Providence,but assuredly not without Shakspeares cunning purposemixed out of the various traditions he confusedly adopted, and languages which he imperfectly knew. 4 Three of the clearest in meaning have been already noticed. Desdemona, dusdaimonia miserable fortune, is also plain enough. Othello is, I believe, the careful; all the calamity of the tragedy arising from the single flaw and error in his magnificently collected strength. Ophelia, serviceableness, [Tempest, v. 1; and for Calibans song of freedom, see ii. 2.] [In the original essay the note began t hus: The p assage o f P lato, r eferred t o i n n ote, p. 442 [see above, 109 n.], in its context, respecting the slave . . . Platos context likens a man e scaping f rom t he s lavery o f b ase o ccupations t o p hilosophy t o a b ald l ittle tinker who has just got out of durance and come into a fortune; he washes the dirt off him and has a new coat, and is decked out as a bridegroom going to marry his masters daughter (Jowetts version).] 3 [This Ruskin does not do, although he refers incidentally to the su bject in Val d Arno, 213, and Fiction, Fair and Foul, 114.] 4 [This note, as it originally appeared in Frasers Magazine, was criticised by Matthew Arnold in an article entitled The Literary Influence of Academies in the Cornhill Magazine, August 1864 (reprinted in his Essays in Criticism). The criticism is referred to in the Introduction; above, p. lxiv. In revising the passage in 1872, Ruskin introduced the following qualifications (lines 3, 4): much by Providence . . . purpose, he confusedly adopted, and which he imperfectly knew. The three of the clearest names already mentioned are Perdita, Cordelia, and Portia ( 100, and n.). The suggested derivation of Ophelia is from ofeloV, help (for Ruskins quotation, see Hamlet, v. 1, line 228); and that of Othello is from oqh, care; it is generally supposed that Shakespeare obtained the name (as also Iago) from Reynolds Gods Revenge against Adultery. The name Desdemona occurs in the Italian tale (1565) Cinthios Un Capitano Morofrom which the poet adapted his plot.]
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Oh, you wonder!) corresponds to Homers Arete:1 Ariel and Caliban are respectively the spirits of faithful and imaginative labour, opposed to rebellious, hurtful, and slavish labour. Prospero (for hope), a true governor, is opposed to Sycorax, the mother of slavery, her name Swineraven indicating at once brutality and deathfulness; hence the line
As wicked dew as eer my mother brushed with ravens feather,etc. 2

For all these dreams of Shakspeare, as those of true and strong men must be, are fantasmata qeia, kai skiai twn ontwn3divine phantasms, and shadows of things that are. We hardly tell our children, willingly, a fable with no purport in it; yet we think God sends His best messengers only to sing fairy tales to us, fond and empty. The Tempest is just like a grotesque in a rich missal, clasped where paynims pray.4 Ariel is the spirit of generous and freehearted
the true lost wife of Hamlet, is marked as having a Greek name by th at of her brother, Laertes; and its signification is once exquisitely alluded to in that brothers last word of her, where her gentle preciousness is opposed to the uselessness of the churlish clergyA ministering angel shall my sister be, when thou liest howling. Hamlet is, I believe, connected in some way with homely, the entire event of the tragedy turning on betrayal of home duty. Hermione (erma), pillarlike h eidoV ece crusehV AfrodithV 5 ). Titania (tithnh), the queen; Benedict and Beatrice, blessed and blessing; Valentine and Proteus, enduring (or strong), (valens), and changeful. Iago and Iachimo have evidently the same rootprobably the Spanish Iago, Jacob, the supplanter. Leonatus, and other such names, are interpreted, or played with, in the plays themselves. 6 For the interpretation of Sycorax, and reference to her ravens feather, I am indebted to Mr. John R. Wise. 7 [For Homers Arete, see above, 101 n., p. 226.] [Tempest, i. 2, line 322. Compare Vol. XV. p. 271, where the line is also referred to. Ruskin, it will be seen, derives the name from (esn) and korax; for other conjectures see W. Aldis Wrights edition of The Tempest, p. 91 (Clarendon Press Series, 1874).] 3 [Plato: Republic, vii. 532 C.] 4 [Claspd like a missal where swart Paynims pray (Keats: Eve of St. Agnes, xxvii.).] 5 [From Homers description of Hermione (daughter of Helen), who h as t he form of golden Aphrodite (Odyssey, iv. 14).] 6 [For the sur-addition Leonatus, see Cymbeline, i. 1, line 32.] 7 [John Richard de Capel Wise (18311890). A friend of Ruskin and his father; author of some pamphlets on Shakespeare, and of The New Forest: its History and Scenery.]
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service, in early stages of human society oppressed by ignorance and wild tyranny: venting groans as fast as mill wheels strike;1 in shipwreck of states, dreadful; so that all but mariners plunge in the brine, and quit the vessel, then all afire with me, yet having in itself the will and sweetness of truest peace, whence that is especially called Ariels song, Come unto these yellow sands,2 and there, take hands, courtesied when you have, and kissed, the wild waves whist: (mind, it is cortesia, not curtsey,) and read quiet for whist, if you want the full sense. Then you may indeed foot it featly, and sweet spirits bear the burden for youwith watch in the night, and call in early morning. The vis viva in elemental transformation followsFull fathom five they father lies, of his bones are coral made. Then, giving rest after labour, it fetches dew from the still vext Bermothes, and, with a charm joined to their suffered labour, leaves men asleep. Snatching away the feast of the cruel, it seems to them as a harpy; followed by the utterly vile, who cannot see it in any shape, but to whom it is the picture of nobody, it still gives shrill harmony to their false and mocking catch, Thought is free; but leads them into briars and foul places, and at last hollas the hounds upon them. Minister of fate against the great criminal, it joins itself with the
1 [Tempest, i. 2, lines 281282. For the following passages quoted, see ibid., lines 210212, 376381, 396397, 229232; iii. 2, lines 123, 120; iii. 3, lines 74, 6365; v. 1, line 88.] 2 [The original essay here adds: Come unto these yellow sands(fenceless and countless, changing with the sweep of the seavaga arena. Compare Horaces opposition of the sea-sand to the dust of the grave: numero carentisexigui; and again compare animo rotundum percurrisse with pu t a girdle round the earth)and there . . . The references are to Odes, i. 28. For the former one (indicative of the title, Munera Pulveris), s ee a bove, Introduction, p p. l xv. seq. After the passage there there translated, the Ode continues: nor does it profit you aught to have scaled the homes of the sky and in spirit to have ranged through the round heaven, you t hat h ad s till t o d iewith which Ruskin compares A Midsummer Nights Dream, ii. 1, lines 175176. For other references by Ruskin to the words Come unto these yellow sands, see Two Paths, 146 (Vol. XVI. p. 379), and a lecture in the same volume, p. 444.]

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incensed seas and shoresthe sword that layeth at it cannot hold,1 and may with bemockedat stabs as soon kill the still-closing waters, as diminish one dowle that is in its plume. As the guide and aid of true love, it is always called by Prospero fine (the French fine, not the English), or delicateanother long note would be needed to explain all the meaning in this word. Lastly, its work done, and war, it resolves itself into the elements. The intense significance of the last song, Where the bee sucks, I will examine in its due place.2 The types of slavery in Caliban are more palpable, and need not be dwelt on now: though I will notice them also, severally, in their proper places;3the heart of his slavery is in his worship: Thats a brave god, and bears celestialliquor.4 But, in illustration of the sense in which the Latin benignus and malignus are to be coupled with Eleutheria and Douleia, note that Calibans torment is always the physical reflection of his own naturecramps and side stitches that shall pen thy breath up; thou shalt be pinched, as thick as honeycombs: the whole nature of slavery being one cramp and cretinous contraction. Fancy this of Ariel! You may fetter him, but you set no mark on him; you may put him to hard work and far journey, but you cannot give him a cramp. 135. I should dwell, even in these prefatory papers, at more length on this subject of slavery, had not all I would say been said already, in vain, (not, as I hope, ultimately in vain), by Carlyle, in the first of the Latter-day Pamphlets, which I commend to the readers gravest reading; together with that as much neglected, and still more immediately needed, on model prisons, and with the great
[Psalms xli. 26.] [Another reference to the intended, but unwritten, sequel. Ruskin found the opportunity to note the significance of the song in Time and Tide, 167, 168 (below, pp. 453454). See also Fors Clavigera, Letter 51.] 3 [See, again, Time and Tide, 167, 168; and compare Lectures on Art, 81, and Ariadne Florentina, 256.] 4 [Tempest, ii. 2, line 106; the following reference is to i. 2, lines 326 327.]
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chapter on Permanence (fifth of the last section of Past and Present), which sums what is known, and foreshadows, or rather forelights, all that is to be learned of National Discipline. I have only here farther to examine the nature of one world-wide and everlasting form of slavery, whole-some in use, as deadly in abuse;the service of the rich by the poor.

CHAPTER VI
MASTERSHIP 1

136. As in all previous discussions of our subject, we must study the relation of the commanding rich to the obeying poor in its simplest elements, in order to reach its first principles. The simplest state of it, then, is this:* a wise and provident person works much, consumes little, and lays by a store; an improvident person works little, consumes all his produce, and lays by no store.2 Accident interrupts the daily work, or renders it less productive; the idle person must then starve or be supported by the provident one, who, having him, thus at his mercy, may either refuse to maintain him altogether, or, which will evidently be more to his own interest, say to him, I will maintain you, indeed, but you shall now work hard, instead of indolently, and instead of being allowed to lay by what you save, as you might have done, had you remained independent, I will take all the surplus. You would not lay it up for yourself; it is wholly your own fault that has thrown you into my power, and I will force you to work, or starve; yet you shall have no profit of your work, only your daily bread for
* In the present general examination I concede so much to ordinary economists as to ignore all innocent poverty. I adapt my reasoning, for once, to the modern English practical mind, by assuming poverty to be always criminal; 3 the conceivable exceptions we will examine afterwards. [This chapter was the continuation of the fourth essay in the Magazine. The headlines to the portion of the essay contained in the present chapter were: The Source of Riches.The Cost of Riches.Application of Labour.Temperance in Riches.This Epitaph or That.] 2 [ With this reduction of the problem to its simplest terms, compare Unto this Last, 3334, pp. 4849.] 3 [ Compare A Joy for Ever, 1 (Vol. XVI. p. 15).]
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it; [and competition shall determine how much of that*].1 This mode of treatment has now become so universal that it is supposed to be the only naturalnay, the only possibleone; and the market wages are calmly defined by economists as the sum which will maintain the labourer.2 137. The power of the provident person to do this is only checked by the correlative power of some neighbour of similarly frugal habits, who says to the labourerI will give you a little more than this other provident person: come and work for me. The power of the provident over the improvident depends thus, primarily, on their relative numbers; secondarily, on the modes of agreement of the adverse parties with each other. The accidental level of wages is a variable function of the number of provident and idle persons in the world, of the enmity between them as classes, and of the agreement between those of the same class. It depends, from beginning to end, on moral conditions. 138. Supposing the rich to be entirely selfish, it is always for their interest that the poor should be as numerous as they can employ, and restrain. For, granting that the entire population is no larger than the ground can easily maintainthat the classes are stringently dividedand that there is sense or strength of hand enough with the rich to secure obedience; then, if ninetenths of a nation are poor, the remaining tenth have the service of nine persons each; but, if eighttenths are poor, only of four each; if
*(I have no terms of English, and can find none in Greek nor Latin, nor in any other strong language known to me, contemptuous enough to attack the bestial idiotism of the modern theory that wages are to be measured by competition.) I say nothing yet of the quality of the servants, which, nevertheless, is the gist of the business. Will you have Paul Veronese to paint your ceiling, or the plumber from over the way? Both will work for the same money; Paul, if anything, a little the cheaper of the two, if you keep him in good humour; only you have to discern him first, which will need eyes.
1 [The square brackets here were inserted, with the words between them, by the author in 1872.] 2 [See Ricardos statement, quoted, above, p. 108 (Unto this Last, 80).]

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seven-tenths are poor, of two and a third each; if six-tenths are poor, of one and a half each; and if five-tenths are poor, of only one each. But, practically, if the rich strive always to obtain more power over the poor, instead of to raise themand if, on the other hand, the poor become continually more vicious and numerous, through neglect and oppression,though the range of the power of the rich increases, its tenure becomes less secure; until, at last, the measure of iniquity being full, revolution, civil war, or the subjection of the state to a healthier or stronger one, closes the moral corruption, and industrial disease.* 139. It is rarely, however, that things come to this extremity. Kind persons among the rich, and wise among the poor, modify the connexion of the classes; the efforts made to raise and relieve on the one side, and the success of honest toil on the other, bind and blend the orders of society into the confused tissue of half-felt obligation, sullenly-rendered obedience, and variously-directed, or misdirected, toil, which from the warp of daily life. But this great law rules all the wild design: that success (while society is guided by laws of competition) signifies always so much victory over your neighbour as to obtain the direction of his work, and to take the profits of it. This is the real source of all great riches. No man can become largely rich1 by his personal toil. The work of his own hands, wisely directed, will indeed always maintain himself and his family, and make fitting provision for his age. But it is only by the discovery of some method of taxing the labour of others that he can become opulent. Every increase of his capital enables him to extend this taxation more widely; that
*(I have not altered a syllable in these three paragraphs, 137, 138, 139, on revision; but have much italicised: the principles stated being as vital, as they are little known.) B y his a rt h e may; but only when i ts p roduce, or the sight or hearing o f it, becomes a subject of dispute, so as to enable the artist to tax the labour of multitudes highly, in exchange for his own.
1 [Compare, Home, and its Economies, 17 (below, p. 564), where this passage is referred to; also Time and Tide, 81, p. 388.]

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is, to invest larger funds in the maintenance of labourers,to direct, accordingly, vaster and yet vaster masses of labour, and to appropriate its profits. 140. There is much confusion of idea on the subject of this appropriation. It is, of course, the interest of the employer to disguise it froms the persons employed; and, for his own comfort and complacency, he often desires no less to disguise it from himself. And it is matter of much doubt with me, how far the foul and foolish arguments used habitually on this subject are indeed the honest expression of foul and foolish convictions;or rather (as I am sometimes forced to conclude from the irritation with which they are advanced) are resolutely dishonest, wilful, and malicious sophisms, arranged so as to mask, to the last moment, the real laws of economy, and future duties of men.1 By taking a simple example, and working it thoroughly out, the subject may be rescued from all but such determined misrepresentation. 141. Let us imagine a society of peasants, living on a river-shore, exposed to destructive inundation at somewhat extended intervals; and that each peasant possesses of this good, but imperilled, ground, more than he needs to cultivate for immediate subsistence. We will assume farther (and with too great probability of justice), that the greater part of them indolently keep in tillage just as much land as supplies them with daily food;that they leave their children idle, and take no precautions against the rise of the stream. But one of them, (we will say but one, for the sake of greater clearness) cultivates carefully all the ground of his estate; makes his children work hard and healthily; uses his spare time and theirs in building a rampart against the river; and, at the end of some years, has in his storehouses large reserves of food and clothing,in his stables a welltended breed of cattle, and around his fields a wedge of wall against flood. The torrent rises at lastsweeps away the harvests, and
1

[Compare Fors Clavigera, Latter 22, where this passage is referred to.]

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half the cottages of the careless peasants, and leaves them destitute. They naturally come for help to the provident one, whose fields are unwasted, and whose granaries are full. He has the right to refuse it to them: no one disputes this right.* But he will probably not refuse it; it is not his interest to do so, even were he entirely selfish and cruel. The only question with him will be on what terms his aid is to be granted. 142. Clearly, not on terms of mere charity. To maintain his neighbours in idleness would be not only his ruin, but theirs. He will require work from them, in exchange for their maintenance; and, whether in kindness or cruelty, all the work they can give. Not now the three or four hours they were wont to spend on their own land, but the eight or ten hours they ought to have spent. But how will he apply this labour? The men are now his slaves;nothing less, and nothing more. On pain of starvation, he can force them to work in the manner, and to starvation, he chooses. And it is by his wisdom in this choice that the worthiness of his mastership is proved, or its unworthiness. Evidently, he must first set them to bank out the water in some temporary way, and to get their ground cleansed and resown; else, in any case, their continued maintenance will be impossible. That done, and while he has still to feed them, suppose he makes them raise a secure rampart for their own ground against all future flood, and rebuild their houses in safer places, with the best material they can find; being allowed time out of their working hours to fetch such material from a distance. And for the food and clothing advanced, he takes security in land that as much shall be returned at a convenient period. 143. We may conceive this security to be redeemed, and the debt paid at the end of a few years. The prudent
* (Observe this; the legal right to keep what you have worked for, and use it as you please, is the corner-stone of all economy: compare the end of Chap. II.) (I should now put the time of necessary labour rather under than over the third of the day.)

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peasant has sustained no loss; but is no richer than he was, and has had all his trouble for nothing. But he has enriched his neighbours materially; bettered their houses, secured their land, and rendered them, in worldly matters, equal to himself. In all rational and final sense, he has been throughout their true Lord and King. 144. We will next trace his probable line of conduct, presuming his object to be exclusively the increase of his own fortune. After roughly recovering and cleansing the ground, he allows the ruined peasantry only to build huts upon it, such as he thinks protective enough from the weather to keep them in working health. The rest of their time he occupies, first in pulling down, and rebuilding on a magnificent scale, his own house, and in adding large dependencies to it. This done,1 in exchange for his continued supply of corn, he buys as much of his neighbours land as he thinks he can superintend the management of; and makes the former owners securely embank and protect the ceded portion. By this arrangement, he leaves to a certain number of the peasantry only as much ground as will just maintain them in their existing numbers; as the population increases, he takes the extra hands, who cannot be maintained on the narrowed estates, for his own servants; employs some to cultivate the ground he has bought, giving them of its produce merely enough for subsistence; with the surplus, which, under his energetic and careful superintendence, will be large, he maintains a train of servants for state, and a body of workmen, whom he educates in ornamental arts. He now can splendidly decorate his house, lay out its ground magnificently, and richly supply his table, and that of his household and retinue. And thus, without any abuse of right, we should find established
[Here the original essay adds: . . . he follows the example of the first great Hebrew financier; in exchange . . . See Genesis xlvii. 20. And Joseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharaoh; for the Egyptians sold every man his field, because the famine prevailed over them.]
1

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all the phenomena of poverty and riches, which (it is supposed necessarily) accompany modern civilization. In one part of the district, we should have unhealthy land, miserable dwellings, and half-starved poor; in another, a wellordered estate, well-fed servants, and refined conditions of highly-educated and luxurious life. 145. I have put the two cases in simplicity, and to some extremity. But though in more complex and qualified operation, all the relations of society are but the expansion of these two typical sequences of conduct and result. I do not say, observe, that the first procedure is entirely recommendable; or even entirely right; still less, that the second is wholly wrong. Servants, and artists, and splendour of habitation and retinue, have all their use, propriety, and office. But I am determined that the reader shall understand clearly what they cost; and see that the condition of having them is the subjection to us of a certain number of imprudent or unfortunate persons (or, it may be, more fortunate than their masters), over whose destinies we exercise a boundless control. Riches mean eternally and essentially this; and God send at last a time when those words of our best-reputed economist shall be true, and we shall indeed all know what it is to be rich;* that it is to be slave-master over farthest earth, and over all ways and thoughts of men. Every operative you employ is your true servant: distant or near, subject to your immediate orders, or ministering to your widely-communicated caprice,for the pay the stipulates, or the price he tempts,all are alike under this great dominion of the gold. The milliner who makes the dress is as much a servant (more so, in that she uses more intelligence in the service) as the maid who puts it on; the carpenter who smooths the door, as the footman who opens it; the tradesmen who supply the table, as the labourers and sailors who supply the tradesmen. Why speak of these lower services? Painters and singers (whether of note or rhyme),
* (See Preface to Unto this Last) [above, p. 18.]

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jesters and story-tellers, moralists, historians, priests,so far as these, in any degree, paint, or sing, or tell their tale, or charm their charm, or perform their rite, for pay,1in so far, they are all slaves; abject utterly, if the service be for pay only; abject less and less in proportion to the degrees of love and of wisdom which enter into their duty, or can enter into it, according as their function is to do the bidding and the work of a manly people;or to amuse, tempt, and deceive, a childish one. 146. There is always, in such amusement and temptation, to a certain extent, a government of the rich by the poor, as of the poor by the rich; but the latter is the prevailing and necessary one, and it consists, when it is honourable, in the collection of the profits of labour from those who would have misused them, and the administration of those profits for the service either of the same persons in future, or of others; and when it is dishonourable, as is more frequently the case in modern times, it consists in the collection of the profits of labour from those who would have rightly used them, and their appropriation to the service of the collector himself. 147. The examination of these various modes of collection and use of riches will form the third branch of our future inquiries;2 but the key to the whole subject lies in the clear understanding of the difference between selfish and unselfish expenditure. It is not easy, by any course of reasoning, to enforce this on the generally unwilling hearer; yet the definition of unselfish expenditure is brief and simple. It is expenditure which, if you are a capitalist, does not pay you, but pays somebody else; and if you are a consumer, does not please you, but pleases somebody else. Take one special instance, in further illustration of the general type given above. I did not invent that type, but spoke of a real river, and of real peasantry, the languid and sickly race which inhabits, or hauntsfor they are
1 2

[Compare Unto this Last, 22 (above, p. 40).] [ A reference to the intended sequel.]

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often more like spectres than living menthe thorny desolation of the banks of the Arve in Savoy.1 Some years ago, a society, formed at Geneva, offered to embank the river for the ground which would have been recovered by the operation; but the offer was refused by the (then Sardinian) government. The capitalists saw that this expenditure ture would have paid if the ground saved from the river was to be theirs. But if, when the offer that had this aspect of profit was refused, they had nevertheless persisted in the plan, and merely taking security for the return of their outlay, lent the funds for the work, and thus saved a whole race of human souls from perishing in a pestiferous fen (as, I presume, some among them would, at personal risk, have dragged any one drowning creature out of the current of the stream, and not expected payment therefor), such expenditure would have precisely corresponded to the use of his power made, in the first instance, by our supposed richer peasantit would have been the kings, of grace, instead of the usurers, for gain.2 148.Impossible, absurd, Utopian! exclaim nine-tenths of the few readers whom these words may find. No, good reader, this is not Utopain: but I will tell you what would have seemed, if we had not seen it, Utopian on the side of evil instead of good; that ever men should have come to value their money so much more than their lives, that if you call upon them to become soldiers, and take chance of a bullet through their heart, and of wife and children being left desolate, for their prides sake, they will do it gaily, without thinking twice; but if you
1 [ In a letter to Dr. John Brown from Lausanne (August 6, 1860) Ruskin had written: The annexation of Savoy to France will be an immense benefit to Savoy. Already some stir is being made in the cretinous torpor of the country, and French engineers are surveying the Arve banks. The river has flowed just where it chose these thousand years, on one side of the valley to -day, on the other to-morrow. A few millions of francs judiciously spent will gain to Savoy as many millions of acres of fruitfullest land and healthy air instead of miasma. On the subject of inundations, see Unto this Last, 72 n. (above, p. 97).] 2 [ Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 78, where this passage and 152 are referred to.]

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ask them, for their countrys sake, to spend a hundred pounds without security of getting back a hundred-and-five,* they will laugh in your face. 149. Not but that also this game of life-giving and taking is, in the end, somewhat more costly than other forms of play might be. Rifle practice is, indeed, a not unhealthy pastime, and a feather on the top of the head is a pleasing appendage; but while learning the stops and fingering of the sweet instrument, does no one ever calculate the cost
* I have not hitherto touched on the subject of interest of money; 1 it is too complex, and must be reserved for its proper place in the body of the work. 2 The definition of interest (apart from compensation for risk) is, the exponent of the comfort of accomplished labour, separated from its power; the power being what is lent: and the French economists who have maintained the entire illegality of interest are wrong; yet by no means so curiously or wildly wrong as the English and French ones opposed to them, whose opinions have been collected by Dr. Whewell at page 41 of his Lectures; 3 it never seeming to occur to the mind of the compiler, any more than to the writers whom he quotes, that it is quite possible, and even (according to Jewish proverb 4 ) prudent, for men to hoard as ants and mice do, for use, not usury; and lay by something for winter nights, in the expectation of rather sharing than lending the scrapings. My Savoyard squirrels would pass a pleasant time of it under the snow -laden pine-branches, if they always declined to economize because no one would pay them interest on nuts. (I leave this note as it stood: but, as I have above stated, 5 should now side wholly with the French economists spoken of, in asserting the absolute illegality of interest.) [On this subject, see above, 98 n. (p. 220).] [ The original essay here inserted: (I should be glad if a writer, who sent me some valuable notes on this subject, and asked me to return a letter which I still keep at his service, would send me his address.)] 3 [ Six Lectures on Political Economy delivered at Cambridge in Michaelmas Term, 1861. Cambridge: printed at the University Press, 1862. An octavo volume, pp. 102. The lectures were delivered to the Prince of Wales and a few other students; the volume was not published, but Whewell distributed copies to his friends to Ruskin among the number. A passage from his letter in acknowledging the authors gift has been published: Like all other books I ever opened, from Adam Smith downwards, written by clever men on this subject, it fills me with wonder. . . . You know (I suppose by your sending me the book) that I am entirely opposed to all the modern views on this subject. (Isaac Todhunter: William Whewell, an Account of his Writings, 1876, vol. i. pp. 234, 237).] 4 [Proverbs vi. 68: Go to the ant, thou sluggard; . . . which provideth her meat in the summer.] 5 [See p. 220, authors note of 1872.]
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of an overture? What melody does Tityrus meditate on his tenderly spiral pipe?1 The leaden seed of it, broad-cast, true conical Dents de Lion seedneeding less allowance for the wind than is usual with that kind of herbwhat crop are you likely to have of it? Suppose, instead of this volunteer marching and counter-marching, you were to do a little volunteer ploughing and counter-ploughing?2 It is more difficult to do it straight: the dust of the earth, so disturbed, is more grateful than for merely rhythmic footsteps. Golden cups, also, given for good ploughing, would be more suitable in colour: (ruby glass, for the wine which giveth his colour3 on the ground, might be fitter for the rifle prize in ladies hands). Or, conceive a little volunteer exercise with the spade, other than such as is needed for moat and breastwork, or even for the burial of the fruit of the laden avena-seed, subject to the shrill Lemures criticism
Wer hat das Haus so schlecht gebaut?4

If you were to embank Lincolnshire more stoutly against the sea? or strip the peat of Solway, or plant Plinlimmon
1 [The reference is of course to Virgil (Ecl. i. 1 , whence Tennyson calls him Poet of the happy Tityrus piping underneath his beechen bowers); Ruskin then plays on the term dandelion (called lions tooth from the toothed outline of the leaves), comparing the cannon shell to some peaked Dent du Lion in the Alpsand thinking, perhaps, in his allusion to the allowance for the wind in shooting, of Wordsworths lines (in Vandracour and Julia): a tuft of winged seed That, from the dandelions naked stalk, . . . Driven by the autumnal whirlwind to and fro.] 2 [See above, p. 74 and n.] 3 [Proverbs xxiii. 31.] 4 [Ruskin explained this passage in a letter to his father (Annecy, April 12, 1863): The Wer hat das Haus so schlecht gebaut is from the phantom chorus digging the grave of Faust in the second part of Faust. It is entirely grand and simple: Ghost (Solo). Who has built the house so badly, With shovel and spade? Ghosts (Chorus). For theeguest in grey robe It is built too finely. Ghost (Solo). Who has furnished the room so ill, With neither table nor chair? Ghosts (Chorus). It was hired only for a little while, The creditors are so many. For other allusions by Ruskin to the second part of Faust, see Aratra Pentelici, 12, and Eagles Nest, 62.]

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moors with larchthen, in due season, some amateur reaping and threshing? Nay, we reap and thresh by steam, in these advanced days. I know it, my wise and economical friends. The stout arms God gave you to win your bread by, you would fain shoot your neighbours, and Gods sweet singers with;* then you invoke the fiends to your farm-service; and
When young and old come forth to play On a sulphurous holiday, Tell how the darkling goblin sweat (His feast of cinders duly set), And, belching night, where breathed the morn, His shadowy flail hath threshed the corn That ten day-labourers could not end.1

150. Going back to the matter in hand we will press the example closer. On a green knoll above that plain of the Arve, between Cluse and Bonneville, there was, in the year 1860,2 a cottage, inhabited by a well-doing family
* Compare Chaucers feeling respecting birds (from Canaces falcon, to the nightingale, singing, Domine, labia to the Lord of Love 3 ) with the usual modern British sentiments on this subject. Or even Cowleys: What princes choir of music can excel That which with in this shade does dwell, To which we nothing pay, or give? They, like all other poets, live Without reward, or thanks for their obliging pains! Tis well if they become not prey. Yes; it is better than well; particularly since the seed sown by the wayside 4 has been protected by the peculiar appropriation of part of the [Ruskin here re-writes Milton: see LAllegro, 97109.] [Mr. Allens recollection of the incident here related is that it belongs to a rather later datethat of Ruskins residence at Mornex in 18621863. The cottage was in a village at the foot of the Brezon.] 3 [For Canaces falcon, see The Squieres Tale, lines 411 seq., and for another reference to Canace, see Modern Painters, vol. iii. (Vol. V. p . 2 74); for Domine, labia (from the verse in the Psalms with which matins began), see The Court of Love. For other references to the birds of Chaucer, see Harbours of England, 12 (Vol. XIII. p. 23); Eagles Nest, 56, where several stanzas are quoted from The Cuckow and the Nightingale; and Loves M einie, 3538, where Ruskin quotes the company of birds in The Romaunt of the Rose. The passage from Cowley is in h is p iece called The Garden, line 60, etc.] 4 [Matthew xiii. 4.]
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man and wife, three children, and the grandmother. I call it a cottage, but in truth, it was a large chimney on the ground, wide at the bottom, so that the family might live round the fire; lighted by one small broken window, and entered by an unclosing door. The family, I say, was well-doing; at least, it was hopeful and cheerful; the wife healthy, the children, for Savoyards, pretty and active, but the husband threatened with decline, from exposure under the cliffs of the Mont Vergi by day, and to draughts between every plank of his chimney in the frosty nights. Why could he not plaster the chinks? asks the practical reader. For the same reason that your child cannot wash its face and hands till you have washed them many a day for it, and will not wash them when it can, till you force it. 151. I passed this cottage often in my walks, had its window and door mended; sometimes mended also a little the meal of sour bread and broth, and generally got kind greeting and smile from the face of young or old; which greeting, this year, narrowed itself into the half-recognising stare of the elder child, and the old womans tears; for the father and mother were both dead,one of sickness, the other of sorrow. It happened that I passed not alone, but
church-rates in our country parishes. See the remonstrance from a Country Parson, in The Times of June 4th (or 5th; the letter is dated June 3rd), 1862: I have heard at a vestry meeting a good deal of higgling over a few shillings outlay in cleaning the church; but I have never heard any dissatisfaction expressed on account of that part of the rate which is invested in 50 or 100 dozens of birds heads. 1 (If we could trace the innermost of all causes of modern war , I believe it would be found, not in the avarice nor ambition of nations, but in the mere idleness of the upper classes. They have nothing to do but to teach the peasantry to kill each other.) 2
1 [You have noticed, I suppose, wrote Ruskin to his father, with reference to this passage (Annecy, April 12, 1863) the bye-meaning in the reference (of church rates being paid for by birds heads) to protection of seed by the wayside Some fell by the wayside, and the fowls came and devoured them up.] 2 [Compare Ruskins Introduction to R. G. Sillars Usury, 6 (reprinted in a later volume of this edition), where this note is referred to.]

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with a companion, a practised English joiner,1 who, while these people were dying of cold, had been employed from six in the morning to six in the evening, for two months, in fitting, without nails, the panels of a single door in a large house in London. Three days of his work taken, at the right time, from fastening the oak panels with useless precision, and applied to fasten the larch timbers with decent strength, would have saved these Savoyards lives. He would have been maintained equally; (I suppose him equally paid for his work by the owner of the greater house, only the work not consumed selfishly on his own walls;) and the two peasants, and eventually, probably their children, saved. 152. There are, therefore,let me finally enforce, and leave with the reader, this broad conclusion,three things to be considered in employing any poor person. It is not enough to give him employment. You must employ him first to produce useful things; secondly, of the several (suppose equally useful) things he can equally well produce, you must set him to make that which will cause him to lead the healthiest life; lastly, of the things produced, it remains a question of wisdom and conscience how much you are to take yourself, and how much to leave to others. A large quantity, remember, unless you destroy it, must always be so left at one time or another; the only questions you have to decide are, not what you will give, but when, and how, and to whom, you will give. The natural law of human life is, of course, that in youth a man shall labour and lay by store for his old age, and when age comes, shall use what he has laid by, gradually slackening his toil, and allowing himself more
1 [Mr. George Allen. For three and a half years, before becoming one of Ruskins assistants, Mr. Allen had been employed as a joiner in the interior of Dorchester House, Park Lane. Upon the particular door, here mentioned, he and another workman were employed for seventy-nine days; it was a door, in walnut and oak, leading from the Library to the Grand Lobby. Ruskin had been much interested in the work, and Mr. Allen remembers taking a model of the door to Denmark Hill for Ruskin to show to M. Domecq as a specimen of English craftsmanship.]

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frank use of his store; taking care always to leave himself as much as will surely suffice for him beyond any possible length of life.1 What he has gained, or by tranquil and unanxious toil continues to gain, more than is enough for his own need, he ought so to administer, while he yet lives, as to see the good of it again beginning, in other hands; for thus he has himself the greatest sum of pleasure from it, and faithfully uses his sagacity in its control. Whereas most men, it appears, dislike the sight of their fortunes going out into service again, and say to themselves,I can indeed nowise prevent this money from falling at last into the hands of others, nor hinder the good of it from becoming theirs, not mine; but at least let a merciful death save me from being a witness of their satisfaction; and may God so far be gracious to me as to let no good come of any of this money of mine before my eyes.2 153. Supposing this feeling unconquerable, the safest way of rationally indulging it would be for the capitalist at once to spend all his fortune on himself, which might actually, in many cases, be quite the rightest as well as the pleasantest thing to do, if he had just tastes and worthy passions. But, whether for himself only, or through the hands, and for the sake of others also, the law of wise life is, that the maker of the money should also be the spender of it, and spend it, approximately, all, before he dies; so that his true ambition as an economist should be, to die, not as rich, but as poor, as possible,* calculating the ebb
* (See the Life of Fenelon. 3 The labouring peasantry were at all times the objects of his tenderest care; his palace at Cambray, with all his books and writings, being consumed by fire, he bore the misfortune with unruffled calmness, and said it was better his palace should be burnt than the cottage of a poor peasant. (These thoroughly good men always go too far, and lose their power over the mass.) He died exemplifying the mean he had always observed between prodigality and avarice, leaving neither debts nor money.) [Compare Time and Tide, 7 (below, p. 321).] [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 78, where this passage and 147 are referred to.] 3 [The life of Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambray, by Charles Butler, Baltimore, 1811, pp. 196, 229.]
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tide of possession in true and calm proportion to the ebb tide of life. Which law, checking the wing of accumulative desire in the mid-volley,* and leading to peace of possession and fulness of fruition in old age, is also wholesome in that by the freedom of gift, together with present help and counsel, it at once endears and dignifies age in the sight of youth, which then no longer strips the bodies of the dead, but receives the grace of the living. Its chief use would (or will be, for men are indeed capable of attaining to this much use of their reason), that some temperance and measure will be put to the acquisitiveness of commerce. For as things stand, a man holds it his duty to be temperate in his food, and of his body, but for no duty to be temperate in his riches, and of his mind. He sees that he ought not to waste his youth and his flesh for luxury; but he will waste his age, and his soul, for money, and think he does no wrong, nor know the delirium tremens of the intellect for disease. But the law of life is, that a man should fix the sum he desires to make annually, as the food he desires to eat daily; and stay when he has
* . And thinking (wisely) that poverty consists not in making ones possessions less, but ones avarice more.Lars, v. 8. Read the context, and compare. He who spends for all t hat i s noble, and gains b y nothing but what is j ust, will hardly be notably wealthy, or distressfully poor.Larvs, v. 12. 1 The fury of modern trade arises chiefly out of the possibility of making sudden fortunes by largeness of transaction, and accident of discovery or contrivance. I have no doubt that the final interest of every nation is to check the action of these commercial lotteries; and that all great accidental gains or losses should be national, not individual. But speculation absolute, unconnected with commercial effort, is an unmitigated evil in a state, and the root of countless evils beside.
1 [The references here are 736 E. and 743 C. In the former place Plato is dwelling on the danger of the division of lands and abolition of debtsevils which neither should be allowed to continue indefinitely nor can wisely be altered by legislation. We must have recourse to prayers, as men say, and hope that a slight change may be cautiously effected in a length of time. And such a change can be accomplished by those who have abundance of land, and having also many debtors, are willing, in a kindly spirit, to share with those who are in wantremitting some and dividing some, holding fast in a path of moderation, and thinking . . .]

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reached the limit, refusing increase of business, and leaving it to others, so obtaining due freedom of time for better thoughts.* How the gluttony of business is punished, a bill of health for the principals of the richest city houses, issued annually, would show in a sufficiently impressive manner. 154. I know, of course, that these statements will be received by the modern merchant as an active border rider of the sixteenth century would have heard of its being proper for men of the Marches to get their living by the spade, instead of the spur. But my business is only to state veracities and necessities; I neither look for the acceptance of the one, nor hope for the nearness of the other. Near or distant, the day will assuredly come when the merchants of a state shall be its true ministers of exchange, its porters, in the double sense of carriers and gate-keepers, bringing all lands into frank and faithful communication, and knowing for their master of guild, Hermes the herald, instead of Mercury the gain-guarder. 155. And now, finally, for immediate rule to all who will accept it. The distress of any population means that they need food, house-room, clothes, and fuel. You can never, therefore, be wrong in employing any labourer to produce food, house-room, clothes, or fuel; but you are always wrong if you employ him to produce nothing, (for then some other labourer must be worked double time to feed him); and you are generally wrong, at present, if you employ him (unless he can do nothing else) to produce works of art or luxuries; because modern art is mostly on a false basis, and modern luxury1 is criminally great.
* (I desire in the strongest terms to reinforce all that is contained in this paragraph.) It is especially necessary that the reader should keep his mind fixed on the methods of consumption and destruction, as the true sources of national
1 [For attacks on modern luxury, see Two Paths, 189 (Vol. XVI. p. 406); Unto this Last, 85 (above, p. 114); Sesame and Lilies, 32; Queen of the Air, 125; Lectures on Art, 64, 81.]

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156. The way to produce more food is mainly to bring in fresh ground, and increase facilities of carriage;to break rock, exchange earth, drain the moist, and water the dry, to mend roads, and build harbours of refuge.1 Taxation thus spent will annihilate taxation, but spent in war, it annihilates revenue. 157. The way to produce house-room is to apply your force first to the humblest dwellings. When your bricklayers are out of employ, do not build splendid new streets, but better the old ones; send your paviours and slaters to the poorest villages, and see that your poor are healthily lodged, before you try your hand on stately architecture. You will find its stateliness rise better under the trowel afterwards; and we do not yet build so well that we need hasten to display our skill to future ages. Had the labour which has decorated the Houses of Parliament filled, instead, rents in walls and roofs throughout the county of Middlesex; and our deputies met to talk within massive
poverty. Men are apt to call every exchange expenditure, but it is only consumption which IS expenditure. A large number of the purchases made by the richer classes are mere forms of interchange of unused property, wholly without effect on national prosperity. It matters nothing to the state whether, if a china pipkin be rated as worth a hundred pounds, A has the pipkin and B the pounds, or A the pounds and B the pipkin. But if the pipkin is pretty, and A or B breaks it, there is national loss, not otherwise. So again, when the loss has really taken place, no shifting of the shoulders that bear it will do away with the reality of it. There is an intensely ludicrous notion in the public m ind respecting the abolishment of debt by denying it. When a debt is denied, the lender loses instead of the borrower, that is all; the loss is precisely, accurately, everlastingly the same. The Americans borrow money to spend in blowing up their own house s. They deny their debt, by one third already [1863], 2 gold being at fifty premium; and they will probably deny it wholly. That merely means that the holders of the notes are to be the losers instead of the issuers. The quantity of loss is precisely equal, and irrevocable; it is the quantity of human industry spent in effecting the explosion, plus the quantity of goods exploded. Honour only decides who shall pay the sum lost, not whether it is to be paid or not. Paid it must be, and to the uttermost farthin g.
1 2

[On these points, see the Notes on Employment (below, p. 545).] [[1863] inserted by the author in 1872.]

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walls that would have needed no stucco for five hundred years,the decoration might have been better afterwards, and the talk now. And touching even our highly conscientious church building, it may be well to remember that in the best days of church plans, their masons called themselves logeurs du bon Dieu; and that since, according to the most trusted reports, God spends a good deal of His time in cottages as well as in churches, He might perhaps like to be a little better lodged there also. 158. The way to get more clothes isnot, necessarily, to get more cotton. There were words written twenty years ago* which would have saved many of us some shivering, had they been minded in time. Shall we read them again? The Continental people, it would seem, are importing our machinery, beginning to spin cotton, and manufacture for themselves; to cut us out of this market, and then out of that! Sad news, indeed; but irremediable;by no means the saddest news. The saddest news, is that we should find our National Existence, as I sometimes hear it said, depend on selling manufactured cotton at a farthing an ell cheaper than any other People. A most narrow stand for a great Nation to base itself on! A stand which, with all the Corn-Law Abrogations conceivable, I do not think will be capable of enduring. My friends, suppose we quitted that stand; suppose we came honestly down from it and saidThis is our minimum of cotton-prices. We care not, for the present, to make cotton any cheaper. Do you, if it seem so blessed
* (Past and Present, Chap. IX. of Third Section. 1 To think that for these twentynow twenty-sixyears, this one voice of Carlyles has been the only faithful and useful utterance in all England, and has sounded through all these years in vain! See Fors Clavigera, Letter X.)
1 [For another quotation from the same chapter, see above, 124, p. 247. Past and Present was published in 1843. In the first line of the quotation here given Ruskin makes a desirable correction of importing for exporting. In this edition the passage has been corrected in typographical matters in accordance with Carlyles text, and the misprint of fur for fuzz corrected; dots have also been introduced where Ruskin omitted words.]

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to you, make cotton cheaper. Fill your lungs with cotton-fuzz, your hearts with copperas-fumes, with rage and mutiny; become ye the general gnomes of Europe, slaves of the lamp!I admire a nation which fancies it will die if it do not undersell all other Nations to the end of the world. Brothers, we will cease to undersell them; we will be content to equal-sell them; to be happy selling equally with them! I do not see the use of underselling them. Cotton-cloth is already two-pence a yard or lower; and yet bare backs were never more numerous among us. Let inventive men cease to spend their existence incessantly contriving how cotton can be made cheaper; and try to invent, a little, how cotton at its present cheapness could be somewhat justlier divided among us. Let inventive men consider, Whether the Secret of this Universe . . . does after all consist in making money. . . . With a Hell which meansFailing to make money, I do not think there is any Heaven possible that would suit one well . . . In brief, all this Mammon-Gospel, of Supply-and-demand, Competition, Laissez-faire, and Devil take the hindmost (foremost, is it not, rather, Mr. Carlyle?), begins to be one of the shabbiest Gospels ever preached.1 159. The way to produce more fuel* is first to make your coal mines safer, by sinking more shafts; then set all your convicts to work in them, and if, as is to be hoped, you succeed in diminishing the supply of that sort of labourer, consider what means there may be, first, of growing forest where its growth will improve climate; secondly, of splintering the forests which now make continents of fruitful land pathless and poisonous, into faggots for fire;so gaining at once dominion icewards and sunwards. Your steam power has been given (you will find eventually) for
* (We dont want to produce more fuel just now, but much less; and to use what we get for cooking and warming ourselves, instead of for running from place to place.)
1

[The original essay here adds: (In the matter of clothes, decidedly).]

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work such as that: and not for excursion trains, to give the labourer a moments breath, at the peril of his breath for ever, from amidst the cities which it has crushed into masses of corruption. When you know how to build cities, and how to rule them, you will be able to breathe in their streets, and the excursion will be the afternoons walk or game in the fields round them.1 160. But nothing of this work will pay? No; no more than it pays to dust your rooms, or wash your doorsteps. It will pay; not at first in currency, but in that which is the end and the source of currency,in life; (and in currency richly afterwards). It will pay in that which is more than life,in2 light, whose true price has not yet been reckoned in any currency, and yet into the image of which, all wealth, one way or other, must be cast. For your riches must either be as the lightning, which,
Begot but in a cloud, Though shining bright, and speaking loud, Whilst it begins, concludes its violent race; And, where it gilds, it wounds the place;3

or else, as the lightning of the sacred sign, which shines from one part of the heaven to the other. There is no other choice; you must either take dust for deity, spectre
[The original essay here added: Long ago, Claudians peasant of Verona knew, and we must yet learn, in his fashion, the difference between via and vita. The reference is to the second epigram of ClaudianDe sene Veronensi, qui suburbium nunquam egressus estin which the poet sings the happiness of a simple rustic, to whom even the neighbouring Verona is an unknown city, and contrasts his life with that of some restless traveller: Erret, et extremos alter scrutetur Iberos; Plus habet hic vit, plus habet ille vi. A version of Claudians piece is among the poems of Cowley, ending, About the spacious world let others roam, The voyage life is longest made at home. With the passage in the text above, compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 10, where it is referred to.] 2 [The original essay reads: . . . in Gods first creature, which was light, whose true . . .: the quotation is from Bacons New Atlantis.] 3 [From one of the Fragments of Abraham Cowley, on The Shortness of Life, and Uncertainty of Riches.]
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283

for possession, fettered dream for life, and for epitaph, this reversed verse of the great Hebrew hymn of economy (Psalm cxii.):He hath gathered together, he hath stripped the poor, his iniquity remaineth for ever:or else, having the sun of justice1 to shine on you, and the sincere substance of good in your possession, and the pure law and liberty of life within you, leave men to write this better legend over your grave: He hath dispersed abroad. He hath given to the poor. His righteousness remaineth for ever.2
[Malachi iv. 2; and see Unto this Last, 44 (above, p. 59 n.).] [2 Corinthians ix. 9, quoting Psalms cxii. 9. For the terminal note which followed the last paper in Frasers Magazine, see below, p. 290.]
2 1

APPENDICES
(I HAVE brought together in these last pages a few notes, which were not properly to be incorporated with the text, and which, at the bottom of pages, checked the readers attention to the main argument. They contain, however, several statements to which I wish to be able to refer, or have already referred, in other of my books, so that I think right to preserve them.) APPENDIX I.(p. 150) 1 THE greatest of all economists are those most opposed to the doctrine of laissez faire,2 namely, the fortifying virtues, which the wisest men of all time have arranged under the general heads of Prudence, or Discretion (the spirit which discerns and adopts rightly); Justice (the spirit which rules and divides rightly); Fortitude (the spirit which persists and endures rightly); and Temperance (the spirit which stops and refuses rightly). These cardinal and sentinel virtues are not only the means of protecting and prolonging life itself, but they are the chief guards, or sources, of the material means of life, and the governing powers and princes of economy. Thus, precisely according to the number of just men in a nation, is their power of avoiding either intestine or foreign war. All disputes may be peaceably settled, if a sufficient number of persons have been trained to submit to the principles of justice, while the necessity for war is in direct ratio to the number of unjust persons who are incapable of determining a quarrel but by violence. Whether the injustice take the form of the desire of dominion, or of refusal to submit to it, or of lust of territory, or lust of money, or of mere irregular passion and wanton will, the result is
1 [This Appendix was in the original essay a footnote to 8: see above, p. 150. The note there began thus: It may be observed, in anticipation of some of our future results, that while some conditions of the affections are aimed at by the economist as final, others are necessary to him as his own instruments: as he obtains them in greater or less degree his own farther work becomes more or less possible. Such, for instance, are the fortifying virtues, . . . In line 3, , with more or less distinctness, was inserted before arranged; and at the end of line 6 the note continued: . . . rightly); or in shorter terms still, the virtues which teach h ow t o c onsist, a ssist, p ersist, a nd d esist. In t he n ext l ine t he n ote h as outermost for cardinal and sentinel. In line 10 it adds, after Thus, (reserving detailed statements for the sequel): for the statements in question, see pp. 251 seq.] 2 [For Ruskins objections to this doctrine, see Vol. XVI. p. 26.]

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economically the same;loss of the quantity of power and life consumed in repressing the injustice added to the material and moral destruction caused by the fact of war. The early civil wars of England, and the existing* war in America, are curious examplesthese under monarchical, this under republican, institutionsof the results on large masses of nations of the want of education in principles of justice.1 But the mere dread of distrust resulting from the want of the inner virtues of Faith and Charity prove often no less costly than war itself. The fear which France and England have of each other costs each nation about fifteen millions sterling annually, besides various paralyses of commerce;2 that sum being spent in the manufacture of means of destruction instead of means of production. There is no more reason in the nature of things that France and England should be hostile to each other than that England and Scotland should be, or Lancashire and Yorkshire; and the reciprocal terrors of the opposite sides of the English Channel are neither more necessary, more economical, nor more virtuous, than the old riding and reiving on the opposite flanks of the Cheviots, or than Englands own weaving for herself of crowns of thorn, from the stems of her Red and White Roses.
* (Written in 1862. I little thought that when I next corrected my type, the existing war best illustrative of the sentence, would be between Frenchmen in the Elysian Fields of Paris.) [Here the original essay adds: This latter war, especially, may perhaps at last serve for some visible, or if that be impossible (for the Greeks told us that Plutus was blind, as Dante that he was speechless), some feelable proof that true political economy is an ethical, and by no means a commercial business. The Americans imagined themselves to know somewhat of money-making; bowed low before their Dollar, expecting Divine help from it; more than potenteven omnipotent. Yet all the while this apparently tangible was indeed an imaginary Deity; and had they shown the substance of him to any true economist, or even true mineralogist, they would have been told, long years ago,Alas, gentlemen, this that you are gaining is not goldnot a particle of it. It is yellow, and glittering, and like enough to the real metal,but seeit is brittle, cat-gold, iron firestone. Out of this, h eap i t as high as you will, you will get so much steel and brimstonenothing else; and in a year or two, when (had you known but a little of right economy) you might have had quiet roof-trees over your heads, and a fair account at your bankers, you shall have instead to sleep a-field, under red tapestries, costliest, yet comfortless; and at your bankers find deficit at compound interest. But the mere dread . . . For the blind Plutus, see above, p. 210; and for the speechless Pluto Dante, Unto this Last, 74 n. (above, p. 101). The omnipotence of the dollar is in reference to the expression, Almighty Dollar, first used by Washington Irving in his Wolferts Roost, Creole Village, p. 40 (1837): The almighty dollar, that great object of universal devotion throughout our land. Cat-gold (German katzengold) is a yellowish variety of mica; firestone, a popular term for iron pyrites. For further references to the American War, see below, pp. 474 seq.] 2 [Compare Unto this Last, 76 n. (above, p. 104 n.).]
1

APPENDICES
APPENDIX II.(p. 165)

287

FEW passages of the book which at least some part of the nations at present most advanced in civilisation accept as an expression of final truth, have been more distorted than those bearing on Idolatry.1 For the idolatry there denounced is neither sculpture, nor veneration of sculpture. It is simply the substitution of an Eidolon, phantasm, or imagination of Good, for that which is real and enduring; from the Highest Living Good, which gives life, to the lowest material good which ministers to it. The Creator, and the things created, which He is said to have seen good in creating,2 are in this their eternal goodness appointed always to be worshipped,i.e., to have goodness and worth ascribed to them from the heart;3 and the sweep and range of idolatry extend to the rejection of any or all of these, calling evil good, and good evil,4putting bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter.* For in that rejection and substitution we betray the first of all Loyalties, to the fixed Law of life, and with resolute opposite loyalty serve our own imagination of good, which is the law, not of the House, but of the Grave (otherwise called the law of5 mark missing, which we translate law of Sin6); these two masters, between whose services we have to choose, being otherwise distinguished as God and Mammon,7 which Mammon, though we narrowly take it as the power of money only, is in truth the great evil Spirit of false and fond desire, or Covetousness, which is Idolatry. So that Iconoclasmimage-breakingis easy; but an Idol cannot be brokenit must be forsaken; and this is not so easy, either to do, or persuade to doing. For men may readily be convinced of the weakness of an image; but not of the emptiness of an imagination. APPENDIX III.(p. 168) I HAVE not attempted to support, by the authority of other writers, any of the statements made in these papers; indeed, if such authorities were rightly collected, there would be no occasion for my writing at all. Even in the scattered passages referring to this subject in three books of CarlylesSartor Resartus, Past and Present, and the Latter Day Pamphlets,all has been said that needs to be said, and far better than I shall ever say it again.
* Compare the close of the Fourth Lecture in Aratra Pentelici.
1 [Compare Stones of Venice, vol. ii. Appendix 10: Proper Sense of the Word Idolatry (Vol. X. p. 450), and Aratra Pentelici, Lecture ii. (Idolatry).] 2 [Genesis i. 31.] 3 [In the note to the original essay: . . . in their eternal goodness always called Helpful or Holy; and the sweep . . . For Helpful or Holy, compare Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 206), and see above, p. 225 n.] 4 [Isaiah v. 20.] 5 [Here the note in the original essay reads: the law of error, or markmissingfor which translation of amartia, see Vol. VII. p. 441.] 6 [Romans vii. 23; Matthew vi. 24; colossians iii.5.] 7 [On the subject of Mammon-worship, see Time and Tide, 59 (below, p. 367).]

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But the habit of the public mind at present is to require everything to be uttered diffusely, loudly, and a hundred times over, before it will listen; and it has revolted against these papers of mine as if they contained things daring and new, when there is not one assertion in them of which the truth has not been for ages known to the wisest, and proclaimed by the most eloquent of men. It would be [I had written will be; but have now reached a time of life for which there is but one moodthe conditional,]1 a far greater pleasure to me hereafter, to collect their words than to add to mine; Horaces clear rendering of the substance of the passages in the text may be found room for at once, Si quis emat citharas, emptas comportet in unum, Nec studio citharae nec Musae deditus ulli; Si scalpra et formas non sutor; nautica vela, Aversus mercaturis, delirus et amens Undique dicatur merito. Qu discrepat istis Qui nummos aurumque recondit, nescius uti Compositis, metuensque velut contingere sacrum?2 [Which may be roughly thus translated: Were anybody to buy fiddles, and collect a number, being in no wise given to fiddling, nor fond of music: or if, being no cobbler, he collected awls and lasts, or, having no mind for sea-adventure, bought sails, every one would call him a madman, and deservedly. But what difference is there between such a man and one who lays by coins and gold, and does not know how to use, when he has got them?] With which it is perhaps desirable also to give Xenophons statement, it being clearer than any English one can be, owing to the power of the general Greek term for wealth, useable things. [I have cut out the Greek because I cant be troubled to correct the accents, and am always nervous about them; here it is in English, as well as I can do it: This being so, it follows that things are only property to the man who knows how to use them; as flutes, for instance, are property to the man who can pipe upon them respectably; but to one who knows not how to pipe, they are no property, unless he can get rid of them advantageously. . . . For if they are not sold, the flutes are no property (being serviceable for nothing); but, sold, they become property. To which Socrates made answer,and only then if he knows how to sell them, for if he sell them to another man who cannot play on them, still they are no property.3]
1 [The square brackets here and below, in this Appendix, with the words within them, were inserted by the author in 1872.] 2 [Satires, ii. 3, 104.] 3 [The passage quoted in the original essay is as follows: , cq V c cq . V , , c , V. . . . c c . V , V cq, . This passage (from the Economist, i. 1012) was printed in the magazine, cut up into lengths as if it were verse (see Ruskins note, below, p. 290).]

APPENDICES
APPENDIX IV.(p. 171)

289

THE reader is to include here in the idea of Government, any branch of the Executive, or even any body of private persons, entrusted with the practical management of public interests unconnected directly with their own personal ones. In theoretical discussions of legislative interference with political economy it is usually, and of course unnecessarily, assumed that Government must be always of that form and force in which we have been accustomed to see it;that its abuses can never be less, nor its wisdom greater, nor its powers more numerous. But, practically, the custom in most civilized countries is, for every man to deprecate the interference of Government as long as things tell for his personal advantage, and to call for it when they cease to do so. The request of the Manchester Economists to be supplied with cotton by Government (the system of supply and demand having, for the time, fallen sorrowfully short of the expectations of scientific persons from it), is an interesting case in point.1 It were to be wished that less wide and bitter suffering, suffering, too, of the innocent, had been needed to force the nation, or some part of it, to ask itself why a body of men, already confessedly capable of managing matters both military and divine, should not be permitted, or even requested, at need, to provide in some wise for sustenance as well as for defence; and secure, if it might be,(and it might, I think, even the rather be),purity of bodily, as well as of spiritual, aliment? Why, having made many roads for the passage of armies, may they not make a few for the conveyance of food; and after organising, with applause, various schemes of theological instruction for the Public, organise, moreover, some methods of bodily nourishment for them? Or is the soul so much less trustworthy in its instincts than the stomach, that legislation is necessary for the one, but inapplicable to the other?2
[Ruskins reference is explained b y a letter to his father from M ilan ( July 6, 1862): Thats a nice article in Thursdays Times about the Manchester people wanting Government interference in cotton, now that the let alone system is coming to grief. Compare Sesame and lilies, 34 n. (Vol. XVIII. p. 88).] 2 [The original note continued thus: There is a strange fallacy running at this time through all the talk about free-trade. It is continually assumed that every kind of Government interference takes away liberty of trade. Whereas liberty is lost only when interference hinders, not when it helps. You do not take away a mans freedom by showing him his roadnor by making it smoother for him (not that it is always desirable to do so, but it may be); nor even by fencing it for him, if there is an open ditch at the side of it. The real mode in which protection interferes with liberty, and the real evil of it, is not in its protecting one person, but in its hindering another; a form of interference which invariably does most mischief to the person it is intended to serve, which the Northern Americans are about uncomfortably to discover, unless they think better of it. There is also a ludicrous confusion in many persons minds between protection and encouragement; they differ materially. Protection is saying to the commercial schoolboy, Nobody shall hit you. Encouragement is saying to him, Thats the way to hit.]
XVII. T
1

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APPENDIX V.(p. 215) 1

I DEBATED with myself whether to make the note on Homer longer by examining the typical meaning of the shipwreck of Ulysses, and his escape from Charybdis by help of her firtree; but as I should have had to go on to the lovely myth of Leucotheas veil, and did not care to spoil this by a
1 [The fifth and sixth Appendices formedwith the alterations here noted below the text or in the list of Vari (p. 128)parts of a final note to the last of the essays in Frasers Magazine. The note was as follows: The present paper completes the definitions necessary for future service. The next in order will be the first chapter of the body of the work. These introductory essays are as yet in imperfect from; I suffer them to appear, though they were not intended for immediate publication, for the sake of such chance service as may be found in them. But hoping afterwards to enlarge and illustrate them with fuller notes, I have too much spared at present the labour, always very irksome to me, of press correction; some amusing arrangements of type have resulted, such as the rare Greek metre in which Xenophonsent as I thought in unmistakeable manuscript, but without sufficient warning of his prosaic characterappears in p.268 [see above, p. 288n.]. Phantasm, or of wealth for or phantasm of wealth, in the second column of the same page [p. 288, 37 (line 9)]; learningfor leaning, said of Shylocks speech, p . 7 54 [ p. 2 24, line 6]; toccarien for soccorrien, p . 749 [ p. 210, line 1] (I forgot to compare Virgils qu maxima turba with Dantes gente troppa, quoted just before); and anagomenai for wnomakenai, p 755 [227 n], are perhaps worth note for correction. Taking daguerreotypes, instead of daguerreotyping, in p. 745, line 2 from bottom [p. 200 n.], will make the sentence grammar; and I ought to have written edrachma instead of stater two lines before; for though Aristophanes, in the celebrated passage of the Clouds, which best illustrates the point in question, speaks of gold, the Attic silver was the true standard when the state was prospering. The first note in p. 755 is misplaced [p. 225]; it belongs to the tenth line from the bottom of the second column in that page, and it requires a word or two in further illustration. The derivation of words . . . When that she gave, and said, Have this. [ Here follows what is now Appendix VI.] Again; t he f irst r oot o f t he word faith b eing far a way i n peiqw (compare my note on this force of it in Modern Painters vol. v. p. 255), the Latins, as proved by Ciceros derivation of the word, got their facio also involved in the idea; and so the word, and the world with it, gradually lose themselves in an arachnoid web of disputation concerning faith and works, no one ever taking the pains to limit the meaning of the term: which in earliest Scriptural use is as nearly as possible our English obedience. Then the Latin fides, a quite different word, a lternatively a ctive a nd p assive i n d ifferent u ses, runs i nto foi; facere, through -ficare, into fier, at the end of words; and fidere into fier, a bsolute; a nd out o f t his endless r eticulation o f t hought a nd word r ise still more finely reticulated theories concerning salvation by faith the things which the populace expected to be saved from, being indeed carved for them in a very graphic manner in their cathedral porchesbut the things they were expected to believe being carved for them not so clearly. Lastly, I debated with myself . . . had no meaning. [This final passage is now Appendix V.] The misprints, etc., mentioned in this note have been enumerated in the list of Vari Lectiones (above, pp. 123 seq.). On the subject of the etymology of peiqw,

APPENDICES

291

hurried account of it, I left it for future examination; 1 and, three days after the paper was published, observed that the reviewers, with their customary helpfulness, were endeavouring to throw the whole subject back into confusion by dwelling on the single (as they imagined) oversight.2. I omitted also a note on the sense of the word lngron, with respect to the pharmacy of Circe, and herb-fields of Helen (compare its use in Odyssey, xvii., 473, etc.), which would farther have illustrated the nature of the Circean power.3 But, not to be led too far into the subtleties of these myths, observe respecting them all, that even in very simple parables, it is not always easy to attach indisputable meaning to every part of them. I recollect some years ago, throwing an assembly of learned persons who had met to delight themselves with interpretations of the parable of the prodigal son, (interpretations which had up to that moment gone very smoothly), into mute indignation, by inadvertently asking who the unprodigal son was, and what was to be learned by his example. The leading divine of the company, Mr. Molyneux,4 at last explained to me that the unprodigal son was a lay figure, put in for dramatic effect, to make the story prettier, and that no note was to be taken of him. Without, however, admitting that Homer put in the last escape of Ulysses merely to make his story prettier, this is nevertheless true of all Greek myths, that they have many opposite lights and shades; they are as changeful as opal, and like opal, usually have one colour by reflected, and another by transmitted light. But they are true jewels for all that, and full of noble enchantment for those who can use them; for those who cannot, I am content to repeat the words I wrote four years ago, in the appendix to the Two Paths5 The entire purpose of a great thinker may be difficult to fathom, and we may be over and over again more or less mistaken in guessing at his meaning; but the real, profound, may, quite bottomless and unredeemable mistake, is the fools thought, that he had no meaning.
etc., compare 81 n., above, p. 204. The reference in Modern Painters is to Vol. VII. p. 326. Ciceros derivation is in the De Off., bk. i. c. 7, 23: Quamquam hoc videbitur fortasse cuipiam durius, tamen audeamus imitari Stoicos, qui studiose exquirunt, unde verba sint ducta credamusque quia fiat, quod dictum est, appellatam fidem.] 1 [For the escape of Ulysses from Charybdis by help of the fig -tree, see the end of odyssey, book xii.; for the story of Leucotheas veil, ibid., book v. 333 seq. Ruskins future examination was not published; but for allusions to Leucothea, the white lady of the sea, see Queen of the Air, 12, and Fors Clavigera, Letters 69 and 78.] 2 [The reference is to an article in the Weekly Review of December 6, 1862, in which the writer said: Mr. Ruskin finds in the fig-tree which grew over the whirlpool of Charybdis a moral type akin to that of the barren fig-tree of the Gospels. We recollect, however that it was by clinging to this fig-tree that Ulysses was rescued from the greatest peril which ever threatened him, and we demur, therefore, to regarding it as cursed.] 3 [For the baneful (lugra herbs of Helen, see Odyssey, iv. 230; and for the same word, in the case of Circes drugs, ibid., x. 236] 4 [In the original note the name of Mr. Molyneux was not given, the passage reading: The leading d ivine of t he company (still one of our great p opular preachers) at last . . . The Rev. Capel Molyneux was Incumbent of St. Pauls Onslow Square. Ruskin refers to him at greater length in the humorous account of this evangelical sance given in Prterita, iii. ch. i. 16.] 5 [Appendix i. (Vol. XVI. p. 416).]

292

MUNERA PULVERIS
APPENDIX VI.(p. 225)

THE derivation of words is like that of rivers;1 there is one real source, usually small, unlikely, and difficult to find, far up among the hills; then, as the word flows on and comes into services, it takes in the force of other words from other sources, and becomes quite another wordoften much more than one word, after the junctiona word as it were of many waters, sometimes both sweet and bitter. Thus the whole force of our English charity depends on the guttural in charis getting confused with the c of the Latin carus; thenceforward throughout the Middle Ages, the two ideas ran on together, and both got confused with St. Pauls agaph, which expresses a different idea in all sorts of ways; our charity having not only brought in the entirely foreign sense of almsgiving, but lost the essential sense of contentment, and lost much more in getting too far away from the charis of the final gospel benedictions. For truly it is fine Christianity we have come to, which, professing to expect the perpetual grace or charity of its Founder, has not itself grace or charity enough to hinder it from overreaching its friends in sixpenny bargains; and which, supplicating evening and morning the forgiveness of its own debts, goes forth at noon to take its fellow-servants by the throat, saying,not merely Pay me that thou owest,2 but Pay me that thou owest me not. It is true that we sometimes wear Ophelias rue with a difference, and call it Herb o grace o Sundays.3 taking consolation out of the offertory withLook, what he layeth out, it shall be paid him again.4 Comfortable words indeed, and good to set against the old royalty of Largesse Whose moste joie was, I wis, When that she gave, and said, Have this.5 (I am glad to end, for this time, with these lovely words of Chaucer.
[Compare Sesame and Lilies, 19.] [Matthew xviii. 28.] 3 [This passage in the text was explained by Ruskin in a letter to his father: M ORNEX , March 29, 1863.. . . That bit about Ophelia, just at the end of my paper in small print, needs ever so much note to make it intelligible. Rue, the Latin ruta (Greek rnth, means the plant of deliverance or of redemption; hence the grace of salvation, its bitterness being the type of purging or purification. Therefore Ophelia calls it herb of grace (and, before gives rosemary for remembrance). Perdita as exquisitely For you theres rosemary and rue; these keep Seeming and savour all the winter long: Grace and remembrance to you both. In my use of it I have a double meaningreferring to the idea of purchased salvation at the offertoryYou may wear your rue with a difference. For the references to Shakespeare, see Hamlet, iv. 5, line 180; and The Winters Tale, iv, 3, line 73.] 4 [Proverbs xix. 17] 5 [The Romaunt of the Rose, 1142.]
2 1

APPENDICES

293

We have heard only too much lately of Indiscriminate charity,1 with implied reproval, not of the Indiscrimination merely, but of the Charity also. We have partly succeeded in enforcing on the minds of the poor the idea that it is disgraceful to receive; and are likely without much difficulty, to succeed in persuading not a few of the rich that it is disgraceful to give. But the political economy of a great state makes both giving and receiving graceful; and the political economy of true religion interprets the saying that it is more blessed to give than to receive,2 not as the promise of reward in another life for mortified selfishness in this, but as pledge of bestowal upon us of that sweet and better nature, which does not mortify itself in giving.) BRANTWOOD, CONISTON,

5th October, 1871.


[Compare Sesame and Lilies, 136; Queen of the Air, 132; and Fors Clavigera, Letter 93.] 2 [Acts xx. 35.]
1

III

T I ME AND T IDE
(1867)

TIME AND TIDE,


BY WEARE AND TYNE.
_______ TWENTY-FIVE LETTERS
TO A

WORKING MAN OF SUNDERLAND


ON THE

LAWS OF WORK.

BY

JOHN RUSKIN, LL.D.


HONORARY STUDENT OF CHRIST-CHURCH, OXON.

SMITH, ELDER AND CO., LONDON. 1867.

[The right of Translation is reserved.]

[Bibligraphical Note.The Letters collected in Time and Tide originally appeared in newspapers, as follows: Letter i. appeared originally in the Scotsman, February 27, 1867, and Letter ii. in the same paper, March 4. But no more letters appeared in that paper. The Letters appeared in the Leeds Mercury on the following dates in 1867:

Letter i ,, ii. Letters iii. iv., and vi. Letters v. . ,, vii. Letters viii., ix. ,, x., xi. .

March 1 (Omitted) March 6 ,, 4 ,, 12 ,, 16 ,, 23

Letters xii., xiii ,, xiv., xv. xvi., xvii. ,, xviii., xix., ,, xx. ,, xxi.-xxii. ,, xxiii., xxiv., xxv. .

March 30 April 6 ,, 13 ,, 20 27 May 4

The Letters also appeared in the Manchester Daily Examiner and Times on the following dates in 1867:

Letter I Letters ii.-vi Letter vii. Letters viii., ix. ,, x., xi. ,, xii., xiii. ,, xiv., xv.

March 1 ,, 5 ,, 12 ,, 16 ,, 23 ,, 30 April 6

Letters xvi., xvii ,, xviii., xix., xx . ,, xxi., xxii. ,, xxiii., xxiv. Letter xxv.

April 13 ,, 27 ,, 30 May 4 ,, 7

Letter V. appeared also in the Pall Mall Gazette of March 1, 1867 (see below, p. 333). After their publication in this form, Ruskin revised the Letters very considerably and collected them in a volume, of which there have been the following editions: First Edition (1867).The title-page is as shown here, on the preceding leaf. Foolscap 8vo, pp. viii.+199. Contents (here pp. 309311), pp. iii-v.; List of Appendices, p. vi.; Preface (here pp.313314), pp. vii.-viii.; Text of the Letters, pp. 1180; Appendices, pp. 181199. The imprintLondon: Printed by Smith, Elder and Co., Old Bailey,. E.C.appears in the centre of the reverse of p. 199. The headlines are Time and Tide on the left-hand pages; and on the right-hand pages Letter I. Co-operation, and so forth, except that the pages containing the Appendices were so headed on the left-hand as well as on the right. Issued
299

300
1

TIME AND TIDE

on December 19, 1867, in a dark brownish-purple cloth, lettered up the back: Time and Tide, by Weare and Tyne. Ruskin; and The Laws of Work on the front cover. Price Is. 6d. Second Edition (1868).This is an exact reprint of the first, except for the alteration of date and for the addition of the words Second Edition on the title-page. Issued on January 23, 1868. Collected Works Edition (1872).This was the fifth volume in the Works series, the general title-page being: The | Works of John Ruskin, | Honorary Student of Christ Church, Oxford. | Volume V. | Time and Tide, | By Weare and Tyne. | [ Rose.] | London: Printed for the Author | by Smith, Elder & Co., 15, Waterloo Place; | and sold by | Mr. G. Allen, Heathfield Cottage, Keston, Kent. | 1872. This title-page (with blank reverse) occupied pp. iii.-iv.; followed by the particular title-page: Time and Tide, | by | Weare and Tyne. | Tyne. | Twenty-five Letter to | a Working Man of Sunderland | on | The Laws of Work. | By John Ruskin, | Honorary Student of Christchurch, and Slade Professor of Fine Art. | London: Printed for the Author | by Smith, Elder & Co., 15, Waterl oo Place; | and sold by | Mr. G. Allen, Heathfield Cottage, Keston, Kent. | 1872. Octavo, pp. xii.+211. Contents, pp. vii.-x.; Preface, pp. xi.-xii.; Text of the Letters, pp. 1196; Appendices, pp. 197211. Imprint (in the centre of the last page)London: Printed by Smith, Elder and Co., Old Bailey, E. C. Headlines as in the First Edition. Issued on December 20, 1872, in purple calf, with gilt edges, tooled after an ecclesiastical fashion and lettered across the back: Ruskin.| Works. | Vol. | V. | Time | & Tide. Price 9s. 6d.; increased on January 1, 1874, to 18s. In July 1882 copies were put up in mottled-grey paper boards, with white paper labels, and sold at 13s. In this edition the paragraphs were numbered; the text was again revised; insertions and additional notes were introduced; and three of the Appendices in the previous editions (6, 7, and 9) were omitted. Collected Works EditionSecond Thousand (1882).This was an exact reprint of its predecessor, except that the title-pages were different, and that the imprint was now Hazell, Watson, and Viney, Printers, London and Aylesbury. The publishers imprint on the general title-page was altered to George Allen, | Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent. | 1882. On the particular title-page the author was described as Honorary Student of Christchurch, and Honorary Fellow of | Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Second Thousand was added; the publishers imprint was changed as on the general title-page, and below the date were the words [All rights Reserved]. Issued in December, 1882, in mottled-grey paper boards, with white paper back-label, which reads: Ruskin. | Works. | Vol. V. | Time | and |Tide.
1 So stated in the Bibliography by Wise and Smart; but the date seems doubtful, as the author added a note on December 16 (see below, p. 444).

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Price 13s. This edition is still current. The price was reduced in 1900 to 7s. 6d. Small Edition (1886).Of this, the fifth issue, the title-page was as follows: Time and Tide | by | Weare and Tyne. | Twenty-five Letters to | a Working Man of Sunderland | on | The Laws of Work. | By John Ruskin, | Honorary Student of Christchurch, and Honorary Fellow of | Corpus Christi College, Oxford. | George Allen, | Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent. | 1886. | [All Rights Reserved.]

301

Small crown 8vo, pp. xi.+253. Contents, pp. v.-viii.; Preface, pp. ix.-xi.; Text of the Letters, pp. 1234; Appendices, pp. 235253. Imprint (at the foot of the reverse of the title-page and of the last page)Printed by Hazell, Watson, & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury. Headlines as in the previous editions. Issued in April 1886, both in chocolate and in dark green coloured cloth, lettered across the back: Ruskin. | Time | and | Tide. Price 5s. 3000 copies. The text follows that of the Collected Works Edition, but one or two trifling corrections were made. Re-issues of the small Edition were made in April 1891 (2000copies)the publishers imprint now gave the address of 8 Bell Yard; the printers were still Messrs. Hazell, Watson, and Viney; in December 1894 (2000)Publishers address, 156 Charing Cross Road; this edition was printed by Messrs. Ballantyne, and was the first to include an Index (pp. 236261), compiled by Mr. Wedderburn; in December 1897 (1000); in May 1899, 13th Thousand; in June 1900, 14th Thousand; in July 1901, 15th Thousand; in June 1903, 16th Thousand. The price was reduced in January 1904 to 3s. 6d. Pocket Edition (1904).Of this edition, uniform in all respects with the Pocket Edition of The Elements of Drawing already described (Vol. XV. p. 6), the title-page is: Time and Tide | By | John Ruskin | London: George Allen. Issued in March 1904. Price 2s. 6d. cloth, 3s. 6d. limp leather. 3000 copies. Except for the title-page this edition is a page to page reprint of the Small Edition, being printed from the same electrotype plates. It was reprinted in April 1904 (3000 copies, completing the 22nd Thousand of the work). Unauthorised American Editions of Time and Tide have appeared in various forms. An authorised American (Brantwood) Edition was issued in 1891, by Charles E. Merrill & Co., New York, with an introduction (pp. v.-x.) by Charles Eliot Norton. Reviews of the book appeared in the Saturday Review, March 14, 1868; the Athenum, April 15, 1868, and Blackwoods Magazine, June 1868, Vol. 103, pp. 675691: an article entitled The Latest Lawgiver.

___________________

302

TIME AND TIDE

Vari Lectiones.The main variations are those between the letters, as originally published in the newspapers, and the letters as revised for publication in book form. As explained in the Introduction (p. cxiv.), the collation is with the Leeds Mercury, but a few misprints, etc., in the Manchester Examiner and Times are also noted. In the following list the different readings are, unless otherwise specified, those in the newspapers as compared with the present text; that is to say, a reader desiring to reconstruct the letters as originally published would have to make the corrections given in the list. But the text was again revised by the author in 1872. He indicated most of these revisions by the insertion of brackets in the text, and such revisions are not included in this list; other revisions, made at the same time but not thus indicated in the text, are here included. In the newspapers there were no authors footnotes; unless otherwise specified, these were added in 1867. The more interesting and important variations are now given in editorial footnotes to the text (except some which are now collected in an Appendix: see pp. 474482); in such cases a reference to them is alone given here. Otherwise the following list gives every variation (differences of paragraphing, spelling, punctuation, and italicising alone excepted): Contents (Letter xvi.).The words (Gentleness and Justice) were first added in 1872. The list of Appendices in eds. 1 and 2 was different after No. V. It continued: VI. Law of Property (omitted in later editions.); VII. Ambition of Bishops (omitted); VIII. Regulations of Trade (VI. in later editions); IX Greatness Coal-begotten (omitted); X Letter to the Editor of the Pall Mall Gazette (VII. in later editions). Letter i.The beginning was My Dear D, And so in all the letters. 1, lines 18, see p. 315 n. 2, last line, mercantile is here altered to manufacturing in accordance with a correction in Ruskins copy. 3, as originally published in the Leeds Mercury, the letter ended with Believe me, my dear D, J. Ruskin. Letter ii. 4, line 3, and before in practice. 7, line 7, shall for should; line 14 shall be before sufficient 8, line 20, for the attainment after conditions; line 28, worldly omitted before success. 8, the letter ended with Always truly yours, J. Ruskin. Letter iii.The address Denmark Hill was given, and the letter began I have not . . . 9, line 2, see p. 324 n. 10 line 14, Englishmen for Englishman. 14, the letter ended, Ever truly yours, J. Ruskin. Letter iv.The address Denmark Hill was given. 15, lines 10, 11, as I will show you presently for and the rest for shops sake. 16, line 1, This last passage I wish you to notice with respect to what I said in my letter of the day before yesterday, as to . . . 17, line 16, not in reality for art at all, but for the excitement and shop . . .; last lines, the passage You practical English! . . . state chambers was not in the original letter, which ended with Ever truly yours, J. R. Letter v. 18, line 26 and 27, as originally published, And that again depends on what you do want; and a great deal more than that depends, besides, on what you want. If you want only drink . . . The edition of 1867 reads the same. The passage was altered, as in the present text,

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

303

in 1872. 19, line 3, air for breathing. 20, line 5, the original letter and edition of 1867 read. his dexterous and changeless duty; line 16, such before spectacle omitted. 22, lines 3 and 4, . . . due course, for I have to go and see the Japanese jugglers first, and to take you with me, as best I can, before I can fully explain . . .; line 6, pantomime for play. 23, line 4, for one thing for in speciality. 24, the letter ends, Ever truly yours, J. Ruskin. Letter vi 26, line 6, I rarely see gymnastic performances, but I have seen . . .; line 30, enabling them omitted. 28, lines 8 and 9, which is . . . noble book is omitted; the letter ends. Ever truly yours, J. Ruskin. Letter vii. 29, line 11, I suppose 12 or 14; line 12. of for in; line 21. unintended aimless in all editions hitherto; the former word is struck out in Ruskins copy for revision. 30, line 2, see p. 344 n.; line 6, for before there; line 12, some omitted; line 17, following omitted; line 25, for omitted. 31, line 8, graciousness for grace; the letter ends, . . . leisure, and remain ever truly yours, J. Ruskin. Letter viii.The address Denmark Hill is added. 32, lines 11 and 12, and on their . . . secured omitted; line 14, in the newspapers quite was misprinted, in all editions of the book, great; Ruskin wrote quite. 33, line 15, that for which; line 17, dishonest for dishonoured. 35, line 3, the newspapers and the edition of 1867 read comparatively before illiterate; line 4, people for world; line 30, most for many; line 32, this for the; line 36, no more trustworthy than for only trustworthy as; line 42, the words a portion, divinely appointed, of do not appear in the newspapers or in the edition of 1867; line 47, the newspapers and the edition of 1867 read leading for soundest. 36, two last lines, see p. 350 n. 37, line 5, the words (the first being impossible to educated persons) are added after stated; line 6, tolerably for statedly, the former word being probably a mis-reading of a copyist; lines 1315, the newspapers and the edition of 1867 read for in the actual fact, strange as it may seem, no persons . . . not to their liking, as those . . . 38, third line from end, nearly inserted before every. 39, line 7, see p. 351 n. The letter ends, Truly yours always, J. Ruskin. Letter ix. 42, line 9, corrupted for corrupt. 43, line 24, v has here been altered, for the sake of clearness, to verse. 44, line 23 its for their; line 24, the newspapers and the edition of 1867 read correctly, but all later editions hitherto misprint processional professional. 45, line 3, the omitted; line 17, evangelical omitted; lines 20, 21, the words (the Uri . . . sense) omitted; fourth line from end, Tees for Weare. 47, line 21, to God inserted after thanks-giving; line 24, got inserted before illustrated (in the Manchester Examiner, got was misprinted not). 48, line 3, joylessness for failure of joy; line 6, There is such a thing in all previous editions, altered here as marked by Ruskin in his copy for revision to There are such things; line 10, there being for as there was; last line, see p. 358 n., the letter in the newspapers ending, Ever truly yours, J. Ruskin. Letter x.The address Denmark Hill is given; for an additional passage at the beginning, see p. 359 n. 49, line 3, as for for; line 4,

304

TIME AND TIDE

as for so; line 9, for an additional passage, see p. 359 n.; line 13, of omitted before his place; line 14, And for While; authors footnote, see p. 360 n. 51, line 1, being whipped for hell; line 3, is for was, and fears for terrors; line 4, the for this; line 6, elbow for side; line 9, see him omitted; line 14, but for whereas. 53, in line 9 of the quotation from Patmore, I neer would blend is here altered to Id never blend, and in line 12, would is here altered to Id in accordance with the poets text of 1863. 54, line 1, the newspapers and the edition of 1867 read Take those for you have thus. 55, line 2, informing for telling to; line 3, of the truths for the truth. 57, line 11, the newspapers misprinted torn for born. 58, line 3, care for for desire; line 28, sure, that omitted; line 31, instant end, unredeemable, of lives . . .; line 33, unquestionable for unquestionably, and this omitted; line 35, industrious for working; the letter ends, Ever truly yours, J. Ruskin. Letter xi.The address Denmark Hill is given. 59, line 2, were for mere; line 3, cold and before accurate, and and instant before facts; line 7, held for called; line 10, at once for next. 60, line 1 New this for This; line 5, spoken of as for called, and is spoken of as before His Adversary; line 9, Now therefore for Therefore; last line, kinds for kind. 61, line 22, the newspapers and the edition of 1867 read which often, if not most frequently, haunts . . . 62, lines 1 and 2, the newspapers read This is the final fact I have to insist upon . . .; line 9, he, the elder son for he; line 12, finally for ultimately; authors footnote, added in 1872; the letter ends, Ever truly yours, J. Ruskin. Letter xii. 63, line 9, see p. 370 n.; suffered for warped; line 11, to be warped after sorrow; line 12, and be spent after spend them; line 13, see p. 370 n. 66, line 3, in reality after differ only; line