Gentrification and Crime

A Study of Changing Lives in a Puerto Rican Community

By
Xavier Perez

M.A. University of Illinois at Chicago, 2003 B.A. University of Illinois at Urbana/Champaign, 1998

THESIS

Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Criminology, Law, and Justice in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Chicago, 2010
Chicago, Illinois

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my thesis committee, John Hagedorn, Laurie Schaffner,

John Betancur, David Stovall, and Nilda Flores-Gonzales, for their unwavering support and assistance. They provided me guidance in all areas that helped me accomplish my research goals and enjoy myself in the process. I would also like to acknowledge Sharon Casillas for her wisdom and guidance in navigating my graduate experience at UIC.

I would not have been able to collect my data if it were not for the support of the
Puerto Rican community in Chicago. I would like to thank the Puerto Rican Cultural Center, Pedro Albizu Campos High School, Batey Urbano, La Voz Newspaper, Humboldt Park No Se Vende, and the countless of participants in my study.

XP

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE

I.

INTRODUCTION A. Definition of Gentrification

1 3

B. C. D. E. F.
G. II.

Theoretical Framework and Knowledge Gap Why Study Gentrification Why Study Puerto Ricans Why Study Crime and Policing Study Objectives
Dissertation Outline

5 7 10 12 14
15 18

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H.
I. III.

Research Design Rationale Quantitative Measurement Qualitative Measurements Analyzing Data Access to Participants Participants Parameters
Limitations

18 20 22 24 25 26 27 31
32 35

LITERAURE REVIEW

A. B. C.
D.

Decline of the Central City Poverty, the Underclass, and Minorities Revitalization of the Central City
Gentrification and Crime

35 37 38
40

E. F.
G. H.

Economic, Political, and Social Ideology of the City Critical Analysis of Gentrification
Economic context for Gentrification Political and Economic Interests

41 42
43 45

I. J. K.
L.

Gentrification is the Natural Solution Policing Frameworks Policing of Community Residents

Crime Control versus Public Servant

47 48 49
53

M. N. O. IV.

Symbolic Violence Intersection of Gentrification, Police, and Agency Conclusion

55 58 59 60 60 61 65

HISTORIAL OVERVIEW A. Early Period (1 869 - 1 930) B. The Puerto Rican Migration to Chicago (1 898 - 1 960) C. Context of Conflict (1960 -1990)

IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

CHAPTER PAGE

D.

Social Consciousness

71

E. F. G. H.
I. V.

Historical Legacy The Changing Nature of Humboldt Park ( 1 990 - Present) Demographic Changes Changes in Crime
Conclusion

74 75 77 81
89 91

GENTRIFICATION

A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H.
I. VI.

Displacement Intersection of Class and Race/Ethnicity Loss of Social Context Loss of Historical Context Loss of Social Networks Impact of Gentrification Psychological Stress Mixed Income Arguments
Conclusion

91 95 103 105 108 110 112 113

115 117

POLICING

A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H.
VII.

Gentrification and Policing Changing Social Norms Changing Policing Strategies Assumed Criminality Racialized Policing The Impact on Crime Crime Fighter or Public Servant Conclusion The Gentrification of Humboldt Park Who Benefits from Gentrification? Community Building Reclaiming Cultural Identity Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C

1 17 122 126 129 133 135 138 140

146

CONCLUSION

A. B. C. D.

146 148 150 153

157

APPENDIXES

157 1 58 161
164
168

REFERENCES
VITA

LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE PAGE

1. 2. 3. 4.
5. 6. 7. 8.

Chicago Community Area Map Demographic Changes in West Town Demographic Changes in Humboldt Park Crime in Chicago
Crime in Thirteenth District Crime in Fourteenth District Crime in West Town Crime in Humboldt Park

22 79 80 82
84 86 87 88

vi

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE

PAGE

I.

PARTICIPANTINFORMATION

31

vii

LIST OF ABREVIATIONS

UCR CPD PACHS

PRCC

Uniform Crime Report Chicago Police Department Pedro Albizu Campos High School
Puerto Rican Cultural Center

viii

SUMMARY

The current study examines gentrification and crime in the Humboldt Park

neighborhood of Chicago. Specifically, I study how Puerto Rican youth perceive gentrification and policing in Humboldt Park? I contend that the gentrification process influences policing strategies causing the displacement of long standing Puerto Rican
residents.

Utilizing quantitative and qualitative research methods of analysis, my study examines the changing nature of crime Humboldt Park. A quantitative inspection allows for longitudinal comparisons of crime patterns in Humboldt Park. A qualitative approach
captures the lived experience of Puerto Ricans and their contact with law enforcement agencies.

My study demonstrates that the Humboldt park neighborhood is at the early stages
of gentrification. The study also found that the gentrification process is visible in CAPS

meetings where new residents voice their concerns in ways that reproduce social
stereotypes while criminalizing Puerto Rican youth. Puerto Rican residents in Humboldt

Park do not experience a change in policing strategies: their ethnic status and perceived threat to society caused the police to continue treating them with suspicion and hostility.
The role of police as crime fighter may explain for Puerto Rican relations with law
enforcement officials.

IX

I. Introduction

In the 1990, for the first time in forty years, the city of Chicago experienced an increase in overall population (U.S. Census, 2000). Fueled by economic growth, many urban professionals settled in the city searching for employment and housing

opportunities. The increase in professionals provided a number of benefits to the city

including tax base revenues, improvements in city services, commerce, and

redevelopment of old housing stocks. City officials in collaboration with banks and
developers targeted undervalued land, predominantly in ethnic/racial communities for redevelopment. Under a mixed income argument, developers converted Chicago's working class neighborhoods into "revitalized communities" with new economic vibrancy. Once poverty stricken and riddled with crime, many of Chicago's working class communities of color are now characterized by investment, redevelopment, commerce, and gentrification. The arrival of urban professionals and the process of redevelopment altogether led to the displacement of working class communities of color as redevelopment of old housing stock caused property taxes and rent prices to increase displacing them. The conversion of apartment buildings into condominiums and single family townhomes did

not provide working class minorities with affordable housing opportunities because they
cannot sustain such increases in cost of living and have to look elsewhere for affordable housing opportunities. The Humboldt Park neighborhood, home to the Puerto Rican community in Chicago, has experienced several episodes of displacement. Urban renewal efforts

during the 1960's displaced a cluster of Puerto Ricans out of the Lincoln Park
1

neighborhood. Then, the gentrification in West Town since the 1980's displaced the
Puerto Rican community once again. In the new millennium, gentrification projects attempt to displace the Puerto Rican community out of Humboldt Park as well.

The primary goal of my dissertation is to examine the gentrification of the

Humboldt Park neighborhood in Chicago. Specifically, I study how Puerto Rican youth

perceive gentrification and policing in Humboldt Park? Research indicates that new and
more affluent residents mobilize community resources to construct brighter street lights

and renovate walkways, insist on garbage removal and street cleaning services, and often
assume vigilante attitudes calling continuously on law enforcement agencies to take

action against crime (Freeman & Braconi, 2004; Schill & Nathan, 1983) or against
actions and behaviors they perceive as criminal. Research also indicates that revitalizing communities report decreases in personal and property crimes (Lehrer, 2000; McDonald, 1986). Conventional criminology argues that capital investment in distressed neighborhoods removes poverty, the principle cause of crime. Second, I contend that the gentrification process influences policing strategies

causing the displacement of long standing Puerto Rican residents. Law enforcement officials negotiate and serve the interests of new and affluent residents in Humboldt Park
while neglecting those of the lower income. Finally, gentrification projects and

accompanying ideologies and lifestyles reinforce criminal assumptions of Puerto Ricans

in American society.

A.

Definition of Gentrification

In 1964, Ruth Glass coined the term gentrification. According to Glass, gentrification involved the invasion of London's working class quarters by the middle classes. Glass illustrated how "Shabby, modest mews and cottagestwo rooms up and two rooms down, have been taken over, when their leases have expired, and have become elegant, expensive residences" (Glass, 1964). Glass argued that once gentrification starts, the process spreads until all or most of the original working class occupiers are displaced and the social character of the district is changed. The gentrification process generally involves the rehabilitation of residential neighborhoods occupied by the low income people of color. The process varies according to different locations but the underlining theme is the renovation of old inner and central city stock for new uses, generally associated with the middle class. The gentrification process occurs in low-income areas where the housing stock has devalued through disinvestments. Redevelopment of the housing stock and the construction of new housing stock increases the desirability of the neighborhood and makes the location

of the neighborhood prized and therefore highly expensive (Schaffer & Smith, 1986).
For the purposes of my dissertation, gentrification is defined as the "movement of middle class families into urban areas causing property values to increase and having the secondary effect of driving out the poorer families" (Schaffer & Smith, 1986).
In the USA, the first gentrification efforts surfaced as soon as the central cities

began to experience a loss in manufacturing jobs and population. Beginning with the 1940's through the 1970's, local governments presented revitalization rhetoric under a banner of urban renewal and elimination of slum and blight. The goal for municipal

governments was not only to encourage middle class individuals to remain in the central

cities, but also attract the middle class back to the city. Local governments attempted to
maintain pace with suburbs by adapting to the advantages of the latter. Local

governments implemented a variety of strategies including the construction of highways

and airports, the provision of housing and more open space, and the creation of cleaner environments by eliminating air and water pollution (Teaford, 1990). On occasion, political officials within municipal governments fostered segregated communities to maintain white middle class enclaves in the city (Betancur, 2002).

Although urban renewal in many ways an early form of gentrification, coutesoy

of governments, revitalization efforts of the 1980's and 1990's, or gentrification, differ

from it in part due to the emphasis on consumption of the latter (Schill & Nathan, 1983),
the yuppie phenomenon (Schaffer & Smith, 1986), the devaluation of property values and

the associated opportunity for investment (Smith, 1982), the increased representation of
women in the workforce, and the concentration of poverty (Smith, 2002). Alternative distinctions/explanations emphasize changes in housing patterns in terms of a "back to the city" movement (Gale, 1976; Smith, 1996), supply causes, state policy, investment

and disinvestments, urban restructuring, and middle class activism (Betancur, 2002) Early studies of gentrification emphasized the process of neighborhood change and the displacement of community residents. However, recent scholarship has worked
to develop a theoretical framework for gentrification by highlighting dynamics of economic structuring, particularly, the deindustrialization of the urban core replaced by professional and technical jobs (Zukin, 1987). Additionally, gentrification research has examined how societal institutions shape the magnitude and location of investment.

Specifically, how local governments control the resources for development and how they
are differentiated (Wilson, 1988). The literature suggests that contesting political and economic interests influence the growth of gentrification (eg., Betancur, 2002).

B.

Theoretical Framework and Knowledge Gap

Social, political, and economic perspectives in favor of gentrification maintain that gentrification is a contributor to diversity, the great mosaic of the city, and lead the blossoming of neighborhood and lives (Smith, 1996). Gentrification is in fact, the upgrading of houses and retail businesses in a neighborhood with an influx of generally private investment. Gentrification represents neighborhood recycling, upgrading, and a renaissance. In short, gentrification is a symbol of modernization and urban renewal of
the city by the middle classes (Smith, 1996).

The benefits of gentrification extend beyond the revitalization of the central cities.
In addition to desegregating minority communities of concentrated poverty, the

gentrification of the inner city can also decrease the crime in the areas that it penetrates. For many authors, crime is s product of poverty and neighborhood degradation. As the poor are replaced, revitalization and gentrification projects remove poverty and decrease criminal behavior (Lehrer, 2000) associated with criminal behavior. According to this author, contrary to conventional wisdom, when crime drops, low-income neighborhoods come back to life (Lehrer, 2000). Therefore, the revitalization of the inner city is synonymous with the war on crime, "a policy triumph". As far as the costs of gentrification, the process does little to address issues of social inequality and segregation. Instead, it simply transforms the social character of a

community. Working class neighborhoods convert into middle class communities (Glass, 1964). Increase in property taxes, sales, and rents displace existing, often lower income, residents (Wagner, 1995). Gentrification projects disproportionately target the central cities, where the majority of African Americans and Latino residents reside. Critics of

gentrification call attention to the role of local governments in assisting and negotiating
with the gentrification process (Betancur, 2002; Wilson, 1988). That is to say, local

governments foster private investments by providing tax subsidies, rezoning, and other
incentives. The opportunity for profit entices a host of political and business leaders to invest in working class communities. Critics of gentrification also draw attention to the policing of community residents and the brutal force police officers use to physically dispose of "perceived" criminals (Dutton, 2001; Smith, 1996). The rigorous promotions of neutral-sounding euphemisms behind gentrification conceal issues of race, class, and gender. Apparently, color neutral terminologies script the race, class, and gender contours of gentrification (Smith, 1996). Gentrification in fact represents an urban cleaning by white middle classes. Critics maintain that gentrification is an economic process in which neighborhoods are purposefully devalued, then reinvested with capital, for the benefit of developers. My dissertation draws upon the theoretical arguments of gentrification.

Specifically, it examines the nature of crime and law enforcement in revitalizing

communities. I argue that criminological policies in support of gentrification (Lehrer, 2000; McDonald, 1986) fail to account for the social costs associated with revitalization. Classic criminology assumes that neighborhood change is inherently conflictive, a

process of ethnic succession. Classic criminology argues that crime is related to the

degree of social disorganization that's present in a community. From this perspective, social disorganization is produced by the instability associated with the succession of groups through the concentric circles of the city (Parks, Burgess, & McKenzie, 1925; Zorbaugh, 1926). However, classic criminology fails to incorporate racial and economic considerations in the displacement of community residents. Classic criminology's explanation for gentrification and crime is linear and does not allow for a complex framework of contest and change in the central cities. By incorporating social, political, economic and historical dynamics of gentrification, my dissertation provides a complex explanation for gentrification within criminology.

C.

Why Study Gentrification

Central cities are experiencing a radical change in demographic and economic characteristics. Beginning with the 1940's, the industrial centers of the United States experienced a loss in economic vitality as two acute changes developed. The first involved the relocation of capital as manufacturing moved from the central cities to the suburbs and other parts of the world. The second involved an exodus of the predominately white, but also African American (Wilson, 1987), middle class to the suburbs (Teaford, 1990). The economic transformation left the major central cities of the U.S. at a loss for manufacturing jobs, a declining population, a concentration of poverty, and a growing presence of minority groups (Schill & Nathan, 1983). The revitalization of the central cities represents an attempt on the part of local governments to addresses the blight of decay and the consequences associated with
deindustrialization and the suburbanization of the middle class. Urban renewal and

gentrification efforts center on the revitalization of the city. For local governments, the revitalization of the central city corresponds with an increase in the tax base, a growth in professional employment, and a decrease in the concentration of poverty (Vigdor, 2002). The gentrification of inner city neighborhoods stimulates housing investments, additional retail, and cultural services. In addition, the gentrification of the city allegedly enhances the lives of low-income residents by contributing to local job opportunities. What's more, the infusion of middle class individuals with more political influence may help communities procure better public services (Freeman & Braconi, 2004). Authors claims that the gentrification of inner city neighborhoods may also lead to socioeconomic, racial, and ethnic integration. Racial and class integration can help to desegregate urban areas and concentrated areas of poverty. The gentrification of the city can have lasting benefits by integrating them and eventually school districts (Lee, Spain, & Umberson, 1985) by de-concentrating poverty. Gentrified neighborhoods increase the quality of life by offering feasible options for income, education, and even marriage, Galster adds. In contrasts, critics argue that the gentrification of inner city communities imposes social costs on the disadvantaged (Beauregard, 1986; Betancur, 2002; Dutton, 2001; Lipman, 1998; Schaffer & Smith, 1986; Schill & Nathan, 1983; Smith, 1996; WyIy & Hammel, 2000) as gentrification does not address the broader economic shins in capital and labor. Gentrification masquerades around the underlying causes of poverty and racial segregation by displacing community residents of impoverished neighborhoods. Although, the "best behaved" of the poor, with no prior housing violations, can be allowed to participate in mixed-income arrangements, many find themselves under strict guidelines and face the possibility of eviction at the smallest infraction of the imposed

rules (WyIy & Hammel, 2000). Residents who do not vacate the living quarters and challenge displacement often face hostile reaction by their new landlords and police agencies (Dutton, 2001; Smith, 1996). The gentrification of the central cities represents a transformation in demographics, capital investment, and cultural norms. Originally populated by European whites, central cities became home to minority groups like African American and Latinos in the 1945 - 1970 period. Currently, they are once again experiencing a change in demographic and economic characteristics. The gentrification process can potentially displace thousands of working class residents to the fringes of the city. There is a need to understand the demographic changes taking in the central cities. In addition, the struggle for urban space often compromises the needs of working class residents. How does the gentrification of central cities disrupt the social needs of working class residents? My dissertation challenges the notion that gentrification is a practical solution to address the relocation of capital and labor, the migration of the middle class, the concentration of working class people of color, and a reduction in crime. The

gentrification of working class communities of color may symbolize revitalization,

desegregation, and a policy triumph in crime. However, what is the social cost? Gentrification can improve quality of life for inner city residents, but for whom? If new and more affluent individuals displace low income community residents of color, then how do long term residents benefit from gentrification? What's more disturbing is that community residents may experience a greater degree of surveillance by law enforcement officials. Long standing community residents would be the first to welcome improved

amenities and a better quality of life. Long standing community residents would also

10

support initiatives to integrate segregated communities. Individuals from different

socioeconomic statuses as well as different racial and ethnic backgrounds can only diversify the demographic characteristics of a community rather than improve the economic conditions long term, low income residents. In reality, the gentrification
process transforms the social character of communities into white middle class enclaves.

As repeatedly shows, gentrification does not produce permanent class, ethnic, and race
diversity.

D.

Why Study Puerto Ricans

In Chicago, the majority of research conducted in the Latino community centers on Mexican Americans. Puerto Ricans, like many other Latino ethnic groups, are often grouped together under one homogenous Latino identity. The Latino identity in the United States often reflects the largest ethnic group, Mexican Americans. As such, research agendas largely focus on Mexican Americans. The failure to study Puerto Ricans is reflective in the lack of understanding by researchers and policy makers both of Puerto Ricans and of the internal diversity of Latinos. As a results, American society is not well aware of the Puerto Rican experience. In order to develop a comprehensive analysis of Latinos in the United States, we need to study the historical nuances and unique experiences of each Latino ethnic group. Historical context, immigration status, and political milieu play a significant role in determining how Latino immigrants
assimilate into American society. We cannot assume that Puerto Ricans will have the

same experiences as Mexicans or Cubans. For example, unlike other Latino ethnic
groups, Puerto Ricans are citizens of the United States. Nevertheless, Puerto Ricans

11

have a poverty rate of 33.8 compared to 24.2 for all Latinos (Perez, 2004). Puerto
Ricans, similar to Mexicans, have low educational and income levels and are

concentrated in the low wage service sector (Perez, 2004). Puerto Ricans have the highest rate of unemployment and poverty among Latino groups. The Latino Institute reported that more than 75% of Puerto Ricans are employed in the service sector (Perez,
2004). The colonial relationship between the USA and Puerto Rico has and continues shaping the social, political, and economic climate for Puerto Ricans on the island and in the United States. As a commonwealth of the United States, Puerto Rico has been

subjected to neocolonial policies that transformed the island's economy, forcing millions of residents to leave. Upon arriving in the United States., Puerto Rican immigrants faced
numerous social and economic obstacles that hindered their assimilation. Because of

their minority status, Puerto Rican's encountered racial discrimination in terms of

housing, employment, and contact with law enforcement officials. These changes were

particularly harsh to a predominantly rural Puerto Rican immigrant translating into high
rates of unemployment, substance abuse, broken families, and deteriorated health

conditions. Puerto Ricans have the highest rates of welfare dependency and household poverty, as well as the lowest labor force participation rate, of any other Latino ethnic group (Bourgois, 1995). Puerto Ricans display the highest rate of bedridden disabilities, the most deaths caused by cirrhosis of the liver, the highest rate of suicide attempts, and have the fastest growing rates of HIV infection (Bourgois, 1995). The historical context

of colonization, minority status, and displacement make Puerto Ricans a unique group to

12

study. The gentrification and displacement of the Humboldt Park neighborhood is representative of U.S. neocolonial policies in Puerto Rico.
Meanwhile, the narrative of Puerto Ricans in the USA does not mirror the

experiences of European immigrants that followed an ethnic succession model of

assimilation into American society. Ethnic succession emphasizes class and spatial differences. The model does not account for racial differences in immigrant populations.
Puerto Ricans, like other minority groups with African and Indigenous features, cannot escape their visibly darker skin tone. European immigrants could assimilate into American society by acquiring social and economic capital. However, Puerto Ricans cannot evade their minority status. As much as they try, Puerto Ricans cannot become ethnically whiter in American society. We need to examine race outside the ethnic succession model. The model does not provide a path for tolerance in a racially divided
society. The ethnic succession model does not underscore cultural differences. On the

contrary, assimilation suggests a cultural transformation and acceptance of American

values and norms.

E.

Why Study Crime and Policing

The changing demographic characteristics of Chicago require the study of crime

in gentrifying communities. African American and Latino communities throughout the city are undergoing massive revitalization projects. The city has undergone a major redevelopment of old housing stocks and demolishing of low income housing. Only a small number of qualifying tenants are allowed to remain and live in the new housing
arrangements. However, an untold amount of people are forced to look elsewhere for

housing opportunities. Once working class communities of color, these neighborhoods are now transformed into middle class enclaves. As criminologists, we have to ask a series of questions. First, what is the nature of crime in gentrified communities? What does crime resemble in these new communities? Second, how does our knowledge of crime in these new communities reflect our criminal justice and social justice policies? In addition to analyzing crime statistics in gentrifying communities, we need to

study the nature of policing in these communities. Research indicates that as

communities experience gentrification, new and more affluent residents utilize their cultural capital to mobilize community resources to get the city ot install brighter street

lights, renovate walkways, improve garbage removal and street cleaning services, and
call on law enforcement agencies to take action against crime (Freeman & Braconi, 2004; Schill & Nathan, 1983). Research also indicates that new and more affluent residents mobilize community resources, prioritize community concerns, and as a consequence, criminalize long standing community residents (Skogan et al., November 2000). The arrival of new and affluent residents fosters an enviroment of stict surveliance for long standing community residents. What are the indicators of surveillance by law
enforcement officials and new residents?

Second, new and more affluent residents call upon police to eliminate real and

perceived criminal activity. As crime fighters, police are expected to deal with crime and
arrest criminals. That is, law enforcement officials serve a social control mechanism in

society. As crime fighters, police fight crime and criminals alike. How do gentrification projects reinforced assumptions of criminality with minority groups? How do

14

gentrification projects promote intolerance on the part of law enforcement officials and
new residents?

Third, how do long standing community residents perceive the surveillance of their community? Are their experiences with police officers different from before gentrification? Finally what is the role of women in gentrification?

F.

Study Objectives

My dissertation examines the lived experience of Puerto Ricans in Chicago vis-vis policing. Through crime, I detail a narrative of change in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. For the purposes of this study, I will refer to the Humboldt Park neighborhood as a geographical area designated by Chicago's community area map. When I discuss the Puerto Rican community, I am referring to a population residing in a number of neighborhoods including Humboldt Park, West Town, and Logan Square. By

analyzing crime, my dissertation studies the impact of gentrification on the Puerto Rican
residents in Humboldt Park. Specifically, how do Puerto Rican youth perceive

gentrification and policing in Humboldt Park? My dissertation investigates perceived

differences in policing strategies as experienced by the Puerto Rican residents in
Humboldt Park.

Throughout my dissertation, I assess a number of research questions. In particular, I address the following topics:
Is the Humboldt Park neighborhood gentrifying? If so, what are the changes in demographic characteristics? How do Puerto Rican residents understand the gentrification of Humboldt Park?

15

Are there any changes in crime patterns? If so, what do the new crime patterns
suggest?

If gentrification projects criminalize long standing community residents, what

behavior is no longer tolerated? To what extent do law enforcement agencies assist with the gentrification

process? Specifically, how do Puerto Rican youth perceive a change in policing

strategies and intensity? To what extent have policing strategies changed or remained the same as Humboldt Park gentrifies?

As agents of social control, law enforcement officials police the activities and behavior of Puerto Rican youth. As crime fighters, law enforcement officials police communities of color in an aggressive and reactive manner. To what an extent do law enforcement officials and gentrification projects reinforce criminal assumptions of Puerto Ricans in the Humboldt Park neighborhood? To what and extent does the criminalization of Puerto Ricans assure America's racial anxieties with minority groups?

G.

Dissertation Outline

Throughout the dissertation, I examine the social impact of gentrification on the

lives of Puerto Ricans residing in the Humboldt Park neighborhoodagain, with a

particular focus on policing and youth. In Chapter two, I outline my research methodology explaining the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis, clarify why I selected to study the Humboldt Park neighborhood and illustrate how I

16

gained access to the Puerto Rican community. Finally, I discuss the limitations of my
research.

In chapter three, I examine theoretical perspectives and past research concerning gentrification differentiating between arguments in favor and those critical of the gentrification process and identifying the benefits and consequences associated with

gentrification. Finally, I highlight the political economy perspective for gentrification

and consider the social implication of gentrification on crime. In chapter four, I study the historical context of Puerto Rican in the United States., highlighting neocolonial policies that facilitated the displacement of Puerto Ricans from the island. Through a colonial context, I examine the racialized experience of Puerto

Ricans in the U.S. I illustrate how Puerto Ricans struggle to achieve equality through
social consciousness. I also explore demographic characteristics and crimes rates in Humboldt Park and West Town. I analyze highly gentrified areas in West Town to compare with Humboldt Park. West Town displays a considerable change in

demographic characteristics and crime rates. In Humboldt Park, the data points to an
early stage of gentrification.

In chapter five, I examine the social construction of gentrification. According to Puerto Rican residents in Humboldt Park, the gentrification process is synonymous with displacement and loss. It disrupts the social networks and historical legacy of the community. The threat of displacement leads to psychological trauma on the part of
Puerto Rican youth. Finally, I consider the extent to which mixed income policies introduce diversity in working class communities.

17

In chapter six, I discuss changing policing strategies in Humboldt Park. My

findings demonstrate that new residents utilize community policing forums to voice their concerns in regards to criminal activity. Differently, Puerto Rican youth in Humboldt Park do not experience a perceived change in policing scrutiny or treatment. Historically,
Puerto Ricans have always encountered a heightened degree of surveillance and police

scrutiny, regardless of gentrification. The presence of gentrification does not appear to

influence how law enforcement officials police Puerto Ricans in Humboldt Park. The

gentrification process surfaces differential treatment by police officers towards long standing community residents. The nature of police as crime fighters may influence
policing strategies much more than gentrification. I conclude by discussing how the Puerto Rican community resists the

gentrification process through community building. By community building, I denote to

Puerto Rican efforts to maintain a presence in Humboldt. By asserting their culture and

identity, Puerto Ricans build a sense of worth and challenge racist schmas in American
society

II: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

The primary goal of my dissertation is to examine the gentrification of the Humboldt Park neighborhood in Chicago. Specifically, I study how Puerto Rican youth perceive gentrification and policing in Humboldt Park? In this chapter, I describe my methodological approach to gather, analyze, and convey the lived experience of Puerto Ricans in Humboldt Park. I demonstrate how I gained access and received consent to conduct my study. Utilizing a participatory action research framework, I rejected notions of objectivity and actively engaged with participants in their struggle to maintain a Puerto
Rican presence in Humboldt Park.

A.

Research Design

In order to operationalize the gentrification of Humboldt Park, my study utilizes a variety of quantitative and qualitative research methods of analysis. It examines secondary sources of quantitative data to explore the demographic changes and crime patterns in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. Furthermore, a quantitative inspection
allows for longitudinal comparisons of crime patterns in Humboldt Park. In order to

complement the quantitative data, I apply a qualitative research analysis to detail the lived experiences of Puerto Ricans in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. Utilizing
participant observation and unstructured interviews, the reader can hear the voices of the

participants conveyed through emotional and passionate accounts (Padilla, 1992). My study makes use of U.S. Census data to illustrate changes in demographic characteristics for the Humboldt Park neighborhood. For the purposes of my dissertation, I explore the demographic characteristics of median family income, median value of
18

19

property, the percentage of college graduates, and percentage in racial/ethnic

composition. In addition, I collected major index I crimes for Humboldt Park as reported by the Chicago Police Department. According to research, revitalizing communities experiences a decrease in major index I crimes (Lehrer, 2000; McDonald, 1986). I look
for similar trends in Humboldt Park.

My dissertation employs a qualitative approach to guide questions regarding the political, economic, and psychological aspects of society (Janesick, 2000). Specifically, a qualitative research model allows me to explore questions pertaining to the social circumstances of individuals. In the context of my research, I investigate how Puerto Ricans interpret and perceive policing practices in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. My study considers if Puerto Rican residents, particularly Puerto Rican youth, perceive
changes in policing strategies during the gentrification of Humboldt Park. I am

particularly interested in exploring the degree to which policing strategies affect Puerto Rican residents along dynamics of race, class, age, and gender divisions. Finally, I consider the extent to which Puerto Ricans residents adapt, negotiate, or challenge the
gentrification process. Research indicates that community residents experience stringent law

enforcement practices in gentrifying communities (Barreto, 2002; Dutton, 2001; Skogan

et al., November 2000; Smith, 1996). That is to say, new and affluent residents mobilize

community resources to prioritize their concerns and, as a consequence, criminalize the behavior of long standing working class residents. My study inquires Puerto Rican youth if they observe a perceived change in police presence and surveillance. Utilizing

20

quantitative and qualitative research methods, it examines the political, social, and
economic conflict within a contested space.

B.

Rationale

I selected the city of Chicago for two primary reasons. Principally, federal

housing policies facilitating the gentrification process are applied especially in Chicago.
The Chicago Housing Authority pioneered Hope VI (2000), a federal housing initiative that introduced mixed-income stipulations into rehabilitated public housing developments, incorporating poor households into moderate income living arrangement (WyIy & Hammel, 2000). Under Hope VI, city administrators employed federal housing policies that fostered mixed-income arrangements with the goal of "revitalizing" and developing impoverished communities. Second, certain neighborhoods in Chicago are witnessing a significant degree of gentrification (U.S. Census, 2000). The gentrification of Chicago is evident in the city's first population growth in over 30 years (U.S. Census, 2000). I selected the Humboldt Park neighborhood of Chicago as my case study for a variety of reasons. The primary reason is that the Humboldt Park neighborhood is located just outside the central business district. Research suggests that neighborhoods bordering the Central Business District (CBD) are highly desirable (Betancur, 2002;

Wagner, 1995). Neighborhoods in close proximity to the CBD provide easy access to
transportation routes for employment and recreational purposes (see figure 1). Humboldt Park and West Town are the twenty-third and Twenty fourth neighborhoods respectively.

21

Second, I selected the Humboldt Park neighborhood because of the visible markers of gentrification. Previous research indicates that the Humboldt Park neighborhood witnessed demographic changes in factors such as the median family income, median value of property, the percentage of college graduates, and a polarization in income (Rey, 1995). As such, the Humboldt Park neighborhood presents the proper milieu to capture the dynamics of gentrification. Third, the Humboldt Park area is home to the Puerto Rican community of Chicago. Historically, the Puerto Rican community in Chicago has experienced multiple instances of displacement because of urban renewal projects. Having resided in Lakeview, Lincoln Park, and Woodlawn during the 1940s (Padilla, 1985), urban renewal projects forced Puerto Ricans to relocate to neighborhoods like West Town, Humboldt Park, and Logan Square. The gentrification of the Humboldt Park neighborhood

represents another example of displacement by Puerto Ricans in Chicago. In addition, the gentrification of Humboldt Park not only displaces Puerto Ricans, but all racial/ethnic
groups who currently live in the vicinity, including Mexicans and African Americans. Finally, I selected to study the Humboldt Park community because it is where I lived for most of my adolescence. I have personally witnessed the disappearance of

neighborhood stores and restaurants, the closing of elementary schools and spaces for youth to congregate, and the progressive transformation of the Puerto Rican community
into a white middle class enclave. As an involved observer (Clark, 1965) and activist, I have a vested interest in the future of the Humboldt Park neighborhood. I actively

engage with my research and attempt to influence policy and events through my findings.

22

Figure 1 .

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Similar to participatory action research (Kemmins & McTaggart, 2000), I take ownership of my research project for the purpose of developing community-based analyses of social problems. I challenge some of the assumptions of research objectivity and place myself
in the context of my study.

C.

Quantitative Measurements

By definition, the gentrification process involves the movement of middle class families into urban areas causing property values to increase and having the secondary

23

effect of driving out the poorer families (Schaffer & Smith, 1996). In order to operationalize the gentrification process, my study surveys demographic characteristics in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. Utilizing U.S. Census data, this study conducted a longitudinal analysis of demographic characteristics from 1980 to the present. The demographic characteristics I included are median family income, median value of property, percentage of college graduates, and proportions of racial/ethnic composition in Humboldt Park (see also Schaffer & Smith, 1996). In order to evaluate my data, I include several comparison groups. In this case, I compare demographic characteristics in Humboldt Park to West Town. West Town demonstrates significant levels of gentrification. By comparing Humboldt Park to West Town, we can attempt to measure the degree of gentrification present in Humboldt Park. In addition, we can explore similarities and differences of gentrification across multiple sites In addition to demographic characteristics, this study investigates the trajectory of crime in the Humboldt Park neighborhood from 1980 to the present. Research suggests that FBI Major Index crimes decline in gentrifying communities (Lehrer, 2000;
McDonald, 1986). I conducted a longitudinal analysis of crime in the Humboldt Park neighborhood to determine if major index I crimes have declined. In order to

contextualize crime, my study compares FBI Major Index I crimes in two police districts that surround the Humboldt Park neighborhood. In addition, I compared FBI Major Index in Humboldt to West Town from 1998 to the present using data from the Chicago Police Department. A fundamental interest of my study is to investigate crime patterns in gentrifying communities. By comparing crime rates across multiple locations, I explore the nature of crime in a gentrifying neighborhood.

24

D.

Qualitative Measurements

My study employs a qualitative model of analysis to illustrate the lived experience of Puerto Ricans residing in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. Specifically, I utilize participant observation and intensive interviews to collect data. I selected participant observation and intensive interviews because of the unique insight provided by the tools. Participant observation and intensive interviews allows for an insider's perspective to the lived experience of Puerto Ricans residing in the Humboldt Park neighborhood (Horowitz, 1983). Participant observations allow the researcher to participate actively and for an extended period of time in the daily lives of the people and the situations under study (McGaIl & Simmons, 1969). Ethnographic participant observation allows researchers to build long-term relationships and trust with participants so they can ask provocative personal questions, and expect thoughtful, serious answers (Bourgois, 1995). In order to collect insightful and accurate data, ethnographers inherently violate some of the outdated assumptions of positivist research such as objectivity. The notion of objectivity suggests that researchers should not incur in any personal bias during their investigation. On the contrary, researchers are individuals who arrive with biased believe systems that guide their research agendas (Diaz-Cotto, 2000). My study conducts intensive interviews to unearthen an informant's experience of a particular subject or situation. Through intensive interviews, this study seeks to find out what factors and perceptions exist in the lives of individuals (Lofland & Lofland, 1995). I utilize an activist approach to portray the lives the participants. An activist approach presents humans as creative and probing creatures who are coping, dealing, designating, dodging, maneuvering, scheming, striving, struggling, and so forth (Lofland

25

& Lofland, 1995). Additionally, individuals influence their social settings. I use in-depth interviews to detail the changing nature of the Humboldt Park neighborhood. Through oral history, I document the experiences of Puerto Rican residents as their community disappears.

Operating within a qualitative model, my study highlights the Puerto Rican experience in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. With that goal, it includes a Puerto Rican voice. Participants in my study include men and women who currently reside or
once resided in Humboldt Park. They vary in age from adolescence to older community members. I examine if Puerto Rican residents, particularly Puerto Rican youth from the age of 1 6 to 19, perceive a difference in policing strategy as the Humboldt Park neighborhood gentrifies. I underscore a collective and personal history of racial/ethnic profiling in Chicago.

E.

Analyzing Data

I utilize a method of analytic induction to evaluate qualitative data. First, I define the criminalization of Puerto Rican residents by law enforcement agents. Second, I argue that new and more affluent residents utilize law enforcement agencies to advance the gentrification process. According to analytic induction (Ryan & Bernard, 2000), I

proceed through each case to determine if the criminalization of community residents is

the result of gentrification. Third, if I encounter a case that is not explained through

gentrification, I adjust my understanding of the gentrification process to include the new

26

case. Ideally, the process continues until a general explanation for all known cases of a
phenomenon is attained.

In order to test my hypothesis that the gentrification process influences law enforcement practices and policies, I formulate a proposition by examining the data (Lofland & Lofland, 1995). For example, does Type X exist? Second, how often does it occur? Third, what is the magnitude? Fourth, what are the processes and causes? Finally, what are the consequences and how do community residents develop strategies
and tactics to adapt accordingly?

F.

Access to Participants

In order to gain access to the Puerto Rican community, I volunteered at the Pedro Albizu Campos High School (PACHS) for the 2008/2009 academic year. During that time, I engaged with the Puerto Rican community as a volunteer and ethnographer, conducting numerous interviews. The Pedro Albizu Campos High School operates out of the Puerto Rican cultural center. I taught an elective course to high school students titled "Street Law". My course attracted a number of students who were interested in learning
about their constitutional rights in the presence of law enforcement officials.

Throughout the academic year, I invited students to participate in my study. I selected students who demonstrated potential academically and socially. I informed the students that they would not receive any additional credit for participating in my study. However, their stories would add to our collective knowledge of the Puerto Rican experience. Initially, the students were not interested in sharing their experiences.

27

Nevertheless, as the year progressed, I developed a level of trust with students and school administrators. Eventually, the students consented to participate in the study. Once I established rapport with students, I followed a snowball sampling technique. I met with other Puerto Rican students and school administrators to discuss their perceptions of gentrification and police. Those individuals, subsequently, introduced me to a number of Puerto Rican residents outside the high school. I approached other community agencies and, on numerous occasions, was invited to speak about police brutality and constitutional rights. Participating in panel discussion groups offered me the opportunity to meet prominent members in the Puerto Rican community. I met with individuals who assisted in constructing the "Paseo Borricua" initiative on Division Street. I met with individuals at the local bodegas, restaurants, and businesses operating in the "Paseo Borricua" district. I observed and documented Puerto Ricans conversing and congregating along the designated bench areas on Division Street. My affiliation with the cultural center and lecturer against police brutality granted me trust and credibility in the Puerto Rican community. Teaching at the Pedro Albizu Campos High School allowed me the opportunity to witness all the events and programs that celebrate the Puerto Rican heritage. As an active participant in the cultural center, I witnessed Puerto Rican residents fighting to maintain a Puerto Rican presence in Humboldt Park. This study speaks to that struggle of resistance.

G.

Participants Research suggests that new residents criminalize minority youth by calling

attention to activities like congregating on streets, sidewalks, and parks (Skogan et al.,

28

November 2000). Congregating without an apparent purpose, a violation of Chicago's loitering ordinance, was largely ignored by police officials in Humboldt Park for many

years. However, as the demographic composition of the neighborhood changed, so did community concerns. New residents demand that law enforcement officials take action against such behavior and disperse minority youth. Young Puerto Rican men and women represent an ideal case study because they draw suspicious attention from new residents
and police (Skogan et al., November 2000). A secondary reason why I researched Puerto Rican youth is to challenge conventional stereotypes of Latino youth. Latino youth are routinely portrayed as failures and as engaging in criminal activity (Walker, Senger, Villarruel, & Arboleda, 2004). My study highlights the social barrier young Puerto Rican men and women face in Humboldt Park. Similar to other works, my study speaks to the individual struggles urban minority youth encounter in an environment with little economic opportunity and

in opposition to the wider American mainstream (Anderson, 1999; Bourgois, 1995;

Padilla, 1992, Schaffner, 2006). The Pedro Albizu Campos High School is an alternative high school. That is to

say, the high school serves students who have failed in a traditional high school setting for various personal and/or disciplinary circumstances. The Pedro Albizu Campus High School represents a second chance for the students. I find that most students take advantage of the opportunity and earn their high school diploma. However, there are
students who have a difficult time separating themselves from drugs, gangs, and violence.

Others dropped out because of their personal circumstances. Some students could not
meet the demands of school and manage their personal lives. Their home environment

29

was not conducive for school. As such, I routinely lost contact with my students. Yet,

the majority of student understood that in order to compete in a global economy, they
needed at least a high school diploma to have a chance. They are young adults struggling

to survive the dangers of their neighborhood while at the same time trying to succeed in
school and the wider world around them.

I formally interviewed 28 participants, 18 youth and 10 adults (See figure 2.2). All the participants are of Puerto Rican descent. Two participants are mixed with Italian and Mexican heritage. They all self-identified as working class individuals. For the most part, they spoke in English with friends and family members. I was surprised to find that a small number of students spoke Spanish at home. I expected that most students would
have family members that spoke exclusively Spanish. However, society's emphasis on

English explains why the students do not value their Spanish language. Nearly all of the
students come from a single-family household where everyone is expected to contribute to the family needs. My study includes a gender analysis of violence and police treatment by young Puerto Rican women. I discuss gender to address the lack of research on Latinas in American society (Schaffner, 1999). The Puerto Rican women in my study vary in age

from 16-28 years old. I only interviewed 10 women. The male students in my class were more willing to participate in my study. The interviews provided insight into the
differences Puerto Rican girls experience at the hands of law enforcement officials and the fears they have living in Humboldt Park. I decided to interview adults in my study because, unlike Puerto Rican adolescents, adults can recall a lengthier period of time in the Humboldt Park

30

neighborhood. Adolescents may only remember 5 to 8 years in the past. On the other hand, adults can speak to the history of the Puerto Rican experience. I asked the adults similar questions, but inquired more about their recollection of the neighborhood. Adults were able to provide extended and more concrete responses to my questions than the
youth. I interviewed ten adults, seven men and three women. The adults self-identified

as having a range of positions between working and middle class. Most spoke in Spanish with their friends and family members. However, two spoke only Spanish at home. They ranged from 26 to 50 years old. I was interested in documenting difference between adult and adolescent residents. For example, do older community residents understand the gentrification process differently than young Puerto Rican men and women? Second, how do younger and older Puerto Rican residents respond to the changing nature of police and crime in a gentrifying neighborhood?

31

TABLE I. 1. 2. 3. 4. Juan Alex Rick Oscar

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION
Youth/Adult Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth

Pseudonym Name

Gender
Male Male Male

5. Raymond
6. 7. 8. 9. Jose Jordan David Carlos

Male Male
Male Male

Youth Youth
Youth Youth Youth Youth

Male Male
Male

10. Angel
11. Daniel

Male Female Female Female

Female Female Female Female Male

12. Rosemary
13. Jennifer

Youth
Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth Adult Adult Adult

14. Lucy
15. Mari

16. Jessica 17. Denise

18. Diana

19. Mr. Santiago

20. Mr. Ramon

Male
Male Male Male Male

21. Mr. Vasquez 22. Pedro Campos

23. James

24. Tony
25. Jesse

Adult Adult Adult

Adult Adult

Male
Female Female

26. Mrs. Delgado

27. Mrs. Cruz

28. Sylvia

Adult Adult

Female

H.

Parameters

As I stated earlier, my study is guided by principles of participatory action research (PAR). Therefore, the sample is not randomly selected. The participants do not represent all Puerto Ricans in Humboldt Park. I purposely excluded individuals who did

32

not reside in the greater Puerto Rican community. In addition, I excluded individuals who were not of Puerto Rican descent. I excluded two individuals who had recently arrived from Puerto Rico and did not have first hand experience with the gentrification process in Humboldt Park. Finally, I searched for individuals who had some personal experience with the police and were impacted by the gentrification process.

I.

Research Limitations

A number of impediments hinder my analysis. Speaking from a quantitative perspective, this a single case study. There are concerns regarding generalization. I acknowledge the fact that it may be difficult to reproduce my findings. Second, I recognize a lack of availability and consistency with the crime statistic presented by the Chicago Police Department. For example, the Chicago Police Department began organizing crime statistics by communities in 1998. As such, a longitudinal analysis of crime specific to Humboldt Park is limited and possibly contradictory. Consequently, I had to collect crime statistics by police districts. Second, the jurisdictions of police districts cross multiple Chicago neighborhoods. For example, the Humboldt park

neighborhood is located between the 13' and 141 police districts. In fact, Division Street, where "Paseo Borricua" is located, indicates the boundaries between the 13th and

14th district. The 13th and 14th police districts divide the Humboldt Park neighborhood in
two. In addition, several neighborhoods can exist within one police district. Different neighborhoods can experience variations in crime, confounding the analysis. In short, it is difficult to analyze crime trends over time and space utilizing the crime data provided by the Chicago Police Department.

33

Qualitatively speaking, there is an issue regarding language. Although I

conducted the interviews in English, many of the individual responses were stated in English and Spanish, a Spanglish dialect. There is some methodological concern

regarding how questions are interpreted from one language to another. There is the possibility of misinterpretation during the translation process. For example, there are assumptions within cultural groups that are distinct to that group and that are not present
in other languages. In terms of the data collection, I found that interviewing younger participants was often difficult. Whereas older participants provided a wealth of information, younger

participants offered short and concise answers. At the end of the data collection phase, I collected significantly more data from adults than from youth. As a result, I included a
considerable amount of interviews by adult. In regards to the participants I interviewed, there is a possibility of bias through
their affiliation with PACHS. PACHS is located within the Puerto Rican cultural center.

The school's mission statement attempts to empower students through political and social activism. The socially critical curriculum may influence the participant's responses.

Clearly, several participants connected the gentrification process to neocolonial policies in Puerto Rico. The participants in my study have personal, social, and political feelings regarding the gentrification process. Their exposure to a social justice curriculum may
influence how they perceive the gentrification process.

34

In this chapter, I outlined my research methods. I detailed the parameters of my case study and the participants I interviewed. I presented the number of participants and
how I gained access to the Puerto Rican community. Now I turn to a review of the

literature. I examine the current theoretical discussion concerning the gentrification

process.

Ill: Literature Review

The "revitalization" of Chicago's working class neighborhoods is a result of

capitalistic cycles of decline and rebirth. Once the opportunity surfaces, market driven
policies encourage development of undervalued land in the central cities. The land is saturated with development and completely rehabilitated. The residents that once lived in the undervalued land cannot afford the increase in property values and rents and are

forced to relocate. Ultimately, the neighborhood completely looses any working class characteristics. In this chapter, I examine the capitalistic cycles of decline/rebirth, market
driven policies that facilitate the gentrification process, and how the gentrification

process influences policing strategies in urban communities of color. In doing this, I

differentiate between orthodox and critical perspectives.

A.

The Decline of the Central City Following World War II, the central cities witnessed a relocation of

manufacturing jobs and a significant decrease in population. U.S. Census figures of the 1 940s demonstrate that the industrial cities were growing at a slower rate in comparison
to the country and were losing populations (Teaford, 1990). Industrial centers were

quickly becoming relics in need of radical restructuring. At the center of the situation was the danger of blight. Urban blight represented the deterioration of property values and undermined the quality of urban life. In order to combat blight, city governments sought to renovate the physical structure rather than addressing the societal causes. The industrial centers employed revitalization efforts in order to manage urban blight concerns including the creation of new highways, sewer construction, the building of
35

36

more housing and commercial complexes, and the elimination of air pollution (Teaford, 1990). However, the amenities could not convince millions of city residents to remain in the city. On the contrary, city residents opted for a suburban home with a plot of land. The greater dependency on transportation through trucks, open highways, and the prospect of larger land lots also convinced businesses to relocate in the suburbs.
The demographic makeup of the central cities transformed with the loss of middle
class residents and the relocation of labor. As the middle class residents left the central

cities, lower income households replaced them. The working class individuals that remained followed a similar trajectory and left the central cities for upward mobility. A

group with low or virtually stagnant income eventually settled in the depopulated neighborhoods. At this point, the cost of maintenance and reinvestment in the housing
market exceeded their financial capability and significant deterioration began. The result was a series of events ensued including residents moving in and unable to maintain their

dwellings, overcrowding, the subdivision of large households into rental units, and the
transition of home ownership to rentals (Beauregard, 1986). Disinvestments escalated as

tenants became poorer and profits eroded in the face of inflation. Eventually the housing stock experienced destruction with arson as the only means to eliminate the debt incurred
by the landlords (Beauregard, 1986).

A disparity emerged between the central cities and the suburbs. The loss in tax revenue forced city governments to pay for public services two to three times the amount that was collected through tax revenues (Teaford, 1990). Blighted neighborhoods placed a burden on the pubic treasury and propelled local governments into bankruptcy. To
make matters worse, the central business district depreciated in value as the corporations

37

left the central cities. For example, the assessed value for Chicago's central business district stood at $552 million in 1939. By 1947, the assessed value had dropped to $481 million, a fall of 13%. The city of Chicago experienced an overall 3% decline, while the county increased by 6% (Teaford, 1990).

B.

Poverty, the Underclass, and Minorities

The deindustrialization of manufacturing jobs coupled with the exodus of the middle class from the city resulted in a concentration of poor African American and Latino communities in the city. Left with little economic resources and no upward mobility, a new marginal sector of society developed that William J. Wilson (1985) characterized by individuals lacking training and skills, and engaged in street criminal

activity and other forms of aberrant and innovative behavior; it also includes families who experience long term spells of poverty and/or welfare (Wilson, 1987).
In this context, the author argues teenage pregnancy, welfare dependency, and the

underground economy develop. The drug trade, albeit illegal, becomes the most lucrative
and most accessible element of the underground economy and a source of income for numerous inner city communities (Anderson, 1999). African American and Latino

youth, who cannot obtain a meaningful job in the technological and professional field, feel victimized by prejudice and discrimination. This state of affairs fosters a greater understanding and tolerance among them for selling drugs as a means to survive. Unlike the past, when individuals could avoid the temptations of the "street culture" by participating in an industrial based economy, individuals are now left with little economic opportunity and often turn to street culture, the selling of drugs, hustling, gang affiliation,

38

and commercial sex services, among others. Street culture is the explosive cultural
creativity of socially marginalized populations in defiance of racism and economic

exploitation (Bourgois, 1995). The potential for individuals to mature out of criminal
activity is related to the opportunities presented to them. With little economic opportunities, street culture and gangs become an institutional characteristic of

impoverished communities (Hagedorn, 1988).

C.

The Revitalization of the Central City The "revitalization" of the city represents a practical solution to combat urban

blight and the consequences associated with deindustrialization. For municipal governments, the "revitalization" of the city and the gentrification of impoverished communities generate an increase in tax revenues especially from higher property tax bases and sales taxes (Galster, 2002). The principal directive for municipal governments is to stimulate private and public investment in the local economy as it leads to a growth in a variety of enterprises such as grocery stores, banks, gas stations, and restaurants. As businesses expand, so does the availability ofjobs for professional and entry-level
workers.

Additional benefits of gentrification include indirect quality of life improvements to low income residents. Gentrification can improve the standard of living that may be appreciated just as much by disadvantaged residents as by the more affluent ones (Freeman & Braconi, 2004). For example, better retail, public services, safer streets, and more job opportunities benefit all community residents. Gentrification may discourage resident mobility and provide disadvantaged families a reason not to change their living

39

environments. Other benefits include the rehabilitation of the housing stock by renovation dilapidated housing units. Vacant shells are bought and rented, thus returning former fire hazards to the housing stock (Schill & Nathan, 1983). The gentrification of communities can also result in economic growth. As higher income households move into revitalized neighborhoods, their purchasing power attracts restaurants, stores, and
other commercial investments.

An additional benefit of gentrification is that new and affluent households will provide increased revenue to municipal governments, reducing the need for social welfare services to low-income residents. Reinvestment will encourage city governments to provide better street lights, refuse collection, and more police protection (Schill & Nathan, 1983). Reinvestment implies neighborhood stability. Stability reinforces a confidence that neighborhoods are neither declining nor a bad place to live, rather a place for families to settle and become part of a lasting community. One would expect fewer turnovers and even an increase in owner occupancy. Stability might also combat high crimes neighborhoods referred to as slums. Revitalized communities and neighborhoods stability should be accompanied with a decrease in the crime rate (Lehrer, 2000; McDonald, 1986). As one study found, "One tangible social benefit of the preservation activity has been the decrease in crime... This is attributed to improved living conditions, new and better-street lighting, increased residential, tourist, and business pedestrian traffic, and replacement of marginal or vice related business by legitimate commercial operations (Schill & Nathan, 1983). The gentrification process assists with the reduction of crime. By improving city services, the gentrification process limits the opportunities for criminal activity to

40

flourish. Reinvestment presents a number of tangible and intangible benefits to impoverished communities, including the reduction of crime.

D.

Gentrification and Crime

Law enforcement agencies hail the gentrification of the inner city as a triumph in

policy. For them, gentrification is synonymous with the war against crime.
Criminologists such as Lehrer (2000) argue that urban renewal and gentrification projects reduce the crime rate in revitalized communities. According to Leher, when crime drops low income neighborhoods come back to life (Lehrer, 2000). Crime statistics support the notion that revitalization efforts and gentrification produce safer streets. For example, between 1990 and 1999, major index crimes like murder, rape, arson, and aggravated assault fell over one-third in "revitalized" communities of New York City (Lehrer, 2000). In addition, the murder rate fell by roughly 60 percent in redeveloped neighborhoods, as has the number of shooting victims and incidents (Marks, 1997). Burglary, robbery, and auto theft were nearly cut in half during the period of 1990 to 1999. The decrease in crime is attributed to the renovation and improvement of the central cities. By reducing levels of poverty, gentrification reduces crime rates. The crime reducing benefits associated with the gentrification

process represent a practical solution to crime. In short, from this perspective the
solution to crime is to undertake revitalization projects to inner city communities (Lehrer, 2000).

41

E.

Economie, Political, and Social Ideology of the City

Economic analysts maintain that the central city represents a space for economic activity. Cities in fact, play a critical role in the development of a technological and professional economy. The global dispersal of economic activities and global integration under conditions of continued concentration of economic ownership and control benefits some cities that authors have referred to as "world cities" (Friedman, 1982) or "global cities" (Sassen, 1991). Global cities have been the center of world trade and banking for centuries (Sassen, 2000) . Today, over half the world's population live in metropolitan
centers.

Scholars such as Florida (2005), argue that space is pivotal is spurring the economy. Florida (2005) argues that individuals choose a location of residence first and then orient their search for employment. In everyday day urban life, we see how arts, culture, and demographic diversity help to spur job creation and economic revitalization on the front end. Gentrification is fostered by artists and culturally creative people. Real places provide the labor markets that match people to jobs, marriage, friendship, and the amenities that allow people to pursue the lifestyles they wish (Florida, 2005). Furthermore, the space and location businesses choose provides companies with the ability to attract and replenish their stocks of talented people. It is no longer a matter of

people relocating for employment opportunities. Now, people consider the job and places as a total package. The creative class is not just limited to technology and
information, but involves human creativity. The creative age holds the possibility for economic growth and prosperity.

42

Social and political ideologies present the revitalization of the inner city in a romanticized manner. By revitalizing neighborhoods, they claim gentrification makes the city blossom with activity. The vitality of the city is expressed in change for neighborhoods and people (Smith, 1996). Different neighborhoods throughout the city undergo similar changes at different times. The similarity is that in each case, families, and merchants turned neighborhoods that were under-populated and had become shabby and/or dangerous into desirable addresses (Smith, 1996). Gentrification is the result of families' drive for better home ownership. The social commentary mirrors and reinforces the benefits of gentrification. Cities like Cincinnati hail economic and social transformation. Against a backdrop of pawnshops, check-cashing stores, abandoned buildings, and groups of lingering young black men, Cincinnati has spent the last decade trying to turn pockets of urban poverty into places where middle to upper class folks come to eat, drink, shop, and even live.
Communities like the Main Street Entertainment District, once ravished with crack

houses and liquor stores, are now flourishing with art galleries and jazz clubs. As in Harlem, white suburbanites are relocating into Cincinnati's disinvested communities, bringing with them badly needed tax dollars, along with private and public investments
(Cottle, 2001).

F.

Critical Analysis of Gentrification

In light of economic growth and improved living conditions, critics of gentrification call attention to the social consequences associated with revitalization. The
"triumph" over poverty and crime fails to address the social costs inherent in the

43

gentrification process. Specifically, arguments in favor of gentrification do not account for the displacement of community members, the loss of social networks for low-income
residents, and the deterioration of police/community relations. By placing gentrification within broader economic perspective of political and economic interests and the

dynamics of power, a narrative of conflict emerges. While new and more affluent
residents may benefit from the gentrification of the central city (i.e. improved living conditions), long-standing community residents and individuals contributing to the diversity of the community are displaced. Gentrification is not a natural change epitomizing a succession of groups through particular neighborhoods (Gregory, 1997). On the contrary, gentrification develops out of broader economic shifts associated with deindustrialization and the service economy (Zukin, 1987). Local governments, in collaboration with the private sector, foster the gentrification process (Betancur, 2002; Gregory, 1997; Wilson, 1988). Much of the rhetoric concerning gentrification constructs the inner city as intolerable and in need of restoration. By socially constructing inner city community residents as "Others", gentrification is justified and perceived as a just solution (Mele, 2000). Gentrification, in fact, represents a contested account for urban space.

G.

Economic Context for Gentrification

Gentrification is a direct result of global forces shaped by market driven policies. Specifically, globalization calls on capitalistic cities to participate in the market for mobile capital or face economic decline and fiscal crisis (Logan & Swanstrom: 1990). Influenced by corporate elites, urban policy makers ignore social welfare in favor of

44

market policy. Local attempts to slow down urban decline stagnates the market. Some economic theorists argue that the state must adapt to the imperatives of capital accumulation (Logan & Swanstrom: 1990). Others argue that the state should regulate the market (Smith, 1996) Revitalization is an attempt to resolve the crisis of capitalism that occurred during the 1970s. The crisis reflected a global change from a goods-producing economy to a service-producing market (Logan & Swanstrom: 1990). Economic restructuring resulted in class polarization as industrial employment opportunities relocated and low wage jobs expanded. Advanced corporate elites began to centralize in cities while industrial jobs traveled abroad. Consequently, U.S. cities lost their employment base while corporate elites benefited from generous tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. Gentrification is the result of urban decline, a consequence of deindustrialization. Local governments implement market-orientated policies that directly benefit the private sector. No-risk policies offered by local governments allow the private sector to develop in declining cities. In short, the economic determinism offered by the market manifests and supports a cycle of urban decline and gentrification. The cycle of decline/rebirth fosters the rent gap. In capitalism, uneven development is a fundamental process because societal development does not take place at the same speed or in the same direction. Uneven development is highlighted by two

contradictory tendencies of capitalism, equalization of conditions and levels of development and, on the other hand, their differentiation (Smith, 1982). The tendency for equalization is expressed by the necessity for economic expansion. In terms of geographical space, the expansion of capital drives to overcome all spatial barriers and to

45

measure spatial distance by transportation time. In contrast, differentiation represents a spatial centralization of capital in some places at the expense of others. One example of uneven development over space is the notion of ground rent. Ground rent allows for
marked differences between residential, industrial, recreational, commercial,

transportational, and institutional land uses or between urban and suburban land, areas of disinvestment and investment, and so forth.

H.

Political and Economic Interests

Critics of gentrification highlight the role of local governments in facilitating the gentrification process. Research suggests that local governments encourage the private sector to invest and develop impoverished communities with tax subsidies and rezoning incentives. Local governments act as gatekeepers for public policy and welcome gentrification projects to combat urban blight (Betancur, 2002; Wilson, 1988). The emphasis centers on political actors participating and influencing the gentrification
process.

Utilizing an "urban managerialistic" model, Wilson (1988) examines a wide range of municipal institutions that shape the magnitude and location of reinvestment. According to Wilson, resources are controlled by city "gatekeepers" and the rules that govern their availability (housing, urban amenities, mortgage loans, etc.). Consumer choice, which appears to guide revitalization, is a process constrained by institutional activity. Institutional activity defines the range of consumer options. As a result, local managers represent not just causal entities, but potentially influential factors (Wilson, 1988). Wilson illustrates how in the early 1970s, the New York Department of Real

46

Estate seized property found to be delinquent on taxes. The city then disposed the land via Request for Proposal (RFP) and auction methods. The goal was to expedite the

process of returning abandoned buildings to the tax rolls. Community residents

countered with civil lawsuits, charging the developers with intimidation as means of removing the tenants. The court cited a lack of evidence and held that the landlord had the right to modernize the building. Much of the grass roots support once held by the non-profit organizations diminished with the influx of new residents. Furthermore, the New York Department of Real Estate silenced any city-funded advocacy group by

prohibiting tenants from organizing. Essentially, for them, community organizations

were violating city guidelines by speaking out against private sector redevelopment (Wilson, 1988). Without any resistance, the banks moved in and multiplied the amount of loans offered. Community organizations surfaced to voice the interests of the new residents and silence the previous inhabitants. In Chicago, political and economic interests sought to implement strategic policies to maintain an ethnic white enclave in the West Town community. Institutional and inter-organizational individuals implemented urban renewal policies along racial divisions (Betancur, 2002). Local government agencies such as elected politicians, public institutions, and community organizations submitted redevelopment projects to Chicago's Department of Urban Renewal (DUR) in 1966. The DUR plan prioritized middle-class housing and aesthetics, while failing to include employment programs to

improve the standard of living for long-standing residents (Betancur, 2002). Provisions
of the 1973 Chicago 21 Plan also targeted West Town as a "neighborhood of interest" in

the development of the Central Business District. Community organizations representing

47

the interests of developers and political officials emerged to minimize the exodus of the

white population and limit the immigration of Puerto Ricans into West Town. Allegedly,
the Northwest Community Organization (NCO) utilized discriminatory practices in an

attempt to maintain a Polish origin white ethnic enclave in West Town. In spite of
NCO' s efforts to exclude Puerto Rican residents from settling in West Town, Puerto Ricans established services, businesses, and communication networks.

I.

Gentrification is the Natural Solution

Critics argue that gentrification ideologies construct inner city communities as

savage ghettos in need of recovery (Mele, 2000). Gentrification presents urban

communities as commodities for consumption (Davila, 2004). Gentrification influences the construction of identities and justifies the displacement of community residents, the

disruption of community ties, and conversion of working class neighborhoods into homogenous affluent communities. Gentrification discourses naturalize the gentrification process as the only solution to reduce urban blight and the concentration of poor inner
city people of color. Mele (2000) examines the social consequences associated with gentrification as community residents become commodities in a consumption based society. Symbolic

representations of the ghetto and the slum as "different" and "inferior" facilitate certain exploitative real estate investment actions and governmental urban development policies (Mele, 2000). For example, social conflict and change in the Lower East Side of New York centered on profit-driven activities, such as capital investment and disinvestment in neighborhood property, all of which promotes new forms of consumption. Symbolic

48

representations of space that characterizes local cultures (place identities) as different and
marginal cannot be divorced from class, ethnic, and racial expressions of social power and contestation. Representations of space allow for popular notions of the inner city as

unacceptable and urban restructuring as beneficial (Mele, 2000). Socially constructing

the inner city as intolerable and restructuring as logical often neutralizes resident's protest against displacement. Additionally, representations of space are employed to target redevelopment toward a preferred consumer. Place marketing, ethnicity & history of a community, communicate and build support to renovate, rebuild, and modernize a neighborhood (Mele, 2000).

J.

Policing Frameworks

The portrayal of the central cities as naturally inferior, violent, and socially

disorganized warrants and justifies strict policing practices of inner city communities.
Crime solutions, popularized by the Broken Windows Theory (Wilson & Kelling, 1982), emphasize the policing of socially disapproved behavior. Wilson and Kelling ( 1 982) argue that if left unrepaired, a broken window encourages individuals to participate in rule-breaking activities. Thus, visible signs of disorder produce criminal behavior. Along these lines, in collaboration with police officials, community residents employ formal and informal social controls to reduce crime. Strangers found loitering in the

community are asked to move along. Community residents who violated the informal
rules are publicly scorned and ridiculed (Wilson & Kelling, 1982). The Broken Windows theory centers on the need for community residents to

work together in collective efficacy to remove visible signs of social disorganization

49

(Sampson, Raudenbush, & Earls, 1997). Collective efficacy underscores the

development of social capital in communities. Social capital refers to social ties among
persons and positions. According to collective efficacy, social capital defines features of
a social organization such as networks, norms, and trust that facilitate coordination and

cooperation for mutual benefit (Morenoff, Sampson, & Raudenbush, March 2001). As such, neighborhoods lacking social capital are less able to realize common values and maintain the informal social controls to foster safety. Financial investment provides homeowners with a vested interest in supporting the commonwealth of neighborhood life. Collective Efficacy assumes that residential tenure and homeownership will promote
collective efforts to maintain social control.

K.

Policing of Community Residents

The premise behind "broken windows theory" and "collective efficacy" is to remove visible signs of social disorganizations. Collectively, community residents can advance common values in order to reduce crime. In collaboration with community policing efforts, residents can prioritize community concerns and employ formal and informal social strategies of social control. However, gentrifying communities

undermine the development of common values. In gentrifying communities, community

norms and common values are called into question as groups struggle to further their

interests. Critics argue that collective efficacy empowers individuals with social capital
to voice their concerns and interests to displace and segregate poor people of color (Hagedorn, 2003). Simply stated, new and affluent residents organized around collective

50

efficacy to remove visible signs of social disorganization and displace undesirable

residents.

Critics argue that neighborhood policing strategies create a sense of distrust

among community residents (Davis, 1998). According to Davis (1998), policing strategies maintain the goal of personal safety by isolating the disadvantaged, namely the homeless and poor. The goal of such policing strategies is simple, provide security for white-collar office workers and middle class tourists (Davis, 1998). Under a panic-driven atmosphere for personal safety, communities in transition or urban settings in conflict for space and resources, adapt zero tolerance laws and restrictive firearms policies. Such laws authorize state officials to seize and destroy properties used for suspected drug sales (Davis, 1998). Burglar bars and metal detectors are erected to protect public institutions and personal property. Soon, community residents are encouraged to report on their fellow neighbors for suspicious activity. Neighborhood watch groups are created to police specific behavior that may be labeled suspect. The increased suspicions fuels an ecology of fear (Davis, 1998) where measures are taken to remove visible signs of social disorganization. These measures include panhandling ordinances, anti-gang loitering laws, and an increase in police surveillance (i.e. police cameras). Research indicates low income people of color living in gentrifying communities or mixed income housing arrangements experience stricter policing procedures (Dutton, 2001; Skogan et al., November 2000; Smith, 1996; WyIy & Hammel, 2000). For example, residents who are allowed to participate in mixed-income housing find themselves under strict scrutiny by landlords and housing authorities. In some instances, a code violation results in immediate eviction from the premises (WyIy & Hammel,

51

2000). In gentrifying communities, police are called to monitor routine behavior especially of community residents (Skogan et al., November 2000). On several
occasions, tensions have lead to violent clashes between police and community residents

(Dutton, 2001; Smith, 1996). Long-standing residents allude to the use of physical force by police officers in the attempt to remove long term community members.
Residents who are allowed to participate in the mixed-income housing

arrangements face some of the strictest guidelines in housing history. Provisions established by the Chicago Housing Authority's Hope IV program outlined tight screening criteria and other mechanisms for controlling residents-both in the redeveloped public units and in the leased, privately-owned apartments. Tenants selected by housing
authorities to live in the privately-owned units are required to sign a contract with the Public Housing Association in which they agree to stay drug free, not engage in criminal

activity, keep their children in school, and participate in a wide variety of social services
(WyIy & Hammel, 2000). Routine activities, once commonplace, are not tolerated in gentrifying communities. New and more affluent residents criminalize social norms like washing a vehicle, changing the car oil, or congregating in the street. New residents are not familiar
with the social and cultural norms of low-income communities of color. For Latinos, it is

customary to assemble in the front porch of the home. In reaction, middle-class newcomers call police on them arguing that they are drinking in public or are rowdy and noisy. Any youth gathering raises suspicion and new residents call law enforcement
officials, accusing them of participating in gang activity (Barreto, 2002). The new

residents, like the public, hold common stereotypes and misconceptions of Latino youth.

52

In general, the media portrays Latinos as drug lords and gang members (Portillos, 2005).
New residents are sensitive to these stereotypes, calling on law enforcement officials to remove them, the "criminal element", from their neighborhood. Fear and resentment of

Latino youth is justified through sensationalized images of crime by media

representations (Chiricos, 2004). The conflict between new and long-standing residents is symbolic of class and cultural differences. The solution often involves calling the police to resolve the matter.

Consequently, law enforcement officials find themselves in the middle of a social, economic, and political struggle. On the one hand, new residents call the police to protect and safeguard their property rights. On the other hand, long-standing residents feel that police support gentrifiers' interests. In 2000, the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority published a program evaluation of Chicago's Alternative Policing Strategy (CAPS). The report found that gentrifiers stereotyped community residents and utilized CAPS meetings to prioritize their concerns and criminalize prior community
residents (Skogan et al., November 2000). One study found, We've got a lot of yuppies who move here, buy houses at a bargain price, and then rehab it. But it's not the greatest neighborhood... it's noisy,

congested, more diverse, and there is more crime. There are the same kids
who always played on the streetLatinos, blacks, Philippinos, Arabs...Now all of a sudden these 'pioneers' want us to 'round up the Indians' and clean up the neighborhood for them. Basically they want everyone who's not like them to move somewhere else (Skogan et al., November 2000).

The report explained how police beats in gentrifying communities witness conflicts of interest relating to resource allocation, leadership, and community problems. "Irate" community residents claim that the CAPS program advances gentrification by pushing

53

out minorities not represented in beat meetings (Skogan et al., November 2000).

Furthermore, community residents felt that CAPS promoted the interests of developers.

L.

Crime Control vs. Public Servant

Research demonstrates that race, class, gender, age, behavior, and clothing influence how police officers interact with young minority residents (Portillos, 2005). Law enforcement officials police working class communities of color differently than policing affluent white communities. In working class communities of color, police serve a "Crime Control" function. Under a Crime Control paradigm, law enforcement officials identify criminals as the enemy and fundamentally different from good people. Policing in urban communities is analogous to war. Law enforcement officials in urban communities are an occupying force, much like the army in a foreign country. Law enforcement officials are expected to peruse any means necessary to control, capture, and punish that enemy. In general, "good people" accept and understand that police are in a "war" and must be allowed deference in their decision making because theynot usare the experts and only they know the enemy (Pollock: 2007). On the other hand, the "Public Servant" paradigm does not distinguish between good and evil. According to the Public Servant model, criminals are ordinary people who make wrong decisions. Criminals are not a distinct group; they shop, pay taxes, have families, and often are one's next-door neighbors. Police as "public servants" serve all people, including criminals (Pollock: 2007). In effect, there is no enemy. Police have limited ability to affect crime rates one way or the other because crime is a complex

54

social phenomenon. Last, the history of law enforcement originates in order

maintenance, not in crime control.

Public perceptions of law enforcement officials as "Public Servants" emphasize decision-making approaches that protect due process and equal protection. Law enforcement, above all, protects the rights of every citizen. Public perception of law enforcement officials serving a "Crime Control" function allows society to accept certain crime definitions and justifications of behavior. For example, drug addicts are crazed people, individuals beaten by the police deserved it, all defendants must be guilty, etc. Only when law enforcement violates the rights of a "good guy", do people question the easy rationalization that people get what they deserve (Pollock: 2007). The Crime Control vs. Public servant paradigm is an insightful model of analysis because it accounts for police community relations in working class communities of
color. By considering law enforcement officials as a "Crime Control" force, the model

explains the conflict between Puerto Ricans and the Chicago Police Department. According to the model, law enforcement officials are trained in a particular method to deal with Puerto Ricans. As crime fighters, the police do emphasize developing community relations, but rather, arrest and capture the bad guy. The bad guy, or the face of criminality, implicates a young person of color who is dressed in a particular manner. Law enforcement officials identify potential violence by surveying for symbolic markers. Police develop perceptual shorthand to identify certain kinds of people as symbolic assailants. Persons who use gestures, languages, and dress in particular attires have come to be recognized as a prelude to violence. Walking or strutting in a particular manner is perceived as a preamble to attacks (Skolnick: 1967). The racial profiling nature of law

55

enforcement officials, coupled with a Crime Control function, significantly affects police/community relations in the Puerto Rican community of Chicago. The history of police abuse in the Puerto Rican community is a result of a crime control perspective (Padilla, 1987).

M.

Symbolic Violence

A common definition of violence is a physical force exerted to cause damage, abuse, or injury. Notions of violence center on physical attacks and assaults resulting in bodily harm. The drawback with such a definition of violence is that it does not account for non-physical forms of violence. Violence is more complex than physical attacks on individuals. Violence also involves psychological and emotional terror experienced by
victims. Violence is often understood as an individual action. However, the state is also

implicated in acts of violence. By problematizing our understanding of violence, we can discuss violence, not just in individual terms, but also in structural conditions. Bourgois (2001) offers an analysis of structural and symbolic violence to understand everyday acts of violence. Symbolic violence refers to the misrecognition of power structures on the part of the dominated, who collude in their own oppression, every time they perceive and judge the social order through categories that make it appear
natural and self-evident. Structural violence is rooted in the macro and micro level

processes. Structural violence is evident in unequal international terms of trade in the manner that they are expressed locally in exploitative labor markets, marketing arrangements, and the monopolization of services. Moreover, structural violence thrives in extreme economic inequalities that promote social disease and suffering (Bourgois,

56

2001). Everyday violence is the routine practices and expressions of interpersonal

aggression that serve to normalize violence such as domestic abuse, delinquency, sexual
conflict, and even substance abuse at the micro-level. Bourgois (2001) argues that

structural and symbolic violence creates everyday acts of violence. Conditions of

extreme segregation, social inequality, and material misery are expressed in interpersonal

conflicts by the socially vulnerable upon themselves. In short, the fusing of structural and symbolic violence produces especially destructive but persistent patterns of interpersonal violence that reinforce the legitimacy of social inequality. Racism, unemployment, economic exploitation, and infrastructural decay are exacerbated by the indignity of being a poor person of color in a rich, white, Protestant-dominated country.
This nourishes among the excluded an angry sense of inferiority that results in acts of self destructive or communal violence, which in turn further fuel a cycle of humiliations and
self-blame.

The frustration of structural violence expresses itself in violent revolts by working class communities against gentrification. The Cincinnati riots of 2001 bring forth the need for society to problematize the media's notion of violence within poor communities of color. That is to say, we need to understand violence in terms of violence by the state

waged against people of color (Dutton, 2001). The 2001 Cincinnati riots ignited when police officers shot two African American males running through a gated park in the Klotter Street community. Community residents immediately began to riot in defiance to the police's use of deadly force. The Klotter Street Community was undergoing gentrification and the sentiment of long-standing residents was that the police were

57

protecting the white middle class newcomers. The slaying of the two men symbolized the police's attempt to safeguard the interest of their white constituents (Dutton, 2001). Another instance of social outrage took place in the Thompson Square Park neighborhood ofNew York City. In December 1984, the NYC Police Department incited a riot after violently removing homeless individuals and housing activists from the Tompkins Square Park. Long-standing community residents of the Tompkins Square Park and Lower East Side neighborhoods were forced to relocate as the area gentrified. Individuals who were not able, or who did not wish to relocate, essentially became squatters in the local park. New residents called in the NYPD to physically remove the individuals from the area. The incident lead to a city riot in protest of the violence used
by the NYPD (Smith, 1996).

Without fair housing opportunities and with social services cuts, gentrification projects maintain an idealized version that effectively erases the place for poor people of color (Dutton, 2001). Accordingly, community development is rarely conceived outside the ideology of corporatism, with its lingo of public-private partnerships, enterprise and empowerment zones, tax incentives, and abatements and deregulatory legislation, all of which are a ploy to advance privatization and subordinate social movements for change and justice to the interests of businesses and the profit system. Gentrification efforts similar to Cincinnati and New York are indictments of entrenched patterns of police community relations and community development.

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N.

Intersection of Gentrifcation, Police, and Agency

The intersection of gentrifcation, policing, and community relations is a

manifestation of capitalistic cycles of decline and birth; coupled with political, economic, and social conflict for urban determination. The disinvestment of the central city, the exodus of the middle to upper classes, and the relocation of the industrial economy
resulted in the concentration of a low-income minority populace in the central city. Municipal government experienced a decline in tax base review and increase in social services needs. The goal of urban renewal efforts and gentrifcation is to revitalize the central city by maintaining middle to upper class characteristics. Low-income inhabitants do not matter in the new city.

The economic growth at the end of the twentieth century fueled an expansion in
the housing market. Individuals looking to invest in realty focused their attention on impoverished areas of the city. Before long, economically mobile residents began

purchasing property in less expensive neighborhoods. The arrival of middle to upper

income white residents in a Puerto Rican community like Humboldt Park fosters an

environment of conflict and criminal assumptions. New residents, in an effort to protect their individual investments, call on law enforcement officials to remove visible signs of social disorder. In short, law enforcement agencies assist with the gentrifcation process
by enforcing the interests of the new residents. The "revitalization" of Humboldt Park supports arguments critical of gentrifcation. Despite the benefits associated with gentrifcation, it is clear Puerto

Ricans will not take advantage of them. The displacement of community residents

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suggests a class waged war against the poor. The social cost of gentrification in Humboldt Park represents a failure to address issues of poverty and crime.

O.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I detailed several theoretical perspectives concerning gentrification. I reviewed arguments in favor and critical gentrification. I considered the benefits and consequences associated with gentrification. In conclusion, I argue that the political economy perspective critically examines the social cost of gentrification. Differently, the narrative of the city in need of revitalization presents the gentrification process as a natural phenomenon. In addition, the gentrification process entails dynamics of class and race. Most importantly, the gentrification process cannot be separated from the social costs it imposes on marginalized groups. I argue that the displacement of the Puerto Rican community is situated within a context of colonial legacy and racial
discrimination in the United States.

IV. Historical Legacy The Humboldt Park neighborhood is home to the Puerto Rican community of Chicago (Rey, 1995). However, numerous ethnic groups including Germans, Italians, Polish, and Russian Jewish immigrants lived in Humboldt Park before Puerto Ricans. Puerto Rican immigrants in search of labor settled in the neighborhood during the 1960s.

In this chapter, I detail the historical migration of Puerto Ricans to the city of Chicago.
As I mentioned earlier, unlike their Eastern European predecessors, Puerto Rican immigrants faced greater economic and racial/ethnic obstacles in Chicago. Colonial status, racial/ethnic stereotypes, and conflict with law enforcement agencies influence their historical experience in Chicago. The racialized nature of Puerto Ricans as a minority group led to housing, police, and socio-economic discrimination (Padilla, 1987).

The gentrification of the Puerto Rican community represents a colonial legacy of

racial/ethnic segregation and displacement.

A.

Early Period (1869 -1930)

The Humboldt Park neighborhood was incorporated as part of the City of Chicago in 1869 (Rey, 1995). Initially, Germans populated the area and then the Scandinavians. The aftermath of the Chicago Fire witnessed several waves of working class settlers attracted by the inexpensive housing built just outside the city's fire code limits. Humboldt Park grew in population as a significant industrial component developed, mostly along local railroad lines. The extension of streetcar lines throughout the

neighborhood at the end of the 1800s further stimulated a rapid growth of the area's population and the area became home to a number of different ethnic groups including
60

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the Italians, Poles, and Russian Jews. By 1930, the Humboldt Park neighborhood reached its peak population of 80,835, one third of whom were foreign born (Rey, 1995). Starting in the late 1930's, the Humboldt Park community experienced a steady decline in population. Many of the Eastern European residents relocated to the surrounding suburbs of Chicago. In 1960, 99% of the population living in Humboldt Park was European white (Rey, 1995). By 1980, that number had declined to 35% and to 23% by 1990. Like many central cities throughout the country, the Humboldt Park neighborhood witnessed an exodus of white middle class residents and relocation of its industrial sector. As a result, unlike their Eastern European predecessors, Puerto Rican immigrants moving into Humboldt Park did not share the same economic opportunities. In addition, Puerto Rican immigrants possessed racial characteristics that limited their acceptance and then assimilation into American society. Colonial subjects of the United States, Puerto Rican' s racial status as a minority group, restricted their social mobility and stratified them into something akin to an underclass.

B.

The Puerto Rican Migration to Chicago (1898 - 1960)

As European whites left the Humboldt Park neighborhood, an influx of Puerto Ricans migrated in from adjacent communities. The Puerto Rican population in Humboldt Park more than doubled in size from 15 percent during the I960' s to 41

percent in the 1970s (Rey, 1995). Their arrival is the result of neocolonial policies on the
island, labor markets demands in the United States, and racial/ethnic segregation in the city of Chicago (Padilla, 1985).

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Following the colonization of Puerto Rico in 1898, U.S. Corporations seized large amounts of land throughout Puerto Rico. American investors transformed Puerto Rico's

multi-crop agricultural economy into a single cash crop. Local farmers could not compete and were forced to abandon their land (Perez, 2004). During the 1940s, American corporations replaced Puerto Rico's main economic source from agriculture to light industry (Padilla, 1985). Luis Muoz Marn, president of the Democratic Party in Puerto Rico, advanced agricultural reform, economic recovery and industrialization. Agricultural reforms invited U.S. investors to transfer or create manufacturing plants by granting them local and federal tax concessions, while maintaining the access to US markets free of import duties. In Puerto Rico, corporations could pay lower wage scales given the density of the island and rising urban unemployed population (Bernier-Grand, 1995). Throughout the 1960's, petrochemicals became the structural foundation of the island's economy. Such economic changes displaced millions of Puerto Rican farmers from the countryside. Puerto Rican farmers, attempting to maintain a standard of living,
settled in Puerto Rico's central cities. However, Puerto Rico's cities could not

accommodate the large scale of laborers. Puerto Ricans faced the reality of having to

migrate to the United States in search of employment opportunities. By the latter half of the century, an estimated one third of Puerto Rico's population migrated to the United States (Hernandez-Alvarez, 1967). Their migration was encouraged by the policies of the Marin regime that coordinated with the US government the importation of Puerto Rican labor for light industry and low-wage occupations in the continent.
The United States welcomed Puerto Rican immigrants to settle local labor issues.

Beginning in 1 946, a private Chicago based employment agency by the name of Castle,

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Barton and Associates contracted several hundred Puerto Rican men and women to work

in Chicago area homes and factories (Perez, 2004). Government officials encouraged
Puerto Rican immigrants to select Chicago instead of New York as manufacturing jobs declined in New York during the late 1950s, it became a high priority to steer the migrating Puerto Ricans to Chicago (DeGenova & Ramos-Zayas, 2003) and other localities throughout the USA. For example, Castle, Barton, and Associates led recruitment efforts to remedy Chicago's maid shortage (Perez, 2004). News on the island

spread quickly of the economic opportunities available in Chicago. Friends and family
members convinced each other that economic opportunities and more favorable conditions would be found in Chicago (Padilla, 1987). Labor and migration were understood as integral components of Operation Bootstrap that recruited Latin American workers to fill labor shortages in the U.S.
Government officials embraced the idea of labor workers from the island of Puerto Rico

to address workforce problems in the United States. As such, Puerto Rican migration and the displacement of Puerto Rican farmers was a state sponsored phenomena that involved multiple sites and institutional actors working in tandem across national borders (Perez, 2004). In order to facilitate the transition process, Puerto Rico's Department of Labor in

conjunction with the department of Instructional Vocational Education Division, created

numerous domestic training centers. Puerto Rican women were instructed on how to

properly perform domestic chores, such as washing dishes, cleaning and arranging
furniture, making beds, and answering the door. In addition, Puerto Rican students had to learn conversational English and child nutrition. The primary goal was to create an easy

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and smooth transition to assimilation that could be facilitated trough proper orientation and training (Perez, 2004). City officials discouraged Puerto Ricans from settling in one single area and forming ethnic enclaves. Instead, they were distributed all over Chicago in Polish, Italian, and Czechoslovak neighborhoods (DeGenova & Ramos-Zayas, 2003; Perez, 2004; Padilla, 1987). Los Caballeros, a fraternal and civic entity for Spanish Speaking men founded in 1954 and sponsored by the Catholic Church, assisted Puerto Ricans with the difficulties in adjusting from a rural population to the conditions of a city environment (Padilla, 1985). The goal was to assimilate the language, customs, and attitudes of white America. Los Caballeros attempted to acculturate Puerto Rican immigrants into the American mainstream while at the same time encouraging them to keep their cultural tradition. Despite attempts to prevent the formation of Puerto Rican communities, Puerto Rican immigrants settled in clusters around the city such as Lincoln Park, Hull House, Lakeview, Garfield Park and Woodlawn (Padilla, 1987; Padilla, 1985). Community organizations, such as the Catholic Youth Organization, assisted Puerto Rican contract workers to find housing in and around the Lincoln Park neighborhood (DeGenova & Ramos-Zayas, 2003). The first Puerto Rican communities in Chicago surfaced in close proximity to their employment opportunities. According to the 1950 Census, Puerto Rican residents populated neighborhoods such as Uptown, Lakeview, Lincoln Park, Near North Side, and Wood Lawn (Padilla, 1 987). In order to thwart the growing number of Puerto Ricans, city officials launched Urban Renewal efforts with the goal of transforming the demographic character of Lincoln Park and Lakeview into a white middle class neighborhood displacing Puerto

65

Rican residents to other parts of the city. The feeling of white residents was that they should be shipped them back to Puerto Rico (Padilla, 1987). In fact, the Lincoln Park Conservation Community council, a group of community residents appointed by Mayor Daley, opposed the establishment of a "poor people's housing project". The poor people's housing project proposed that 40% of housing units be assigned to poor families and demanded that rents be subsidized by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development under section 8 (Padilla, 1987). Expectedly, the proposal was turned down by the Department of Urban Renewal. The urban renewal project and integration efforts contributed to the displacement of Puerto Ricans throughout the 1950s and 1960s (Padilla, 1987)). As Lincoln Park continued to increase in property values, so did the
realty activity of investors, speculators, and middle class families. The General

Neighborhood Renewal Plan of 1965 displaced 34% of all Puerto Rican families living in the redevelopment zone (Padilla, 1987). By the late 1960s, most Puerto Ricans relocated to Division Street in Westtown and Humboldt Park and to the Logan Square community. The Puerto Rican sentiment was that city officials, on behalf of development interests, displaced the Puerto Rican community in Lincoln Park.

C.

Context of Conflict (1960 - 1990)

As Puerto Rican left the Lincoln Park neighborhood, they settled in various locations including the Near North West Side of the Chicago, Lakeview, Uptown and especially in the Westtown, Humboldt Park, and Logan Square neighborhoods. In 1960, there were 32,000 Puerto Ricans living in Chicago. By 1970, the number had increased
to 79,000 (DeGenova & Ramos-Zayas, 2003).

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Initially, city officials and the media portrayed Puerto Ricans as easily
assimilating and open to employment. However, they failed to disclose the discrimination of Puerto Rican immigrants by predatory recruiters. For example, deceitful recruiters arrived in Puerto Rico with a promise for employment that did not

materialize. Recruiters profited by charging placement fees to the employer and employee. Recruiters would also sell work items such as tools and housing fees (Perez,
2004). Upon arrival, workers wrote to the Insular Department of Labor detailing

employer abuse, poor living conditions, violated labor contracts, and arbitrary deductions
from worker's salaries to no avail. The post WWII economic boom soon came to a halt,

leaving many Puerto Rican immigrants out of employment. In addition, housing

shortages in Chicago facilitated a policy of returning Puerto Ricans back to the island. In

fact, employers in Chicago denied Puerto Rican public aid, suggesting a policy of relocation. Despite community organization's efforts to stop relocation, approximately
100 Puerto Ricans were sent back to the island following the end of WWII. "El Mundo" denounced the change in policy, asking why the Irish were not sent back to Ireland in times of economic hardship (Perez, 2004). The xenophobic fears of American society encouraged racial/ethnic

discrimination of Puerto Rican immigrants. In 1958, the office of Chicago Migration

Division produced a report highlighting the

...antagonism on the part of police against Puerto Ricans in Chicago; resistance

by industrial and agricultural bosses to employ Puerto Ricans; social services lack

of interest handling cases that involved Puerto Ricans; ignorance on the part of
judges, lawyers, social workers, neighborhood groups, landlords, etc... (Perez, 2004).

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White Americans perceived Puerto Ricans as a racial/ethnic minority group similar to African Americans and Mexicans. Because of their darker skin complexion, Puerto Ricans were associated with African Americans. As a racial/ethnic minority group, Puerto Ricans experienced similar employment, housing, and police discrimination as African Americans. Puerto Rican males were portrayed as noisy, idle, and standing on street corners. The Puerto Rican nightlife in their areas of settlement was characterized as dimly lit and with an element of danger. The Puerto Rican community lacked social clubs or civic groups (Padilla, 1987). Especially since the 1 970s, Chicago, like many other industrial cities, experienced a dramatic change in social, economic, and technological developments. The traditional employment opportunities available to earlier waves of immigrants were not available to Puerto Ricans. The industrial jobs available to European immigrants at the turn of the century relocated abroad. The outsourcing of manufacturing jobs left the Puerto Rican community without decent paying opportunities to sustain an affordable living or get into the mobility ladder. A study conducted during the late 1 940s found that Puerto Rican immigrants were employed in the restaurant businesses as busboys, sweepers, kitchen help, waiters, janitorial labor, messengers, delivery men, and alike others. (Padilla, 1947). The economic and racial obstacles facing Puerto Ricans significantly limited their successful incorporation into American society. The conflict with American society also centered on social, political, and racial/ethnic concerns (Padilla, 1985). Many Puerto Ricans faced housing discrimination and police brutality. For example, Puerto Ricans found housing opportunities only in the most deteriorated areas of the city and paid higher rents even in those buildings (Padilla,

68

1985). Many of the apartments were divided into kitchenette units and rented to twelve Puerto Rican families rather than five or six as corresponded. Puerto Ricans were routinely victimized by the Chicago Police Department. Police officials arrested Puerto Ricans because of cultural misunderstanding and prejudice. For example, Puerto Ricans were arrested for stating their full names which included several family last names. The police felt that this was an attempt to evade apprehension or a scheme to confuse them (Padilla, 1985). Letters were written to the mayor, on behalf of Puerto Rican men, to address the issues police of brutality without any resolution. Puerto Ricans believed that policemen were physically brutal, harsh, and insolent to them simply because they were Puerto Ricans (Padilla, 1987). The tension between Puerto Ricans and the police culminated in the 1 966 Division Street Riots. The riots were incited when a police officer shot and killed a young Puerto Rican man by the name of Aracelis Baez. In response, the Puerto Rican community held a march against the police department. What was initially a peaceful protest against police brutality, led to an outright riot as the police unleashed dogs on the crowd. One community resident stated that the presence of the police made people furious. Their intentions were peaceful, but the police would not make that possible (Padilla, 1987). The police had come to represent the key agent in maintaining the colonized status of Puerto Ricans. They were responsible for enforcing the culturally repressive aspects of white America against the distinctive culture of Puerto Ricans and other nonwhite ethnics (Padilla, 1987). The Division Street Riots represented a political statement against a history of police abuse coupled with the economic and political marginalization

69

of Puerto Ricans. The riots called into question the assimilation model by demonstrating that the Puerto Rican community, disciplined and patient had its limits. They symbolized

an explosive manifestation of life in the ghettos of the urban central city and were a local expression of the radical politics and racial militancy of the time (DeGenova & RamosZayas, 2003). Puerto Ricans realized that these conditions could not be easily remedied by virtue of their minority status. They could not easily escape the ghetto (Padilla, 1985) and were prescribed a state of permanent subordination and segregation of social and residential mobility in American society. Humboldt Park became associated with Puerto Ricans. The people and the neighborhood became synonymous with civil rights, unrest,
and conflict.

The Division Street riot was instrumental in transforming the popular image of Puerto Ricans as hard -working, peaceful, and open to assimilation. The popular media now focused on the social problem of Puerto Ricans. The social character of Puerto Rican was now described in terms of gangs, drugs, welfare dependency, and violence.

No longer was Humboldt Park a community of noble residents but a dangerous and decaying neighborhood ruled by local gangs (Perez, 2004). The newspapers focused on language problems, lack ofjobs, and massive cultural shock that shattered Puerto Rican families. City administrators dismissed the Division Street Riots as the product of a few aggressive and anti-social criminals. The riot was depicted as unplanned and unorganized (Padilla, 1987). Like New York's African American population, Puerto Rican cultural values explained their poor economic standing. In short, if Puerto Ricans were more like White Europeans, they would be able to lift themselves out of poverty.

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During the 1 970s, the Puerto Rican neighborhoods of Humboldt Park and West Town experienced an alarming increase in fires. Landlords were accused of burning buildings that could not be sold or preserved. Despite the high incidents of arson, the city of Chicago did not make an effort to investigate a 30% loss in housing stock in the area due to fires. By 1 970, Westtown had become the largest Puerto Rican community in the city and in the Midwest. However, Westtown was among the poorest fifth of Chicago's neighborhoods (Perez, 2004). The substantial number of fires in the area resembled an arson industry"a shadow world of property owners, mortgage men, corrupt fire officials, insurance adjusters, and mobsters (Padilla, 1987). Community residents were convinced that the fires were organized with the goal of developing land, generating lucrative profits for redevelopers or collecting insurance for properties owners could not sell even at cost, least at a profit. The fires were symbolic of the gentrification that was occurring on the eastern borders of the Puerto Rican community where middle to upper class white residents started moving in displacing Puerto Ricans (Padilla, 1987). Despite community efforts calling on city hall to conduct an investigation into the issue, city administrators enacted moderate bills merely prohibiting people from entering abandoned buildings. Additional social obstacles characterizing the Puerto Rican community included high infant mortality rates, incidence of preventable diseases, growing unemployment related to industrial restructuring, inadequate educational opportunities, and a lack of social service providers who could relate to Puerto Ricans (Padilla, 1 987). The growing population in the Humboldt Park neighborhood did not guarantee representation within Chicago's political climate. Puerto Ricans were essentially deprived of political

71

participation , an lment that had helped low-income white ethnics advance in the city (Padilla, 1985). The result was a Spanish speaking urban lower strata with little experience in political life, low political skill and knowledge, a high sense of powerlessness and estrangement from institutionalized processes and low participation.
The lack of involvement by the Puerto Rican elite (middle to upper class) also deprived the community of the opportunity and incentives for political leadership.

D.

Social Consciousness

The struggle for equality and self-determination in American society is not a recent phenomenon for Puerto Ricans. Immediately following the U.S. invasion of Puerto Rico in 1898, local journalists printed articles opposing the invasion and antidemocratic practices instituted by the military (Paralitici, 2005). Newspapers like "La Bomba" were closed and its editor, Izcoa Diaz, was jailed for mail crimes. Countless other scholars such as Median Gonzalez, the founder of the Nationalist Party, were

charged and arrested for speaking out against the United States (Paralitici, 2005).
Between 1910 and 1919, students challenged the compulsory teaching of English public schools. Alternative institutions like Jose de Diego were established for selfempowerment (Paralitici, 2005).

During the 1930s, the United States waged an aggressive campaign to silence the independence movement in Puerto Rico. Pedro Albizu Campos took leadership of the National Party and openly challenged colonial politics. Blanton Winship, an antiindependence governor, condoned the murder of several national members and gave
orders for the U.S. army to open fire on protestors in Rio Piedras (1936) and Ponce

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(1937). During the 1940s, hundreds of nationalists were arrested for refusing to enlist in the U.S. Military during WWII. The McCarthy Era of the 1950s ushered a time of anticommunist and anti-independence. The Gag laws imprisoned individuals speaking

impendence or "Communist" ideals. In 1950, the National Party responded by

attempting to assassinate President Harry Truman at the Blair House. In 1954, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Lolita Lebron, Irvin Flores, and Andres Figueroa entered congress and shot into the ceiling. Between 1898 and 1958, the U.S. imprisoned and murdered hundreds of Puerto Ricans for political reasons. Yet, the Nationalist Party continued challenging the colonial status of Puerto Rico. Meanwhile, foreign investors and the U.S. military exploited Puerto Rico's natural resources and human labor. Agents them, the Nationalist Party advocated for self-determination and independence against the United States. The U.S. retaliated by silencing independence movements through violent means. The struggle for self-determination and equality followed Puerto Ricans into the United States. Puerto Ricans arrived with the promise of work and the hope for acceptance into American society. However, promises never materialized. Disheartened by racial prejudice in Chicago, Puerto Ricans began to mobilize for social recognition and to demand equality. Like their Nationalist counterparts, Puerto Ricans in Chicago challenged the assimilation model of earlier Eastern Europeans (Burgeons & Parks, 1925). They called into question the social inequalities and racial discrimination inherent in American society. During the 1970's, a grass roots community organization called the Young Lords held several sit-ins demanding social services for the Puerto Rican poor. The Young Lords protested urban renewal projects aimed at displacing the Puerto Rican

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community from Lincoln Park (Padilla, 1985). These activities pioneered political actions like boycotts and picketing for jobs. The FALN, Armed Forces of National Liberation, promoted Puerto Rican self determination and independence through armed resistance. Throughout the 1980s, it was

responsible for dozens of bombings of banks and government buildings throughout the
U.S. (Cruz, 2007). The FALN's platform resisted the violence and brutality associated
with American colonialism. It demanded an end to U.S. colonial control over Puerto

Rico. As a commonwealth of the United States, foreign investors and the U.S. military continued to exploit Puerto Rico's natural resources and human labor. The FALN took

up arms in defense of Puerto Rico, attempting to instill a sense of hope. Although the
FALN's actions remain controversial, they garnered international attention concerning Puerto Rico's status as commonwealth. In 1994, the Chicago Sun Times published a front-page editorial titled "School Funds Used to Push Terrorist Release" igniting a series of allegations against school administrators at Roberto Clemente High School. Government officials accused school administrators and parents in the local school council of terrorist activities including recruitment and advocacy of violence against the United States. The charges included the misuse of school funds for promoting Puerto

Rican independence, raising money for the campaign to release fifteen Puerto Rican political prisoners, and indoctrinating students with anti-American ideas (Perez, 2004).
The media's assertion represented a historical legacy of American colonialism in Puerto Rico. Behind this, were the efforts of Puerto Rican-led School administrations advancing a Puerto Rican agenda that emphasized cultural pride in a racist society. The curriculum

highlighted Puerto Rico's relationship with the United States. The media discredited the

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curriculum by labeling it terrorist and anti-American. The U.S. government zealously

hunted individuals associated with Roberto Clemente and accused them of terrorist

activity. The lessons learned from the Roberto Clemente incident are reminiscent of

previous episodes when Puerto Rican activists were silenced for advocating cultural
pride.

E.

Historical Legacy

The Puerto Rican migration to Chicago is shaped by neocolonial policies, labor demands, and displacement. The colonial relationship with the United States produced a migration patterns out of Puerto Rico. The transformation of Puerto Rico's economy forced many Puerto Ricans to leave the rural parts of the country in search of employment. The lack of economic opportunities in Puerto Rico's central cities forced
millions of Puerto Ricans to travel to the United States.

Upon their arrival, Puerto Ricans faced racial discrimination and a changing economic landscape. Because of their minority status and perceived threat to the racial stock, Puerto Ricans were not allowed to incorporate into mainstream American society. Their dark skin and foreign accent limited their opportunities for assimilation. Similar to African-Americans and Native-Americans, Puerto Ricans are a colonized group that has not been able to assimilate into American society because of its visible physical
characteristics. The ethnic succession model does not translate into assimilation for

Puerto Ricans. Despite their attempt to pull themselves up by their bootstraps, they remain one of the more impoverished Latino groups in society (Rey, 1995)

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As the manufacturing industries traveled abroad, the central city deteriorated and a state of unemployment, poverty, and violence prevailed. The factory jobs that welcomed earlier European immigrants relocated to other parts of the world. The limited economic opportunities available for Puerto Ricans surfaced in the service industry. As a result, Puerto Ricans became concentrated in a low socioeconomic stratum. The colonial relations between Puerto Rico and the United States significantly influence the lived experience for Puerto Ricans in Chicago. The struggle for Puerto Rican independence during the twentieth century led to numerous violent episodes between Puerto Ricans and the United States government (Paralitici, 2005). The struggle for political, economic, and ethnic recognition in Chicago resulted in violent clashes with local police departments (Padilla, 1987). The historical context of Puerto Ricans is unlike any other Latino experience in the United States. The colonial legacy is similar to a police state for Puerto
Rican communities across the United States. Both federal and local law enforcement

agencies work in tandem to silence voices of dissent within the Puerto Rican community.
We have to understand the gentrification of the Puerto Rican community in Humboldt Park in this context of neocolonial policies, displacement of Puerto Ricans, and violence against voices of dissent.

F.

The Changing Nature of Humboldt Park

During the 1990's, the Humboldt Park neighborhood witnessed several dynamic changes in demographic composition. First, the gentrification of adjacent communities

displaced many low-income individuals, some of them living in public housing, into Humboldt Park. The gentrification of the Cabrini Greens Public Housing Project in

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particular destroyed many apartments occupied by African Americans who relocated into the most impoverished and not yet gentrifying areas of Humboldt Park (DeGenova &
Ramos-Zayas, 2003). Second, the city of Chicago witnessed an increase in the Latino immigrant

population during the 1990's. Many Latino immigrants settled in areas with Spanish speaking residents. As such, the Mexican population grew tremendously in the
Humboldt Park neighborhood. Totaling 12,000 in 1970, the Mexican population

quadrupled to 47,000 by 1980. Then, by 2000, Puerto Ricans no longer comprised a

majority in any of the traditionally Puerto Ricans neighborhoods in Chicago(DeGenova & Ramos-Zayas, 2003).

Third, Chicago's efforts to revitalize the city began to encroach on the borders of
Humboldt Park. West Town, once a Puerto Rican neighborhood adjacent to Humboldt Park, has undergone radical demographic changes and gentrification. According to the U. S Census, since the 1980's, the white population has increased while the Latino population has declined (Betancur: 1996). The Puerto Rican inhabitants in West Town,

displaced by revitalization efforts, were forced to look elsewhere for affordable housing
arrangements. The gentrification of West Town facilitated their displacement into

adjacent neighborhoods like Humboldt Park and Logan Square (Betancur: 1 996). In the same way revitalization efforts in Lincoln Park and West Town influenced the migration patterns of Puerto Ricans in the city, gentrification is threatening now the Puerto Rican
community in Humboldt Park. Throughout the 1990's, the demographic characteristics in the West Town and

Humboldt Park neighborhoods suggest a transformation from Puerto Rican to white

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middle class. Starting in 1980, the year with the highest percentage of Puerto Ricans residing in the Humboldt Park neighborhood, one can document the change in demographic characteristics such as median family income, median value of property, the percentage of college graduates, and the polarization of income. For the purposes of comparison, I examine changing demographic characteristics in West Town and Humboldt Park. Demographic changes in West Town show significant differences in population make up. By analyzing West Town, we can explore the degree of gentrification present. We can then compare the rate of gentrification in West Town to
Humboldt Park.

G.

Demographic Changes
I selected census track 2414 in West Town because it was the hub of the Puerto

Pvican riot in 1966. Census track 2414 in located on the corner of Division and Damen.

Between 1980 and 2000, the median family income for Census Track 2414 increased from $10,263 to $76,216 (U.S. Census: 2000). During the same period, the median value for owner occupied property skyrocketed. In 1980, the owner occupied median value stood at $35, 800 compared to $442,600 in 2000 (U.S. Census: 2000). The increase in property value corresponds with an escalation in average rents: between 1980 and 2000, the average cost for rent increased from $194 to $761 (U.S. Census: 2000). Low income to working class families could not afford the cost of living and had to find alternative housing arrangements. The cost of living in West Town bypassed the possibilities of working class families as the high cost of living catered to individuals with white-collar professions. The percentage of graduates with a high school degree multiplied from 14

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percent in 1980 to 93 percent in 2000 (U.S. Census: 2000). Once a working class neighborhood, West Town no longer met the conditions of working class Puerto Ricans in Chicago. As a result, the majority of them migrated out of West Town by the 1990's.
The percentage of Latinos living in Census track 2413 declined from 55% in 1980 to 24% in 2000 (U.S. Census: 2000). The white population in census track 2413 now

represents 59% of the total population (U.S. Census: 2000). The significant rise in property values and percentages in high school graduates suggest improvement, prosperity, and growth in the West Town neighborhood, or a drastic population shift. Still, the community is not fully gentrified as some figures suggest. For instance, the percentage of families living under the poverty level remained the same between 1980 and 2000 at 32 percent (U.S. Census: 1980 & 2000). In contrast, the increase of white-collar workers from 38% to 60% respectively (U.S. Census: 2000) reflects a polarization in income in the West Town neighborhood. Clearly, there is economic growth and development taking place in the West Town neighborhood. However, it does not benefit the working class Puerto Rican residents that have managed to stay in West Town. The economic prosperity only encourages low-income Puerto Rican residents to find alternative housing arrangements because they cannot meet some of the more basic standards of living. Low-income housing properties developed by
Bickerdike along with the extreme efforts of families to remain near the schools their

children attend, their social networks and their institutions of support. But overall, West
Town has become primarily a white middle class enclave.

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Figure 2.
Category
Income

Demographic Changes in West Town

1980

2000

Property Value
Rent

$10,263 $35, 800

$194
14% 38% 55% 32%

$76,216 $442,600
$761
93% 60% 24% 59% 32.3%

H. S. Graduates White Collar Jobs

Latino

White

Poverty Level

Approximately one mile west, on the corner of Division and California, one can see the splendor of two 150 feet tall Puerto Rican flags that welcome individuals to the
Puerto Rican community. I selected census track 2426 because it is where the Paseo Borricua is located. Paseo Boriccua is the heart of the Puerto Rican community and where the Puerto Rican cultural center is also located. The demographic characteristics in Humboldt Park suggest moderate indication of gentrification. Between 1980 and

2000, the median family income for Census Track 2426 increased from $9,579 to
$25,193 (U.S. Census: 2000). The less significant rise in income is supported by a lower

rise in the owner occupied median value from $20, 800 in 1980 to $98,300 in 2000 (U.S.
Census: 2000). For individuals who do not own property, the average rental unit increased from $219 in 1980 to $573 in 2000 (U.S. Census: 2008).

In regards to individuals living in Humboldt Park, the percentage of graduates with a high school degree grew from 7 percent in 1980 to 78 percent in 2000 (U.S.
Census: 2000). This rise reflects higher graduation rates among Puerto Ricans along with

some level of gentrification as the percentage of Latinos living in the Census track 2426 declined only from 73% in 1980 to 66% in 2000 (U.S. Census: 2000) and in 2000, the white population constituted only 21% of the total count in tract 2426 (U.S. Census:

80

2000). The findings suggest that census track 2426 continues to be populated by Puerto Rican residents. There is concern regarding the loss of Puerto Rican residents in census track 2426, the heart of the Puerto Rican community, suggesting further relocation and possibly displacement. For the Puerto Ricans that remain, they may have a difficult time maintaining the standard of living gentrification represents. In 1980, 42% of families residing in census track 2426 lived under the poverty rate. Twenty years later, the percentage of families living under the poverty level increased to 47.4% (U.S. Census: 2008). Meanwhile, the percentage of white-collar workers increased slightly from 29% to 30% (U.S. Census: 1980 & 2008).

Figure 3. Category
Income

Demographic Changes in Humboldt Park

1980 2000

Property Value
Rent H. S. Graduates

$9,579 $20, 800

$219
7% 29% 73% 42%

$25,193 $98,300
$573
78% 30% 66% 21% 47.4%

White Collar
Workers Latino White

Poverty Level

In the case of West Town, there is clear indication of gentrification. The median family income rose by 642 percent during the study period. Between 1980 and 2000, property values increased by 1,136 percent. The number of white-collar workers significantly increased whereas the Puerto Rican population declined. Still, the

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percentage of families living under the poverty level remained the same in part due to
Bickerdike's low-income rental properties and subareas and building throughout the community that have survived gentrification. The impact of gentrification in Humboldt Park is less considerable. In Humboldt Park, the median family income increased by 1 63 percent. Property values in Humboldt Park rose by 373 percent. The percentage of white-collar workers remained the same. However, the percentage of families living under the poverty level increased while the percentage of Puerto Ricans decreased. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, there are moderate markers of gentrification in Humboldt Park. The Humboldt Park neighborhood has not witnessed the same economic prosperity as West Town. As such, the residents in Humboldt Park continue to experience high levels of poverty and low-income employment opportunities. The prospect of gentrification will produce economic opportunities for the Puerto Rican residents. The gentrification of Humboldt Park will only displace the working class residents to economically impoverished areas in need of social services.

H.

Changes in Crime

Research indicates that revitalizing communities report decreases in personal and

property crimes (Lehrer, 2000; McDonald, 1986). The presumption is that revitalization
efforts eliminate poverty, the principal cause of crime. Second, new and affluent residents mobilize community resources and call on law enforcement officials to remove signs of criminal activity (Freeman & Braconi, 2004; Schill & Nathan, 1983). If new and affluent community residents relocate in Humboldt Park, we expect crime to decrease. Specifically, along these lines of displacement of the Puerto Rican community would

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follow a decrease in FBI Major Index I crimes. I hypothesize that decreases in crime is associated with geographies of gentrification. In order to analyze the impact of gentrification on crime, I study crime rates by city, police district, and neighborhood
estimates.

Crime in Chicago, similar to national trends, peaked during the early 1990's and then followed a precipitous downturn. In 1990, the city of Chicago documented 314,163 Major Index I crimes. By 2008, the number of Major Index I crimes fell to 167,427, a 44 percent decline (CPD: 2008). The number of violent crimes decreased by 54 percent from 82,728 to 46,567. Property crimes fell by 43 percent from 231,435 to 131,663 (CPD: 2008) (see figure 4). When comparing crime in Humboldt Park and Westtown, I consider citywide trends of decline.

Figure 4.

Crime

Crime in Chicago

1990 I

2000 I
48,499

2008 I
46,567

Percentage
-44%

_________________________________________________Change
Violent Crime 82,728

Property Crime Total

231,435 314,163

165,138 213,637

131,663 167,427

-43% -44%

The Humboldt Park neighborhood lies in between two Chicago police districts, the thirteenth and fourteenth districts. The thirteenth district patrols the eastern boundary of Humboldt Park and West Town. The fourteenth district patrols the western boundary of Humboldt Park and Logan Square. By analyzing crime in the thirteenth district, we can consider the influence of gentrification on crime in a gentrified neighborhood like

83

West Town. A comparison analysis of the fourteenth district illustrates the nature of crime as the Humboldt Park neighborhoods begins to gentrify. Violent crimes in the thirteenth district, surrounding the Humboldt Park and West Town neighborhoods, support previous research in revitalizing communities. In 1990, the thirteenth district reported 24 murders. By 2008, the number of murders had dropped to seven, a 71 percent decline (CPD: 2008). Sexual assaults declined by 75 percent from 100 to 25 (CPD: 2008). In 1990, the thirteenth district observed 1200 aggravated assaults. By 2008, the number of aggravated assaults dwindled to 257, a 79 percent decline (CPD: 2009). Like the city of Chicago, the thirteenth district witnessed a more noticeable change than in Chicago. The exorbitant decline in violent crimes supports the notion that crime significantly decreases in revitalizing neighborhoods. In the West Town neighborhood, violent crimes declined at a much higher rate than suggested by the literature (see figure 5). In regards to property crimes, the thirteenth district followed similar trends of decline as supported by the research, although, not all property crimes fell during the period of study. In 1990, the thirteenth district recorded 1085 incidents of burglary. By 2008, the number of burglaries was recorded at 629, a 42 percent decline (CPD: 2008). The amount of arson decreased by 87 percent, from 153 in 1990 to 23 in 2008 (CPD: 2008). Finally, the thirteenth district experienced 3119 episodes of theft in 1990. By 2008, that number actually grew to 3244 thefts, a 1 percent increase. In general, property crimes in the thirteenth district decreased at a similar rate in comparison to Chicago. Property crimes in West Town declined at a similar rate as suggested by the literature's estimates. The rate of arson remained relatively high in the thirteenth district throughout

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the 1990' s. In fact, the thirteenth district reported the second highest incidents of arsons during the late 1980's and early 1990's (CPD: 2008). By 2008, the number of abandoned buildings suitable for arson may have emaciated. In addition, the number of recorded thefts increased during the period of study. Theft is often a crime of opportunity. The introduction of material wealth in the West Town neighborhood may facilitate the
increase in theft.

Figure 5.
Crime Murder Sexual Assault

Crime in Thirteenth District

1990 24 100 1200 1085 153 3119

2000

2008

Percentage Change
-71% -75% -79% -42% -87% +1%

36 627 828 34 2601

25 257 629 23 3244

Aggravated Assault Burglary

Arson Theft

Violent crimes in the fourteenth district, surrounding the Humboldt Park and Logan Square neighborhoods, demonstrated a similar pattern of decline. In 1990, the fourteenth district witnessed 38 murders. By 2008, the number of murders declined to 12, a 68 percent loss. The incidents of sexual assault fell by 55 percent from 134 in 1990 to 60 in 2008. In 1990, the fourteenth district reported 2070 aggravated assaults. Nearly two decades later, the number of aggravated assaults declined by 76% percent to 490. Violent crimes in the fourteenth district declined at a much higher rate than for the city of Chicago. In addition, the change in percentage appears to mirror the literature's estimates of crime in gentrifying communities (see figure 6).

85

In relation to property crimes, the fourteenth district also witnessed a pattern of decline. In 1990, the fourteenth district recorded 2623 incidents of burglary. By 2008, the number of burglaries declined to 1231, a 53 percent loss (CPD: 2008). The degree of arson decreased by 87 percent from 258 in 1990 to 33 in 2008 (CPD: 2008). Finally, the Humboldt Park neighborhood experienced 4383 episodes of theft in 1990. By 2008, that number actually grew to 4453 thefts, a 1 percent increase. The fourteenth district witnessed similar patterns of decline in comparison to the city of Chicago. However, the rate of decline surpasses Chicago and closely resembles the literature's predictions. The fourteenth district also witnessed a rise in theft. As the Humboldt Park and Logan Square

neighborhoods gentrify, the introduction of material wealth may also facilitate an

increase in theft.

Although it is difficult to isolate the impact of gentrification on crime, the data

suggests that crime declines more significantly in geographies of gentrification. Chicago's overall reduction in crime follows national trends. The reduction in Humboldt
Park and West Town may be the result of national and citywide patterns. If this was the case, then we would not observe a precipitous reduction in geographies of gentrification. Crime in West Town and Humboldt Park decreased at much higher rate than the city.

Chicago also witnessed a decrease in all crimes whereas theft increased the areas of study. The presence of gentrification suggests a correlation with crime. As working class individuals are displaced, the crime rate declines. The arrival of other Latino immigrants may also impact the crime rate. Research demonstrates that immigrants
reduce crime rates in Latino communities (Martinez, 2002). The presence of immigrants

may strengthen social networks and introduce labor into Humboldt Park and West Town.

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However, as gentrification displaces working class individuals, then we expect recent immigrants to also leave the area in search of affordable housing opportunities.

Figure 6.
Crime Murder

Crime in Fourteenth District

1990 38 134 2070 2623 258 4283 2000 25 100 1194 1907 60 5491 2008 12 60 490 1231 33 4453

Percentage Change
-68% -55% -76% -53% -87% +1%

Sexual Assault

Aggravated Assault Burglary

Arson

Theft

A comparison of the two police districts yields some interesting findings. First, the percentage decline in crime is similar between the thirteenth and fourteenth districts. Second, that percentage decrease is substantially larger than the citywide average. Third, the decrease in property crime does not support the overall decrease suggested in the literature. On the contrary, the increase in theft may suggest that revitalizing communities represent ideal locations for individuals to steal valuable items. Finally, although the thirteenth and fourteenth districts experienced similar decrease in crime, the fourteenth district reports almost double the amount of crime in a given year. The data suggest that residents in fourteenth district are victimized as a much higher rate than the thirteenth district. The fourteenth district is in the early stages of gentrification. As such, the crime rates has not significantly decreased and the rate of victimization remains high. An examination of crime by neighborhoods reveals an alternative correlation between crime and gentrification. In 1998, the Chicago Police department began

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publishing crime data according to city neighborhoods. By comparing crime between 1998 and 2008, we can further examine the influence of gentrification in the West Town and Humboldt Park neighborhoods. In 1998, the West Town neighborhood recorded 23 murders. By 2008, the number of murders had decreased by 61 percent to nine homicides. The quantity of sexual assaults fell from 71 in 1998 to 28 in 2008, a 61 percent decline. Aggravated assaults declined from 770 to 264, a 66 percent decline. Violent crimes in the West Town neighborhoods followed a similar rate of decline as the thirteenth police district and at much higher rate than the literature suggests. ' Property crimes followed a similar trend of decline as suggested by the literature. Burglary declined by 36 percent from 1446 in 1998 to 926 in 2008. Arson declined by 69 percent from 54 to 17 incidents. Unlike the thirteenth and fourteenth districts, theft in West Town actually declined by 19 percent from 5002 to 4083. The decrease in theft may be the result of census tracks that have not yet fully gentrified in West Town. As the community gentrifies, we should expect the incidents of theft to increase. Although there was a significant decline in property crimes, the rate was not as dramatic as that of the
thirteenth district.

Figure 7.
Crime
Murder

Crime in West Town

1998
23 71 770 2008 28 264 926

Percentage Change
-61% -61% -66% -36% -69% -19%

Sexual Assault

Aggravated Assault

Burglary Arson
Theft

1446

___54_
5002

___17_
4083

88

In regards to crime in the Humboldt Park neighborhood, murder decreased from

1998 to 2008. However, the number of murders decreased by 61 percent from 23 to 9.

Sexual assaults declined by 61 percent from 71 to 28. Aggravated assaults declined by 66 percent from 770 to 264. In general, personal crimes in Humboldt Park witnessed significant declines. They appear to more precipitous declines as indicated in the literature. In addition, personal crimes in Humboldt Park do not fall in line with
citywide averages (see figure 8)

In regards to property crimes, burglary decreased by 36 percent from 1446 to 926. Arson declined by 69 percent from 54 to 17. Interestingly, theft declined from by 18 percent from 5002 to 4083. This is not surprising finding because the effects of gentrification are not as visible in Humboldt Park compared to West Town. As the Humboldt Park neighborhood continues to gentrify, we should expect property crimes
like theft and burglary to increase.

Figure 8.
Crime

Crime in Humboldt Park

1998 23 71 770 1446

2008 28 264

Percentage Change
-61% -61% -66% -36% -69% -18%

Murder Sexual Assault

Aggravated Assault Burglary

Arson

926
17 4083

Theft

54 5002

Similar to national trends, violent and property crimes decreased in the Humboldt Park and West Town neighborhoods of Chicago. The reduction in crime followed a

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similar rate in comparison to citywide averages. However, West Town witnessed a more precipitous decline. The data suggest that gentrification may influence crime in revitalized neighborhoods. According to the 2000 Census, the gentrification of Humboldt Park demonstrated modest influence on crime rates. The findings suggest that

the presence of gentrification in the Humboldt Park will affect crime in the future. The
data also challenges the notion that all property crimes decline in revitalized

neighborhoods. In reality, theft did not follow an analogous pattern. The rise in theft
may be the result of conflicting cultural and class differences. A community liaison working with CAPS made the comment that "people move into the neighborhood, buy a half a million dollar home, and think they can leave their belongings unattended". The increase in theft has a direct correlation to the crimes of opportunity. New and more affluent residents leave their personal belonging unattended and often find them stolen when they return. In short, the presence of gentrification signaled a precipitous decline in crime for the West Town neighborhood. The crime rate declined at a much higher rate in

comparison to Chicago. Humboldt Park, on the other hand, is in the early stages of
gentrification. As such, gentrification has not influenced crime to degree of West Town. Crime in Humboldt Park followed a similar rate of decline as Chicago.

I.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I detailed the historical experience of Puerto Rican immigrants in the United States. I explained how neocolonial policies facilitated the exodus of Puerto
Rican residents out of the island. I also demonstrated the racial discrimination Puerto

Ricans received once they arrived is the U.S. I discussed the consequences Puerto Rican

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faced when they challenged U.S. (colonial) authority. Finally, I documented the gentrification of Humboldt Park through census figures and crime statistics. I argue that Puerto Rican experience racial discrimination because of their minority status and historical legacy of colonialism. As previous colonial subjects, their social status in society is limited by their racial characteristics. As a minority group, Puerto Rican experience racial discrimination similar to other colonial subjects such as African Americans and Native Americans. I now turn my attention to a discussion of gentrification and the social costs associated with displacement. I document the narrative
of Puerto Rican residents in Humboldt Park.

V: Gentrification

Already discussed in the literature, the levels of gentrification of Humboldt Park and West Town are reflected in demographic characteristics and crime statistics. Demographic characteristics point also to a transformation in racial/ethnic and class composition. Crime statistics demonstrate a decline in violent and property crimes. However, quantitative variation does not speak much to the changing lives of Puerto Ricans in Humboldt Park. A closer examination into the lived experiences of Puerto Rican calls for a qualitative approach. This dissertation explores the ways in which demographic changes have impacted the everyday lives of Puerto Ricans in Humboldt Park. Specifically, how do Puerto Ricans conceptualize the social and economic transformation of Humboldt Park? This chapter examines the social consequences associated with gentrification. The results suggest: first, the gentrification process is primarily associated with displacement. Second, Puerto Ricans conceptualize the gentrification process in terms of racial and class dynamics. Third, gentrification of Humboldt Park represents a loss in social networks and community, and a new episode of displacement and hardship for Puerto Ricans in Chicago. Finally, the gentrification process has generated much psychological stress in displaced Puerto Ricans. What follows is a narrative of Puerto Rican residents struggling to accept the displacement of their community.

A.

Displacement There are several definitions of gentrification. On the one hand, gentrification

involves the "revitalization" of the central city benefitting municipal governments

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through generating tax base revenues and citizens by improving city services. On the
other hand, the gentrification process also facilitates the "movement of middle class

families into urban areas causing property values to increase and having the secondary effect of driving out the poorer families" (Schaffer & Smith, 1986) (See Chapter 3). The Puerto Ricans in my study supported the latter definition of gentrification. Puerto Ricans described the gentrification of Humboldt Park in terms of displacement of Puerto Rican
residents.

According to Oscar, a Puerto Rican student attending the Pedro Albizu Campos High School (PACHS), the gentrification process displaces working class Puerto Ricans as property values increase. Oscar was born in the Humboldt Park neighborhood and has
lived in the vicinity for most of his adolescence. He moved to the western suburbs for a

few years but returned to Humboldt Park with the hope of maintaining a Puerto Rican identity. Oscar has firsthand experience with the gentrification process and the impact of displacement. When asked how he conceptualizes the gentrification process, Oscar
stated:

Gentrification is when people buy certain buildings and raise up the rent and we can 't afford it so we gotta move out. And, it destroys the community. Which makes us separated, which breaks up the... Like, ifit happens here, it's going to break up everything. The Puerto Ricanflags are going to end up being gone
someday.

Oscar's response not only suggests the displacement of Puerto Rican residents, but more importantly, the wholesale disruption of the Puerto Rican community. Because of an
increase in property values, Puerto Rican residents cannot afford to remain in Humboldt

Park and have to relocate. The repercussions of gentrification have also lead to the loss, dispersal or weakening of social networks, community ties, and ethnic identity.

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Angel, a lifelong resident of Humboldt Park and student of PACHS, echoes a similar sentiment by stating that the gentrification process displaces community residents through increased property values. Angel states that the gentrification process occurs in "places where people can 't live anymore and they 'reforced to move out. " When asked why they would be forced to move, Angel declared Cause they can 't pay the right amount ofmoney that they have to pay. So, they 're justforced to move out. And, the buildings get emptied out and they knock them down and they build condos. And stuffthat, like, minorities can 't afford to live in. That itforces them to move somewhere else. Angel's account of the gentrification process is synonymous with displacement. The redevelopment of old housing stock often results in complete alteration to the building's faade. The old housing stock is converted into condominiums and sold at much higher prices than before. Working class Puerto Ricans with limited economic means cannot afford to purchase the redeveloped condominiums and have to look elsewhere to affordable living opportunities. Angel's response also suggests that the gentrification process targets minorities. Angel's response speaks to the racial/ethnic changes taking place in Humboldt Park. Ms. Delgado, a school administrator at PACHS and a community activist, associated the gentrification process with the displacement of working class community members. Ms. Delgado was born in Humboldt Park and has lived in the neighborhood for most of her life. She moved away for some time during her twenties. However, Ms. Delgado returned to Humboldt Park affirming her Puerto Rican ancestry. Ms. Delgado's initial thoughts regarding gentrification concerned "Displacement. [The] displacement of long term residents." When I asked Ms. Delgado to describe where gentrification occurs, Ms. Delgado stated that,

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/ think it occurs where minorities reside in poor working class communities. You

know, where there is probably a lot ofabandoned buildings. A lot ofopen land.
And the property values are low. "

Ms. Delgado's description illustrates the social concerns associated with the gentrification process. In Chicago, minorities are concentrated in impoverished areas with high crimes rates. As municipal governments, developers, real estate companies, and private individuals look for opportunities to invest in undervalued land, they enter strategic areas of disinvestment increasing property values and displacing along the way
long terms residents.

Rosemary, a student at PACHS who migrated from Puerto Rico to Humboldt Park at the age of five, has experienced the gentrification process throughout her childhood. At an early age, Rosemary simply did not possess the terminology to describe the changes occurring in her life. Yet, she is fully aware of the hardships her family has undergone as it moved from one location to another: this school And he would say, "Do you know what gentrification means? " And I was still in grammar school. I was like, I'm not sure. And he was like, you 'Ilfind out when you go to my school. So Ifound out what it meant. And I was like, oh, that's what I've been experiencing. Cause like almost all my life, like, we had to move someplace 'cause they had to make condos or the rent was going to high or something and wejust had to go. And me and myfamily, wejust always had to
go...

Yeah, I mean, I heard it [gentrification] before when my brother was coming to

Rosemary's account demonstrates that, among other things, the experience of constantly moving is part and parcel of the Puerto Rican experience in Chicago. Rosemary's family never possessed the means to purchase their living arrangement. As a result, Rosemary and her family had to relocate once their apartment was sold and converted into condominiums. For Rosemary, the gentrification process is a constant and disruptive memory of her childhood. By attending high school and coming into contact with similar

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Puerto Rican experiences, Rosemary was able to express and take ownership of her
turbulent childhood.

As much as the literature in support of gentrification suggests a rebirth of the central city, Puerto Rican residents of the Humboldt Park neighborhood feel otherwise as it represents the displacement of working class Puerto Ricans. For them, gentrification is

synonymous with the displacement of long term, working class Puerto Rican residents.
The experience of Rosemary is common to most Puerto Ricans as they struggle with the

everyday threat of displacement. They grew up in the presence of gentrification and

share firsthand experience with displacement. Thus, for a new generation of Puerto Ricans, displacement is a common place representing the Puerto Rican experience in
Humboldt Park.

B.

Intersection of Class and Race/Ethnicity

The gentrification process is a product of capitalistic cycles of decline and rebirth (Smith 1996). Advocates of gentrification present it as an economic solution to urban

plight. "Revitalization efforts" communicate a racially neutral perspective open to

individuals of different racial/ethnic backgrounds. However, the gentrification of Humboldt Park operates at the intersection of race and class. Unlike color blind schmas,
Puerto Rican residents interviewed understood the intersection of race and class in the

gentrification process. In some instances, the gentrification process is highly racialized.

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Jordan, a lifelong resident of Humboldt Park and student at the PACHS, identifies the

gentrification process with the displacement of Puerto Ricans by white residents. Jordan's comments suggest the intersection of race and class within gentrification. When asked to describe what came to his mind when he heard the word gentrification,
Jordan stated:

Jordan: Uhm, white people taking over Humboldt Park. Xavier: Where do you think gentrification occurs?

Jordan: Where does it happen? It happens in neighborhoods that used to be, like mostly, one race. Or like, lower class and they try to make it higher class. And try to kick out all the poor people out ofthere. And bring the rich people in there.
So it will be a better neighborhood.

Xavier: Who are the gentrifiers and who are the gentrified? Jordan: Well, what I see, mostly, living in those condos is a white people. I see a couple ofblackpeople... But they got money. But mostly, white people. They hardly come out. They stay in the house. They go to work. Walk their dogs.
That 's the only time you see them.

Jordan's response demonstrates the intersection of race in our analysis of class. Jordan understands that the gentrification process operates along dynamics of class. However, the gentrification process disproportionately affects working class Puerto Ricans. There may be a handful of middle income minority residents purchasing property and displacing Puerto Ricans. But, the majority of new residents appear to be wealthy whites. Jordan's comments contradict the race neutral arguments that prioritize perspectives of
class.

Alex, lifelong resident of Humboldt Park and student at PACHS, described the

gentrification process in terms of displacement. Alex is a young Puerto Rican male who is incredibly intuitive about the gentrification process and the displacement of his family members. Alex perceives the gentrification process in terms of racial and class dynamics. Alex attempted to explain the intersection of race/ethnic and class as follows:

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Xavier: Where do you think gentrification occurs? Alex: Uhm, in any low income neighborhood. Xavier: Who are the gentrifiers and who are gentrified? Alex: Really, it could, it does have to do with some level ofracism. But then again, it has to do with some level oflow-income. Which, in a way it is sort ofbeing racist still because like, well I really don 't want to get into all ofthat but like... To me, it 's mostly done by whites towards minorities. Because, it will be like, a strong African American sense in the neighborhood or a strong Puerto Rican or could be, you know, even a Chinese and it 's like... They 'Il slowly but surely move in and like there is nothing wrong with moving in. But it'sjust the whole point is that you all are trying to move us out. And we were here first. So it 's like, whatever we built, you know what I'm saying, we would want to build it up more and it 's like... Theyjust try to come in and destroy it instead oftrying to work together. Which is supposedly what they want to do, but not really, But yeah... Alex's response suggests that the gentrification process operates along dynamics of race and class. Puerto Ricans like Alex understand that the gentrification process involves the displacement of working class residents. However, white residents are displacing the Puerto Rican residents. Alex's comments also support the notion that the gentrification process transforms the social character of the community. The arrival of new and affluent residents stimulates a growth in boutiques, restaurants, and stores. Unfortunately, the market caters to the needs and interests of the new residents. For Alex, the gentrification of Humboldt Park involves the transformation of a Puerto Rican community into a homogenous white middle class enclave. Mr. Ramon, an administrator at the PACHS and lifelong resident of Humboldt Park, described the gentrification process with the displacement of working class Puerto Rican residents. Mr. Ramon moved to the Humboldt Park neighborhood in the early 1 960s. He was the second Puerto Rican family to settle in his neighborhood block. Mr.
Ramon witnessed the transformation of Lincoln Park into a white middle class

community and the displacement of the Puerto Rican residents. Mr. Ramon is now

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witnessing a similar change in Humboldt Park. Mr. Ramon also alludes to the
intersection of race and class in the gentrification process: Xavier: What comes to your mind when you hear the word gentrification? Mr. Ramon: It means, the displacement ofthe communityfolk,usually poor people by a different class ofpeople. I mean economic class, in terms ofwealthier groups ofpeople that are not the same racial or ethnic group that 's currently there. So yeah, it 's displacement ofthe poor by the wealthy. Xavier: Who are the gentrifiers and who are gentrified? Mr. Ramon: ''Well, uhm, the gentrified are almost invariably people ofcolor. But really, in general terms, it 's working class and the poor are the gentrified out. Uhm, the upper middle class move in. Uhm, large family size housing

apartments, you know multi-family buildings, get bought out. The people are
moved out, orforced out, and displaced. Then they rehab the building and it invariably ended up being lofts or condos usuallyfor ownership. And even ifthey are rental, it 's usually three orfour times higher than the rent levels that they are used to. The gentrifiers tend to be the typical, the stereotypical, the yuppies, the young urban professionals and specifically, the dines. Are youfamiliar with that
term?

Xavier: No. What are Dines?

Mr. Ramon: "The Dual Income No Children. You know, well to do professionals. And it seems to happen... There 's like a sequence to it. Usually, the poorer neighborhoods, the disinvested neighborhoods... The starving artists move in and displace low income families. And then, they're usually white. Sometimes they're artists ofcolor. They start as artist communities and then that starts attracting other investments. And eventually, this neighborhood isfairly gentrified. I remember when Lincoln Park was a Puerto Rican and Black community. I also remember the very last vestige ofthe Puerto Rican community there in Lincoln Park. There was a grocery store, An Hueros, on the corner ofSheffield and Armitage. And, it had been therefor like 25 years. Everything else was completely gentrified. And, that was the last vestige. A bodega Puerto Riquena. Andfinally, they lost their client base. And theyfinally had to move out. And it was replaced by a Starbucks. And, you know, talk about symbolism (laughing). That was the last stamping out ofthe Puerto Rican community in Lincoln Park. Probably started with a Starbucks and ended with a Starbucks.

When describing the gentrification process in Humboldt Park, Mr. Ramon refers to the
racial/ethnic dynamics inherent in the gentrification process. In economic terms, Mr.

Ramon highlights the increase in property values, conversion of apartment complexes into single living arrangements called condominiums, and the displacement of working class individuals. The gentrification process intersects with class as a working class

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white population moved into Humboldt Park. Those "starving artists" settled into
Humboldt Park with the hopes of acquiring cheap space at an affordable price. Unbeknownst to them, the arrival of an artist populace initiates the gentrification process. The arrival of working class, artistic, and gay whites does not alter the demographic characteristics of Humboldt Park in economic terms. In many instances, working class white residents are looking for cheaper rent and a location to pursue their personal interests. However, the establishment of white enclaves in working class communities invites wealthier white residents to the neighborhood. Wealthier white residents, in turn, can purchase land and alter the demographic characteristic of a working class community. Mr. Ramon's comments illustrate how the gentrification process operates along dynamics of race and class. Without realizing it, the arrival of white working class residents signals the gentrification process in the Humboldt Park community. Would the arrival of working class minorities into an impoverished area attract investment? The gentrification of Humboldt Park is inherent with racial dynamics. In my attempt to further explore the issue of race, I inquired if affluent minority residents were assisting in the gentrification process. For some, the idea of middle class minority residents displacing the Puerto Rican community was a foreign concept. Rosemary laughed at the idea of displacement at the hands of young urban Latino or African-American professionals. The idea that minority residents would displace Puerto Rican residents does not correspond with Rosemary's definition of gentrification. I asked Rosemary if she had observed African-American residents with similar economic and social circumstances as the new white residents. Rosemary stated, "I do not think they exist " (laughing). I then asked if she had ever witnessed any Puerto Ricans that appeared

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similar to the new white residents, Rosemary stated, "Not yet. I believe there is but like, not here ". For Rosemary, the displacement of Puerto Ricans by minorities did not
register with some participants.

David, a lifelong resident and student at PACHS, echoes Rosemary's sentiment in describing the presence of new and affluent minority residents. David understands that the gentrification process centers on dynamics of class. However, the idea of minority residents displacing the Puerto Rican community did not make sense: Xavier: Have you noticed any Asian, African American, or Latino yuppies? David: Uhm, there might be. Like, I [have] never seen Black, Puerto Rican, or Asian yuppies. A yuppy is like someone who has like high income, who, you know, is
trying to take over 'cause they have a higher income. And, there could be Puerto

Rican or Asian, or Black yuppies. They could have like high income and they could, you know, be associated with the Whites trying to take over. But, yeah, I
haven 't seen that.

Rosemary and David response illustrates their understanding of the gentrification process
along dynamics of class and race. When asked if she had ever witnessed African-

American individuals displacing Puerto Rican residents, Rosemary and David dismissed the idea. When asked if they had ever observed middle class Latino professionals displacing Puerto Rican residents, David and Rosemary could not disregard the notion. However, neither Rosemary nor David has encountered a young urban Latino professional in Humboldt Park. Rosemary and David's construction of gentrification does not include middle class minorities displacing Puerto Rican residents.
Mr. Vasquez, a school administrator at PACHS and resident of Humboldt Park for more than 30 years, also understands the intersection of race and class in the

gentrification process. The gentrification process centers on dynamics of class that also involve middle class minorities. When asked if he had observed the presence of middle

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class minorities gentrifying the community, Mr. Vasquez acknowledged the intersection of race and class in the gentrification process. The gentrification process undoubtedly involves middle class individuals of different ethnic backgrounds. Mr. Vasquez: Yes. I wouldn 't call them yuppies at all. I think it 's more ... I thinkfor Latinos, they call them Luppies with an "L ". To play offthe wordyuppies. But yes, there are Latinos and African Americans and Asians who also contribute to

gentrification. No question. And, it's strictly because oftheir economic status.

And, usually, they are also trying to live up to a measure that society puts on them which is the standard ofwhite males. And ifwhite males are developing in a specific area, and it 's trendy, they see that as a way to measure up to them. Because they are also lookingfor a way to be accepted on that level or that class. Mr. Vasquez' s comments indicate the involvement of middle class minority residents in the gentrification process. Mr. Vasquez distinguished minority residents that move into Humboldt Park for the purpose of investment and profit. According to Mr. Vasquez, the influence of class has distorted the priorities of minorities. In an attempt to assimilate into American society, minorities accept values of investment, wealth attainment, gender norms, and cultural independence. Like their white middle class counterparts, minority residents assist with the gentrification process and the displacement of the Puerto Rican community. Mr. Vasquez suggests that residents who participate and take part in neighborhood cultural events and activities, regardless of their class or ethnic background, add to the social character of the community. The gentrification process involves some level of agency on the part of individuals. Not all middle class white or minorities enter the Humboldt Park neighborhood with the intent to displace. A number of middle class individuals arrive with the best intention to maintain a cultural space for Puerto Rican pride. Jesse, a community activist and outspoken journalist in the Puerto Rican

community, expressed the process by which race and class intersect. Jesse grew up in the

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Logan Square neighborhood but often visited family and friends in Humboldt Park. As a community activist with the goal of maintaining a Puerto Rican presence in Humboldt
Park, Jesse writes about the Puerto Rican experience in Chicago. According to Jesse, there are minority residents that assist with the gentrification process. However, they are not the principal agents of displacement:

Xavier: Have you come across any Black, Latino, or Asian residents that you would
categorize as yuppies?

Jesse: / think it depends. On the level oflike, individual Latino professionals or Black professionals, Asian... I've seen them on the street. They're not sort ofthe larger population here, that I can visibly see as a population. Even though, there is those populations. I think they are still, how can I say this? The aesthetic ofthe yuppies is there regardless ofrace. Latinos who subscribe to white, mainstream,
American cultural values. So there clearly are, non-white yuppies, around. Is

that theforce in mass that is leading the gentrification process? You know, the population that is targeted by real-estate agencies? Or Businesses? No. They are
attracted to it. But they are not the primary targets ofadvertisement and realestate organizations

Xavier: What role do they play in the gentrification process? Jesse: . . .Like the developers are not Black, the developers are not Asian that I've seen. Veryfew developers are Latino. There are a couple. But veryfew that are

driving it and have the capital to see the process through. There are some that
are in the economic position to sort oftake advantage ofthe changes. But they

are not driving it. It 's not based on their interests [middle class minorities]. And
the whole sort aesthetic vision ofgentrifying and revitalizing, you know restoring it to this like Victorian age, you know, nice beautiful mansion houses. It 's

completely sort ofa European, white sort ofvision ofwhat the city should look like. So it 's organized around those interests. So I tend to view gentrification as a groups process, notjust as individuals that are doing stuff Like Mr. Vasquez, Jesse acknowledges the presence of minority agents in the gentrification process. However, they are not the principal agents of change in Humboldt
Park. Minorities assist in the gentrification process as consumers of the product. As

professionals, minority professional displace working class Puerto Rican residents. In fact, Latino professionals, working in the real estate industry, possesses an insider's perspective, encouraging Puerto Rican residents to sell their property and move. As

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consumers, minority yuppies purchase property that displaces Puerto Ricans residents. However, the few minority professionals are not the driving force of gentrification. The majority of new residents, real estate companies, bankers, and city officials profiting from the gentrification process are disproportionally white. The gentrification process undoubtedly involves dynamics of race and class. According to the participants in my study, the gentrification process disproportionally targets and displaces minorities. The Puerto Rican participants in my study attested to the notion that class fuels the gentrification process. Puerto Ricans also discussed race in partnership with class. According to Puerto Rican residents, working class and affluent whites displace the Puerto Rican community.

C.

Loss of Social Context

The progressive transformation of Humboldt Park into a homogenous middle class neighborhood erases the contextual history of Puerto Rican residents. Juan explained how the gentrification process fleeces any hope of being able to return to the places of his childhood memories. My experience living here is rich, right, with memory. Do you know what I'm saying. You have memories growing up ofa certain place. Like, you have memories ofgrowing up, playing baseball and doing whatever you were doing when you was a kid. So gentrification has an effect on taking those memories awayfrom you. A nd stealing those things . . . Juan possesses rich memories of growing up in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. Juan recalls these memories through physical markers all throughout Humboldt Park. By transforming Humboldt Park's facade, the gentrification process erases those physical markers. According to Juan, the gentrification process steals the physical markers from

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his collective memory. Juan's identity, as an activist in the Humboldt Park community, is partially defined by his childhood experiences. The gentrification process erases the location of those experiences, forcing Juan to redefine his identity. The loss of physical markers coupled with the loss of memories results in a lost sense of belonging. Ms. Santiago described the loss she experienced in light of gentrification: Man, it's like... Like, for me... You know, your memories are here in your head and in your heart. But still, it kind ofdoes something to you. Like, I walked by there the other day 'cause I went to Logan Square. Uhm, I went to get some
shoesfor my baby. And, so on the way back, I'm gonna take Kedzie. But, Ididn 't

want to go through thefront [ofthe house where she grew up]. And I already knew what thefront looks like and I was really upset about it, right. But, just knowing, like, I guess, I can say "Yeah, yeah, I grew up there, whatever. Andyou know it gives you a goodfeeling. But to know that all that is gone. . . although, it 's kind ofhard... Because, the apartment that we lived in was crappy. The house was crappy. It definitely needed to be remodeled like big time. But, I went
through the alley and Ijust had to take this deep breath. It was so weird. It was

so true. But, I had to take this deep breath before I actually turned down the alley that I lived in. Because, ofcourse, we spent a lot oftime in the alley playing. You
know, our parents hanging out in the garage and stufflike that. And, I was taken back when I saw it, like you have your Mercedes Benz or your Lexus. I mean,

that 's all the cars that were parked back there. And it was humongous [condominiums that replaced her house]. I saying it was three houses, big lots, really long. Uhm, and that 's how we get all those condos. Going to the corner store, it 's no longer the corner store that we used to go to. It 's now made up of
apartments. So, I don 't know, it kind oflike, to me, 'cause it 's a bit more personal, I guess, you know, knowing that was apart ofit right there. And, although, I do believe that the place should have been renovated, you know.

Maybe even demolished and rebuilt 'cause the place was nasty. I don 't know, it 's

hard to explain, you know. I had to admit that I cried. Like, there was tears rolling down my eyes. I wasn 't sobbing or anything. But, I was like man, it 's gone. ...So, I guess I try to put away those memories ofwhere I grew up in and

go straight to the pictures. But, in a way, to me, that 's why it 's important, for me,
to be able to preserve this community. And be apart ofthat. Because, I can

imagine that happens to so many people. 'Cause, ifIfeel like that and it brings
tears to my eyes... I wouldn 't say there is no hatred there. But, like it hurts to see that. The thought ofthat happening to all to the Puerto Ricans here... Because it

happened to all the Puerto Ricans that lived in Lincoln Park. It happened to all the Puerto Ricans that lived in Wicker Park and Buck Town. I cannot imagine a whole group ofpeoplefeeling like that. That 's a horriblefeeling ofyour home being gone, being lost. Like, everyone is rooted in something. And, for you to be taken out ofthere. Oh my God, I can 't imagine how that 's mustfeel.

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Ms. Santiago's comments highlight the pain and loss associated with the gentrification process. The neighborhood block where Ms. Santiago grew up was replaced with a massive condominium complex. The neighborhood store she frequented as a child is

now a parking lot occupied with foreign and expensive cars. The alley she used as a play lot is now a driveway and not intended for children. The loss of physical markers that
define her childhood memories forced Ms. Santiago's eyes to swell with tears. Ms.

Santiago speaks to the collective loss experienced by Puerto Rican people as they are forced to relocate form neighborhood to neighborhood. The gentrification process has an effect of erasing a sense of belonging for Puerto Ricans in Humboldt Park. By erasing the cultural markers, the gentrification process effectively erases the presence of Puerto
Ricans in Humboldt Park and the city of Chicago. The gentrification process not only removes physical markers for individuals, but also cultural markers for ethnic/racial

groups. For example, the Humboldt Park neighborhood is characterized murals detailing the Puerto Rican struggle for equality. Many of those murals are painted on the faade of
buildings. As those buildings are demolished and replaced with condominiums units, so too are the murals. The struggle for resistance, as depicted on those murals, is lost and concealed from history. New residents to Humboldt Park do not possess the historical context of struggle. The new image of Humboldt park erases the socials ills associated with poverty and discrimination

D.

Loss of Historical Context

Ruth Gloss (1964) argued that once gentrification starts, the process spreads until
all or most of the original working class occupiers are displaced and the whole social

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character of the district is changed (Gloss; 1964). The transformation of the Humboldt

Park neighborhood into a middle class effectively erases the historical legacy of the
Puerto Rican community. As the Lincoln Park neighborhood underwent urban renewal

projects, the social character converted from a working class Puerto Rican community to
a white middle class neighborhood. Today, there is little evidence that Lincoln Park was populated by Puerto Ricans. The gentrification of Humboldt Park and West Town represent another example of ethnic cleansing by racial and economic interests.

Oscar described the changes he witnessed as the Humboldt Park neighborhood gradually changed. According to Oscar, the gentrification process started long before he returned to Humboldt Park. Oscar described the changes he observed as the presence of
Puerto Rican disappeared in West Town. Xavier: So, what do you see over there now? Oscar: Now..., what I see now is the white people to be honest with you. Xavier: Do you see any Puerto Rican influence over there?

Oscar: Nothing Puerto Rican. The cafeterias and business in the middlefrom Damen to Ashland. All those little cafeterias and bars arefull ofwhite people. New
restaurants are being opened by white owners. All the old Puerto Rican bars, Puerto Rican caf 's and coffee shops, just like Colao [Puerto Rican restaurant in

Humboldt Park], are all closed and shutdown and changed.

Oscar's testimony speaks to the loss of the Puerto Rican presence in the West Town

neighborhood. Once populated by Puerto Rican, the West Town neighborhood is now populated by white residents with affluent shops. The historical legacy of Puerto Ricans disappeared as the demographic characteristics changed. The new Westtown includes affluent shops that cater to wealthy clienteles. That vision threatens to displace the history along with the Puerto Rican community in Humboldt Park. What's more, that
vision will erase the presence of Puerto Ricans in Westtown and Humboldt Park.

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Juan reflects on the changes he witnessed because of gentrification. For Juan, the gentrification process involves the displacement of the Puerto Rican community. Juan also reflected on the changes he observed in West Town Xavier: What changed? Juan: / mean like, ifwe was to video tape it, back then... I bet you 'd see like a lot of Puerto Ricans. You [would] see a bodega. People outside playing dominos... I mean, things that Puerto Rican people do. And the culture that we have. You know what I'm saying. You 'Il see flags out the window. You 'Il see little kids playing baseball outside. But now, there are tanning salons. There are hookah bars. There are these restaurants that cost $20 aplate, that type ofstuff. There is all these things that... Sayfor instance, we go over there now. You don 't see any Puerto Ricans. It 's all white. You know what I'm saying? According to Juan, Puerto Ricans once populated Division Street in the West Town neighborhood. The bodegas were the center of commerce. A visitor to the neighborhood could observe Puerto Ricans congregating outside and playing dominos. The residents proudly displayed Puerto Rican flags outside their windows. The parks and empty lots were filled with children playing baseball. According to Juan, Division Street displayed the essence of Puerto Rican culture. Today, Division Street in West Town has a new name with new demographic characteristics. Division Street is now populated with tanning salons, hookah bars, and expensive restaurants. There are few Puerto Ricans left in the area. The displacement of Puerto Rican residents transformed the social character of the West Town neighborhood. Now, the gentrification process threatens to do the same in Humboldt Park. West Town represents the Puerto Rican neighborhood lost throughout the 1980s and 1990s because of gentrification. Humboldt Park now represents the neighborhood lost in the new millennium. By displacing Puerto Ricans from the Humboldt Park neighborhood, Puerto Ricans alludes to a suppression of ethnic presence in Humboldt Park. For municipal

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governments that wish to "revitalize" the city, the gentrifkation process expunges a history of poverty and urban decay. For displaced residents, the gentrification process eliminates the history and struggle of working class individuals. All throughout the city
of Chicago, one can notice how "revitalization efforts" have transformed low-income

neighborhoods into "revitalized" gated communities. There is a sense on the part of the participants that the complete gentrification of Humboldt Park will undoubtedly
transform the neighborhood into a white middle class enclave.

E.

Loss of Social Networks

Tony, a community activist who recently moved into Humboldt Park, described

the social costs associated with the loss of community networks. Tony moved to Chicago
to reacquaint himself with family members. He followed his social networks to the

Humboldt Park neighborhood. For Tony, the gentrification process disrupts the social
networks that have existed for generations:

Well, back in the day, like in theforties andfifties... A lot ofPuerto Rican had owned bodegas and the bodegas were the center ofcommunity life. And like, remembering the town you camefrom. So a lot ofbodegas were named after the town. You still have some ofthose like, Yulco. ... The idea that, you know, one of the last bodegas named after towns, people who arefrom that town would go
there, all have been lost.

According to Tony, Puerto Ricans who moved to Chicago could follow a network of social contacts. Upon arriving in Chicago, a Puerto Rican immigrant would locate a bodega named after his/her hometown. At the bodega, Puerto Rican immigrants searched for social contacts, employment opportunities, or housing opportunities. Closing the bodegas destroys the social networks that Puerto Rican immigrants have relied on for years. The loss of social networks discourages future migration to Humboldt Park and

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the city. The disruption of social networks has a direct impact on the number of Puerto Ricans living in Chicago. As indicated by the literature, Puerto Ricans no longer represent the majority in any of the traditional census tracks. Jesse also testified to the loss of the bodegas and the impact on the social networks in the community: Absolutely. I think, uhm, in many ways it [gentriflcation] disrupts them [social networh] because ofthe displacement offamilies but also the impact that it has on bodegas and stufflike that. You can imagine a situation whichfor a generation or so, a certain bodega inside some block served as the location where everybody sort ofcaught up and talked with each other. Andpeoplefind out who was getting married or whatfire had happened, whatever, you know, whatever was going on in the neighborhood. And as those spaces were closed down, people had less ofa, sort ofa public space to talk, to build, to share resources. To keep people posted on things that were happening. So you have that impact. Without a doubt, [Those] spaces that no longer there for people to maintain those
networks alive.

Jesse speaks to the loss of social networks and the impact on community residents. Like Tony, Jesse recognizes the loss of social networks because of gentriflcation. As Puerto Rican residents relocate, the local bodegas lose their client base and have to close. The local bodega served a number of functions in the Puerto Rican community. In addition to

selling food, the local bodega served a social function by informing community residents of daily events. The local bodega maintained a social connection not only with residents
in the community, but also with individuals back in Puerto Rico. The local bodega is instrumental in fostering social networks for Puerto Ricans in Chicago. Jesse also suggests that the displacement of Puerto Rican residents makes it difficult for them to access much needed social services. Low income residents rely on educational, health, housing, and community support. As Puerto Ricans move out of Humboldt Park, they have a difficult time accessing those resources. The dependence on

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social networks may severely impact single family headed household in Humboldt Park. Of the 18 Puerto Rican students I interviewed, 14 lived in a single parent headed household. All 14 students illustrated the absence of a father figure. The loss of social networks may disproportionately impact the women in these single parent headed households. The gentrification of Humboldt Park impacts women and children in a complex manner. As the head of households, single mothers have to bear the burden of relocating the family and establishing new social networks. That is assuming that the same social services are available in a new neighborhood. The gentrification process disrupts the social networks for some of the neediest people, particularly women of color. By displacing working class Puerto Rican residents, women may be most affected in the
process.

F.

Impact of Gentrification Several Puerto Ricans participant possess firsthand experience of displacement.

In one instance, Oscar recalled the obstacles he faced when forced to relocate because of

gentrification: Oscar: "We were living in a two-bed room apartment, withfour ofus. It was smaller... It was at least 400 square feet, that 's about it. And they ended up kicking us out because we could not pay the rent. Because they told us that by the next month, they switching the house into a condo. And they were going to charge... Either we payfor the condo at once or we give them 2 thousand a month. And that condo, that little apartment, cost $150,000. They made it into a condos. So, we ended up moving. When that happened, really, that affected me a lot because my whole family split up cause ofthat. My mom, my brother, and my sister went to live with my aunt. I went to live with my dad. My other brother went to my grandmother. My older brother went to live with his girlfriend. So when that happened, like the heart ofthe family, everybodyjust split up. Xavier: So you had to move because your apartment was converted into a condo? Oscar: That 's why I had to move. Xavier: And how did that change your life? Did that mess up your schooling at all?

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Oscar: It did mess up my schooling. But since I moved, I moved all the way to Addison and Harlem. So that pushed me back a good 4 or 5 miles from my school. And I had no ride. I had to ride my bike every day. Even in the winter, I had to ride my bike. So you know, it started hitting me sofar... That, I'm like screw it. I don 't want to go to school anymore. I wound up dropping out. I was like whatever. So, you know, I ended up, messing up. And I took drivers 's education three times, and still to this day, I've never got my permit. I could have gotten my driver 's license by now. But to this day, I don 't. And, you know, it made me drop out ofHigh School. For about 4 or 5 months, I dropped out of school. I didn't do nothing. Nothing but drugs. I didfreaking alcohol. I skipped school. I got arrested. I was in the Juvenile Centerfor a good six months. Because, you know, I did some bad things in my time. But, just because me and myfamily split up, all this bad stuffhappening to me. And that 's why I'm here right now in this school. But, you know, I had no hope on going to no other school. I came over here. They took me as afamily member and I'm actually going to graduate this year. Oscar faced a number of personal obstacles in life. The displacement of his family members further complicated matters. Oscar points to the displacement and separation of his family members as the moment when his life began to spiral out of control. The
distance he traveled to school became too much of a burden. Oscar would often ride his

bike to school. However, he was not able to ride his bike in the winter. With limited

financial resources, Oscar was not able to pay for transportation so he decided to drop out of school. The lack of familial contact left him without any supervision or guidance. Oscar simply resorted to a life on the streets filled with drugs and violence. Fortunately for Oscar, returning to Humboldt Park and finding acceptance within the Puerto Rican cultural center allowed his family to reunite again. For Oscar, the gentrification process disrupted his living arrangement. Oscar's story is just one example of the obstacles Puerto Rican face as they navigate their life after displacement. Puerto Ricans like Oscar endure the difficulties of traveling to a new school, locating social service agencies, and maintaining social networks. Although relocating is uncommon, relocating is far more difficult for working class Puerto Ricans that rely on their social networks.

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G.

Psychological Stress

A consequence associated with the gentrification process is the psychological stress Puerto Ricans experience in the face of imminent displacement. In Root Shock, Fullilove (2005) examines the traumatic stress caused by the loss of one's emotional ecosystem. Root shock can follow a natural disaster, development-induced displacement, war, and changes that play out slowly such as those that accompany gentrification. The threat of displacement caused by gentrification fosters an environment of anxiety for Puerto Rican in my study. Rosemary states that she worries about the possibility of
relocating. Rosemary's nervousness is compounded by the number of times she has moved as a child. Like any other child, Rosemary is in need of a consistent and stable living arrangement. As she explains,

Well yeah, always having to move is tiring. And like, well I get to go to different places you know, and get used to... But at the same time, it ruins up your
schedule. I had to take a weekday day offfrom school because I had, cause we

were moving and I had, I didn 't get enough sleep. I only hadfours ofsleep on that night. It kind a ruins your schedule and everything, at the beginning, but after a while you get used to it. But, for the mostpart it is really tiring. I mean, why can 7 you stay in placefor more than ten years. It 's not like that with me. It's everyfive years. ..you gotta go gotta go gotta go... Like Ugh! Rosemary's account describes the psychological stress she experienced when her family was forced to change residencies. She highlights the time and effort involved in relocating. According to Rosemary, the task of moving is physically and psychologically stressing. What is more, displacement also puts her academic career in jeopardy, as she is required to miss school to assist with the packing, moving and unpacking.

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The threat of displacement leads to resentment on the part of Puerto Ricans in

Humboldt Park. Puerto Ricans, like Mr. Vasquez, detest the act of displacement within the gentrification process: Xavier: What comes to your mind when you hear the word gentrification?

Mr. Vasquez: There is words that come to mind like displacement and stuff. But,
that 's more ofwhat I've been taught. It 's not necessarily an emotional response to that word. For me, emotionally, I would have to say hate. 'Cause Ifeel that

gentrification promotes that. Because at some point or another, someone either coming into the community or being pushed out, has those emotions ofhate. Either you hate thefact that you 're beingpushed out ofyour community. Or you
hate thefact that you have to push people out to move in. Uhm, not because you

feelfor those people that you 're pushing out. But, because you have to go through that work to do that. Uhm, so I would say that an emotional description ofwhat Ifeel when you ask me about gentrification. For Mr. Vasquez, the gentrification process stirs emotion of hatred within individuals. The gentrification of Humboldt Park is a process of racial and economic conflict. On one hand, you have new residents with preconceived notions of poverty and criminality of
Puerto Ricans. The natural solution is to civilize the neighborhood and cleanse it from undesirables. On the other hand, you have working class Puerto Ricans struggling to

succeeded in a capitalistic and racist society. The gentrification process forces these two polarized ideologies to clash. The result is an emotional response of hatred on both parts. The gentrification process fosters emotional and psychological responses in individuals.
The threat of displacement coupled with the loss of community develops resentment
towards the new residents.

H.

Mixed Income Arguments

According to the U.S census, the Humboldt Park community began to experience demographic changes during the late 1980s that accelerated during the 1990s (Rey: 1995;

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U.S. Census: 2000). All of the young Puerto Rican men and women, between the ages of 16-19 years old, grew up in the presence of gentrification and changing demographic characteristics. Unlike the generations before them, they came to age in a more socially, politically, and economically diverse neighborhood. However, they do not benefit directly from the economic prosperity. Advocates of gentrification highlight the benefits of introducing middle class families back into impoverished areas (Vigdor: 2002). After all, it is difficult to argue against the benefits of improved city services and greater access to educational opportunities. It is also difficult to ignore the fact that an improvement to quality of life will not benefit long-standing Puerto Rican residents. The gentrification process, without regulatory policies, will undoubtedly change the whole character of a
community. Alex provides an excellent refutation to the mixed income argument.

" ...Actually, the idea is really nice [mixed income communities]. Ifyou really
look at it, it looL nice. To me, it wouldprobably be a little bit better ifthey would build more houses instead ofcondos because it 's like then you could like... To me, it would work better because like... Then they would be able to build with

the community. Then, they would be able to move in instead ofmoving us out. They moved in with us and be able to, you know, like be one with the community. So it 's like the condos, they bring more ofa, notfamily sense. That brings more of a... Not saying that it 's wrong. But, it takes away the wholefamily sense and
that's when all the culture and all ofthat starts leaving. And you know, that's

when history and all ofthat gets screwed up. And it 's like, when you do have a young Puerto Rican or young African American, they won 't really know about their history that much because you know like... So like, this sense ofculture and
all ofthat gone ". Alex's comments confirm several criticisms leveled against the gentrification

process. In response to the mixed income arguments, the gentrification process does not necessarily introduce middle class families to working class communities of color. For one thing, many of the new residents that settle in Humboldt Park do not have children. The new residents possess house pets such as dogs. In addition, the new residents do not

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associate with the Puerto Ricans. The new middle class neighbors avoid community-

sponsored events. The gentrification process may introduce mixed incomes into
Humboldt Park. However, it does not appear that new and long standing residents are commutating or building a community together. In that vein, the gentrification process does not introduce diversity to working class communities of color. On the contrary, the gentrification process seemed to homogenize working class communities of color into middle to upper class enclaves. The benefits associated with the gentrification process will improve the quality of life for Puerto Rican residents in the short-span. However, as property taxes and apartment buildings convert into condominiums, more and more Puerto Rican residents will have to look elsewhere for affordable housing alternatives. Several participants in my study welcomed the idea of improved city services and amenities to their neighborhood. But, as the Puerto Rican interviewees, the new Humboldt Park will not cater to Puerto Rican residents. It will be difficult to find Puerto Ricans inhabiting a new Humboldt Park they cannot afford.

I.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I discussed the social construction and consequences associated with gentrification. According to Puerto Rican residents in Humboldt Park, the

gentrification process is synonymous with displacement and loss. The gentrification process disrupts the social networks and historical context present within the Puerto Rican community. Puerto Ricans attest to the displacement of family and friends, the
loss of cultural identity, and failure to secure a historical legacy in Humboldt Park. The

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gentrifcation process displaces the Puerto Rican community out of Humboldt Park and effectively erases their contribution to Chicago's social character. The gentrifcation of Humboldt Park white washes the presence of Puerto Ricans from the social fabric of history. The gentrifcation process absolves the responsibility of poverty and racial discrimination. In the next chapter, I examine the nature of policing in Humboldt Park. I attempt to connect a perceived change in policing strategies with the arrival of new and affluent residents. I identify changing social norms and the criminalization of Puerto Rican youth.

VI: Policing This chapter examines the role of law enforcement agencies in the context of

gentrification. Specifically, how do Puerto Rican youth perceive gentrification and policing in Humboldt Park? To what an extent does policing differentiate by group furthering the hardships of gentrification for Puerto Ricans? I pay particular attention to perceived changes in policing strategies by Puerto Rican residents. The findings suggest
first that new residents utilize community policing efforts to prioritize community concerns and criminalize Puerto Rican youth. Second, they indicate changing social norms in Humboldt Park. The social atmosphere in gentrifying Humboldt Park does not tolerate particular behaviors perceived as criminal. Finally, the findings suggest that Puerto Rican youth do not perceive a change in policing strategies as far as they are concerned but perceive the difference between the ways in which the police relates to white gentrifiers and to Puerto Ricans. The function of law enforcement officials as a crime control force appears to drive policing strategies of Puerto Ricans in Humboldt
Park.

A.

Gentrification and Policing In an effort to deter criminal activity, police presence and surveillance has

increased adding technological advances in observation. The Chicago Police Department

concentrates policing efforts in designated "hot spots" throughout the city. "Hot spot" policing targets areas with numerous drug and gang violations. Although the data are difficult to obtain from the Chicago Police Department, the Humboldt Park neighborhood has witnessed a proliferation in police cameras and anti-gang law enforcement units that
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interviewees are well aware. Law enforcement officials contend that "hot spot" policing deters criminal activity (CPD: 2007). The increase in surveillance may be the result of policing strategies or, in the case

of gentrification, may result from competing interests in Humboldt Park. Research

indicates that new residents mobilize community resources and call attention to behaviors

they consider criminal. New residents call on law enforcement officials to police cultural behaviors of long standing community members and remove visible signs of social disorganization (Skogan et al., November 2000). The cultural and class conflict between
new residents and Puerto Ricans surfaces in community policing forums like Chicago's Alternative Policing Strategy (CAPS). During CAPS meetings, new residents frequently voiced concerns regarding Puerto Rican behavior and social norms. I attended several community policing meetings and interviewed Mr. Williams, a community liaison with CAPS. Mr. Williams and I discussed the goal of CAPS and the difficulties in mediating conflict between the two groups. Mr. William described his frustration with the new residents and their use of CAPS to facilitate the gentrification process as follows:

Why would they like it? [CAPS] Because the program helps them get rid ofa
headache. Takefor example, normally you would have a dude thatjust... I mean, I can only speakfor the thirteenth district. Okay, with all this gentrification going on... Young dude, maybe a young couple, they buy a million dollar home, 300, 000 or 400, 000, you know. 300, 000 seems low end around here now. So they buy it. And, theyjust don 't like the way some kids are hanging out or there 's

people drinking on their porch or they think that there are drug sales going on
down the street. Uhm, they show up to a meeting. They complain. Cops say, " We ??, we ??, put special attention to it. We 'Il make sure we 're around the area more. " And uhm, they go home and they see, you know, it's been a little more cop presence and the kids broke upfor a while [dispersed]. They 're happy. They

will never go to another meeting again. Uhm, and they might come away saying,
"Look CAPS works ". In these neighborhoods, you have a lot ofcomplaining

about theft. Those are the biggest problems that are not going to go away, theft from cars. The people moving into these neighborhoods, they leave cameras, phones, laptops, CDs, money, in the cars. I mean, they don't have an idea...

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They move in with the idea... Ipaid halfa million dollars and nobody is going to take anythingfrom my car. And, tusshhhh. I mean, you walk down these streets and I assure youfind all sort ofbroken glass, uhm, l 'm getting offthe subject here a lot, but uhm, Like I said, some ofthese problems are not going to go away so they are not going tofeel like the program is working, but that 's not how it 's supposed to work. It 's supposed to work by you participating. Youjust don 't go therefor your problems. Because your problems exist beyondyour house. You didn 't buy a house, you bought a community. Uhm, somebody is breaking into the car down the street, it 's a problem near you. 'Cause they 're probably going to work their way down to you. See, youjust can 't go because somebody broke into your car. You got to go because somebody is breaking into your neighbor 's car. I mean, that 's the whole idea. But, a lot ofpeoplejust don 't see it like this. They wouldn 't, they uhm . . . They 'd like it ifit helps them, personally. Mr. William, a civilian with the Chicago Police Department, speaks to the conflicting interests surfacing in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. According to him, new and affluent residents purchase property in underdeveloped communities. New residents, obviously frustrated by the presence of criminal activity attend CAPS meetings to voice their concerns. During CAPS meetings, new residents prioritize community concerns and call attention to long standing residents. New residents also challenge the social
norms present in Humboldt Park. Mr. William's frustration materializes when new

residents do not participate with long standing community residents to resolve the conflict. Their only interest is to eliminate crime without a holistic approach. The new residents do not think of personal involvement in the community. Their solution is to remove visible signs of criminal activity and not addressing the social causes of crime. In another context, Mr. William discussed the influence of gentrification on policing strategies and the criminalization of working class Puerto Rican residents: Yeah, I've been to beat meetings where, uhm, the word gang banger was so loosely used. You don 't know what it means anymore. They 're talking about... It 's like, everyone has their own idea. To you, a gang banger really is someone who is in a gang andprobably doing illicit activities. And uhm, they wear gang colors. And they're organized, basically. I think there are people whojust construe anybody who, uhm, they normally consider a [criminal] element... And

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that can be, what you 're talking about. You 're talking about young Latino kids, or black kids, or any you know, uhm... I have heard residents complaining about things that to me were reallyjust basically alleging. "I don 't know what they are doing but they seem kind a... " You know, the police would say, yeah, we 'Il call it "they look suspicious ". We 're talking about again, people, and I'm being specific. I'm talking mainly about people who have moved into the neighborhood and bought very expensive homes. And are probably not in touch with their community. Because, they could not have lived herefor more than a couple of years. And, they 're basically here to point out the problems that are not around in their little community wise. But, theyjust don 't like kids hanging out in their block or two doors down. And, uhm, because there 's those cultural conflicts. Maybe where they camefrom, kidsjust, well I'll tell you, notjust kids, but certain kind ofkids, just don 't come over and sit on their porch. But I bet you somewhere, ifyou can reach deep into these people, they would think, "Ah it 's so nice, the community is so nice, the kids could run aroundfree andyou know, sit on somebody 's porch and not be chased away ". But, on the second hand, they are talking about the very same thing. Ifthey see these kids [Puerto Rican and African American] running around, they see them as like little vagabonds. Where like "Hey, those kids are unruly and unsupervised and they should be in some kind ofafter school program... Uhm, but yeah, there have been a number of cases where people are complaining about the [criminal] element. Andyou don 't know. It 's that theyjust throw around gang banger like it 's... "And all these gang bangers on the corner ". Itjust so many possibilities that these kids could be doing. Their behaviors, youjust can 't throw in all them. Ifyou don 't see a kid walking down to school in a Catholic school uniform, he is a gang banger, you know. Everything seems to be thrown in a basket. The use ofdrugs and gangs,
those terms arejust used so loosely.

Mr. William's comments allude to the criminalization of long standing Puerto Rican residents. Puerto Rican youth resemble the criminal images presented on television. The media presents an assumption of criminality on the part of young minority youth (Chiricos, 2002). New residents arrive in Humboldt Park with preconceived notions of

criminality. Mr. Williams argues that new residents will label minority youth as gang
members if they present themselves in a culturally different manner. The assumption of criminality implies that children can run around free so long as they are not children of

color. Minority status denotes an assumption of criminality. Mr. Williams is clearly

suggesting that new residents criminalize Puerto Rican youth in Humboldt Park.

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New residents settle into Humboldt Park for a variety of reasons. Some settle in Humboldt Park in search of affordable rent. The first gentrifiers are often working class white artists who are looking for affordable housing. They, in turn, promote affluent white investors to purchase land at a low cost. The latter group transforms the social character of a neighborhood into a homogenous middle class community. They call on law enforcement officials to safeguard their investment and property. Mr. Santiago, a school administrator at PACHS who recently moved to Humboldt Park, described the role of policing in the Humboldt park neighborhood. Mr. Santiago demonstrated how police serve the interests of new residents. "/ mean, when I talk about there being an increased interest in surveillance andprotection ofinvestment. Those who have the most neededprotection [new residents] are those who are coming in to take over the land. " As an apparatus of the state, Mr. Santiago argues that law enforcement officials protect the interests of property. The police arrive at the scene of a complaint serving the interests of investors and properly owners. Law enforcement officials do not have a choice; they have to enforce the law in the interest of property. Mr. Santiago's comments suggest that law enforcement officials facilitate the gentrification process by siding with the interests of property. In the case of Humboldt Park, the police serve the economic interests of developers, investors, and city officials who seek to make a profit. The CAPS meetings provide investors a space to voice their concerns and safeguard their economic
interests.

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B.

Changinfi Social Norms

In order to operationalize policing strategies, I asked interviewees to discuss any perceived changes in police presence, surveillance, or social norms. The Puerto Rican residents in my study provided a number of anecdotal instances that indicated stricter scrutiny for long standing community resident. Rick, for example, stated that he observed an increase in stricter laws targeting Puerto Rican youth. As a child, Rick remembers playing baseball in the middle of the street. Rick and his friends would use parked cars, trees, and fire hydrants to mark bases on a baseball diamond. He would play a game of baseball in front of his house with his family and neighbors watching. However as the social norms of his neighborhood block changed, so did the tolerance for playing baseball on the street. Recalled his childhood,
Rick stated:

Like, we couldplay ball. You know what I'm saying. Like, baseball out there. We couldplay like football. Yeah, out on the street. You know, sometimes the white people be like "can we stop? " They don 't want us to hit their car and stuff. They be like, ifwe don 't stop, theyjust call the police on us Rick's childhood playground closed at the request of the new residents. The changing social dynamics in Humboldt Park did not tolerate Puerto Rican youth playing baseball in the street. The cultural and class authorities recommended that Rick played in an appropriate playground. What's more, any further violations would result in police intervention. The police would undoubtedly support the interests of property over Rick's childhood desires. For Rick and his friends, their days of playing baseball in the street ended. Now, they would have to play in the local park.

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Another instance of changing social norms involves the act of congregating on the sidewalk. According to Alex, Puerto Rican youth would routinely gather on the sidewalk. What Alex considers "hanging out" is now construed as loitering Sometimes, the yuppies, the white people, or whatever, that live in a condos... They 'Il be a couple ofpeople outside, they 'Il be real quick to call the police... So that's what made the police a little more hostile with the neighborhood. The changing demographics in Humboldt Park frown upon the leisure activities of Alex and his friends. In the past, congregating on the sidewalk was a common phenomenon. Now, Alex has to find alternative locations to assemble. Alex's behavior did not change from one day to the next, only perceived criminality. The change occurred in the accepted social norms of the new neighborhood. As was the case with Rick, any further infractions by Alex and his friends would attract police intervention. Alex concludes by stating that resident complaints have strained police community relations in Humboldt
Park. The pressure to address the new resident's concerns reinforces the crime control
function of law enforcement officials.

Ms. Santiago recollected her father's leisure activities in the Humboldt Park

neighborhood. The lack of police allowed Ms. Santiago's father and his friends to
gamble in the park:

/ can remember when I was younger and I can remember coming to the park. I can remember that myfather used to shoot dice. And it 's like, you never had to worry about a cop. Every once in a while. You know what I'm saying. Now, you don 't see anybody gambling or shooting dice in the park Because, there are too many police in the park itself. And they even got police cameras in the park. Okay, those blue lights are in there. You don 't see that too much [gambling]. You know what I'm saying. Before, I know that people used to... And they still do park their cars in the park andjust hang out with theirfriends. Some ofthem drink. And although they know they 're not supposed to drink... Before, you can still have your little six pack [ofbeers] and not worry about anything. Now, the cops go and they check your stuff It 's like they 're on it all the time. Now, they 're over there ticketingpeople all the time because they're drinking. Yeah, I

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understand that you can 't do that. It 's against the law. But before, you seen it and spill it infront ofthem. You know. So those things that happen before, don 't
happen anymore because there is so much more police. happen more. People did that. It was okay. They knew they couldn 't do it. But they still did it. And not get harassed. Now, the cops come and they take the beer

According to Ms. Santiago, the illegal, but socially accepted practice of drinking and gambling in the park disappeared. In the past, Puerto Ricans could routinely drink and
gamble in the park. As long as they did not disrespect or harm anyone, Puerto Rican

residents were allowed to participate in illegal leisure activities. Ms. Santiago's anecdote

is similar to what Wilson and Kelling described in their "broken windows theory" (1982).
The community tolerated public drinking if the bottle was placed in a paper bag. The
paper bag demonstrated a sense of respect towards community residents and social

norms. Puerto Rican residents in the Humboldt Park neighborhood tolerated the drinking habits of Ms. Santiago's father. Today, the social norms of the community have changed.
Drinking and gambling are not tolerated and are disciplined with a ticket or arrest. The

changing cultural and class dynamics in Humboldt Park do not tolerate public drinking by Puerto Rican residents. Public drinking is only allowed in appropriate venues such as bars and restaurants. These public venues contribute to capital growth and tax base revenues in the neighborhood. Public drinking in the park is not regulated to the same degree as in a bar or restaurant. The cultural and class authorities do not punish the act of
drinking. They punish the location and who drinks in public.

The changing social norms support the notion that Humboldt Park is a changing community. Law enforcement officials and economic interests target visible signs of social disorganization. Puerto Ricans are not allowed to congregate in the street.
Specifically, Puerto Rican youth are not allowed to play in the street. Individuals can no

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longer work or clean their cars in front of their residences. Mr. Vasquez acknowledged the changes in social norms: Mr. Vasquez: Yeah, I've seen a lot ofchanges. And, I think it has to do a lot with the

fact that they want to change the image ofthe community. You know, because
there is this interestfrom outside in this community. So they want this community to be perceived like it doesn 't have a large number ofyoung people who live here who like to hang out infront oftheir homes or in the park. Yeah, I think there is definitely a change in that way. Xavier: Have you noticed any other changes! Mr. Vasquez: Oh, like people fixing their cars. Like, how many people don 't know a guy who knows how to fix his own car. You 'd see him on the street or in the alley. Justfixing his car. Now, it's like, police will harass that person. [The police] Won 't allowfor that person to fix their car, their motor, change their tires, whatever the case maybe. You don 't see that anymore. And, I think it has to do with the image that we want to portray. Xavier: Like changing the oil? Mr. Vasquez: Yeah, an oil change on the block. Because, it 's not about hazards or anything. Because people know that you can drain your oil in a container. Lock it up and take it to any ofthese oil changing places and they 'Il deposit it in a recycling bin. People know that. I don 't thinkpeople are dumping their oil. But,

Ijust think that they don 't want people to see this happen. 'Cause it doesn 't look
right or whatever. So, you never see people ... And what was interesting about stufflike that was that young people used to learn from those guys. You would learn how to change your oil. That 's how I learned to change the oil in my car. "Cause neighbors ofmine used to fix their cars. I used to go over and watch them and see what they were doing. And they would teach me a trick or two, you know. You gotta go to school now to learn stufflike that.

Mr. Vasquez suggests that the community's image creates an atmosphere of social
control. The new image of the Humboldt Park neighborhood frowns upon behaviors like

repairing one's car in public view. The new image does not tolerate the social norms of
working class residents. The act of repairing your car in public view is not socially

acceptable by middle class standards. The cultural and class differences dictate socially accepted behavior in the new Humboldt Park. The new social norms of Humboldt Park do not provide a space for working class Puerto Rican residents.

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C.

Changing Policing Strategies

Puerto Rican residents in the Humboldt Park neighborhood can clearly observe changing policing strategies with the proliferation of police cameras, increase in arrest rates, and decrease in overall crime. However, interviewees did not attest to a significant variation in perceived policing strategies. Specifically, Puerto Rican youth did not observe a perceived difference in the way law enforcement officials treated them during the gentrification of Humboldt Park. According to Puerto Rican youth, they suffer similar harassment by law enforcement officials as before, or perhaps more since the gentrification process started. The degree of police presence and surveillance has increased during the gentrification of Humboldt Park. All along, the Puerto Rican youth participating in this study continue to experience or observe a similar measure of harsh treatment by law enforcement officials. Juan described the influence of gentrification on police law
enforcement officials in Humboldt Park in these terms:

Xavier: Do you think that police arrest kids more because ofgentrification? Juan: Yeah, I mean they pull you overfor hanging on the curb and drinking. Or like smoking. But at times, I guess it depends. One day, they 'd like lock you up and then another cop comes and they Iljust grab it and then throw it on the floor or something [marijuana]. So it kinda depends on the cop When asked if he has always experienced the same police treatment, Juan offered a resounding yes. According to Juan, he has always encountered a comparable degree of conflict with the police. The gentrification process may increase the likelihood of arrest for drinking in public, but his relationship with law enforcement officials has not changed. Ad crime fighters, law enforcement officials police minority communities closely. Juan believes that the emphasis on apprehension and arrest strains

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police/community relations. As crime fighters, the police do not develop effective communication with Puerto Rican residents. Indeed, the presence of gentrification may support the role of police as crime fighters, particularly targeting Puerto Ricans. Alex observed changing policing strategies in the number of responding police
officers to the scene of a crime.

Xavier: Have you noticed any changes in policing strategies because of gentrification? Alex: Like now, it won 't bejust one squad car. Maybe, it will be like one squad car and they 'Il pull out like 4 or 5 guys. Or maybe [there will be] two guys that [are] pulled over, [and] they callfour orfive squad carsfor back up. Do you really need back upfor two guys when there is two ofyou? And both ofy 'all [are] as big as hell. Do you really need that much back up for two people? Orfor a ticket? Like, since they 're probably scared ofus, or whatever. It 's like, they try to resort to you know, real hard tactics. Rarely an incident when there isjust one. When asked to describe if he had noticed any changes in policing strategies, Alex explains how in the past only one squad care would arrive to investigate a complaint. Alex now notices an increase in the number of police officers present when they stop an individual or when they are called to resolve a dispute. Whether or not the increase of police officers can be attributed to the gentrification of Humboldt Park, it is clear that a responding officer appears to demonstrate force when dealing with Puerto Rican crime. I pressed Alex with more questions concerning the likelihood of arrest. Alex believes that other factors may influence the perceived likelihood of arrest much more than gentrification. The alleged crime committed by an individual may influence the
decision to arrest:

Xavier: Do you think that police arrest kids more because ofgentrification? Alex: To tell you the truth. Ifit's like a domestic (call), they come quick and deep. Which, is like what the hell, it 'sjust a domestic. But, ifit were to be like a shooting. You know what I'm saying. Damn y 'all take that much time? But, you know, ifit is something really big [crime], then they won 't come how they are supposed to. When, it is something little, they come like an army.

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Alex suggests that the particular crime influences police attention, not gentrification. The attention placed on domestic calls may result from internal policies. The police department prioritizes crime for a number of reasons including federal legislation, political interests, and community needs. The increased presence of police may address domestic, gang, drug, or school violence. The presence of gentrification may play a secondary role in the overall goal of crime reduction. It is difficult to conclude whether gentrification has a direct effect on perceived policing strategies. For Puerto Rican youth living in the Humboldt Park neighborhood, the police have always harassed them. The Puerto Rican youth in my study did not observe a change in police treatment and scrutiny with the arrival of new residents. Puerto Ricans testified to a difference in police treatment. Participants like Tony felt that the police favored white residents: Yeah, I know I called the police on these two yuppies that were taking a bath in a bathtub, like on the sidewalk (laughing). It 'sjust weirdpeople. And they had a dog that was bothering people and no one could walk through the sidewalk. And it was very disruptive. So anytime I call on the yuppie it isfun ... And, I wanted to see how the police would react to them. And the police came, like I called the police three times, and the police came once and they talked to them and I guess nothing was resolved because the people were still there. And the police didn 't even do anything. He didn 't even get out ofhis car. Theyjust motioned the guy to come talk to them and they talk to them and that wasjust it. And we called the police again, and they didn 't come back afterwards. Tony's anecdote speaks to the perceived differential treatment experienced in Humboldt Park. On the one hand, law enforcement officials target Puerto Rican youth for assumed criminal behavior. On the other hand, police officers turn a blind eye to disorderly behavior on the part of white residents. Law enforcement officials do not police white residents in a similar method as Puerto Ricans. White residents develop a

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relationship with police officers and negotiate concerns without conflict. What surprised Tony the most was that the police officers did not step out of the car to resolve the matter. For Puerto Rican youth in my study, gentrification may attract more surveillance. However, gentrification does not necessarily influence a police officer's decision to arrest. The function of police as a crime control force may determine the likelihood of arrest. The gentrification process may play a secondary role to the preconceived notion of Puerto Rican criminality. As a result, Puerto Rican youth continue to experience the same amount of police harassment as in the past.

D.

Assumed Criminality

Contemporary images of Puerto Ricans in popular Hollywood films such as Westside Story, The Young Savages, and Carlito's Way present a correlation between Puerto Ricans and criminal activity. News coverage depicts Puerto Ricans as inherently criminal and not able to assimilate into American society (Padilla: 1987). Latinos are twice as likely as Whites to be depicted committing a crime on T.V. (Litcher, Litcher, & Rathman: 1991). In fact, Latinos are often portrayed as drug lords, gang members, and urban sociopaths (Portillos: 2006). Popular stereotypes transmit values of good versus evil and function as the guardians and principal purveyors of racist images that preserve the status quo (Castro: 2006). The popular mass assumption of criminality may explain or even justify aggressive policing strategies in Latino communities. As a crime control force, law enforcement officials are expected to maintain safety and security in high crimes areas. The assumption of criminality affords law enforcement the authority to secure minority communities by

employing aggressive techniques. According to the participants in my study, the conflict

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between Puerto Rican youth and law enforcement officials centers on the assumption of criminality. The assumption of Puerto Rican criminality surfaced during CAPS meetings, demanding additional attention on the part of law enforcement officials. For Puerto Rican youth in my study, the assumption of criminality determined how law enforcement officials policed minority communities. Rosemary, like many other Puerto Rican youth in my study, is not involved in any criminal activity. However, like most Puerto Rican youth, law enforcement officials stereotype her as a criminal threat to public safety. When asked to explain the origins between Puerto Rican and police conflict, Rosemary stated: They [the police] see us as evil I guess. Like all we do, we 're up to no good, basically. All we do isjust steal, kill, or whatever. We [mainstream society] gotta put these [individuals] to jail or even that person, that person, kill that
person.

Rosemary's comments underscore the assumption of criminality by law enforcement officials. According to Rosemary, the police perceive Puerto Rican youth as malevolent individuals who engage in criminal activity. The assumption of criminality rationalizes the harsh treatment of Puerto Rican youth by law enforcement while producing more detainees. Law enforcement officials police Puerto Rican residents in an aggressive manner based on stereotypical images of evil, savages, and up to no good. Research demonstrates that Latinos are arrested and processed through the criminal justice process at a disproportionate rate (Lietcher et. el, 2006). The perceived threat of public safety by society is subjective and racially biased (Villarruel et el: 2000). The stereotypes of Latino criminality lead to racial profiling and allow police officers to stop and question suspected members. The assumption of criminality and gang involvement is implied for Latino males. Individuals are placed in a "gang database" based on gang associates or

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suspected gang members, all of which are vague characteristics such as hanging around with gangs. (Villarruel et. el, 2000). The assumption of criminality affords police
officers discretion to stop and question any "suspicious" Puerto Rican in Humboldt Park.

The symbolic assailant represents someone who possesses vague characteristics

associated with criminality. Rosemary's comments suggest that the natural solution to

deal with Puerto Rican criminality is through police violence and incarceration. By socially constructing Puerto Rican youth as inherently criminal, the natural solution implies incarceration. The incarceration of minorities remains a moral and just method to
deal with the urban threat (Fishman, 2006)

Law enforcement officials categorize Latino youth as gang members based on clothing fashions. According to Rosemary, the police label Puerto Rican youth as gang members for the baggy pants they wear. For Rosemary, she has to be conscious of her
clothing selection to avoid police scrutiny.

Life wasn 't as crazy as it is now [compared to when she was a child]. Like people could wear whatever they wanted, mixed color, like black andpurple. And
nothing would really happen. But now, it 's become so severe. It 's become

ridiculous. It 's like you getpulled overfornothing. So it 's like, you are taken to the side to talk to the police. They have to check you. Justfrom that [clothing
style]. So it 's like, that 's why I have to be aware with what I wear.

According to Rosemary, the assumption of Puerto Rican criminality extends to clothing fashions. Puerto Rican youth who dress in a certain manner find themselves the targets of police suspicion. To avoid police contact and misgivings, Puerto Rican youth like
Rosemary, have to be conscious of their clothing selections. Law enforcement officials

monitor Puerto Rican youth that display gang affiliations through clothing. Unfortunately, for the Puerto Rican youth in my study, they felt that law enforcement officials categorized all Puerto Ricans as gang members.

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In addition to stereotyping Puerto Ricans, participants in this study felt that law enforcement officials and society alike, characterize the Humboldt Park community as precariously violent. The assumption of Puerto Rican criminality extends to the
Humboldt Park neighborhood. The Puerto Rican inhabitants brand Humboldt Park a

dangerous neighborhood. Alex echoes this sentiment by stating, "there are killings in Humboldt Park. There is a history with criminals. The police know who are the troublemakers..." Alex's comments assume criminality not only for the individuals that reside in Humboldt Park, but also for the Humboldt Park neighborhood. Alex further elaborates on the topic of neighborhood violence by highlighting a history of conflict
between a Puerto Rican and police:

It 's probably because ofthe history. This is a Puerto Rican neighborhood and they know... Man like, these cats have a history ofjoining together and starting some shit. So they Ilprobably think, they get all these people and start a protest. A big ass riot. They don 't want none ofthat happening. Alex deduces that law enforcement officials police the Humboldt Park neighborhood in an aggressive manner because of the Puerto Rican presence. Alex alludes to a history of high crimes, drug use, violence, police brutality, and social unrest in the Humboldt Park neighborhood. When asked why police treat Puerto Rican youth so harshly, Alex believes that law enforcement officials stereotype the Humboldt Park neighborhood as naturally violent. What's more, Humboldt Park has a history of rioting against police brutality (Padilla: 1985). Because of this, police enter the Humboldt park community with an acute sense of suspicion. The assumption that Humboldt Park is a dangerous neighborhood reflects upon the Puerto Rican residents. Therefore, the people that inhabit the Humboldt Park neighborhood foster an atmosphere of criminality.

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E.

Racialized Policing

Research indicates that Latinos are disproportionately arrested, processed, and detained by the criminal justice system (Walker et. El 2004). Police target Puerto Ricans as symbolic assailants for criminality. The Puerto Rican residents in my study acknowledged the racial disparities inherent in the criminal justice system. They observed law enforcement officials stop, question, harass, and abuse Puerto Rican residents. The disproportionate number of Puerto Rican arrest resonated in the minds of the participants. According to the Puerto Rican youth in this study, law enforcement officials police the Humboldt Park neighborhood along racial differences. Puerto Rican interviewees identified differential treatment in terms of race and ethnicity in Humboldt Park. Finally, they felt that law enforcement officials disproportionately targeted Puerto
Ricans over whites.

Rosemary discussed the differential treatment Puerto Rican youth experience in Humboldt Park. Although Humboldt Park now includes a substantial white population, Rosemary does not witness white people being stopped and questioned by police
officers:.

I mean, ifI was like, they were to pull me aside and like talk to me and like... They usually would do that more to Hispanics where I live than to whites. And I've seen white people, like, wear their hats to the side. They wouldn 't even stop them. But they would stop the other guys [Puerto Ricans]. According to Rosemary, police officers focus their attention on Puerto Rican youth. Young people may wear similar clothing. However, Rosemary's comments suggest that police target Puerto Ricans more often, regardless. Rosemary suggests that racial characteristics capture the attention of police officers in addition to clothing fashions.

Clothing may symbolize a characteristic of racial profiling. Regardless of what

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fashionable clothing young people wear, law enforcement officials may focus their
attention on racial and ethnic characteristics first.

Rick highlights the similar clothing worn and body gestures displayed by Puerto Rican and white youth. However, white youth do not attract the same scrutiny that the
Puerto Ricans receive.

Yeah, it be a bunch ofkids. Like walking, a bunch ofwhite kids, skateboarding and stuff. And like the police ... It 'Il be a group ofthem [white youth]. And then some other kids, African and Puerto Rican, we 're walking like with basketball and baseball bats, and gloves, going to the park. And they stop us and stuff. And like, they wouldn 't even go after the white ones. They 'Il come after us you know. In a similar manner, the white youth in Humboldt Park walk, talk, and dress like the Puerto Rican youth. The only difference is racial and ethnic characteristics. According to Rick, the racial and ethnic features call the attention of police and neighbors. Rick, like Rosemary, argues that race and ethnicity are very prevalent in Humboldt Park. Law enforcement officials target Puerto Rican youth more than their white counterparts. Jennifer discussed the differential treatment she observes when hanging out with her white and Puerto Rican friends. When asked if there was a difference in how police
treat Puerto Ricans, Jennifer stated:

Jennifer: / do because, like, I could be walking in a group... 'Cause, I have all different types offriends. I could be walking in group with, you know, my skater friends or whatever. We don Y get in trouble. I won 't get in trouble the whole day. But, I can be walking with a group ofHispanics or Black people and we 'Il just get looked at crazy or "What are you guys doing?" You know. And we could just be walking. So I think it 's cause, I don 't know ... I guess it 's most ofthe time the people who get in trouble are Hispanic or Black. Xavier: Why you think it 's like that? Jennifer: I have no idea. But the white kids are the ones that they be... For real, like the Puerto Ricans... I'm not saying all ofthem. 'Cause, there's all different people. But, the ones' I be chilling with. They be more on the... Yeah, they do drugs like weed or go drink [Puerto Rican youth]. But, the white kids, they be "Oh, you want to do some acid? You want to do cocaine? " They got the big

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drugs. Andyou 're looking at the little stuff (laughing). I would say that. 'Cause, like the skateboard dudes that I be chilling with, they all do acid and all that. And, the cops don 't be on them [harassment]. Jennifer's comments support the notion of assumed criminality and racialized policing. As the Humboldt Park neighborhood has become more diverse, Jennifer has made friends with white youth who carry themselves as skaters. The skater crowd does not draw the equivalent attention of law enforcement officials. Consequently, the skater crowd can use drugs without harassment. However, when Jennifer congregates with her Puerto Rican friends, she is under the watchful eye of the police. Jennifer's comments suggest that police surveillance is determined by minority status. The racial marker of Puerto Ricans garners the attention of law enforcement officials. The racial marker of white youth affords an assumption of non-criminality. The minority status of Puerto Ricans infers racial discrimination and criminal assumptions by law enforcement officials. According to the Puerto Rican youth in my study, the differential treatment of Puerto Ricans is directly correlated with a minority status.

F.

The Impact on Crime The gentrification of Humboldt Park may lead to a decline in crime rates (CAPS

2008). However, the gentrification process does not address the causes of crime. The gentrification process simply displaces crime into adjacent neighborhoods. The gentrification process does not provide solutions to poverty, the principal cause of crime. The gentrification process only displaces poverty and social indicators. Jordan described the impact of gentrification on drugs sales in Humboldt Park. According to him, the increased presence of police has reduced drug sales and violence in

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Humboldt Park. Nevertheless, individuals continue to sell drugs but in different ways or locations. Jordan's comments call into question the crime reducing claims of gentrification. Gentrification many not reduce crime, but simply displace it into less
visible areas.

Before the condos, there were less cops out there. There was more violence. Like, they would shoot every day. It 'd be a normal thing. Like, it was normalfor me to hear gun shots and like... There 'd be kids out there and you 'd hear gun shots. Somebody got shot. Since they bring up the condos and all that. The white people started moving in here. Then like, more cops have came... Less violence cause ofthe cops. 'Cause now, the block is hot, nobody can do anything. And less drugs to sell. But, it is still drugs out there being sold. A lot ofpeople are doing it. But, they are doing it low key. You gotta watch how they sell. Back then, they used tojust stay on the corner, sell what they wanted. Now, people have to go in a gangway. Serve somebody [sell drugs]. [You have to] Make sure they go out the other way. Make sure the dude come out the other way and all that. 'Cause, ifyou see two guys walking out ofa gangway, the cops see, they gonna stop them and charge them. According to Jordan, the arrival of new residents has produced benefits and consequences. It led to increases in police surveillance resulting in lower gun violence. The heightened presence of law enforcement discourages crime on Jordan's neighborhood block. However,, an increase in surveillance has also drawn more attention to drug sales. Drug dealers are now forced to sell in between building gangways. An amplified police presence has not deterred individuals from selling drugs. Individuals continue to sell drugs in light of heightened police alert. Although the gentrification process has deterred some criminal activity, drugs sales continue to occur. The gentrification process does not address the cause of drugs sales. The gentrification process only conceals the sales of drugs from public view. Carlos, a lifelong resident of Humboldt Park, stated that the gentrification process displaced drug sales to other neighborhoods in the city. Unfortunately, the arrival of

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more drug dealers to another neighborhood developed tensions within groups. Carlos decried the consequences of displacement for drug sales Carlos: You can 't serve [sell drugs]. What we do is bounce [relocate]. Everybody is

bouncingfrom neighborhood to neighborhood. Mostly a lot ofgangs have

different neighborhoods. You know, they're all over. So, we just... Ifit gets hot over here, move to the next one. Ifit gets hot over there, go to the next neighborhood. You lay lowfor two or three months, you know what I'm saying. Then you still do what you gotta do... . Xavier: Does that cause conflict with other people? Carlos: Does it conflict with other sets? Yes. Because, one minute you 're not there. They think it 's their hood. Then you come back and you be like what thefuck. " What the fuck you doing? You 're never here. So why the hell are you here? " That 's when people start conflict. Fighting and shooting each other. Xavier: All within the same gang? Carlos: Even ifthey 're the same gang. They have different sets. You know, I don 't go over here. It's all about like friends. Who you cool with, you know. You could stillfight. Maniacs and Maniacs fight each other. Kings and Kingsfight. Everybody scraps. Just depends where youfrom, you know what I'm saying. Carlo's comments suggest that the gentrification process displaces drug sales throughout the city. The gentrification process does not solve or address the causes of drug sales; it only displaces drugs to adjacent neighborhoods. The gentrification process does not solve crime, it only displaces crime. Contrary to the alleged triumph in policy, the gentrification process simply displaces the responsibility of addressing crime. Selling drugs may result from structural obstacles. As low income people move into adjacent neighborhoods, they are going to add to the existing social indicators of poverty. The arrival of new drug dealers to a neighborhood develops friction with long term

competitors. The gentrification process not only displaces crime, but also fosters crime
in adjacent communities.

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G.

Crime fighter or Public Servant

Law enforcement officials serve a number of roles in the Humboldt Park

neighborhood. As crime fighters, their goal is to identify and apprehend criminals. As

public servants, their role is to create a sense of safety and security. As public servants, the bulk of law enforcement activity actually centers on order maintenance (Skogan & Hartnett, 1997). The function of policing is a product of crime coupled with community
needs and priorities. The experiences of Puerto Rican youth in the Humboldt Park neighborhood demonstrate a great deal of conflict with law enforcement officials.

According to Puerto Rican youth in my study, law enforcement agencies represent a crime control force in Humboldt Park. The Crime Control paradigm argues that law enforcement authorities police working class communities of color differently than white affluent communities. As a "Crime Control" force, law enforcement officials emphasize
the arrest and capture of criminals (See Chapter 3). By analyzing law enforcement through a "Crime Control" perspective, we can examine the daily conflict Puerto Rican youth encounter with the police.

Puerto Rican residents residing in the Humboldt Park neighborhood invariably

encounter law enforcement officials. Whether it is because the police confront them or

they see police interact with Puerto Rican residents, the Puerto Ricans youth in my study developed a negative point of view concerning the police. Rosemary provided a
polarized, but insightful description of law enforcement officials. On the one hand,

Rosemary conceptualizes the police as guardian angels with the responsibility to protect
and serve. On the other hand, she describes the police as aggressive, brutal, and with
little regard for Puerto Ricans in Humboldt Park:

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Hum, when I was little, I used to think, awh man they are like guardian angels [police officers]. They are like, you know, they protect you and everything. They do. But now, as I am growing up, I see that some ofthem have tempers, I believe. Cause, theyjust hit, hit, hit. They do not listen to the person. And like, somejust, because they have the badge and whatever, they think they are all that. They think they can take an extra step than they are supposed to. Theyjust go a little
more overboard

At a young age, Rosemary held positive feelings towards law enforcement officials.

Rosemary envisioned the police as guardian angels. She believed that police officers protect and serve individuals in need. However, as Rosemary grew older, her opinion of the police dramatically changed. Rosemary's perspective of the police changed over time
as she witnessed physical conflicts between law enforcement and her close friends.

Although Rosemary has never had any personal contact with the police, her opinion is similar to individuals with numerous confrontations. In short, Rosemary lost trust in law
enforcement officials.

Alex also perceives law enforcement officials as crime fighters and public servants. Like Rosemary, Alex struggles with ideological perceptions of the police and
negative personal experiences:

The police, I consider them, maybe a peace maker. Or like, maybe like, they put things back in order. They come and break up afight. But then again, they are like another gang. 'Cause ifthe police have never seen you before, and say like, I was never in this neighborhood. They 'd stop me and be who thefuck are you type shit. I never see you around here before. Like ifthey are gang and shit. Like, what the hell. It 's understandable cause they want to see ifyou are a guyfrom another neighborhood coming over here to start something. But like sometimes, they do itjust out ofbeing asses. Alex characterizes the police as peacemakers who protect the community and combat crime. As peacemakers, they are concerned with the wellbeing and safety of the community. A principal responsibility of the peacemaker is conflict resolution. Alex's
illustration of the peacemaker is consistent with the order maintenance function of law

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enforcement (Skogan & Hartnett, 1997). Alex also recognizes the police as crime fighters who monitor the community for criminal activity. Alex likens the police to a powerful gang on the streets. Analogous to a gang, police patrol the neighborhood for individuals that do not belong. If the police encounter a stranger, much like a gang, they interrogate that individual and advise him/her to move along. Alex suggests that the order maintenance function of police, as patrolmen, is an inherent responsibility of police. Alex perceives the police as crime fighters operating within an order maintenance function. The police have a responsibility to protect the neighborhood and check any unwelcomed strangers. Law enforcement, like a street gang, monitors the traffic of individuals entering their neighborhood. The crime control versus public servant dichotomy influences gender relations between Puerto Rican girls and the police. Jennifer discussed her experiences with police in the Humboldt park neighborhood, Xavier: What do you think ofthe Police? Jennifer: Some ofthem are cool. And, you know, some are myfamily members. But some are just ignorant and some are perverts. And they 're supposed to be police. And I don 't trust police. And that 's sad. 'Cause, you 're supposed to trust them. But, ever since, one time, you know... A police officer tried to grab me... I'm straight. Xavier: A police officer tried to grab you and touch you inappropriately. Jennifer: A police officer. Yeah . . . Xavier: A male police officer? Jennifer: A guy. Like, ifI'm stupid. I don't know my rights. Uhm, ifI'm afemale and I get... Like, they want to search me. They need to get a lady cop to touch me. To search me, [orJ anything. They think I'm stupid because I'm young. But, I know. You know what I'm saying. Myfamily, some ofthem are police officers. And that police officer could have gotten in a lot oftrouble. But, I wasjust like, just whatever... Jennifer comments not only illustrate the role of police as public servant and crime fighter, but also the conflict she encounters as a girl. In the past, Jennifer experienced

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positive encounters with law enforcement officials. Jennifer's comfort level with law
enforcement may derive from family members who are police officers. Jennifer's
interactions also involve sexual harassment with law enforcement officials. As a Puerto

Rican girl, she has to navigate exchanges that include racial and gender discrimination. Because of her minority status, age, and presumed promiscuity, Jennifer experiences sexual harassments by police officers in this case exploiting both her vulnerability as a female and her image as a Puerto Rican. The role of police in the Humboldt park community reflects a crime control perspective. The Puerto Rican youth in my study felt a sense of fear and anxiety in the presence of law enforcement officials. The majority of participants in my study can recall far more negative experiences with law enforcement officials than positive episodes. Regardless of whether Puerto Rican youth perceived the police as protectors of the community, by the time they grew into adolescence, they experienced violence at the hands of the police and now hold bias and suspicion towards law enforcement officials. Research demonstrates that a police officer's discretion to arrest is influenced by extra legal factors such as age, class, race, and gender (Tyler; 2005). Law enforcement officials question, search, arrest, and threaten of violence when dealing with minorities. The experiences of Puerto Rican youth in my study support those findings. Their experiences with law enforcement officials are defined by fear, aggression, and conflict. In general, Puerto Rican youth perceived the police as corrupt, aggressive, abusive of minorities and insensitive the needs of community members. Puerto Rican youth, like Juan, feel that "police officers are corrupt and don 't worry about people ". Alex wondered why "Police officers get away with lying... they can plant drugs on kids...

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what can one do? " Nearly all of the participants in my study cite incidents of verbal and physically violence at the hands of the police. In fact, several participants characterize the police as a social problem in the community similar to drugs, gangs, and unemployment (Fishman, 2006). The majority of Puerto Rican youth genuinely felt that law enforcement officials did not care for Puerto Rican individuals in their neighborhood. Many of them challenged the notion that police serve and protect the community. The Puerto Rican youth in my study conceptualize law enforcement officials as crime fighters operating within a crime control perspective. This study produced mixed conclusions regarding the role of police in gentrifying communities. On the one hand, Puerto Rican youth cited an increase in police presence and surveillance in the form of police patrols and police cameras. My study also demonstrates the criminalization of long term Puerto Rican community residents at CAPS meetings. Community policing represents a space for new residents to voice their concerns and call attention to alleged and actual criminal behavior. In the context of community policing, the police serve to protect the interests of property. The police not only serve a function of crime control, but also facilitate the gentrification process. On the other hand, Puerto Rican youth did not experience a variation in treatment by police. The gentrification of Humboldt Park and the arrival of new residents have not changed the conflictive nature between Puerto Ricans youth and law enforcement officials. Puerto Ricans continue to experience aggressive law enforcement methods. The assumption of Puerto Rican criminality implicates Puerto Rican youth residing in the Humboldt Park community. Consequently, Puerto Rican youth have not noticed a change in police attention. Puerto Rican youth have always experienced a high degree of police scrutiny.

As targets of police suspicions, Puerto Rican youth continue to encounter similar

incidents of verbal abuse, harassment, and physical assaults. The fervent expression of
anger and resentment towards law enforcement officials is still present among Puerto

Rican youth today. On the other hand, Puerto Ricans pointed to a different treatment of (white) gentrifiers whom they 'served' and whose property they 'protected.' The finding that Puerto Rican youth do not experience a perceived change in
policing treatment and scrutiny suggests a number of conclusions. First, the gentrification of the Humboldt Park neighborhood does not introduce an innovative

method of policing that is more respectful of Puerto Ricans. Rather, the gentrification of Humboldt Park continues building on a preconceived notion of Puerto Rican criminality. The gentrification of Humboldt Park actually reinforces discriminatory practices by law
enforcement officials. Law enforcement officials employ similar aggressive tactics in a

new context. The social demographics and economic context may change; however, law enforcement officials follow traditional crime fighting techniques to deal with Puerto Rican residents. The presence of economic growth has not transformed the methods by
which law enforcement agencies police Puerto Rican residents. Rather, the arrival of

new residents surfaced differential treatment on the part of law enforcement officials. The assumption of innocence/criminality leads to different policing practices in
Humboldt Park.

The role of law enforcement agents as crime fighters in Humboldt Park suggests a relation to the colonial experience of Puerto Ricans in the U.S. Barrera (1979) argues
that the system of structural discrimination that forms the essence of the colonial

relationship exists first of all in the economic realm, but extends into political,

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institutions, the educational system, and all form of social structures. Racial prejudices perpetuate inequality through individual actions and structural factors. The assumption of criminality reinforces racist ideologies of Puerto Ricans. As crime fighters, law enforcement agents serve the structural function of maintaining Puerto Ricans under state
control. Through the crime fighter, white America manages threats of Puerto Rican

violence and crime. Under the colonial model, law enforcement agents protect the
interests of whites while incarcerating Puerto Ricans in Humboldt Park.

H.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I examined the role of police in the Humboldt park neighborhood.
Historically, Puerto Ricans in Chicago have had extremely negative experiences with the

police reflected in targeted harassment, criminalization and disrespect of the community. The Humboldt Park riots of 1966 and 1977 were set off by police abuses that enraged the
community. Altogether, the Puerto Rican community has experienced racial

discrimination by the Chicago Police department. New residents utilize community policing forums to voice their concerns and further criminalize long standing community residents treating many of their cultural behaviors as suspicious and improper or going
after them when they were trying to live their lives within their means. Puerto Rican

youth reported an increase in police surveillance but did not perceive a change in the
traditional ways in which police had scrutinized and treated Puerto Ricans. These

findings confirm a trend in which Puerto Ricans have always encountered a heightened degree of surveillance and police scrutiny, regardless of gentrification. Lastly, the gentrification process did not introduce a revolutionary method of policing. It simply

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built on preconceived notions of Puerto Rican criminality. If anything changed or manifested itself in the process of gentrification of Humboldt Park was the contrast between the treatment of gentrifiers and long term residents. Whereas responding promptly and with a great display of force when called to protect and serve (white) gentrifiers, the police did not care much when the victim was a Puerto Rican. Indeed, the police acted selectively between Puerto Rican and white youth wearing the same clothing, engaging in the same behavior or hanging out. Whereas the race and ethnicity of Puerto Ricans raised suspicion and prosecution of Puerto Rican youth, the race and ethnicity of gentrifiers moved the police to serve and protect them. In my conclusion, I discuss methods of resistance by the Puerto Rican community.

VII: Conclusion

A.

The Gentrifcation of Humboldt Park

The gentrifcation of the Humboldt Park neighborhood is evident in demographic changes and crime rates (US Census, 2000; CPD 2008). According to U.S. Census figures, the neighborhood witnessed an increase in median incomes and property values and a decline in the Puerto Rican population. Figures released by the Chicago Police
Department indicate a decline in Humboldt Park's crime rate as well. The data also suggest that the Humboldt park neighborhood is at the early stages of gentrifcation. Puerto Ricans residing in the Humboldt Park neighborhood showed mixed

feelings concerning the gentrifcation process. Although welcoming the improved city services and reduction in crime, they understand that they will not reap the benefits associated with gentrifcation. Puerto Rican residents associate the gentrifcation process with displacement, loss of social context, and erasure of historical legacy. For Puerto Rican youth in my study, the gentrifcation process involved the progressive transformation of Humboldt Park into a middle class white enclave. On the basis of my research and experience, I argue that the gentrifcation process does not diversify working class communities but represents an ethnic cleansing of Puerto Rican residents. For Puerto Rican in Chicago, the gentrifcation process represents another citywide process of displacement following early displacement by urban renewal and black expansion (Padilla 1987). The gentrifcation of Humboldt Park effectively erases the historical legacy of Puerto Ricans by removing symbols of their struggle and markers of their local presence but, principally, by a process that reminds social cleansing, racial
arrogance, and racism in Chicago.

146

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In regards to gentrification and law enforcement, there are clear indications that the gentrification process is visible in CAPS meetings that new residents utilize to voice
their concerns sometimes about simple cultural behaviors and altogether in ways that

reproduce social stereotypes while criminalizing Puerto Rican youth (Skogan et al.,
November 2000). Through CAPS, new residents draw attention to Puerto Rican youth as

visible signs of crime and social disorder. The criminalization of Puerto Rican youth in CAPS meetings reinforces society's general concerns over Puerto Rican crime. This study revealed that hanging out or driving around while Puerto Rican was a source of suspicion for gentrifiers and consequently the police. The assumption of Puerto Rican criminality in association with high crime rates in Humboldt Park justifies a proliferation of police cameras and a definite increase in police presence. The criminalization of
Puerto Rican youth illustrates police/community relations in Humboldt Park: whereas

protecting and serving (white) gentrifiers, the police harassed and consistently treated
Puerto Rican youth as criminal suspects by virtue of their race. The gentrification of Humboldt Park does not provide a triumph in policy nor a revolutionary approach by law enforcement agencies. On the contrary, the gentrification of Humboldt Park employs

previous cultural and class assumption of criminality to police Puerto Rican residents. It was not policing per se but the intensified activity brought about by gentrification and the replacement of the population that caused the decline in certain types of crimes (poverty
crimes). Puerto Rican residents in Humboldt do not experience a change in policing strategies: their ethnic status and perceived threat to society caused the police to continue

treating them as before with the proviso that suspicion and hostility may have actually increased -on the pressure of gentrifiers and their own prejudices. Puerto Ricans have

always been the subject of police scrutiny. As such, the perception of police has not changed an iota among Puerto Rican residents in Humboldt Park

B.

Who Benefits From Gentrification

Gentrification benefits a number of different actors. The city of Chicago benefits from the tax base revenues. The construction of new housing fuels employment opportunities for engineers, contractors, and laborers. Increased and often speculative housing activity benefits banks, real estate salesmen, and homebuyers (gentrifiers). There are also a few Puerto Rican owners who make a profit by selling their homes for a considerable higher price than what they paid to find out later that they can afford to move only to a deteriorated neighborhood. The Puerto Rican residents that remain in Humboldt Park observe an enhancement in quality of life through improved city services, better education, lower crime rates, and integration into a middle class community. Yet, the real benefactors are the individuals who possess the means to remain in Humboldt
Park.

Puerto Ricans that do not benefit from the gentrification process include working class individuals who do not own their homes and fail to qualify for the little affordable housing locally available. Mr. Vasquez discussed the social costs associated with gentrification: Xavier: Do you see the changes to befar the better? Mr. Vasquez: Well, it depends on what perspective you 're comingfrom. In what way is it better? I think the city services are improving. No question about that. Xavier: From your perspective, does gentrification improve the living conditionsfor
individuals in Humboldt Park?

Mr. Vasquez: Well, I see both things. I see improvement in the communityfrom a holistic perspective. I understand that those things are not going to benefit the long term residents ofthis community because, they won 't be able to afford those

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improvements. Every time a school gets built, every time a street getsfixed, every
time these needs are being met, our taxes go up, not only our everyday taxes, but our homeowner's taxes, those that have been owning a home for 15 to 20 years. I mean, we 've have had some extreme changes asfar asjust that, property values and taxing our homes. Families had to endure crazy changes.... Taxes have gone

up, ridiculous amounts. Like, before they were paying $2000. Now they are

paying $6000. And, theirjobs are the same. Their earnings have stayed the same. So, how do these families keep their homes when they were barely making

the payments before? Now, when their taxes went up 200 percent. How do you
deal with that? Families can 't. So, because their income hasn 't increased, they

cannot afford to keep this house. But yet, those increases are a direct result ofthe
better services that we receive. So now, theyfix our streets after every winter. But, the costs are up. We payfor that. So, that 's one way that it has affected our community in the negative. Where, even though we might see positive things

happening with clean streets or clean buildings someone is payingfor that. And,
it 's usually the people who own homes andproperty in our community.

Mr. Vasquez alludes to the social costs associated with gentrification. The improvement in city services comes with a price to long-term community residents. The cost
associated with an increase in the standard of living burdens residents living in Humboldt Park. Those individuals that can afford to remain will benefit from the city services. Those individuals that cannot afford to remain will not take advantage of the improved standard of living. The majority of working class Puerto Ricans will have to look elsewhere for affordable housing options. Mixed income arguments maintain that the gentrification process will benefit long standing community residents. However,

previous experiences indicate that urban renewal efforts transformed the social character
of Lincoln Park and West Town (Betancur, 2002) at the expense of low-income, long-

term, predominately black and Latino residents. The gentrification process does not produce diversity in the long run. On the contrary, the gentrification process leads to
ethnic cleansing and displacement of working class communities of color. The

gentrification process does not intend to develop symbiotic relationships between

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gentrifiers and people in the community. The gentrification process spreads until the whole social character of the community is lost (Gloss: 1964).

C.

Community Building

The gentrification of the Humboldt Park neighborhood and the displacement of the Puerto Rican community produced mix feelings among the participants. Some Puerto Rican residents have accepted the idea that Humboldt Park will convert into a homogenous white community. Others resist the gentrification process by maintaining a Puerto Rican presence and identity in Humboldt Park. Juan discussed the complex emotions he shares when thinking about the future of his neighborhood. His are expressions of hope and despair at the same time. / think sometimes... I think positive about the community. Like the work we are doing. Like, we 'Il be all Puerto Rican one day [in Humboldt Park]. And then, we 'Il be, what I imagine, have the school become bigger, more students, more programs, more opportunities for youth and other people. Uhm, more places to go in the community. More restaurantsfor us. More things to do for us. And then, sometimes I think negative and I'm like damn... You know what I'm saying? There is no hope. You know, these motherfuckers are going to take over and shit. And, that's basically it. Juan's response captures the polarized thoughts he possesses in regards to gentrification. On the one hand, Juan's volunteer work in Humboldt Park is inspired by the hope in maintaining a Puerto Rican presence. As a graduate of PACHS and active member in Humboldt Park, Juan strives to develop social service opportunities for working class Puerto Rican residents. Juan envisions a growth in businesses that will cater to Puerto Rican needs. Juan hopes for a Humboldt Park that will maintain a Puerto Rican identity. Juan recognizes the demographic and cultural changes that took place in West Town and now encroach on Humboldt Park. Juan understands that the Puerto Rican community has

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been gentrified before. Juan is realistic of the future and struggles to reclaim a Puerto
Rican space.

Half of the Puerto Rican participants in my study share Juan's sentiment of community building. Through community building, Puerto Rican residents resist the gentrification process. Puerto Rican residents maintain a Puerto Rican identity in Humboldt Park by mobilizing grassroots campaigns and providing social service programs that cater to the Puerto Rican community. Mr. Vasquez comments capture the
spirit of community building in Humboldt Park

There 's so many different ways. I would say one ofthe ways has been the activism. The amount ofactivism throughout the lastfour decades in this community. I mean, Puerto Ricans have been extremelypolitically active. Also
too, I mean, we 've gone through an experience in this community that's... It's

hard to let go. You know, we 've gone through two riots in this neighborhood, 1966 and 1976 (?). That, those two important events in our community, kind of help anchor the community here. I mean, we 've been apart oftearing this community down in riots and building them up. So a lot ofthese buildings, the monuments, the statues... The things that are in our community have been created and have beenfoughtfor by this community. So, it's kind ofhard to leave. Plus, I think that, historically, well, we 've been gentrified since we 've been here [in Chicago]. I mean, we 've gone through several communities. And, I think that a group, at least the generation before me, made a conscious effort to really make this community their space. And, I think that also too what happens is that, we 've been in the United States longer now. So generations have been here. So now, we have professionals. We have professors and doctors and lawyers. People have gone up in class and help to contribute, economically, to this community.
Like, you walk up and down Division Street, there 's businesses that are Puerto

Rican owned. You know, you have people who work in these places that arefrom
the Puerto Rican community. So you know, I think that has also contributed to us

anchoring ourselves here. Understating that we can continue to moving on and

building this neighborhood.

Mr. Vasquez discusses the potential for community building trough political activism. His definition of political activism suggests a commitment to rebuild the community in times of social need. The goal of community building includes leadership on the part of Puerto Rican professionals and community residents to maintain a Puerto Rican identity

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in Humboldt Park. Mr. Vasquez's comments advocate for a politically active Puerto Rican middle class in the struggle against gentrification. For her, successful Puerto Rican

professionals possess the resources to invest in Humboldt Park and maintain a Puerto
Rican identity; they then need to socially and economically invest in the future of
Humboldt Park.

The spirit of community building is representative in Paseo Boricua. Paseo Boricua or the Puerto Rican walkway was established with the goal of maintaining a Puerto Rican presence in Humboldt Park. Paseo Boricua is an economic corridor of Puerto Rican businesses and commerce. The entrance to Paseo Boricua is marked by two one hundred and fifty feet tall Puerto Rican flags. The development of Paseo Boricua signaled an attempt to maintain a Puerto Rican presence in Humboldt Park. The Puerto Rican Cultural Center (PRCC) is located at the heart of Paseo Boricua. PRCC is affiliated with a number of social services in Humboldt Park including health, education, housing, law, employment, childcare, extracurricular activities, and cultural events. Other agencies provide alternatives to Puerto Rican youth. Batey Urbano for example

provides theatrical and poetic outlets for Puerto Rican youth in Humboldt Park.
The Puerto Rican cultural center is also home to Pedro Albizu Campos High School. Puerto Rican youth in my study learned community building as part of their curriculum in PACHS. As such, PACHS serves as a catalyst for building community. Raymond discussed the intersection of school violence and community building at
PACHS

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'cause even though there is a lot ofdifferent gangs in the school. It 's like . . . This school is just a change school. 'Cause, it 'sjust easier and it helps us more. So people, instead ofgang banging and selling drugs, they 're just, trying to get their education. That 's what people do in this school. There is a lot ofdifferent gangs in this school. But, all that doesn 't ' really matter in this school. It [the school] helps out. And, we help the community out as much as we can. Raymond's comments connect with the notion of community building in Humboldt Park. PACHS' mission statement emphasizes community activism through education. Students are encouraged by their teachers to question those social structures, beliefs or "commonsense" assumptions that serve to perpetuate a status quo and maintain control over its students and/or community members (Antrop-Gonzlez, 2003). Though the efforts of PACHS, the Puerto Rican community develops a new generation of politically active students with a social justice agenda. The struggle to building community and maintaining a Puerto Rican presence in Humboldt Park is approached through multiple agencies in Humboldt Park.

D.

Reclaiming Cultural Identity The legacy of Puerto Rican displacement is evident in neocolonial policies, urban

renewal efforts, and gentrification projects. The Puerto Rican narrative since colonization centers on displacement. Historically, Puerto Ricans have been forced to relocate for economic interests. The gentrification of Humboldt Park signals another
historical moments where Puerto Ricans have to leave their land in the search of

economic and housing opportunities. Gentrification and colonization are one in the same for Puerto Ricans residents in Chicago, dispersal and racism.

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The gentrification process white washes the cultural and ethnic markers of
history. The transformation of working class communities of color into white middle class enclaves dissolves the legacy of racism, poverty, and segregation in Humboldt Park.

The gentrification brings up memories of the city before the arrival of minorities and the
exodus of whites. The gentrification process depicts an age without ethnic/racial diversity, a time characterized by European immigrants. The ethnic succession model suggests that immigrant communities assimilate into society through a seamless transition of physical space and cultural identity. Immigrants are expected to accept the dominant culture's values and norms merging into a generic white race. But the model ignores racial inequality failing to explain the experiences of minority groups. The lack of Puerto Rican acceptance in American society has galvanized a reaffirmation of Puerto Rican identity. Through cultural identity, Puerto Ricans develop a sense of worth and challenge the dogma of a racist society. Along the way, they keep alive the possibility of diversity. The act of community building in Humboldt Park implies a reaffirmation of cultural space. Through cultural representation, Puerto Rican residents in my study resist the transformation of Humboldt Park. The notion of cultural resistance is present in Paseo Boricua. By maintaining a cultural identity in Humboldt Park, Paseo Boricua resists notions of imperial assimilation dictated by the ethnic succession model. Mr. Santiago illustrated the notion of resistance by doing Puerto Ricaness: But, you know, there 's the larger community and then there 's the community 's heart. And the heart ofthis community is Paseo Boricua... The heart that pumps the blood into this community is an economic corridor that has Puerto Rican owned buildings, Puerto Rican owned restaurants, small businesses, Puerto Rican run institutions... And, it has a particularfeel. The aesthetics ofthis park are also very Puerto Rican. And I say that because, first ofall, you have two huge monumental... The largest monuments to anyflag, to the Puerto Ricanflag. And they encase this economic corridor and both California and Division and Mozart

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and Division. There is, in between those twoflags, a series ofPaseo Boricua walks offame. These are three and a halffeet in diameter, bronze medallions, that have the Paseo Boricuaflag and the name ofa predominant Puerto Rican figure in the arts or in the consciousness ofPuerto Ricans.... In addition to that, you have, even when you walk down Division street, Paseo Boricua, the street 's name is Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos. The street light posts have laser etched iron banners that have maracas and kings that have jibarros that have all these images. You have the Taino sol. You have the Taino "cerni". You have all these

different images, another reminder, another marker, another symbol ofthat Puerto Rican history. There are a group ofbuildings that have gone through a
facade program [redeveloped] ran by the Division Street Business Association.

Where thefacades are made to match the architectural structure of Viejo San
Juan... The names ofthe businesses. The names ofthe restaurants. La

Bruquena. La Plena. Uhm, you have Caf Colao. You have Jayuya barber shop. Luquiyo barber shop. Obviously, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos Puerto Rican high
school. And I can list more. There 's also spaces that are on Division street like

Caf Carribe and El Batey. La Casita de Don Pedro... Again, it's one ofthose
characteristics and, you know, component ofthe memory ofPuerto Ricans. Mr. Santiago's description of a "Puerto Ricanness" in Humboldt Park reclaims a notion of Puerto Rican identity. Through thousands of cultural markers, Puerto Ricans resist the homogenizing effects of gentrification. Through cultural pride and celebration, Puerto

Ricans resist imposed notions of Puerto Rican failure and assumed criminality. The
assertion of cultural space develops self worth and confidence within Puerto Ricans. The gentrification of Humboldt Park represents the loss of the Puerto Rican community in Chicago. Unfortunately, Puerto Rican residents that leave Humboldt Park are not migrating to another Puerto Rican community. Instead, Puerto Rican residents

are settling in different communities across Illinois and the Midwest. There may be a number of Puerto Rican residents settling in other Chicago neighborhoods like Hermosa. However, those neighborhoods are not predominantly Puerto Rican. The struggle to maintain a Puerto Rican presence in Humboldt Park not only represents a struggle against
gentrification, but a struggle to retain a community of Puerto Ricans.

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To what extent will Passeo Borricua maintain a Puerto Rican community is yet to be determined. There are examples of other ethnic communities that have maintained a commercially rich ethnic district such as Greek Town. Greek Town displays a numbers of Greek owned businesses. Unfortunately, there is not a Greek community living in Greek Town. To what extent will Paseo Boricua resemble Greek Town? Early indications suggest that a small Puerto Rican population will remain in Humboldt Park. In collaboration with the city aldermen and state politicians, the Puerto Rican community has established a foothold in Humboldt Park through Paseo Boricua. The focus is now to encourage Puerto Ricans to purchase property and remain in Humboldt Park. For those that left, there are efforts persuading them to return. The mantra of the Puerto Rican community is now Humboldt Park: No Se Vende! (Humboldt Park is not for Sale)

Appendix A University of Illinois at Chicago Research Information Sheet (Individuals)

Gentrification, Crime and Youth

You are being asked to be a subject in a research study being conducted by Xavier Perez at the University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC). The purpose of the research is to learn more about the changing lives of inner city youth living in a gentrifying community. We ask that you read this form and ask any questions you may have before agreeing to be in
the research.

If you agree to participate in this research, you will be asked some questions regarding the gentrification process and crime. The interview will take between 1 - 2 hours to complete. If necessary, we can reschedule future meetings. There is no cost and you will not be compensated for your participation. The topics you will be asked to discuss are sensitive. Your responses can be harmful to you if they are shared with others in a way that you could be identified. For this reason, you will not be asked to provide any information that can identify you. As a result, the only people that will know that you are a research subject are members of the research team, my academic advisors and me. No information about you, or provided by you during the research, will be disclosed to others. When the results of the research are published or discuss in conferences, no information will be included that would reveal your identity. Although you will not directly benefit form your participation in the research, the information you share may contribute to current debates on gentrification, policing strategies in gentrifying communities, and inner city youth. Your participation in this research is completely voluntary. If you agree to participate, you can refuse to answer any question you are asked. You can also stop the interview at any time without consequences of any kind. You may ask any question you have now. If you have questions later, you may contact the researchers at (312) 996-2383. If you have any questions about being a research subject, you may call the UIC Office for Protection of Research Subjects at (312) 996-171 1 By agreeing to answer the questions, you are agreeing to participate in this research. You may keep this Information sheet for future references.

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Appendix B May 2, 2006

Gentrification, Crime, and Youth
Interview Guide for Youth

After obtaining oral consent for participant, "My name is Xavier Perez, and I am a researcher from the University of Illinois at Chicago. I am conducting a study analyzing the changing lives of inner city youth living in a gentrifying community. You have been invited to participate in this study because you have been identified as someone who may have expertise in this or a related area. This one - two hour, audio taped interview is completely voluntary and you may question or terminate the interview at any time. Your identity will be kept confidential at all times. Thank you very much for your participation"
Demographic Information

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

How old are you? Where were you born? United States? Chicago? Community? What is you ethnic background? What language do you speak at home? Who are the members in your family? What is your estimated family income?

Neighborhood/Communitv/Block Information

How long have you lived in the Near Northwest neighborhood of Chicago? Where did you live before? Can you describe your neighborhood to me? What would I expect to see if I walk down a major street? Who lives in your neighborhood? a.) Can you describe the racial composition of your neighborhood? (African American, Latino, White, etc.) b.) Can you describe the economic composition your neighborhood? (Middle class, working class, wealthy, poor, etc? 6. Have you witnessed any changes to your neighborhood over the past several years? Demographics? Housing? Amenities? New laws/ordinances? 7. Which is the major street intersection by your house? (e.g., North and Damen, Chicago and Western, Pulaski and Grand, etc) 8. What is the name of your community? (Humboldt Park, West Town, Logan Square, Wicker Park, Buck Town) 9. How long have you lived there? 10. Who lives in your community? a.) Can you describe the racial and ethnic composition of your community? b.) Can you describe the economic composition of your community?

158

1 1 . Have you noticed any changes in your community throughout the years? Demographics? Housing? Amenities? New laws/ordinances? 12. Who lives in your block? a.) Can you describe the racial and ethnic composition of your block? b.) What is the economic composition of your block? 13. Have you noticed any changes in your block throughout the years? Demographics? Housing? Amenities? New laws/ordinances?
Community Concerns

1 . What kind of problems are there in your block? (gangs, drug addicts, homeless, graffiti, vandalism, abandoned cars, broken windows, abandoned lots, etc)
2. Does your block participate in a "neighborhood block club"? How does the neighborhood block club deal with crime?

3. How does the block or people in particular, deal with these problems?
4. Does your local church address these problems? How? (Outreach programs, anti-violence campaigns, etc.)

5. Do community organizations help with these problems? How? (Afterschool

programs, Boys and girls club, etc.) 6. How does your city alderman deal with crime? (Street lights, closed abandoned lots, etc.) 7. Do the residents seek help from the police beat officer, CAPS, or any other law enforcement group? 8. What are the main issues with youth in your block? 9. How safe do you feel in your community? 10. How do you keep safe? (Never walking alone or at night, etc)
Gangs

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
School

Are there gangs in or near your block? What do these gangs do? (hanging out, drug selling, etc) What is your relationship with gang members? How does gang activity affect your block? How do your neighbors react to gang members and gang activities? How do law enforcement officials deal with gangs? What school do you attend? What grade are you in? How would you describe your school academically? How would you describe your school socially? What are the main problems at your school? Do you feel safe at school? Do you feel safe walking to and from school? Are gangs a big issue at school? How would you describe police presence in and around the school?

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. What measures does the school take to deter violence and crime?

1 1 . How do you feel about these measures?

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12. Have you seen students being arrested at school?

Community Organizations

1 . What community organizations are you involved in? How often do you attend? 2. Do you participate in any activities with your community organization? 3. Are you a member of a church? How often do you attend church? Are you involved in any church programs? 4. Are you involved in sports formally (baseball team) or informally (pick up basketball) 5. Are you involved with Police sponsored programs?
Gentrification

1 . Have you ever heard of the word gentrification? What comes to your mind when you hear the word gentrification? 2. Where so you think gentrification occurs? 3. Who are the people involved in gentrification? 4. What do you think when you hear the word yuppie? Are there any Black, Latino, or Asian Yuppies? 5. Have you noticed any changes in your neighborhood because of gentrification?
Police Information

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

What do you think of the Police? How do you think they see inner city youth? What are some of your experiences with the police? How often do you see the police in you area? How do you think police deal with problems in your neighborhood? Have you noticed any changes in police strategies/practices over the past several years? For example, are there things you were allowed to do before but now
cannot?

7. Are the police responsive when you need them? 8. Do you think the police perform their duties as professionals? 9. Do you think the police treat you different than anyone in your community? For example, older people, new residents, teachers, social workers, etc.? 10. Why do think that police might treat inner city youth differently? 1 1 . Do you think that the police treat inner city kids because of gentrification?
Future Direction

1 . What do you think will happen to the neighborhood? 2. What space will youth have in the new neighborhood? Where do you think inner city youth will belong in the new neighborhood? 3. Can inner city youth and gentrification live together?

Appendix C May 2, 2006

Gentrification, Crime, and Youth

Interview Protocol for Community Residents After obtaining oral consent for participant,

"My name is Xavier Perez, and I am a researcher from the University of Illinois at
Chicago. I am conducting a study analyzing crime in gentrifying communities. You have been invited to participate in this study because you have been identified as someone who may have expertise in this or a related area. This one - two hour, audio

taped interview is completely voluntary and you may question or terminate the interview
at any time. Your identity will be kept confidential at all times. Thank you very much for your participation"
Demographic Information

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

What is your birth date? Where were you born? What is your ethnic background? What language is your primary language? What is your estimated family income? How long have you lived in the United States? How long have you lived in the Near Northwest neighborhood of Chicago? Can you tell me what made you decided to live in your neighborhood? Can you describe your neighborhood to me? a.) Who lives in your neighborhood? b.) What is the racial and economic composition of your neighborhood? What is the name of your community? (Wicker Park, West Town, etc.) Can you tell me what made you decide to live in your community? Can you describe your community to me? a.) Who lives in you community? b.) What is the racial and economic composition of your community? How would describe your community 20 - 25 years ago? a.) Who lived here (Racial and economic composition)? b.) What were the employment opportunities? c.) Can you describe the housing situation? The quality of the building stock? Affordable housing? Abandoned lots? What have Puerto Ricans and Latinos done to make your community a home?

Neighborhood & Community Information

9.

a.) What social networks have Puerto Ricans and Latinos developed?
b.) What markets c.) What services (handyman) 10. Have you witnessed any changes to your community over the past 20 25 years?
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a.) Racial and economic composition? b.) Housing/Apartments/ 1 1 . Do you see the changes for the better?
Community Concerns

1 . What kind of problems are there in your community? (gangs, drug addicts,
homeless, graffiti, vandalism, abandoned cars, broken windows, abandoned lots, etc) 2. How do people in your community deal with these problems? 3. Does your block participate in a neighborhood block club? How does the neighborhood block club deal with crime? 4. Does your local church address these problems? How? 5. Do community organizations help with these problems? How? 6. How does your city alderman deal with crime? (Street lights, closed abandoned lots, etc.) 7. Do the residents seek help from the police beat officer, CAPS, or any other law enforcement group? 8. What are the main issues with youth in your block? 9. How safe do you feel in your community? 1 0. How do you keep safe? (Never walking alone or at night, etc)
Gangs

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Are there gangs in or near your block? What do these gangs do? (hanging out, drug selling, etc) What is your relationship with gang members? How does gang activity affect your block? How do your neighbors react to gang members and gang activities? How do law enforcement officials deal with gangs?

Gentrification

Have you ever heard of the word gentrification? What comes to your mind when you hear the word gentrification? Where so you think gentrification occurs? Who are the people involved in gentrification? What do you think when you hear the word yuppie? Are there any Black, Latino, or Asian Yuppies? 6. Have you noticed any changes in your neighborhood because of gentrification? 7. Do you think the closing of the bodegas and community recreational centers will affect your community? How

8. Do you think that gentrification disrupts the social networks of the community?
Police Information

1 . Have you felt a stronger police presence over the past 10-25 years?

2. Do you think the police are at responding to community concerns as in the past? 3. What do you think the police have done to reduce crime in your community?

163

4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Are police stricter in enforcing laws or is it the same? Who do you think the police target? (Age, gender, ethnicity, etc) What are your experiences with the police? Have you witnessed the police interacting with inner city youth? Do you think that police treat inner city youth different than other members of the community? (community residents, elderly, gentrifiers, etc)

Future Direction

1 . What do you think will happen to the neighborhood? 2. Where to Latinos fit in the new neighborhood? 3. Can Latinos and gentrification live together?

REFERENCES

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Beauregard, R. A. (1986). The Chaos and Complexity of Gentrification. In N. Smith & P.

Williams (Eds.), Gentrification ofthe City. Boston, Massachusetts. Bernier, Gr & C, Bernier-Grand, Carmen T. 1995. Poet and Politician of Puerto Rico: Don Luis Munoz Marin. Scholastic Publishing Company Betancur, J. (2002). The Politics of Gentrification: The Case of Westtown in Chicago. Urban Affairs Review, 57(6), 780-814. Bourgois, P. (1995). In Search ofRespect: Selling Crack in El Barrio. Cambridge: University Press. Chicago Police Department. (1990-2008). A.C.Report. Chicago, IL. CPD. Clark, Kenneth. (1965). Dark Ghetto. New York: Harper & Row. Chiricos, T. (2004). The Media, Moral Panics, and the Politics of Crime Control. The Criminal Justice System: Politics and Policies. George Cole, Marc Gertz, and Amy Bunger. Australia, Canada, Mexico, Singapore, Spain, United Kingdom, & United States. Wadsworth/Thomson Learning Cottle, Michele. (2001). Boomerang. The New Republic, 224, 26-29. Davila, Arlene. (2004). Barrio Dreams: Puerto Ricans, Latinos, and the Neoliberal City. Berkely, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. Davis, Mike. (1998). Ecology ofFear. New York: Metropolitan Books, Henry Holt and Company. DeGenova, N., & Ramos-Zayas, A. Y. (2003). Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics ofRace and Citizenship. New York, London: Routledge. Dutton, T. (2001). Violence in Cincinnati. The Nation, 272, 6-7. Fishman, L. (2006). The Black Bogeyman and White Self-Righteousness. Images of Color: Images of Crime. Mann, Coramae Richey Zatz, Marjorie S. and Rodriguez, Nancy. Los Angeles. Roxbury Publishing Company. Florida, Richard. (2005). The Flight ofthe Creative Class. New York: HarperCollins
Publishers.

Freeman, L., & Braconi, F. (2004). Gentrification and Displacement. Journal ofthe American Planning Association, 70(1). Gale, D. (1976). The Back to the City Movement. Or Is It? A Survey of Recent Homebuyers to the Mount Pleasant Neighborhood of Washington D.C. In D. o. U. a. R. Planning (Ed.):George Washington University. Galster, G. C. (2002). Gentrification as Diversification: Why Detroit Needs It and How Can It Get It. The Journal ofLaw in Society, 4(1), 29-43. Glass, R. (1964). London Aspects ofChange. London: MacGibbon & Knee.

164

165

REFERENCES (continued) Gregory, Sholette. (1997). Nature as Icons of Urban Resistance: Artists, Gentrification and New York City's Lower East Side. 1979 - 1984. Afterimage, 25(2), 17-20. Hagedorn, John. (2003). Comment on Morenoff, Sampson, and Raudenbush. Criminology. Hagedorn, John. (1988). People and Folks: Gangs, Crime, and the Underclass in a Rustbelt City. Chicago: Lake View Press. Horowitz, Ruth. (1983). Honor and the American Dream: Culture and Identity in a Chicano Community. Janesick, Valerie J. (Ed.). (2000). The Choreography ofQualitative Research Design (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi: Sage Publications Inc. Kemmins, Stephen, & McTaggart, Robin. (2000). Participatory Action Research. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook ofQualitative Research (pp. 567-606). Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi: Sage Publications, Inc. Lee, B. A., Spain, D., & Umberson, D. J. (1985). Neighborhood Revitalization and Racial Change: The Case of Washington D.C. Demography, 22(4). Lehrer, E. (2000). Crime Fighting and Urban Renewal. Public Interest, 141,91-103. Lipman, P. (1998). Race, Class, and Power in School Restructuring. Albany, NY: State University Press. Marks, John. (1997). New York, New York. U.S. News & World Report, 123, 44-54. McDonald, S. C. (1986). Does Gentrification Affect Crime Rates? Crime and Justice, 8,
163-201.

McGaIl, G. J., & Simmons, J. L. (Eds.). (1969). Issues in Participant Observation: A Text and Reader.Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley. Mele, Christopher. (2000). The Struggle over Space: Selling ofthe lower East Side. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota. Morenoff, Jeffrey D., Sampson, Robert J., & Raudenbush, Stephen W. (March 2001). Neighborhood Inequality, Collective Efficacy, and the Spatial Dynamics of Urban Violence. In P. S. Center (Ed.):University of Michigan. Padilla, E. (1947). Puerto Rican Immigrants in New York and Chicago: A Study in Comprehensive Assimilation: University of Chicago. Padilla, F. (1987). Puerto Rican Chicago. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press. Padilla, F. M. (1985). Latino Ethnic Consciousness: The Case ofMexican Americans and Puerto Ricans in Chicago. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press. Paralitici, J. (2006). Imprisonment and Colonial Domination, 1898-1958. Puerto Rico under Colonial Rule. Bosque-Perez, Ramon and Colon-Morera, Jose. Albany. State University of New York Press. Parks, R. E., Burgess, E. W., & McKenzie, R. D. (1925). The Growth ofthe City: An Introduction to a Research Project (Reprinted in The City ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Perez, G. M. (2004). The Near northwest Side Story: Migration, Displacement, and Puerto Rican Families. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California
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Portillos, E. (2006). Latinos and Latinas; Latinos, Gangs, and Drugs. Images of Color: Images of Crime. Mann, Coramae Richey Zatz, Marjorie S. and Rodriguez, Nancy. Los Angeles. Roxbury Publishing Company. Rey, R. (1995). Local Community Fact Book: Chicago Metropolitan Area 7PP0.Academy
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Sampson, Robert J., Raudenbush, Stephen W., & Earls, Felton. (1997). Neighborhoods and Violent Crime: A Multilevel Study of Collective Efficacy. Science, 277, 918Sassen, Saskia. (2000). Cities in a World Economy. Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi:
Pine Forge Press.

Schaffer, R., & Smith, N. (1986). The Gentrification of Harlem. Annuals ofthe
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Schill, M. H., & Nathan, R. P. (1983). Revitalizing America's Cities: Neighborhood Reinvestment and Displacement. Albany: State University of New York Press. Skogan, Wesley G., & Hartnett, Susan M. (1997). Community Policing: Chicago Style.
New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Skogan, W., Steiner, L., Dubois, J., Gudell, J. E., Fagan, ?., Kim, J., et al. (November 2000). Community Policing in Chicago, Year Seven: An Interim Report. In C. C. P. E. Consortium (Ed.):Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority. Skogan, Wesley, Steiner, Lynn, Dubois, Jill, Gudell, J. Erik, Fagan, Aime, Kim, Jinha, et al. (November 2000). Community Policing in Chicago, Year Seven: An Interim
Report. In C. C. P. E. Consortium (Ed.):Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority.

Smith, N. (1982). Gentrification and Uneven Development. Economic Geography, 58,

139-155.

Smith, N. (1996). The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City.
London & New York: Routledge. Smith, N. (2002). New Globalism, New Urbanism: Gentrification as Global Urban Strategy. Antipode, 34(3), 427-450.

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167

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Wilson, W. J. (1987). The Truly Disadvantaged. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

WyIy, E. K., & Hammel, D. J. (2000). Capital's Metropolis: Chicago and the Transformation of American Housing Policy. Geografiska Annaler, 83(4), 181206.

Zorbaugh, H. W. (1926). The Natural Areas of the City. American Sociological Society,
XX, 188-197.

Zukin, S. (1987). Gentrification: Culture and Capital in the Urban Core. Annual Review
ofSociology, 13, 129-147

VITA NAME EDUCATION

Xavier Perez

2010 Ph.D. in Criminology, Law, and Justice, University of Illinois at Chicago 2003 M.A. in Criminal Justice, University of Illinois at Chicago 1998 B.A. in Sociology, University of Illinois at Urbana/Champaign

TEACHING

University of Illinois at Chicago. CRJ 101 : Introduction to

Criminal Justice. CRJ 1 14: Latinos and Crime. CRJ 102: Foundations in Criminal Justice. SOC 105: Social Problems. 2006
-2010

Northeastern Illinois University. JS 101: Introduction to Social

Justice. JS 315: Latinos and Crime. 2008-2010

Saint Xavier University. CRJ 200: Introduction to Criminal

Justice. 2007 - Present

Kaplan Online University. CRJ 100: Introduction to Criminal

Justice. 2008

Chicago Police Academy. CRJ 325: Race, Class, Gender and the
Law. 2008

HONORS

American Society of Criminology Fellowship for Ethnic

Minorities: 2009

Martin Luther King Scholarship: 2009 Al and Betty Brauner & Scott Brauner Fellowship: 2009 Diversifying Faculty in Higher Institution: 2003 - 2007
Professional

American Society of Criminology

Membership

168

U NUV E RS [TY OF I LLI NCCHS

AT Chcaco
Olttre l'or the l'rotenion of Research Subjects (Gl'US)
OIRc-c G (he Vice Chancellor for Keseareh (MC (72)

203 Administrative OIRce Huilding

1737VVeSdOIkSiIMM

Chicago. Illinois (i()(il2-7227

Approval Notice

Initial Review (Response To Modifications)

September 7, 2007 Xavier Perez, MA
Criminal Justice 4175 H BSB M/C 141

Chicago, IL 60612

Phone: (312) 996-2383 / Fax: (312) 996-8355

RE: Protocol # 2007-0044

"Gentrification, Crime, and Youth: A Study of Changing of Lifes in Chicago"

Dear Mr. Perez:

review process on September 6, 2007. You may now begin your research.

Your Initial Review (Response To Modifications) was reviewed and approved by the Expedited

Please note the following information about your approved research protocol:
Approved Subject Enrollment #:

Protocol Approval Period:

50

September 6, 2007 - September 4, 2008

Additional Determinations for Research Involving Minors: The Board determined that this permission/signature is needed.
Performance Site: Sponsor:
Research Protocol:

accordance with 45CFR46.408, the IRB determined that only one parent's/legal guardian's
UIC None

research satisfies 45CFR46.404, research not involving greater than minimal risk. Therefore, in

a) Gentrification, Crime, and Youth: A Case Study of Social Cost in Chicago; Version 2;
8/28/2007 Recruitment Materials:

a) Telephone Script; Version 2; 08/28/2007 b) Interview Recruitment Script; Version 2; 08/28/2007

c) Business Card; Version 1; 08/28/2007
Informed Consents:

a) Informational Sheet (for adults and 16-17 year old minors); Version 2; 08/28/2007 b) Interview Guide (for adults and 16-17 year old minors); Version 2; 08/28/2007
Phone: 312-996-1711 http://www.uic.edu/depts/ovcr/oprs/ FAX: 312-413-2929

2007-0044

Page 2 of 3

9/7/2007

c) A waiver of signed consent documents has been granted under 45 CFR 46. 1 1 7 for adult
and 16-17 year old minor subjects
Parental Permission:

a) A waiver of parental permission has been granted under 45 CFR 46. 1 16(d) and 45 CFR
46.408(c) for 16-17 year old minor subjects

Your research meets the criteria for expedited review as defined in 45 CFR 46.1 10(b)(1) under the
following specific categories:

(6) Collection of data from voice, video, digital, or image recordings made for research purposes., (7) Research on individual or group characteristics or behavior (including but not limited to research on perception, cognition, motivation, identity, language, communication, cultural beliefs or practices and social behavior) or research employing survey, interview, oral history, focus group, program evaluation, human factors evaluation, or quality assurance methodologies.

01/19/2007 Initial Review Expedited 01/24/2007 Modifications _________________________________________________________________Required

Please note the Review History of this submission; Receipt Date Submission Type Review Process
Modifications

Review Date

Review Action

09/04/2007

Response To

Expedited

09/06/2007

Approved

Please remember to:

the IRB concerning your research protocol.

-> Use your research protocol number (2007-0044) on any documents or correspondence with
"UIC Investigator Responsibilities, Protection of Human Research Subjects"

-> Review and comply with all requirements on the enclosure,

Please note that the UIC IRB has the prerogative and authority to ask further questions, seek additional information, require further modifications, or monitor the conduct of your
research and the consent process.

help, please contact OPRS at (312) 996-171 1 or me at (312) 996-2014. Please send any
correspondence about this protocol to OPRS at 203 AOB, M/C 672.
Sincerely,
Sandra Costello

We wish you the best as you conduct your research. Ifyou have any questions or need further

IRB Coordinator, IRB # 2

Office for the Protection of Research Subjects

2007-0044 Enclosures:

Page 3 of 3

9/7/2007

1. UIC Investigator Responsibilities, Protection of Human Research Subjects

2. Informed Consent Documents:

a) Informational Sheet; Version 2; 08/28/2007 b) Interview Guide; Version 2; 08/28/2007 3. Recruiting Materials: a) Telephone Script; Version 2; 08/28/2007

b) Interview Recruitment Script; Version 2; 08/28/2007

c) Business Card; Version 1; 08/28/2007 cc: Edna Erez, Criminal Justice, M/C 141 Nilda Flores-Gonzalez, Sociology, M/C 312