Book Reiews 104

BOOK REVI EWS

DR AYESHA SI DDI QA, MI LI TARY I NC. I NSI DE PAKI STAN S MI LI TARY

ECONOMY
,Karachi: Oxord Uniersity Press, 200,, pages 282.

Dr Ayesha Siddiqa is a military analyst with a Ph.D. degree in \ar Studies to
her credit. She obtained this degree rom King`s College, London. ler recently
published book: Mititar, vc: v.iae Pa/i.tav`. Mititar, covov,, is an extremely
controersial book and as such, it has created plenty o ripples. She has
mercilessly lashed at the economic empire` that the armed orces hae built
up in Pakistan.
Keeping in iew her sound scholarly accomplishments, especially in
the ield o research and reerence, it was expected that she would be air and
candid in her judgment and would carry out her analysis without any malice or
prejudice, but, regrettably, her narratie alls ar short o our expectations. 1he
general reaction o the discerning reader is that the author has pre-conceied
notions and her prime object is to malign the armed orces out o all
proportions. Attributing moties to an Organisation that has made
tremendous sacriices or saeguarding the geographical and ideological
rontiers o Pakistan, is extremely regrettable. loweer, o late, she appears to
hae sotened her stance towards the armed orce. Assuming a deensie
position, she regrets that the people hae not properly understood her
iewpoint. At the recent launching o her book in London, she assured her
audience that the book was not about Pakistan and, in act, Pakistan was only
used as a case` study.
1here is a general consensus among the academia that the book
suers rom many actual mistakes as well. 1o quote only one example out o
many: she leelled a ew charges o inancial scam against General lameed
Gul and his daughter Uzma Gul. 1he General summarily dismissed all these
charges and in turn, sered a legal notice o 1.4 billion or writing something in
the book that is totally alse and unauthentic`.
Ayesha`s book, primarily reoles around Milbus` ,i.e., military
business,, which, to her, is meant or the gratiication o senior oicers by
transerring huge unds rom public account to indiiduals, without
transparency. Llaborating her point, she says that while \estern initiaties,
operate rom outside, making money and doing business rom other countries,
here in Pakistan, the military perpetrates inside to get embedded in the socio-
economic and political area. She contemptuously remarks that or sixty years,
the military classes hae cohabitated with ruling elites, such as the politicians,
bureaucracy, ciil society and businessmen, thus wresting an empire` or
Book Reiews 105
themseles, especially, or the senior army oicers. Democracy in any case, is
their anti-thesis.
Continuing her diatribe against the deence orces, she discloses that it
took her two years to research to ind an answer to the issue as to why
eerybody in the military was biting into the pie` and the corporate and the
political elites were letting them do that And then, she elt relieed to ind an
explanation` at last. She learnt that in Pakistan, Preaatiov i. tbe vorv ava tbe
reaator. are tbe rvtivg etite.: Lxplaining her point, she cynically remarks that the
deence orces, along with others, hae preyed on and plundered the resources
o the State. She makes us beliee that this conclusion she has drawn ater
haing interiewed around 100 oaa ;obvvie.`.
Dr Ayesha reiterates that proits o vitbv.` accrue without any
accountability to some indiiduals in the top echelons o the army, nay and
air orce and as such, the need to protect this capital seres as a actor in the
military`s compulsion to stay in politics. It thus exercises its hold on political
power that allows it to make rules to protect the priileges o the oicers cadre
and their counterparts.
1hus, she rankly suggests that the chances o the reial o
democracy in Pakistan are bleak. On the same analogy, she asserts that Mitbv.
also determines the oreign policy o the country.
lurther, she asserts that inancial autonomy to the military creates
other groups in the society, who ask the military to attain political autonomy.
1his trend orces the military to get power in arious controls. She maintains
that under such circumstances, democracy cannot prosper. In countries like
1urkey, Indonesia and Pakistan, the armies exploit their economic strength to
capture political power and then close doors on the democratic orces at the
cost o losses to their own proessionalism. In the process, ruling elite, big
businessmen, and top ciil bureaucracy join the military establishment and get
beneits.
\e do concede that, Ayesha has eery right to enunciate her
iewpoint. loweer, those who closely know the working o the deence
orces, are shocked at the deep rooted prejudice that she displays against the
deence orces. 1hings do not happen the way she has painted them to be.
Commenting on the contents o the book, Deence Minister, o
Pakistan, Rao Sikander Iqbal, has categorically reuted her obserations. 1o
him, contents o the book are highly misleading and the entire account is
based on distortion o acts, conjectures and personal bias. lurther, he asserts
that the Armed lorces hae a ery robust and strong welare system. It not
only looks ater welare o its personnel, but also contributes greatly to
national deelopment. Organisations like: 1be av;i ovvaatiov, .rv, !etfare
1rv.t; babeev ovvaatiov and abria ovvaatiov, are all success stories.

Book Reiews 106
Propaganda launched by Dr. Ayesha and other detractors o the
Armed lorces is certainly damaging to the oicers and men who are sering
the country under extremely trying circumstances, iz., acing agaries o wind
and weather. 1hose who are tarnishing the image o the Deence lorces, will
do well to see its working rom closer quarters. lopeully, they will change
their jaundiced iews.

Post Script
Cary Schoield, a well-known British authoress and intellectual, has criticised
Dr Ayesha or use o emotional` language in the book. Quoting one
example, she says that Ayesha had written on pages 65 o the book that
military mocks` at ciilians or lack o good perormance. Cary suggests that
this is not the way, military expresses itsel. She suggests that instead, Ayesha
might hae used the word exasperated`. One wonders, i Dr Sahiba would
ind time to heed to this suggestion!

Ghulam Sarwar, Consulting Lditor, PR ]ovrvat.

SAMI R AMI N, BEYOND US HEGEMONY? ASSESSI NG THE PROSPECTS

FOR A MULTI POLAR WORLD
,London: Zed Book, 2006,, pages 191.

Samir Amin is considered as one o the world`s oremost radical thinkers. le
was the Director o the UN International Institute or Planning rom 190 to
1980, Director or \orld lorum at Dakar, Senegal, and the Co-lounder o
the \orld lorum or Alternaties. le has a number o books to his credit. As
a world class economist he is considered by some readers as a prospectie
Nobel Prize contender.
In this book, Samir Amin, deeply relects on the present times. le
argues that US hegemony under President George Bush Junior has reached a
dangerously new leel. In his iew, Bush`s hubristic militarism will reach a
neer-ending cycle o wars and block all hopes o social and democratic
progress not only in the deeloping world but also in the deeloped North.
Amin rejects the highly ideological notion that current orm o neo-
liberal capitalism, the really existing capitalism`, in which imperialism is an
integral and permanent part, would be an ineitable uture or humanity. \et,
he is not aerse to globalisation, in which the whole world is irreocably
connected and eels that solidarity in diersity is the key to struggle or a better
world.
Amin makes a conincing case or building a multipolar world, but
thinks that this is a challenging task, entailing a gradual process that would
eole oer a period o time. 1he triad o imperialism`, comprising North
America, Lurope and Japan, is not easy to disentangle. But the three strategic
Book Reiews 10
opponents o the US., iz., China, India and Russia, are not only retreating but
also maneuering or adantages and trying to aoid a clash with the sole
superpower, the US. In some areas, they act in unison with the US, especially
against all orms o Islamic radicalism. Also, in the Marxist term,
compradorisation` o the ruling classes in the deeloping world has taken
place. It makes both the elite and their economies ulnerable. In act, the
emergent countries`, such as Korea, India, Brazil, China and Japan, unlike the
Bandung spirit o the 1950s and 1960s, are oriented towards growth
maximisation within the system o globalization` ,p.150,.
1he logic o capitalism,` he opines, has brought only waste,
inequality and misery. 1he law o immiseration,` ormulated by Marx, has
worsened the plight o the underpriileged oer centuries. loweer, Amin
remains rather sceptical about the Luropean project to counter American
hegemonism. le recalls that this is reminiscent o the ormer alliances that led
to world wars and colossal destruction. le enisages a new axis` o Paris,
Berlin, Moscow and subsequently o India and China, together with the global
South. But in his iew, there are some problems with Lurope, as the latter has
been equally exploitatie and culpable o capital accumulation` by hewing a
neo-liberal agenda. lence, Arica, Asia and Latin America, need to orge a
common ront in acing this challenge.
loweer, he eels that the logic o capitalistic expansion` will soon
alter ater resistance mounted by multiarious social orces, which he terms as
anti-systemic orces` ,p.152,. le recommends a global alliance to deeat the
Americanisation o the world`. 1his includes neutralising and subduing other
partners o the 1riad ,Lurope, USA, Japan, and minimising their capacity to
act outside American control. Secondly, to establish military control through
NA1O and Latin Americanise` ormer parts o the Soiet world. 1hirdly, to
exercise undiided control oer the Middle Last and Central Asia`s petroleum
resources. lourthly, to dismantle China and ensure subordinating large states
such as India and Brazil to US hegemony. 1his would preent ormation o
regional blocs that are able to negotiate terms o globalisation. lithly, to
marginalise regions o the South that are o no major strategic interest or the
US.
le thinks that the real moement o societies, ollowing internal
reorms and global leel deelopments, would proe instrumental than mere
woolly concepts o democratic moements` and ciic societies`. le
enisages that deelopments such as new social Lurope that exits Atlanticism
and neo-liberalism`, the prealence o market socialism oer national
capitalism,` building o peoples and states in the South with common ront`
against pro-\estern blocs, and nationalist impulses that adance leel o
national soereignty, are some o the hopeul trends ,p. 15,.
Notwithstanding the lackluster perormance o social moements, the
author aers that there are seemingly some positie deelopments across-the-
Book Reiews 108
board that could act as harbingers o change. 1he agents o change could be
multiarious orces: the rise in enironmental consciousness, widening
economic disparities, national and global militarisation and reaction in orm o
disarmament, ill-eects o oreign military aggrandisements, unair terms o
trade, increasing immiseration`, issues o goernance, human rights, etc. \et,
he acknowledges that most o these moements hae been either hijacked by
parochial, ethnic and religious orces or become ictims o despondency.
1hereore, he adocates a broad open alliance` o progressie
moements that would marginalise narrow reactionary moements. loweer,
it would set a brake to accentuating center-periphery` relationship as
ormulated by Raul Prebisch, the noted political economist. 1he 1riad, in his
ormulation, tends to obuscate progressie agendas and is an attempt by
globalisationists` to weaken the moement ,p.164,.
linally, according to him, another world is possible` but i this were
to happen, dierse groups need to bite the political bullet` and recognise that
or transormation o the world system, it is essential to seek political power.

Dr Maqsudul lasan Nuri, Senior Research lellow, IPRI.

JI MMY CARTER, PALESTI NE: PEACE NOT APARTHEI D
,New \ork: Simon & Schuster, 2006,, pages 265.

1he work o Jimmy Carter, ormer President o the United States, gies a brie
and ine historical account o Arab-Israel conlict and peace eorts in which
he himsel had remained inoled. 1he reader is acilitated with historical
chronology o important eents rom Prophet Abraham`s journey to Canaan
,1900 BC, till Israel-Lebanon \ar ,2006, and nine inormatory maps
beginning with the UN Partition Plan o Palestine ,194, to the present-day
Middle Last. le discusses causes o the conlict, and arious peace eorts,
and then apportions blame and oers solutions.
Among the causes o the conlict, the author includes the occupation
o Arab land by Israel, mistreatment o the Palestinians, and non-acceptance
o Israel, within its legal borders ,p.202,. le rightly blames Ariel Sharon or
prooking the second ivtifaaa, which enabled the Israel goernment to declare
ailure o the peace negotiations due to the Palestinian terrorism ,p.154,. le
eels that another potential cause o iolence, since 196, is the holding o
630,000 Palestinians ,about 20 percent o the total population,, in the occupied
territory ,pp.196-,.
\ithout mincing words, he criticises Israeli goernments o Ariel
Sharon and Lhud Olmert or building the ence and wall, entirely within
Palestinian territory, intruding deeply into the \est Bank to encompass Israeli
settlement blocks and large areas o Palestinian land ,p. 190,. \hateer
territory Israel decides to coniscate will be on its side o the wall, and at the
Book Reiews 109
same time, Israelis will retain control o the Palestinians who will be on the
other side ,p.192,. In July 2004, the International Court o Justice has
determined that the segregation wall in the occupied Palestinian \est Bank is
illegal ,p.193,. 1he wall is not separating Palestinians rom Jews but the
Palestinians rom the Palestinians ,p.194,. 1he Palestinians are surrounded by
walls, ences and Israeli checkpoints and are liing almost as prisoners within
the small portion o land let to them ,p. 215,.
Carter is orthright in saying that another cause is the condonation o
illegal Israeli actions by a submissie \hite louse and U.S. Congress` during
recent years ,p. 209,. Israeli goernment decisions are rarely questioned or
condemned, oices rom Jerusalem dominate in our |US| media, and most
American citizens are unaware o circumstances in the occupied territories` ,p.
209,.
Unanimously adopted U.N. Resolution 242 ,196, mandates Israel`s
withdrawal rom occupied territories and is reconirmed by Israel`s leaders in
agreements at Camp Daid ,198, and Oslo ,1993,. le thinks that Israel`s
continued control and colonisation o Palestinian land, hae been the primary
obstacles to a comprehensie peace agreement in the loly Land. le also casts
aspersions on the policy o his own country, when he writes, 1he United
States is squandering international prestige and goodwill and intensiying
global anti-American terrorism by unoicially condoning or abetting the Israeli
coniscation and colonisation o Palestinian territories` ,p. 216,. le is right
when he says that lack o eorts to resole the Palestinian issue is a major
source o anti-American sentiment and terrorist actiity throughout the Middle
Last and the Islamic world.` le has also reerred to vtervatiovat erata
1ribvve`. October 2003 surey o 500 citizens o 15 Luropean nations, who
consider Israel to be the top threat to world peace, ahead o North Korea,
Iran, or Aghanistan ,p.209,.
Carter rightly takes credit o the Camp Daid Accords concluded
during his presidency ,19-81,. le appreciates President George \. Bush`s
positie response to the plan o Saudi Crown Prince ,now King, Abdullah, on
2 March 2001, who has oered Israel normal relations with all Arab states i
the ormer complied with U.N. Resolutions 194 and 242 ,p. 156,. In June
2002, President Bush, or the irst time, announced a two-state solution or the
Israeli-Palestinian conlict. 1hereater, in April 2003, U.N. Secretary General,
Koi Annan announced a Roadmap` or resoling the conlict on behal o
the U.N., the U.S., Russia, and the Luropean Union ,known as the Quartet,. It
also called or the emergence o an independent, democratic Palestinian state,
liing side by side in peace and security with Israel and its other neighbours.
1he Palestinians accepted the roadmap in its entirety, but the Israeli
goernment announced ourteen caeats and prerequisites, some o which
preclude peace talks ,p.159,.
Book Reiews 110
According to the author, there are three basic requirements: Israel`s
right to exist in peace within recognised borders, the killing o noncombatants
not to be condoned, and liing o Palestinians in peace and dignity in their
own land. 1he security o Israel must be guaranteed, the internal debate within
Israel must be resoled in order to ind Israel`s permanent legal boundary, and
the soereignty o all Middle Last nations and sanctity o international borders
must be honoured. It appears that his thinking is in line with International Law
and as such, should be acceptable to all, unless one has contrary designs.
1he positie actors, according to Carter, are that the majority o
people in both Israel and Arab world desire peace. 1he hope or resolution o
the dispute is contained in the proposal supported by majority o Israelis who
aour swapping land or peace`, the proposal made by Saudi Arabia`s King
Abdullah ,p. 211,, U.N. Resolutions 242 and 338, Camp Daid Accords, the
Roadmap or Peace, and the two-state proposal ,p. 213,. le is o the iew that
exchanging Arab territories or peace has been acceptable since seeral
decades by a majority o Israelis but their minority rejects it being strengthened
by the ocal American Jewish community`.
Although he gies a balanced ersion o acts, yet, his work is
subjected to seere criticism by pro-Israel critics. Perhaps, any objectie
account will be criticized by extremists. le is, thereore, charged that he is
sympathetic to the Palestinian cause. In act, Jimmy Carter should be praised
or telling the truth to the Americans, so that they may not ollow biased
policies towards Palestinians. Carter deseres the credit to highlight the true
acts in an atmosphere where anything considered against Israel`s policy is
condemned and is branded anti-Semitism. It is an act o courage to present a
balanced account o oerall picture o the Middle Last. Undeterred by
opposition o Zionist Jews, Carter, a man o peace and a winner o Nobel
Peace Prize, is bold enough to stand up to them and tell the truth. Israelis and
pro-Israeli lobbies in the US do not support his analysis o eents. In act, it
appears that the author`s aim is not to criticise Israel but to tell them and their
supporters as to how Israel`s soereignty and security could co-exist
permanently and peaceully along side Palestine. le wants an end to this
continuing tragedy`.
It is in the interest o peace in the Middle Last that sane oices are
heard in the US. 1his is not the irst time that it has been brought out that the
powerul Jewish lobby has been inluencing US oreign policy. Larlier, Paul
lindlay, a US Congressman or 22 years rom Illinois, had authoritatiely
explained that the pro-Israel orces were wielding remarkable power in the
\hite louse, the Pentagon and Uniersities, to suppress ree debates,
compromise national secrets, and shape American oreign policy that was
lopsided is-a-is the Middle Last. ,Paul lindley, 1be, Dare to ea/,
Connecticut: Lawrence lill & Company, 1983,. Carter has contributed a work
which sheds light on the working o US oreign policy. \hereas there is no
Book Reiews 111
dearth o works on the Middle Last, Carter`s book proides correct irst hand
inormation, based on historical acts and data, which is essential or anyone
interested in understanding the Middle Last conlict in its true perspectie.

Dr. Noor ul laq, Research lellow, IPRI.

SUDHI R DEVARE, I NDI A AND SOUTHEAST ASI A: TOWARDS SECURI TY

CONVERGENCE
,Singapore: Institute o Southeast Asian Studies, 2006,, pages 252.

In spite o rich cultural interactions, ciilisational linkages, historical
ailiations, and close geographical proximities, Cold \ar droe both India and
South Last Asia into two extremely opposing camps. 1his created an un-
natural distance between them. India`s decline o interests in South Last Asia
was marked by its oerall objection to US policy and een Sino-Indian rialry.
1he end o the Cold \ar, howeer, along with the increasing globalisation and
post 9,11, introduced a new dimension in India`s oreign and economic
ramework towards South Last Asia and the country came up with Look Last
policy by the early 1990s. 1he closer India-South Last Asia relationship has
rather just begun. Interestingly, unlike the Cold \ar era, India is not trying to
counter-balance or een accommodate with the United States` hegemony at
present in the region by becoming a strategic partner.
In the 21st Century, South Last Asia has been rapidly emerging as an
economic hub and a political powerhouse in the Asia-Paciic region. South
Last Asia can play the role o a catalyst or the ulilment o the long-cherished
goal o Pan-Asianism. Sudhir Deare in vaia ava ovtbea.t ..ia: 1orara. ecvrit,
Covrergevce brilliantly sheds light on broad and crosscutting themes o India`s
ties with South Last Asia with a particular emphasis on political and strategic
landscape, maritime cooperation, economic integration, democratic and
cultural interactions. le discusses, in detail, India-ASLAN relations in the
light o Look Last policy and brings to lie the current policy choices aailable
to India to oster its eer-expanding ties with the economically dynamic
ASLAN region. 1he study, howeer, does not ocus on India`s bilateral
relations with South Last Asian countries as such. Rather, a broad rame
portrays India-South Last Asian links and relations in the context o general
themes. During the Cold \ar, the author conessed that India remained
isolated and marginalized` in its neighbourhood ,page 1,. Under the changing
circumstances, the author is o iew that closer India-South Last Asia
relations hae just begun` and both are on a learning cure` ,pages xi & xii,.
As ar geo-strategic architecture and interplay o major powers in
South Last Asia are concerned, United States` unilateralism, China`s economic
rise, and Japan`s economic might inluence the region in one or the other way.
1hese situations hae also impacted upon India`s role in the region. Deare
Book Reiews 112
oers a succinct account about the Japan and China actor in South Last Asia.
1he author, while debating the case o India-South Last Asia relations, does
not ignore the rise o China as an important security and economic actor in
the region. le argues that the economic growth o both India and China will
continue to engage the attention o the whole o Asia-Paciic. le suggests that
India should continue to leerage its ast deeloping relationship with
ASLAN to expand interaction with the countries o Northeast Asia, including
China` ,page xii,. Indo-US strategic partnership would go a long way to
deelop a common stance with other South Last Asian countries namely
Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines, and Vietnam ,p. 35,. \hile
debating Japan`s position in this whole scenario, Deare downplayed Japanese
standpoint with regard to Indo-US nuclear deal. le een tried to portray
Japan`s appreciation o Indo-US nuclear deal. 1he case is deinitely not as
delicate as portrayed by the author ,p.36,. Moreoer, as ar India-China actor
in South Last Asia is concerned, he has also skillully skipped rom making an
in depth and serious analysis, as he simply went through shallow remarks.
Deare broadens the scope o his work by encompassing terrorism
and ocussing on challenges being aced by Myanmar. 1he author proides a
rereshing insight into the changed complexion o relations between India and
South Last Asia in recent decade as a result o Shining India` and people`s
general consciousness that tended to rediscoer their historical past. Indian
Ocean has been the main but inexpensie conduit or communities`
interaction across the Indian Sub-continent and South Last Asia or centuries
with unconsciously transerring cultural and ideological inluences. 1his seems
to be the primary reason or a smooth relationship between the peoples o
India and seeral o South Last Asian countries. last emerging economic
relations and security conergence are likely to conert India and South Last
Asia much integrated in the coming years. Both peoples` relentless
attachment will tie them in an inseparable manner and motiate them to strie
or a better tomorrow`, in the uture, as maintained by Ong Keng \ong,
Secretary-General o the Association o South Last Asian Nations ,ASLAN,
in his loreword written in the book. 1he author comes up with a suggestion
that Myanmar`s challenges should jointly be tackled by deeloping a dialogue
with that country comprising ASLAN, India, China, and Japan, with a ocus
on ensuring political stability and economic deelopment ,p. 204,.
Certain drawbacks in the book cannot be ignored. Central theme or
argument has not been well knitted throughout in Deare`s work. Arguments
and certain points hae been repeated at seeral places and on occasions, there
is a lack o coherence. Jargon is noticeable at seeral places. 1he work appears
to be somewhat more journalistic than a serious research study. Deare`s
diplomatic rhetoric also preails, which preents him rom bringing up highly
controersial points in the light. In spite o these weaknesses, the book is a
useul study or readers interested in India-South Last Asian relations in the
Book Reiews 113
broader Asia-Paciic context. Deare`s diplomatic experiences in Myanmar,
Indonesia, and Singapore, where he sered in diplomatic positions, hae also
helped him to build his analysis. In this way, it is a bountiul diplomatic-led
scholarly eort by Deare to promote India-South Last Asia relations.
Moreoer, the book contains useul documents or researchers with regard to
India-ASLAN relations. In a nutshell, Deare has made an insightul inquiry
into the ast changing ties between India and South Last Asia.

Dr. Ahmad Rashid Malik, Research lellow, IPRI.

ABDUL SATTAR, PAKI STAN S FOREI GN POLI CY, 1947- 2005

A CONCI SE HI STORY
,Karachi: Oxord Uniersity Press, 200,, pages 329.

1hose seriously interested in Pakistan`s oreign policy, would hae keenly
awaited Abdul Sattar`s book or a couple o reasons. lirst, there is a serious
dearth o literature on Pakistan`s oreign policy. All o us who hae studied the
subject academically are amiliar with S. M. Burke`s Pakistan`s oreigv Potic,: .v
bi.toricat .vat,.i.. Burke`s superiority lies in his great ability to record history o
Pakistan`s oreign policy, by presenting documents, which could only be
obtained not only through sheer hard work but dedication to a higher cause.
lis eort to compile Pakistan`s oreign policy is comparable to lector and
Achilles` joint eort in the \ar o 1roy. Some o us are also aware o Shahid
M Amin`s Pa/i.tav`. oreigv Potic,, which is based more on analysis than on
documentation o a gigantic nature. Sajjad laider`s Reftectiov. of .v .vba..aaor
deals brilliantly and critically with the years o Soiet interention o
Aghanistan, bringing in experiences o personal nature which indeed make
the book a ery interesting reading. Agha Shahi`s Pa/i.tav`. oreigv ava ecvrit,
Potic, is once again a critical and analytical account o Pakistan`s oreign policy.
It sets a precedent that een i one had been inoled in raming or
implementing o Pakistan`s oreign policy, one still had the insight to iew it
rom a reasonable distance and reasonably apply one`s critical aculties, which
would enable higher echelons o loreign Oice to make and implement a
more eectie oreign policy. Largely, this was the context, in which Sattar`s
book was keenly awaited. Second, academicians and researchers alike awaited
the book expecting that it would either be like vr/e`. or .viv`., more like
Burke`s because o the recent de-classiication o historical documents on US-
Pakistan relations. \hateer anyone has to comment on Sattar`s book, must
be iewed within this light.
Regardless o whether the book met the general expectations o the
academicians and serious researchers or not, Sattar must be complimented or
undertaking such an ambitious project. Recording 58 years o Pakistan`s
oreign policy, is by no means, an easy task. lis distinguished career in
Book Reiews 114
Pakistan`s oreign oice or oer three decades, placed him in a unique
position to write this book. 1he book scans Pakistan`s oreign policy rom the
emergence o Pakistan ,pp. 1-, to policy ups and downs during 1965-1
,pp.105-111,, increasing isolation during 1990-2000 ,pp. 225-240,, down to
post 9,11 deelopments. Once again, people expected Sattar to bring more o
his personal insight into oreign policy making, implementation and its
consequences. 1hose who complain o a lack o personal touch must read and
cherish the chapter titled Simla Agreement: Negotiating under Duress` ,pp.
124-143,, which gies a deeper insight into how personalities impact upon
oreign policy decisions. Due to his broad coerage o oreign policy, the book
is indeed a distinguished work that can be saely recommended at the
postgraduate leel.
Both the specialists and the generalists hae much to gain rom
reading this book. 1he specialists could enjoy the text, thinking that it has
gien them access to aailable documents. Moreoer, specialists beliee that
being an insider, Sattar could hae had much better access to oreign policy
documents than the budding noices. 1he generalist could enjoy the entire text
due to the clarity o language, ideas, as well as the chronological setting o the
book. \ithin this backdrop, this book can saely be recommended or those
interested in Pakistan`s oreign policy.

Dr Maara Inayat, Research lellow, Institute o Regional Studies ,IRS,, Islamabad.

ABDUL SATTAR, PAKI STAN S FOREI GN POLI CY ( 1947- 2005)

A CONCI SE HI STORY
,Karachi: Oxord Uniersity Press, 200,, pages 329.

lollowing his predecessor, late Ambassador, S.M Burke, who wrote the irst
authoritatie book on Pakistan`s oreign policy, eteran diplomat, Abdul
Sattar has tried to narrate, what he calls plain history` o oreign policy o
Pakistan since independence in his well-researched book. Sattar has had an
illustrious career o thirty nine years in loreign Serice. lis job assignments
included important postings as ambassador to India, as well as representatie
to the IALA in Vienna. Besides being a successul diplomat, he has emerged
as a lucid analyst on oreign and domestic political issues.
1he purpose o this book is two-old. lirstly, to proide objectie,
actual and detailed account o history o Pakistan`s oreign policy, oer the
last ity eight years, Secondly, while proiding a historical ramework, to
inspire policy makers to deelop deeper and richer understanding o the
political and strategic milieu in the making o Pakistan`s security and oreign
policy. As Isaac Asimo once said, It is the writer who might catch the
imagination o young people and plant seed that will lower and come to
ruition`.
Book Reiews 115
1his book is neither a memoir nor a critique but a surey o oreign
policy o Pakistan since independence till to date, coering all signiicant
milestone eents. 1he author explained the genesis o Pakistan`s oreign
policy, which, according to the ounding ather Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali
Jinnah, was based on the principles o riendliness and goodwill towards all
nations o the world. 1his idealist approach suered disillusionment, when
hard realities o international politics stressed hard at the young nation.
loweer, history o its oreign policy relects that it has adjusted well to
immense challenges.
1he oreign policy o a state, according to the author, is a means to an
end and it must adapt itsel to saeguard its independence, soereignty, security
and integrity. Moreoer, it should promote the legitimate aspirations o its
people towards economic and social progress and attain dignity and honour in
the comity o nations. In the opinion o the author, since the beginning o its
oreign aairs, Pakistan had to ace two major dilemmas. One, there was the
search or remedy against wide disparity in power in the region, and second,
to explore new resources or deelopment. 1here was realisation to hae a
mast` to sail smoothly in oreign aairs. 1hus, the contours o oreign policy
o Pakistan, were shaped by quest or security and economic deelopment.
1he author has written a much-needed book by proiding basic
understanding to a layman while to a student o oreign policy, it brings out
the dynamics at play in oreign relations. In this well documented book, out o
twenty three chapters almost nine are deoted to Indo-Pakistan relations. 1he
reerences number around 500, thereby proiding its objectiity through hard
actual data. 1he style o writer is clear and coers all eents comprehensiely.
\et, when iewed with any other good book, proiding an in-depth
insight into the oreign policy o Pakistan, it suers rom seeral limitations.
1he author has contextualized the eents and leaders decisions, as legitimate.
loweer, some aspects o Pakistan policy, especially on Aghanistan, hae not
been gien due coerage. Also, Pakistan`s role in raising, supporting and
training o 1aliban in the 1990s, is only explained and not critically ealuated.
1he chapter on Simla Agreement and its implications are written in a
ery coherent manner, yet it carries certain technical laws. lor instance, basic
thrust o the chapter on Simla Agreement was that it was an imposed` treaty.
\hile the experts on International law and treaties, gie dierent iew points
and say that according to article 52 o the Vienna Conention on the Law o
1reaties, a treaty is oid i its conclusion has been procured by the threat or
use o orce`. 1his means that treaty is binding on the states een i it is
concluded under duress`. And, Pakistan has neer challenged the alidity o
the treaty. Instead, it has always owned it, which can be judged rom the
preailing act that it wants solution o the Kashmir conlict under the Simla
Agreement and UN resolutions.
Book Reiews 116
In the chapter on historical eents ater 9,11, the author contends
that the decision to join the US war against global terrorism was taken beore
the US had asked, or, in the words o writer, beore a request` was made.
1his is, howeer, not supported by acts that appeared in later accounts and
writings. It can be judged rom this that Pakistan had decided to take a U-
turn` in oreign policy by abandoning the 1aliban regime in Aghanistan under
US pressure. In Musharra s autobiography, v tbe ive of ire`, it is
mentioned that ormer Secretary o State, Colin Powell`s telephonic call
ordered` Pakistan to join the US led coalition orces in war against
Aghanistan. Also, Richard Armitage threatened to bomb Pakistan back to
the stone age`, which does not support author`s argument. In act, Bob
\oodward in his book v.b at !ar`, also described the act o US diplomatic
pressure on Pakistan or making a turn around in its policy. 1he author has
also been unable to explain the resurgence o 1aliban in Aghanistan and
Pakistan`s eorts to curb its subsequent spilloer.
More signiicantly, the Ministry o loreign Aairs seems to hae been
somewhat ignored in this book, as one cannot oerlook its signiicant role in
ormulating and implementation o oreign policy. It is ironical that the author,
as a member o Ministry o loreign Aairs or almost our decades, should
not accord due signiicance to the role o oreign oice.
Oerall, the book, its shortcomings notwithstanding, is ery
inormatie and proides enough ood or thought or policy makers,
researchers and general readers. Moreoer, it is a aluable addition to the
existing literature on oreign policy o Pakistan by an experienced diplomat,
who has been an eyewitness to signiicant deelopments oer the years.

larhat Akram,Assistant Research Oicer, IPRI.

D. SUBA CHANDRAN, ED. , ARMED CONFLI CTS AND PEACE PROCESSES

I N SOUTH ASI A
,New Delhi: Samskriti, 2006,, pages 333.

It is a matter o common knowledge that sixteen percent o the world
population lies in South Asia - a region beset with numerous conlicts. \hile
the armed conlicts hae become bloodier in recent years, the Peace Process
could not be sustained or dierent reasons. Initiating a peace process is easier
than sustaining it. 1he last ew years hae witnessed arious initiaties taken by
Pakistan, Kashmiri leadership, Nepal, India, and Sri Lanka. 1he presence o
numerous actors, role o ciil society, space and rules o bargaining, lack o
tools, independent inputs or lack o inputs, external support, all these actors
play an important role in sustaining the peace process. Peace and conlicts are
intertwined with each other. \here there are longer years o peace, there are
latent stirrings o conlict as well. 1he intellectual dierent ideas trying to take
Book Reiews 11
precedence oer others, aspirations o people in terms o words or actions,
oer a period o time, turn into conlicts.
Nine essays contributed by arious writers published in D. Suba
Chandran`s edited work under reiew critically look at conlicts and the peace
processes in the South Asian region. le lays out two actors or which it is
important to conduct a study on the topic o armed conlicts and peace
processes. lirstly, armed conlicts hae been continuing in South Asia since
1940`s, and in act, hae increased in recent years. Secondly, peace processes,
though hae been initiated at arious leels and arious periods, could not be
sustained. Chandaran has gien all the essays a common ormat i.e., short
history, principal actors, and conlict in the preious years, peace process, and
a conclusion. 1he section on principal actors in the conlict ocus on the major
actors, their perceptions, policies and strategies, state and non-state actors.
Conlict in the preious year is the main ocus o the study, coering
extensiely all that happened during the preious year. 1he last section deals
with major impediments in the peace process.
Proessor P.R.Chari`s chapter on Armed Conlict in South Asia: An
Oeriew` and General Dipankar Banerjee`s chapter on Promoting Peace in
South Asia`, are interconnected as ormer`s chapter is more o an oeriew
and analytical while the latter`s is more prescriptie. 1he distinction between
the internal armed conlict and ciil war, on one hand, and a criminal war,
terrorism, and insurgency on the other, hae been brought out. 1he
transormation o arious conlicts into ciil wars has been analysed. More
importantly, this chapter discusses the paradoxes, roots, and characteristics o
South Asian conlicts in an analytical ashion.
An interesting paradox that has been pointed out is related to actors,
such as commonality o language, shared history and religion, ciilizational
bonds among people and states, and spelling out reasons or incompatibility.
1he submission that the absence o interstate conlict does not mean that
states can lie in peace and harmony because o the propensity o the states to
use subterranean orms o interstate iolence such as subersion, promotion
o terrorism, and proxy wars in the neighboring countries, is important. 1his
makes South Asian conlicts distinct rom others and thus these desere a
special treatment.
An equally conincing proposition is that regional countries interene
in the internal aairs o neighbouring countries to externalise internal
problems to gain political leerage. lrom the point o iew o the people in
decision-making, research, and academics, it would hae been better i the root
causes o conlict, as identiied, hae been exempliied in order to complete
the linkages and understanding o the issue. As ar Let extremism or Naxalite
type o extremism, it is important to hit at the root cause because ailure to do
so would generate more conlicts. 1he cross-border moement, ethno-
Book Reiews 118
political, socio-economic, communal, religious, politics and terrorism, are the
areas where the breeding ground o present and uture conlicts lies.
Interention in neighbouring countries through subterranean orms o
iolence needs to be watched careully. It has been suggested that mutually
beneicial trade could ease tension and conlict. Banerjee has characterised
conlicts as interstate,intrastate, independence,autonomy, ethnic,tribal, socio-
economic moements, insurgency and terrorism. Banerjee`s chapter has a lot
o releance to the current situation. 1his proides an understanding o the
present and also helps in moing into the uture. 1he point that, apart rom
the political causes, all other causes are intra-state is well taken. It has been
pointed out that the highest percentage o conlicts in uture would be
interstate. 1he two chapters are interlinked, yet they ocus on dierent aspects.
1hey arrie at similar conclusions in spite o dierent interpretations. 1his is
the central theme o the book.
Malika Joseph`s chapter on Let Lxtremism in India: lrom Red
Corridor to Red Line` suggests that the Let wing problem should not be seen
in terms o statistics alone. It is a serious problem because it tends to spread
today. 1he important aspect is the number o people inoled in the attacks or
incidents o iolence. In such cases, response option becomes diicult and is
limited, because helplessness o response brings iolent changes. In uture, this
is likely to increase as more and more people are being mobilized, so would
the author argue.
1he chapter on Nepal proides an illuminating background to show
as to how the conlict deeloped rom the beginning till the last decade.
lactors that inluenced the conlict hae been coered. Last one year had been
eentul. Recent isit and remarks by Prachanda that Indian Maoists are
ideologically misled, is signiicant.
In his chapter, entitled Sri Lanka: Negatie Peace, Positie
Violence`, N. Manoharan says that the problem is three-dimensional. lirst is
the Sri Lankan Goernment-L11L angle. 1he situation is messy. Peace o
the graeyard` preails as Manoharan puts it. Along with two thousand
casualties this year, on the one hand, Sri Lankan goernment is coninced and
determined to hae a military solution, while the L11L is ixed on its demand,
on the other hand. 1he second dimension is that the international
community's negotiations are at a dead end. 1hey hae no solutions, as both
L11L and Sri Lankan Goernment, are indierent to each other. 1he
international community is not in a position to impose any solution. 1he third
dimension is that there is a eeling in the international community that India is
not inoling itsel in a way that it should, while others are coninced that
India has certain inluence oer L11L, but is not exercising it.
BP Rhoutray gies a detailed account o the North-Last: lailure o
Peace Process`. She talks how goernments create counter insurgent groups,
as well as how this approach has ailed. Only the goernment should possess
Book Reiews 119
arms and that any group, which is created, would ultimately turn against the
state. 1he goernment has not learnt any lesson rom the past. It does not
sole the problem.
B. Rajeshwari talks about the story o Bangladesh and her problems.
She stresses on the point that deelopment should reach the lowest strata in
the society. 1he ongoing economic exploitation must be put to an end.
In his irst essay on Jammu Kashmir: Iniltration Declines, Violence
Persists`, Chandran opines that since 1989, conlict o Kashmir has merged
into conlict in Kashmir. Pakistan, India and the State o Jammu & Kashmir
are the main state actors while non-state actors include militants, jihadi`s and
surrendering militants. O late, the armed conlict in Kashmir is attaining a
religious dimension, he argues.
In his other contribution, Chandran talks about Pakistan: 1ribal
troubles in Balochistan and \aziristan`. le is o the iew that political
initiaties were planned but neer sustained and the Goernment o Pakistan
has been pursuing a military approach towards the resolution o political
problems. 1here is an immediate need to undertake reorms in lA1A, which
hae been neglected and Pakistan needs better border management with
Aghanistan, especially in lA1A region, he suggests.
In short, the book gies an excellent insight, with regard to armed
conlict and peace processes in South Asia during 2006. 1he book proides
some help to practitioners in dealing with these problems.

Raeh A. Malik, Assistant Research Oicer, IPRI.

BHAGABAN BEHRA, CENTRAL ASI A- CHI NA RELATI ONS SI NCE 1991

,Delhi: Vista International Publishing louse, 2006,, pages 210.

Bhagahan Behra`s book carries out an in-depth study o two important regions
- Central Asia and China. In this context, it is obious that the Central Asian
states had got independence rom the ormer Soiet Union in 1991. 1he
disintegration o the Soiet Union, attracted all the big powers and
neighbouring Muslim countries to the region. China`s contiguity with these
countries, as well as its signiicant size, burgeoning economy, and powerul
military, also made it a potential major player in Central Asia. As deposits o
oil, gas, minerals and metals in Central Asian States are ital or China`s rapid
industrial deelopment, it started eincing keen interest in Central Asia.
As will be seen, the present Chinese policy in Central Asia is goerned
by strategic and economic considerations, which hae a strong linkage with the
geo-politics o Xinjiang. 1he rising threat o ethno-nationalism in the
neighbouring Central Asian republics is a matter o grae concern or China in
arious ways. 1hus, it wants the present status quo to continue in Central Asia.
1he existing status-quo can ensure tranquility on its borders and good
Book Reiews 120
relations with its neighbours. In this context, it has sought or a cooperatie
security ramework with Russia or maintaining peace and stability in Central
Asia. loweer, the situation in Aghanistan and 1ajikistan, where Islamic
orces are on the rise, is a source o constant worry or China. Despite all these
diiculties, China is keen to play a constructie role in Central Asia, with
emphasis on mutual cooperation and peace with neighbours.
China`s strategic concern primarily lies in the stabilisation o the
North-\estern rontiers and in the creation o a aourable external
enironment. China has 3,500 km joint border with Central Asian countries
and as such, it is China`s strategic interest to maintain security and stability in
its North-\estern part. Security and stability in this part o China is an
essential link or the whole external enironments.
1he second strategic consideration is that China should try to tackle
the separatist tendencies and the extremist iniltration in the country. It
becomes imperatie or China to ensure that any engineered social interest is
not allowed to aect its security and stability. China must intelligently handle
ethnic and religious problems. I not handled properly, these can easily lead to
social turmoil and aect security and stability in this region.
1alking about that role o ethnic actors in Central Asia-China
relationship, the author reeals that the process o ethnic reialism and
integrating people on ethnic lines has serious impact on China`s Xinjiang
Uighur population. 1he reedom moement o Uighur`s in the region is ery
important or China`s national security and also or economic reasons. China`s
deelopment work in the region is a step to protect the interest o the region.
As both Central Asian States and China are acing the same sort o
problem, they hae agreed to sole the issue jointly. 1his is eident rom the
arious agreements signed between them, both bilaterally and multilaterally.
Both are working jointly to curb ethnic conlicts.
Realistically speaking, both Central Asian states and China, cannot
ignore the long lasting inluence o Russia in the region. Rather, it will be
diicult or the Central Asian states to make alliances with other states against
Russia. \hile building close relationship, China must make sure not to replace
the Russian inluence in the region. China`s inluence in the region is also
checked with the presence o the USA in the region and Russia`s looking back
approach towards the region.
It will be seen that cooperation between China and Russia has
acilitated the deelopment o Central Asia-China relations to a greater degree
than is commonly appreciated. Any deiation on the part o China rom the
present trend, can complicate its relations with the region`s goernment and
any issure would impact most acutely on China`s Xinjiang region. lor the
Central Asia countries, China has emerged as a natural partner or market
economy and growth o democracy. Both are transorming their centralised
Book Reiews 121
state-owned economy to market economy and can help each other in this
endeaour.
1he author also draws our attention to the presence o US troops in
the Central Asia region, close to the Chinese territory. Obiously, this poses a
threat to the deence system o China. China`s nuclear testing sites and the
deence actiities could be easily monitored by the American orces. 1o
counter these threats, China actiely participates in the SCO, in order to keep
the Central Asian states engaged with China in a riendly and cooperatie
ramework.
1he author concludes with the remarks that like China, Russia is also
concerned about its security and that o the Central Asian States. Russia has
taken many steps to keep that security structure o the region within its
control. 1he complexity o the security structure o the region keeps both
Russia and China concerned. 1he need o the Central Asian states, howeer, is
to establish riendly relations with Russia, Lurope, China the US, and other
powers in order to presere their independence.

Ghulam Sarwar, Consulting Lditor, PR ]ovrvat.

MI CHAEL E. O HANLON, DEFENCE STRATEGY ( FOR THE POST SADDAM
ERA)
,New Delhi: Manas Publications, 2006,, pages 148.

1he book is an eort by the writer to proe that war could not only be won by
bullet but also by pen. 1he work primarily discusses US military strategy and
the deence budget. 1he author looks into questions o America`s two war-
planning` ramework and implications o Bush Administration`s Preemption
Doctrine` or the US and its armed orces. lurther, he ocuses on the lessons
o the Iraq and the Aghanistan campaigns.
According to the author, the Iraq operation is putting extra burden on
the actie and resere US orces. le recommends sending o additional 40,000
ground troops in the near uture. le ocuses on the Iraq operation, but beore
discussing long-term policies and capabilities, he also deals with naal conlict
in the 1aiwan Straits, the Persian Gul, the Korean Peninsula, and the large-
scale multilateral stabilisation missions in South and South Last Asia. le also
discusses the Pentagon plans to reamp its oerseas bases and the possibility
o US allies, requiring enhanced military budget in the coming years.
In addition, the author dilates on the theme that these wars should be
well reiewed beore ormulating any recommendations. le questions whether
Operation Lnduring lreedom` alidates the theory that traditional warare
should be replaced by high technology, special orces and creatie war plans
According to him, in the Aghanistan \ar, the local allies were critical about
winning the war against 1aliban and al Qaeda. In Iraq, besides the post-
Book Reiews 122
Saddam stabilization mission, traditional combat capabilities mattered a lot in
the second phase o the war. le thinks that such a proposition is ambiguous.
Donald Rumseld, the ormer US Deence Secretary`s thinking to use
precision and speed to win a war in a battleield might be useul. According to
the author, the US should retain a broad range o capabilities to ace new
challenges, een when the Iraq and the Aghanistan missions are completed.
In the opinion o the author, the current 1-4-2-1 ramework or orce
planning is a better modiication than the preious two-war ramework. In the
ormer approach, the US is prepared to deend its homeland, maintain strong
orward deployments in our theatres that is ,Lurope, the Persian Gul, North
Last Asia and other parts o the Paciic Rim,, deeating two regional
aggressors` and oerthrowing one o them. But it basically reers when war
against Iraq and Korea was dominating the US deence policies. As the author
speculates, there could be dierent scenarios that might emerge to attract
attention o the strategy makers by the end o this decade. 1hough Pentagon
has shited rom threat-based analysis to capabilities-based analysis, yet the
latter approach needs deeper analysis on the nature and size o threats. le has
tried to present arious scenarios to determine the quantum o the US orce
requirements. 1he author is putting orward another ramework: 1-4-1-1-1.
According to the writer, the 4` would be interpreted rather dierently, that is,
to hae oerseas deployments to counter limited scale terrorist attacks. Others
may be large-scale stabilization missions in Iraq, or perhaps in South and
South Last Asia etc. A high intensity war with Korea and one naal air
engagements in the 1aiwan Straits or the Persian Gul, might be plausible
scenarios in uture.
Just as the Aghanistan \ar took many deence analysts by surprise,
so could other military scenarios. At least, war against Iran would hae some
similarity to a conlict in the 1aiwan Straits. 1he author says that these
scenarios are only or analysis and urther relection on stabilisation and
reorming a Palestine State, preenting nuclear catastrophe in South Asia,
stabilizing a large country such as Indonesia or Congo, and protecting Persian
Gul shipping against threats rom Iran.
1he author is o the iew that the US does not know how to predict
its enemy well enough. 1his is not to adocate pure capabilities-based
planning. loweer, scenario-based planning is still needed. According to the
author, there is a need to plan or the uture with oresight and imagination,
trying to enision possible military scenarios. le is o the iew that the US
should deelop a irm idea whom to ight against and at what cost. 1here is a
eeling that war against Iran would aect the pro-\estern reormists in that
country, but a dramatic shit could occur i Iran deelops nuclear weapons and
encourages lezbollah to escalate attacks against Israel and some \estern
countries. Spread o weapons o mass destruction and threat o global terror
conront the US and the humanity.
Book Reiews 123
1his work adocates expansion o current capabilities o the US Army
and Marine Corps to deal with ongoing demands in Iraq and Aghanistan.
1hough the strategists always think o long-term possibilities, yet today the
armed orces o the US ace a near-term challenge to stabilize Iraq without
wearing out. 1hus, it is a major challenge posed to the US armed orces.
1hough one may tend to agree with the analysis o the author, the US
needs to be more sensitie to the rising anti-American sentiments. 1he ighting
in Iraq and Aghanistan is only the starting point,beginning or a long battle
against global terrorism. And, as a superpower, the US has a responsible role
to play in world aairs. In short, the book is an eort to look at the US long-
term policies and capabilities.

Nuzhat Khanum, ormer Assistant Research Oicer, IPRI.