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Formal organization is a fixed set of rules of intra-organization procedures and structures.

As such, it is usually set out in writing, with a language of rules that ostensibly leave little discretion for interpretation. In some societies and in some organization, such rules may be strictly followed; in others, they may be little more than an empty formalism. Factors that gave rise to Formal Organization To facilitate the accomplishment of the goals of the organization: In a formal organization the work is delegated to each individual of the organization. He/She works towards the attainment of definite goals, which are in compliance with the goals of the organization. To facilitate the co-ordination of various activities: The authority, responsibility and accountability of individuals in the organization is very well defined. Hence, facilitating the co-ordination of various activities of the organisation very effectively. To aid the establishment of logical authority relationship: The responsibilities of the individuals in the organisation are well defined. They have a definite place in the organisation due to a well defined hierarchical structure which is inherent in any formal organisation. Permit the application of the concept of specialization and division of Labour, division of work amongst individuals according to their capabilities helps in greater specializations and division of work. Create more group cohesiveness

Factors that make an organization to be a formal organization


1. A hierarchy with assignments flowing downward and accountability flowing upward. The organization is divided into clear-cut levels. Each level assigns responsibilities to the level beneath it, while each lower level is accountable to the level above for fulfilling those assignments.

2. A division of labor: Each member of a Formal Organisation has a specific task to fulfill, and all of the tasks are then coordinated to accomplish the purpose of the organization. In a college, for example, a teacher does not run the heating system, the president does not teach, and a secretary does not evaluate textbooks. These tasks are distributed among people who have been trained to do them.

3. Written rules: In their attempt to become efficient, bureaucracies stress written procedures. In general, the longer a Formal Organisation exists and the larger it grows, the morewritten rules it has. The rules of some bureaucracies cover just about every imaginable situation. In my university, for example, the rules are bound in handbooks: separate ones for faculty, students, administrators, civil service workers, and perhaps others that I do not even know exist. The guiding principle generally becomes, If there isnt a written rule covering it, it is allowed.

4. Written communications and records: Records are kept of much of what occurs in a Formal Organisation. (Fill that out in triplicate.) Consequently, workers in bureaucracies spend a fair amount of time sending memos back and forth. They also produce written reports detailing their activities. My university, for example, requires that each faculty member fill out quarterly reports summarizing the number of hours per week spent on specified activities as well as an annual report listing what was accomplished in teaching, research, and serviceall accompanied by copies of publications, testimonies to service, and written teaching evaluations from each course. These materials go to committees whose task it is to evaluate the relative performance of each faculty member

5. Impersonality: It is the office that is important, not the individual who holds the office. You work for the organization, not the replaceable person who heads some post in the organization. Consequently, members of a Formal Organisation owe allegiance to the office, not to particular people. If you work in a Formal Organisation, you become a small cog in a large machine. Each worker is a replaceable unit, for many others are available to fulfill each particular function. For example, when a professor retires or dies, someone else is appointed to take his or her place.

Characteristics of a Formal Organisation


Well defined rules and regulation Arbitrary structure Determined objectives and policies Status symbol Limitation on the activities of the individual Strict observance of the principle of co-ordination Messages are communicated through scalar chain

Deliberately planned and created Concerned with the co-ordination of activities Hierarchically structured with stated objectives Based on certain principles such as the specification of tasks Organization structure is laid down by the top management to achieve organizational goals. Organization structure is based on division of labor and specialization to achieve efficiency in the operations. The authority and responsibility relationships created by the organization structure are to be honored by everyone. Developed through delegation of authority Organization structure concentrates on the jobs to be performed and not the individuals who are to perform jobs.

The organization does not take into consideration the sentiments of organizational members.

Communication is a core of any formal organization effort. Discuss Main reason for organizational communication is to increase all-around efficiency and promote teamwork. (i.e., efficiency in sales, efficiency in work, stronger bonding among the departments, etc..) Without knowing it, there are actually many problems an organization will face during its existence, and without communication, there really is no way to solve these problems. Organizations need communication because it is also a team, and team players need to communicate and cooperate to reach a certain goal and solve problems. So I would say, the 5 critical issues would be: 1. To increase work efficiency. 2. To increase sales or increase the chances of reaching a goal. 3. To promote better teamwork (in a social way.) Also to make known the existing problems between the organizational ladder rungs (like salary problems, insubordination, employee benefits, abuse by the elite, etc..) 4. To make each member understand better how other departments work, thereby increasing the chances of getting issues done. 5. Ultimately, prolonging the life of the organization

Differentiate between Scientific Management Theory and Human relation theory of organisation SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT THEORY Scientific management, also called Taylorism, was a theory of management that analyzed and synthesized workflows. Its main objective was improving economic efficiency, especially labor productivity. It was one of the earliest attempts to apply science to the engineering of processes and to management. Its development began with Frederick Winslow Taylor in the 1880s and 1890s within the manufacturing industries. Its peak of influence came in the 1910s; by the 1920s, it was still influential but had begun an era of competition and syncretism with opposing or complementary ideas. Although scientific management as a distinct theory or school of thought was obsolete by the 1930s, most of its themes are still important parts of industrial engineering and management today. These include analysis; synthesis; logic; rationality; empiricism; work ethic; efficiency and elimination of waste; standardization of best practices; disdain for tradition preserved merely for its own sake or merely to protect the social status of particular workers with particular skill sets; the transformation of craft production into mass production; and knowledge transfer between workers and from workers into tools, processes, and documentation.

Taylor's scientific management consisted of four principles: First. They develop a science for each element of a man's work, which replaces the old rule-of.thumb method. Second. They scientifically select and then train, teach, and develop the workman, whereas in the past he chose his own work and trained himself as best he could. Third. They heartily cooperate with the men so as to insure all of the work being done in accordance with the principles of the science which has been developed. Fourth. There is an almost equal division of the work and the responsibility between the management and the workmen. The management take over all work for which they are better fitted than the workmen, while in the past almost all of the work and the greater part of the responsibility were thrown upon the men.

HUMAN RELATION THEORY Human relations movement refers to the researchers of organizational development who study the behavior of people in groups, in particular workplace groups. It originated in the 1930s' Hawthorne studies, which examined the effects of social relations, motivation and employee satisfaction on factory productivity. The movement viewed workers in terms of their psychology and fit with companies, rather than as interchangeable parts, and it resulted in the creation of the discipline of human resource management.
George Elton Mayo stressed the following: 1. Natural groups, in which social aspects take precedence over functional organizational structures. 2. Upwards communication, by which communication is two way, from worker to chief executive, as well as vice versa. 3. Cohesive and good leadership is needed to communicate goals and to ensure effective and coherent decision making.

Importance of Decision Making in an Organization The decision-making ability of the think tank of any organization, be it the local city council or United Nations, decides how effective a role it will play in the world. Many organizations exist for the sake of existing and despite phenomenal amount of resources available at their disposal, they hardly do any work. That is because there is no will or decision-making ability at the helm. An organization without people, who can't make decisions and take them to their logical conclusion is doomed. However, when there is a decision-making will power, with tenacity to execute strategy, miracles can happen despite limited resources. That's why, importance of decision making in any organization, can never be overemphasized. The way to get better at making smarter decisions is learning from experience and not repeating the same mistakes again. No decision is perfect in the sense that no decision can guarantee a 100% success rate in attainment of objective. However, you must choose the best course of action that has highest chance of success and is backed by logic and confidence in your own judgment. Decisions may

turn out to be good or bad but none of them are wasted. Bad or good ones, both add up to what we call wisdom if they are analyzed in the aftermath. One often realizes the importance of decision making only after making a couple of bad ones! Don't avoid making decisions on your own. Every decision that you make for yourself is an opportunity to grow and learn

Examples of Formal Organisation Nigerian National Petrolueum Corporation (NNPC) University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital (UNTH) Enugu State University of Science and Technology (ESUT) United Nations (UN) Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) Reason why they are formal organization: They have Well defined rules and regulation, Arbitrary structure and Determined objectives and policies. They adhere to Robert's Rules of Order, the standard compendium used in conducting meetings, electing officers, describing those offices and the duties thereof.

Differentiate between Organisational Efficiency and Organisational Effectiveness

Organizational Effectiveness
Organizational effectiveness has a very broad and often vague definition, so much so that most sources explain the concept by example rather than definition. Basically, the effectiveness of a business constitutes its ability to perform a function with optimal levels of input and output. Companies use organizational effectiveness to measure any number of things, from the relationship between employee performance and company profits to the correlation between manufacturing processes and production volume. No set parameters exist for organizational effectiveness and it follows no definitive mathematical formula -- each organization creates its own method of measuring effectiveness. Measuring effectiveness can help a small business without the ability to absorb ineffective processes modify its approach to avoid loss.

Organizational Efficiency
Organizational efficiency essentially denotes how well a company uses money. Nonprofit assessment organization Charity Navigator measures efficiency based on the relationship between the effectiveness of fundraisers and organizational expenditure. In publicly traded corporations, organizational efficiency lies in a companys ability to maximize profits based on capital acquired through equity and debt. Writing in Philanthropy Journal, analyst Chris Harris notes that return on investment (ROI) constitutes a good measure of organizational efficiency. For instance, if you sell company stock for $10 per share and one

year later your stock holds a value of $20 per share, your company exhibits a high degree of inefficiency. Regularly monitoring organizational efficiency can help small businesses prevent money loss.

Fundamental Differences
The most basic fundamental difference between organizational effectiveness and organizational efficiency lies in the fact that an organization can essentially use the former to measure anything, while the latter pertains exclusively to financial efficiency. For instance, effectiveness could measure how effectively the employees of an organization waste time as easily as it could how effectively employees use an organizations assets. Furthermore, organizational efficiency constitutes a concrete measurement, while organizational effectiveness is abstract; it exists in the conceptual realm and relates more directly to business theory than business practice.

Mathematical Differences
Organizational efficiency proves much easier to calculate than organizational effectiveness in mathematical terms. Measuring organizational efficiency often entails little more than examining the relationship between company expenditure, equity and debt capital and profits. Measuring organizational effectiveness mathematically requires quantifying values. For instance, a company measuring the effectiveness of employee performance must create mathematical values representing employee work input and production output. Upon creating these values, someone must carefully monitor them and create a matrix displaying the relationships between quantified values.

Good Leadership is one of the most important quality and attribute in the management and operation of any formal organization. Discuss Leadership is an important function of management which helps to maximize efficiency and to achieve organizational goals. The following points justify the importance of leadership in a concern. Initiates action- Leader is a person who starts the work by communicating the policies and plans to the subordinates from where the work actually starts. Motivation- A leader proves to be playing an incentive role in the concerns working. He motivates the employees with economic and non-economic rewards and thereby gets the work from the subordinates. Providing guidance- A leader has to not only supervise but also play a guiding role for the subordinates. Guidance here means instructing the subordinates the way they have to perform their work effectively and efficiently. Creating confidence- Confidence is an important factor which can be achieved through expressing the work efforts to the subordinates, explaining them clearly their role and giving them guidelines to achieve the goals effectively. It is also important to hear the employees with regards to their complaints and problems. Building morale- Morale denotes willing co-operation of the employees towards their work and getting them into confidence and winning their trust. A leader can be a morale booster by achieving full cooperation so that they perform with best of their abilities as they work to achieve goals.

Builds work environment- Management is getting things done from people. An efficient work environment helps in sound and stable growth. Therefore, human relations should be kept into mind by a leader. He should have personal contacts with employees and should listen to their problems and solve them. He should treat employees on humanitarian terms. Co-ordination- Co-ordination can be achieved through reconciling personal interests with organizational goals. This synchronization can be achieved through proper and effective co-ordination which should be primary motive of a leader.

The Effects of information Technology in Formal Organization cannot be overemphasized. Do you agree with this statement? Yes Organizations collect and distribute information. In the process, they also distort it. Which could be intentional or unintentional. Information technology has introduced a new level of complexity within the organization. This complexity brings benefits to the organization and its structure. IT has enabled several organizations to increase revenues and profits as a consequence of utilizing the technology.

These days computers and information processing are everywhere. Computers influence what decisions are made, when decisions are made, what information is available at the point of decision and who is asked to decide. Computers and information processing affects how work is organized and how employees feel about work. Computers even influence what patients want from health care systems and how patients approach health care organizations. Information processing and computing is pervasive.

With the increased used of such technologies as the Internet and the proliferation of software programs, the information can be used by every employee who has network access. Access then, will be the controlling agent for information. Some industries have found that they need to require access to all employees, including facilities staff. This has enabled even the custodial worker to have access to electronic mail and media. The major decrease of control of information has made every employee a quasi-participant in the organizational decision-making.

Critical examination of Samples Surveys with special reference to its uses Sample Surveys describes the process of selecting a sample of elements from a target population in order to conduct a survey. A survey may refer to many different types or techniques of observation, but in the context of sample surveys it most often involves a questionnaire used to measure the characteristics and/or attitudes of people. Different ways of contacting members of a sample once they have been selected is the subject of survey data collection. The purpose of sampling is to reduce the cost and/or the amount of work that it would take to survey the entire target population. A survey that measures the entire target population is called a census. Survey samples can be broadly divided into two types: probability samples and non-probability samples. Only surveys based on a probability samples can be used to create mathematically sound statistical inferences about a larger target population. Inferences from probability-based surveys may still suffer from many types of bias. Surveys that are not based on probability sampling have no way of measuring their bias or sampling error. Surveys based on non-probability samples are not externally valid. They can only be said to be representative of the people that have actually completed the survey

Relationship between Violence and decolonization in Africa

The decolonization of Africa made for far reaching changes of the world economy and for a different make-up of the United Nations. By the mid-1980s, it was often expressed that the reality of African independence was an "abysmal failure." That so few countries had actually been able to establish and maintain the trappings of a democracy, plus there was still the apartheid-based regime at the southern end of the continent, was not encouraging. There had been a lot of promise as country after country became independent in the late 1950s through the 1970s, but hadn't it all dissolved in a stream of military coups, border conflicts and ethnic violence? But recall that the colonial legacy was a lot to overcome for the newly-independent African nations:

the colonial state was a product of violence in which the government rested on force and not the consent of the people a legacy of poverty, high taxes and exploitation misgovernment and corruption; under the colonial regimes Africans had had little practice in actual self-government destruction of traditional law and replacement by foreign law codes destruction of the natural economy; under the colonial state economic progress was always measured by the amount of export over import, not the growth of the domestic market artificial borders

In reality, much of the African achievement is impressive! Literacy has increased; life expectancy has increased; and there have been few conflicts between countries (most are within countries).

Conditions Among colonial population that prompted African Nationalist Movement


A major advance in African nationalist movements came with the Pan-Africanist movement. Though its roots were in early abolitionist movements, Pan-Africanism, which sought to unite Africans and overcome ethnicity by stressing the similarities and connections among all Africans, blossomed in the early twentieth century. Originally led by blacks in America, Britain, and the Caribbean, the movement did not initially fully represent the needs of Africans, but blacks throughout the world came to view themselves in a position similar to those of others of African descent in Britain, the United States, and throughout Latin America. The two most notable leaders of early Pan-Africanism were Marcus Garvey (18871940) and W. E. B. DuBois (18681963). Garvey, whose outspoken nature attracted many followers, believed that blacks would never be treated as the equals of whites in America and must return "home" to Africa if they were to be free. DuBois, who had earned a doctorate in history from Harvard in 1896, may be the greatest Pan-Africanist intellectual ever. He argued that Africa had a glorious past and that Africans had deeply influenced Western civilization. He believed that Africa had to be freed from colonial rule if African Americans were to be liberated, and his work sought to end the caricatures of blacks as the "clown of history, football of anthropology, and the slave of industry" The Great Depression hurt Africa greatly. Employment, especially in rural areas, was scarce. Many migrated from the countryside to urban areas, and the populations of cities swelled. These areas became overcrowded and poverty was rampant. The European powers were ill-equipped to combat these developments because resources and attention were focused on World War II. This furthered discontent and Africans became more disorderly. Bolstered by the influx of returning soldiers, nationalist movements throughout Africa were energized. By the 1940s, nationalist movements were becoming more radical, and Africans everywhere began to protest colonial rule as they increasingly realized how wrong and oppressive it was. As the century progressed, the nationalist movements began to attract more people and to wield more influence. Leaders who could relate to and represent more than one group or class became household names and heroes. These leaders mobilized "the people" rather than a select few or one ethnic group. Obafemi Awolowo (19091987; Nigeria), Kwame Nkrumah (19091972; Ghana), Jomo Kenyatta (1889 1978; Kenya), Julius Nyerere (19221999; Tanzania), and Nelson Mandela (b. 1918; South Africa) belong to this new generation of leaders who successfully reached out and enlisted the support of their countries' population.

The next significant event in the development of African nationalism was World War II. Nearly two million Africans were recruited as soldiers, porters, and scouts for the Allies during the war. When these soldiers returned home, they returned to colonial states that still considered them inferior. Many veterans had expected that their dedication to colonial governments would be recognized and they would be rewarded accordingly. This was not to be, and these soldiers returned home to conditions worsened by a weak global economy. Because they had fought to protect the interests of the colonial powers only to return to the exploitation and indignities of colonial rule, these men became bitter and discontented. In 1945, the Pan-African Manchester Congress in England marked a turning point because it attempted to address the needs of all blacks. Pan-Africanism began to stress common experiences of blackness and sought the liberation of all black people around the world. African leaders became more influential in the movement as they used it to attack colonial rule, and the movement would become more Africanbased after 1945. Pan-Africanism proved very popular among nationalist African leaders because it offered a way for them to overcome both regionalism and ethnic divides by stressing commonalities and a common oppression. By the 1950s, Pan-Africanism had profoundly influenced almost every African nationalist leader: Kwame Nkrumah, Kenyatta, Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda (19641991; Zambia), Haile Selassie (18921975; Ethiopia), Albert Luthuli (c. 18981967; South Africa), and Nnamdi Azikiwe (19041996; Nigeria), all were deeply affected by the movement.

Course of fight for Independence in any West African Country (Case Study Nigeria)
Although Nigeria was the creation of European ambitions and rivalries, its peoples had their cherished history of freedom and independence before the arrival of the British. This newly created country contained a multiplicity of diverse ethnic groups which had evolved complex systems of government. The British tried to weld together these groups and territories, with such diversity of cultures and at different stages of development, into a nation. As British administrators became aware of Nigeria's historical diversity, they also became respectful of some of its traditions while disregarding others. The amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914 was a milestone and a watershed in Nigerian history. It gave Nigeria its present size and shape. It also gave Nigeria its present complexity, one measure of which is the diversity of cultures. This diversity has necessitated the adoption of a federal structure for the country. The British colonial administration showed some preference for the Indirect Rule system because of the cost of direct administration in terms of its personnel and financial requirements. The traditional institution in Northern Nigeria facili- tated the application of indirect rule.

The British entrenched this Northern Nigerian (Sokoto Caliphate) Model through a number of proclamations notably, the Native Authorities Ordinance of 1901, Native Court Ordinance of 1902 and the Native Revenue Proclamation of 1904. These ordinances were amended and extended to Southern Nigeria in 1914, 1916, and 1917 respectively (Afigbo, 1974:18). This extension to the South harmonised the system of local government administration throughout the country, while at the same time allowing for local peculiarities. CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT As early as 1886, when Lagos Colony was separated from the Gold Coast, an Executive Council for the Lagos Colony was established. But Frederick Lugard had reduced the powers of this Executive Council to the status of a Legislature. In 1906, when the Lagos Colony was merged with the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria, the competence of this Legislative Council was extended to cover Lagos and the Southern Protectorate. In order to compensate the inhabitants of the Lagos Colony who were de jure British subjects and enjoyed the rights of British citizens, a small Legislative Council for Lagos Colony was introduced for the purposes of enacting Laws and scrutinising estimates and expenditure. The Legislative Council consisted of ten official and six unofficial members. (Crowder, 1973:243). The amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914 coincided with the establishment of a Nigerian Council. The Nigerian Council comprised 24 official and 12 unof- ficial members. Six of the unofficial members were Europeans representing commerce, shipping, mining and banking. The six African unofficial members were chiefs namely; The Sultan of Sokoto, the Alafin of Oyo, the Emir of Kano, Chief Douglas Numa and one each educated Nigerian represent- ing each of Lagos and Calabar. The Nigerian Council was essentially an advisory body because it had no legislative powers. Most traditional rulers could not participate effectively because of their inability to communicate in English. Some other means of satisfying the demand of the Nigerian people for some form of representative government had to be explored as the resistance of the indigenous population against the imposition of a centralised hierarchical system of administration over traditionally acephalous societies, especially in Eastern Nigeria, was very stiff. Most notable was the exclusion of the educated elite from participation in the governance of Nigeria, and the very limited opportunities in the administrative machinery for such elite. The legal status of Lagos as a Colony whose inhabitants were British subjects also facilitated the demands for greater freedom of participation in political activities. Moreover, the contemptuous attitude of the British colonial administration to Nigerian traditional rulers e.g., the Eleko of Eko, Chief Jaja of Opobo, Chief Nana of Olurnu, further infuriated Nigerian nationalists and inflamed the nationalist fervour.

The Nigerian Council and the small Legislative Council for Lagos were abolished by Order in Council in 1922 (Ezera, 1964). "Herbert Macaulay and other 'coastal elite' had indeed, been agitating against the government in Lagos for the imposition of water rates and the appropriation of land for government projects even before Lugard became Governor General in 1914" (Nnoli, 1978). After the amalgamation of 1914, "the nationalists fought against the exclusiveness and racial bias of the Crown Colony system of Government. Nationalist demand at this phase of the struggle was not the attainment of self-government but a measure of participation in the existing government" (Coren, 1981). THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL This was a product of the Clifford Constitution of 1922. This Council comprised 30 official members, 15 unofficial ones nominated by government, and three unofficial members representing the municipal areas of Lagos and Calabar. The Council had a limited number of elected members and African members selected to represent the interest of those parts of the Colony and Southern Protectorate not represented by elected members. But the franchise was restrictive and limited to males who were British subjects or natives of the Protectorate with 12 months residential qualification and an income of not less than 100 a year. The first elections in Nigerian history were held in September 1923 and the Council was inaugurated in October, of the same year. The Clifford Constitution was significant in the following respects: It introduced the elective principle and stimulated the formation of political organi- sations notably, Herbert Macaulay's Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) in 1923 and the Lagos Youth Movement (LYM) in 1934, founded by H. 0. Davies, Dr J. C. Vaughan, Dr Kofo Abayomi, Ernest Ikoli, Nnamdi Azikiwe and Obafemi Awolowo which later transformed into the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) in 1936. The colonial administration was not responsive to Nigerian public opinion as a means of vetting arbitrary actions. The NNDP - which was formed to contest the 1923 elections - dominated Lagos politics and Herbert Macaulay's approach was rather too conservative for comfort, as he attacked only specific isolated policies of the colonial administration and not the colonial system itself. His political goal of a self-governing Nigeria within the British Commonwealth was unattractive to the new breed of more radical Nigerians in the 1930s (Herskovits, 1982). Consequently, there emerged the need for a more territorially widespread organisation other than the NNDP. This, along with the need for organised resistance to colonial rule in its entirety, rather than to isolated policies, culminated in the decline of the NNDP and the emergence of the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM). The NYM contested the 1938 elections with the NNDP and won the three Lagos seats. The British colonial administration branded the Movement a southern-based party and the Northern Emirs sup- ported the British despite the mixed composition of the Jos Branch comprising members from both the North and South. The NYM had been critical of colonial methods of governing Northern Nigeria by proclamations emanating from the Governor

rather than through direct elections. In the North, organ- ised opposition came from the Jos Tribal League. The NYM disintegrated over issues of leadership and representation. Nnamdi Azikiwe resigned from the Movement and all the lbo members followed suit thus inaugurating the process of the formation of political parties. The resultant political parties were the National Council for Nigeria and the Camerouns (NCNC) in 1944, the Action Group (AG) in 1950 and the Northern People's Congress (NPC) in 1951. WORLD WAR II AND POST - WAR TRENDS The Second World War "projected Nigeria out of a colonial backwater into a modern world. Nigeria became suddenly important as a strategic link in the Allied Defence, the staging post for troops and supplies and the main producer of primary products that were essential for the conduct of war. Moreover, Nigeria's size and population trans- formed her into a provider of indispensable troops for the campaign in the Indian sub-continent." But the war created great economic strains, manifested particularly in the decline in real wages and the drop in living standards. Rapid urbanisation that occurred in its wake led to the growth in the number of wage and salary earners and to its corol- lary, the spread of unionisation. Political consciousness was aroused among Nigerians because of widespread mass demonstrations, marches, walk-outs, et cetera. Workers' demand for Cost of Living Allowance (COLA) led to the promulgation, in 1942, of the Order General Defence Regulation which declared strikes and lockouts as illegal. A new nationalist era dawned - an era of fusion between the labour movement and the political organisations such as the NCNC, and of coopera- tion between unions and populist-inclined politi- cians. It was also an era characterised by the fusion of economic grievances with galvanised political issues and actions, all of which shook the foundations of British rule in Nigeria. The fusion of radical political leadership, radical trade unionism, tribal associations and the activism of the Nigerian Union of Students was consummat- ed in 1943, when rallies and meetings were held to which political leaders of various persuasions were invited. This series of meetings led to the formation of the National Council of Nigeria and the Camerouns in 1944, later renamed National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) with Herbert Macaulay as President and Nnamdi Azikiwe as its Secretary. Although loose in structure and diffuse in goals, the NCNC provided lead- ership for the national cause through the adoption of an aggressive strategy against the colonial power. The Second World War accelerated the decolonisation process through the devolution of power to Nigerians. This devolution of power creat- ed a vacuum and triggered off the formation of polit- ical parties to fill this vacuum. The struggle by the major ethnic groups to fill the vacuum accentuated the North-South dichotomy and redirected Nigerian nationalism along ethnic and regional lines. Ethnic rivalries led to the situation in which energies were directed at promoting regional rather than national unity.

Nigerian demands for self-government and independence had two discernible periods: the peri- od of troubles from 1944 to 1957 and the period of diarchy or cooperation 1951-59. The period of trou- bles was characterised by the rise of militant party politics - particularly those of the NCNC, the Zikist Movement, Zikist National Vanguard and the Action Group (A.G.). The post-war economic strains precipitated the General Strike of 1945, the Burutu Strike of 1947, and the Enugu Colliery Strike which was brutally suppressed by the colonial administra- tion. Nigerian politicians exploited every opportuni- ty offered by these disturbances for effective propaganda against the colonial regime, attacking the colonial record on economic and social welfare. This period also coincided with a new constitutional proposal designed to promote unity and to secure greater Nigerian participation in governance. This constitution was drawn by Sir Bernard Bourdillon but was published by Sir Arthur Richards in 1944. Although the Richards Constitution promoted unity by bringing the North and the South together, it however, also promoted regionalism as regional councils tended to divide more than unite Nigeria. The NCNC was critical of the Richards Constitution because of the absence of consultation with the Nigerian public prior to its promulgation, for the non- extension of the elective principles outside Lagos and Calabar, failure to accord Nigerians greater participation in government and in administration, and the inclusion of chiefs who were puppets of the Colonial administration as unofficial members to represent the interest of the Nigerian peoples. Consequently, the NCNC sent a delegation to the colonial office in London to seek revision of this Constitution but failed to achieve this goal. It relapsed into inactivity in 1947 and the Zikist move- ment filled the vacuum by organising demonstrations, strikes, boycotts on Empire Day, by advocat- ing the non-payment of taxes, and generally publishing of anticolonial pamphlets and leaflets. The Movement was declared illegal and was proscribed in 1950. The period of diarchy, i.e. of accommodation and partnership with the colonial administration, commenced with devolution of power promised by Governor Macpherson's Constitution of 1951. Britain then agreed to share power and responsibility with Nigerian politicians. In place of the old Constitution, which till 1951 provided for only repre- sentative institutions, the new Constitutions after 1957 allowed representative governments as well. In consonance with the demand of the NCNC for greater participation by Nigerians in constitution making and in seeking to achieve the review of the much criticised Richards constitution, the British Government allowed consultations at the village, town, district, provincial, and regional levels. The consultations were to determine whether Nigeria would adopt Confederalism, Federalism with some measure of autonomy or Federalism on the basis of the then existing regions with or without boundary adjustments. The balance of popular opinion dis- tilled at the All Nigerian General Conference in lbadan in 1950, favoured a Federal system with three regions and the regions to be political rather than administrative units. The conference also declared Lagos an independent municipality.

Regional and Central (later Federal) Executive Councils would be constituted such that the majority of its members were Nigerians. The constitution further encouraged Nigerian participation in the political decision-making process by liberalising the franchise. The elective principle was extended beyond Lagos and Calabar but the constitution settled for the very slow and cumbersome electoral college system. The Macpherson Constitution of 1951 has been described as "a wretched compromise between federalism and unitarism". However, it stimulated the formation of more political parties; the Action Group (AG) in 1950 and the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) in 1951, both of which had latent, ethnic and regional interests. The problem of regional representation at the centre (Federal level) remained thorny as the Eastern and Western Regions opposed the number of seats claimed in the House of Representatives by the North. The NCNC was disappointed with the constitution especially as Nnamdi Azikiwe, its leader, was excluded from the National Legislature meeting in Lagos. However, it was the Action Group (AG.) that precipitated the final breakdown of the Macpherson constitution when Anthony Enahoro introduced a private member's bill demanding self-government in 1956. Differences over the pace of decolonisation between the AG and NPC culminated in the Kano disturbances of May 1953, and the subsequent demand tor the dissolution of the Federation by the North. The constitutional crisis precipitated reactions to the Macpherson constitution and prompted quick intervention by the Colonial Secretary, Oliver Lyttleton. Lyttleton approved "that the Nigerian constitution be redrawn to provide for greater regional autonomy and the removal of power of intervention by the Centre in matters which could, without detriment to other Regions, be placed entirely within regional competence." Amidst controversy over the form of government (federal, confederal, unitary or loose non-politicised union), the date for selfgovernment and the status of Laaos the oolitical oarties met at a constitutional conference in London. The Lyttleton Constitution of 1954 was the net outcome of this London Constitutional Conference. It provided for Federalism with a strong centre. 'The thorny question of self government in 1956 was rationalised by offering self-government to those regions that wanted it in 1956, but not to the Federation. The issue of the status of Lagos led to the collapse of the NCNC - AG alliance as both NPC and NCNC wanted Lagos to be a Federal Territory and not part of Western Region as demanded by the AG." The follow-up Lagos Constitutional Conference of 1954 resolved the fis- cal arrangement of the Federation, the position of the judiciary and the regionalisation of the Civil Service and the Police Force. It also resolved to grant Lagos an independent status, as a political and commercial capital, to be developed with national funds. It approved separate regional status for the Camerouns, with Northern Camerouns in continuing association with the North while Southern Camerouns was to be separated from

the East and become a quasi-federal territory. With few modifications, the 1954 Constitution laid down the basic pat- tern for a self-governing Nigeria. The elections that followed the introduction of the 1954 constitution produced startling results as the NCNC won the East and 23 seats to the AG's 18 in the West. This paved the way for an NPC- NCNC coalition agreement. This was a significant development because it made national unity possible as both parties became favourably disposed to compromise and mutual concessions. The AG, supported by the Nigeria Independence Party (NIP) which was then the United Independent Party (UNIP), then formed an active opposition. The Royal tour of Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of Edinburgh in 1956 created an atmosphere which engendered goodwill among the leadership of the NPC. the NCNC and the AG and led to the declaration of a political truce. Because of the improved relations between the parties in 1957 the Federal House of Representatives passed a motion asking for national independence in 1959. A London conference to review the 1954 Constitution was convened in 1957. The East and the West were granted full self-government. It was agreed that a Federal Prime Minister would be appointed with a cabinet drawn from the House of Representatives of the proposed new Senate. The Sardauna of Sokoto announced, with considerable relief to the delegates, that the North would become self-governing in 1959. The complex minority problem and the demand for creation of States along ethnic lines also con- fronted the delegates. The conference referred this problem to a special commission headed by Sir Henry Willink. The Minority Commission, in its famous Willink Report, recommended the assuag- ing of minority fears by the entrenchment of funda- mental human rights in the Constitution. Both the NPC and AG had to compromise their positions of regionalisation of the police and agreed to a centralised police force. The Federal elections of 1959 returned the NPC and its allies with a large enough majority to form a government. But strenuous negotiations between the NPC and NCNC led to the formation of a coalition government, leaving the AG in opposition. Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa became Prime Minister and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (leader of the NCNC) opted for the position of President of the newly formed Senate. On Independence in 1960, Dr. Azikiwe became Governor General of the independent Federation. Nigerian politicians "had, despite their rhetoric, demonstrated their pragmatism and the lack of major ideological rifts in Nigerian politics." Black Africa's largest nation, a "sleeping giant," was on the verge of a metamorphosis into a "Giant in the Tropics."

Franz Fanons theory of Colonialism and Decolonization


Fanon is one of the earliest writers associated with postcolonialism/decolonization. In his book The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon analyzed the nature of colonialism and those subjugated by it. He

describes colonialism as a source of violence rather than reacting violently against resistors which had been the common view. His portrayal of the systematic relationship between colonialism and its attempts to deny "all attributes of humanity" to those it suppressed laid the groundwork for related critiques of colonial and postcolonial systems

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