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To cite this article: Mark Nord & Alisha Coleman-Jensen (2010): Food Insecurity After Leaving SNAP ,
Journal of Hunger & Environmental Nutrition, 5:4, 434-453
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Journal of Hunger & Environmental Nutrition, 5:434–453, 2010
ISSN: 1932-0248 print/1932-0256 online
DOI: 10.1080/19320248.2010.527277
INTRODUCTION
Very low food security—a severe range of food insecurity in which eat-
ing patterns of some household members are disrupted and their food
434
Food Insecurity After Leaving SNAP 435
with continuing unmet food needs exit SNAP or at how the food security
of households that leave SNAP may differ depending on why they leave the
program. Answers to these questions are important because different policy
and program options to support the food security of households as they exit
may be appropriate depending on the factors causing them to exit SNAP or
causing their food insecurity after doing so.
Using data from the CPS-FSS for 2002–2006, we examined the food
security status of households 1 to 11 months after leaving SNAP and again a
year later. We conducted separate analyses of households that remained off
SNAP in Year 2 and those that left SNAP in Year 1 but returned to SNAP in
Year 2. We then used logistic regression to assess whether the higher food
insecurity of recent SNAP leavers could be accounted for by less favorable
income, employment, and other household circumstances and to examine
the demographic and economic characteristics of households that left SNAP
in spite of having very low food security.
A series of state-level studies in the late 1990s examined the unexpected fall
in SNAP caseloads after implementation of the Personal Responsibility and
Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996.7–11 Findings from these studies
included
● The most common reason for leaving SNAP, reported by one half to two
thirds of leavers, was improved income and employment.
● Households also commonly left SNAP because they failed to recertify or to
complete necessary paperwork, but often those households also had had
an increase in income or other resources.
436 M. Nord and A. Coleman-Jensen
● Between one fourth and one third of SNAP leavers rejoined the program
within a year or two of leaving.
● The prevalence of very low food security was relatively high (23% to 26%)
among households 1 to 2 years after leaving SNAP. In some studies, very low
food security was somewhat less prevalent among leavers than stayers, but
in one study,10 food hardship prior to leaving SNAP, assessed retrospectively
after exit, was considerably more prevalent than after leaving SNAP.A
Findings from national surveys are consistent with the findings from state
leaver studies: A substantial majority of households that leave SNAP do so
because of a new job or increased earnings.12–14 One third to one half of
SNAP leavers rejoin the program within 1 or 2 years.14,15
A longitudinal study of low-income families in 3 large cities found that
food hardships were more prevalent among households receiving SNAP in
only 1 or 2 waves of the study than in those receiving SNAP in all 3 waves
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of the study.16 This may suggest that recent SNAP leavers were more likely
to be food insecure than longer-term SNAP recipients.
Studies of indebtedness and arrearages of households leaving cash wel-
fare programs provide inferential evidence of what may be expected in
the case of SNAP leavers. Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF)
leavers in North Carolina were found to have incurred significant debt and
to have accumulated further debt as they sought and entered employment.17
Leavers were also more likely than current recipients to have been contacted
by bill collectors and to have had credit counseling due to credit problems.
The earlier research leaves several important gaps. They confirmed the
relatively high rates of food insecurity among recent SNAP leavers but did
not systematically compare food security among leavers who remained off
SNAP, leavers who rejoined SNAP, and households that remained on SNAP
throughout the observation period. Previous studies consistently found that
most households left SNAP because of improved income or employment, but
none looked specifically at why households with very low food security left
the program. The present study addresses these gaps to provide information
on whether SNAP could be enhanced to better meet the food needs of
households as they exit the program.
Why Might Households Exit SNAP Even Though They Are Unable to
Meet Their Food Needs Without Assistance?
Several processes may provide partial explanations for the higher food
insecurity among recent SNAP leavers. Some may leave SNAP, even though
their income is still within the eligibility range, because
A
The methodology relied on retrospective reporting of 4 of the 6 questions in the 6-item short form
of the Household Food Security Survey Module. As a result, prevalence rates of the standard categories
of food insecurity could not be calculated for the earlier period. Instead, responses to individual food
security questions were compared between the 2 time periods.
Food Insecurity After Leaving SNAP 437
● they become ineligible due to criteria other than income (such as failing
to comply with work requirements).
● they fail to recertify, either deliberately or through negligence, even
though they are still eligible.
Other households may leave SNAP because their income increases beyond
the eligibility range, yet remain food insecure because
● they have accumulated debts and overdue bills that reduce resources
available for food and other needs.
● they have ongoing expenses that reduce resources available for food and
other needs.
● the cost of living in their geographic area is high, and income higher than
the SNAP income eligibility limit is needed to ensure adequate resources
for food.
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The data used in this study cannot differentiate among all of these processes,
but associations of SNAP exit with various household characteristics can
provide inferential evidence of why households left SNAP.B
Data were from the CPS-FSS conducted in December of each year from
2002 to 2007. The CPS-FSS is an annual supplement to the monthly Current
Population Survey and is nationally representative of the civilian, nonin-
stitutionalized population. It is the data source for the US Department of
Agriculture’s (USDA) annual report on household food security in the United
States.6 The CPS-FSS collects information on how much households spend
for food, their use of federal and community food and nutrition assistance
programs such as SNAP, and their food security during the 12 months and
30 days prior to the survey. The CPS core includes data on household com-
position, demographics, and income and data on the employment and labor
force status of persons age 15 and older.
The samples used for specific analyses are described after the food
security and SNAP status variables used to select the samples.
B
Data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) could provide more complete
information about eligibility and therefore support more detailed inference about reasons for leaving
SNAP. However, food security information is collected at only one point in each SIPP panel, is measured
in less detail, and references the previous 12 months, which would not support analysis of food security
in the first few months after exiting SNAP.
438 M. Nord and A. Coleman-Jensen
does not fully differentiate households with high, marginal, and low food
security.C This was not considered problematic, because SNAP participation
is more likely to affect food insecurity at this severe level than at less severe
levels.
On this scale, households reporting 3 or more conditions indicating
reduced food intake among adults are classified as having very low food
security. The minimum extent of food hardship reported in such households
is that an adult in the household cut the size of meals or skipped meals in
3 or more days during the previous 30 days because there was not enough
money for food and the respondent had eaten less than he or she felt that
he or she should because there was not enough money for food. A majority
also reported that they had been hungry but did not eat because there was
not enough money for food.
C
The 30-day scale used in this study is based on the same concepts and statistical methods as the
standard 12-month scale but uses only the subset of 30-day-referenced questions that were included in
the CPS-FSS prior to 2005.21 Beginning in 2005, the CPS-FSS has included an expanded set of 30-day-
referenced questions corresponding to the entire set of questions in the 12-month scale. An updated
30-day scale based on the full set of questions has been used as the basis for 30-day statistics in USDA
reports beginning with the 2005 data.3 The older scale was used in this study because data from earlier
years were needed to obtain a sufficiently large sample.
Food Insecurity After Leaving SNAP 439
Analysis Samples
The analyses used data for SNAP recipients and for nonrecipients with
annual incomes less than 130% of the federal poverty line. Both pooled
samples of single-year data and pooled 2-year panels were analyzed. The
pooled single-year data consisted of households in the CPS-FSS from 2002 to
2006 that received SNAP benefits at some time during the year (N = 13 881)
or had annual income below 130% of the poverty line and did not receive
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SNAP during the year (N = 25 415).E Data from 2007 were omitted from
the pooled single-year samples so that the time period represented by those
analyses would be the same as that represented by Year 1 in the pooled
2-year panels.F
The pooled 2-year panels consisted of households that were inter-
viewed in 2 successive years from 2002–2003 to 2006–2007 and received
SNAP benefits in Year 1 or had annual income less than 130% of the poverty
line in at least 1 year. Households were omitted if they moved between years
or were not interviewed in either year.
Data from the December 2008 CPS-FSS were not used because of
the large changes in income, employment, and food security in 2008.
Changes in SNAP participation associated with large macro-economic shifts
may be very different from those associated with changes in the eco-
nomic and social circumstances of individual households in a stable national
economy.
D
A sensitivity analysis was conducted in which households were considered to have remained
on SNAP if they reported SNAP receipt in either November or December. Relatively few additional
households were classified as remaining on the program by this definition, and the analytic results were
not substantively different than those presented.
E
The sample of households that did not receive SNAP at any time during the year was restricted
to those with annual incomes less than 130% of the poverty line even though some SNAP recipient
households had incomes above that level (likely because their income fluctuated during the year, the
SNAP eligibility unit did not include all household members, or they were adjunctively eligible due
to participation in a cash welfare or other assistance program). Statistics for nonrecipient households
are presented only in the descriptive statistics; the regression analyses included only households that
had received SNAP at some time during the year. The lower income limit on the nonrecipient sample
would have the effect of muting somewhat the difference between SNAP leavers and nonrecipients in
the descriptive analyses.
F
As a robustness check, the analyses were repeated with the 2007 data included, and the results
were essentially unchanged.
440 M. Nord and A. Coleman-Jensen
The primary earner was then identified as the adult with the lowest-
numbered status, and that status was assigned to the household, represented
by a set of dummy variables.
The size of SNAP benefit was calculated as the ratio of the amount of
the monthly benefit last received to the cost of the Thrifty Food Plan (TFP)G
for that household. The benefit amount was classified as small (up to one
third the cost of the TFP), medium (one third to two thirds the cost of the
TFP), or large (more than two thirds the cost of the TFP. TFP costs were for
December of the survey year.23
Analytic Methods
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G
The Thrifty Food Plan—developed by the USDA—serves as a national standard for a nutritious,
low-cost diet. It represents a set of “market baskets” of food that people in specific age and gender
categories could consume at home to maintain a healthful diet that meets current dietary standards,
taking into account the food consumption patterns of US households. The cost of the Thrifty Food Plan
is based on national average prices and is revised each month to account for inflation in food prices.
442 M. Nord and A. Coleman-Jensen
and 2 used the pooled 2-year panel data. The estimation samples all com-
prised households that received SNAP at some time during the year (during
Year 1 in the 2-year panel samples) and had very low food security in the
30-day period prior to the food security survey (in Year 1 of the 2-year panel
samples). The dependent variable was whether the household exited SNAP
prior to 30 days before the food security survey (in Year 1 of the 2-year
panel samples). One of the 2-year panel data models contrasted households
that left SNAP in Year 1 and remained off in Year 2 with those that remained
on SNAP through Year 1 and into Year 2. The second contrasted households
that left SNAP in Year 1 but rejoined in Year 2 with those that remained on
the program through Year 1 and into Year 2.
All calculations used household supplement weights. Analysis of the
2-year panels used weights for Year 1.
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FINDINGS
Very Low Food Security by SNAP Status
The pattern described over the past several years by Nord et al3–6 is repli-
cated in the pooled single-year data (Table 1, rows 1, 5, and 8). Very low
food security in the 30-day period prior to the food security survey was more
prevalent among recent SNAP leavers (14.7%) than among those still on
the program (13.2%) or among low-income households that did not receive
SNAP at any time during the year (7.0%). The differences were all statistically
significant with 95% confidence (single-tailed tests).
A similar pattern was seen in the 2-year panel sample, but the statistics
for SNAP leavers in Year 1 mask considerable differences between those that
rejoined SNAP in Year 2 and those that remained off SNAP. The prevalence
of very low food security was considerably higher in both years among
households that rejoined SNAP in Year 2 (20.2% in Year 1 and 19.5% in
Year 2). Households that remained off SNAP in Year 2 were also more
likely than those remaining on SNAP to experience very low food secu-
rity in the final 30 days of Year 1 (13.9% versus 11.8%). However, by the
end of Year 2, the prevalence of very low food security declined to 10.0%
for those that remained off the program but was essentially unchanged for
those continuing on SNAP (11.7%).
The higher prevalence of very low food security among recent SNAP
leavers cannot be accounted for by differences between leavers and contin-
uing SNAP recipients in economic, demographic, and other characteristics
measured in the survey. Rather, the association of very low food security
with SNAP exit was even stronger in multivariate analysis with controls
for those characteristics. The odds ratio corresponding to the difference in
prevalence rates of very low food security between recent leavers and those
still on the program as reported in Table 1 (ie, with no controls) was 1.133
Food Insecurity After Leaving SNAP 443
TABLE 1 Prevalence of Very Low Food Security in the 30 Days Prior to the Food Security
Survey, by SNAP Participation Statusa
(14.7% versus 13.2%). With controls for household characteristics, the odds
ratio was 1.325 (Table 2). That is, the odds of very low food security were
32.5% greater for households that recently exited SNAP than for otherwise
similar households that remained on the program.
444 M. Nord and A. Coleman-Jensen
TABLE 2 Logistic Regression of Very Low Food Security (During Last 30 days) on Recent
SNAP Exit With Controls for Household Characteristics, Among Households That Received
SNAP Benefits at Some Time During the Year
TABLE 2 (Continued)
Source: Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement, 2002–2006. The sample comprised
households that received SNAP benefits at some time during the survey year.24
Why Did Households Leave SNAP in Spite of Having Very Low Food
Security?
Higher income and more favorable employment status were positively and
strongly associated with SNAP exit in the pooled single-year sample of
households with very low food security (Table 3). Households with incomes
below 125% of the poverty line were much less likely to exit than those
with incomes higher than twice the poverty line (the reference category for
the income variables), and the association was almost perfectly monotonic
across the low-income range. Households with an adult employed full-time
(the reference category for the employment/labor force status variables)
were much more likely to exit SNAP than any of the other groups.H
Able-bodied adults without dependents (ABAWDs) are eligible for only
3 months of SNAP benefits every 3 years unless they maintain employment,
but there is no evidence that ABAWD restrictions were a prominent reason
for SNAP exit. In addition to the negative association between unemployment
and SNAP exit, coefficients for the 3 groups without children—most likely to
be affected by ABAWD restrictions—differed little from that for single females
with children, who are not affected by the ABAWD restrictions.
Households that had received relatively large SNAP benefits were more
likely to exit the program than those receiving medium or small benefits.
H
Education of the most highly educated adult in the household was included in early exploratory
models as a set of dummy variables, but it added little to the models and the effect on other coefficients
was negligible. Apparently any effects of education on SNAP exit were mediated to a great extent by
income and employment.
446 M. Nord and A. Coleman-Jensen
TABLE 3 Logistic Regression of Recent SNAP Exit (at Least 30 Days, Not More Than
11 Months) on Household Characteristics, Among Households With Very Low Food Security
in the 30 Days Prior to the Survey
TABLE 3 (Continued)
TABLE 4 Characteristics of Households With Very Low Food Security That Left SNAP 30 Days
or More Prior to the Food Security Survey in Year 1, by SNAP Receipt in Year 2: Logistic
Regression Resultsa
Model 1 Model 2
TABLE 4 (Continued)
Model 1 Model 2
TABLE 4 (Continued)
Model 1 Model 2
c
Reference group was primarily White, non-Hispanic, but included non-Hispanic Asian/Pacific Islanders,
American Indian/Alaska Natives, and those indicating more than one race.
d
Receipt of SNAP benefits in January of Year 1 was included in the model as a proxy for longer-term
receipt of benefits. It is likely that a large majority of households that received SNAP benefits in January
had been receiving benefits for several months previously.
Source: Panels of matched households in Current Population Survey Food Security Supplements, from
2002–2003 to 2006–2007. The samples were limited to households that received SNAP benefits at some
time during Year 1 and had very low food security in the 30-day period prior to the food security survey
in mid-December of Year 1.24
CONCLUSIONS
that during the time households were receiving SNAP benefits, some of
them put off paying utility bills or rent and accumulated credit card debt
and other consumer debt. Even after their income increased beyond the
SNAP eligibility limit, such households may have had insufficient resources
for food for several months because of the need to pay overdue bills and
pay down loans. In either case, transitional eligibility for SNAP benefits—
perhaps at a somewhat reduced level—might head off food insecurity for
many of these households during the period of transition after leaving SNAP.
Transitional SNAP benefits might also reduce very low food security among
households with a temporary spike in income that makes them ineligible for
SNAP and smooth their transition back onto the regular program if income
again falls below the eligibility level.
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