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University of Konstanz Etats des lieux des relations franco-allemandes. Quel rle pour le <moteur> dEurope?

LAllemagne, La France et une possible adhsion de la Turquie a lEU

Preutescu Drago-Andrei
Konstanz - Germany

A path for European Turkey The EU wants a stable, prosperous, democratic Turkey that is anchored in Europe and is part of the European security architecture. Council President, Alain Lamassoure, 6 April 1995 (Quoted in Ugur 1999: 1) The example of Turkey and his attempt to join in the European Community is the longest and perseverant decision of this country for modernization and alignment with the European states. Immediately after World War II, Turkey was sure he wants to follow a way of modernization. For this reason Turkey followed a long term commitment for the European values (Ugur 1999: 3) with major decision and steps made for this purpose: in 1959 (application for European Community), 1987 (membership application for EU), 1995 (customs union decision community), 1999 (officially recognized as a candidate country to EU). But in addition with this reason of commitment Turkey did not succeed in many areas to approach the obligations for European Community, at least not for the big countries like France and Germany. These two countries who started to build the European Community, and the opinions about Turkey accession to EU is well debated, monitored and criticized. Different opinions and articles say there is a big cultural and economic incompatibility between Turkey and the European Union (Ugur 1999: 5). The problem of European Integration is another issues concerning Turkey accession to European Community. Follow France and Germany different debate (but paradoxically with the same scope to be against Turkey, still) about the integration process, European integration is an arrangement characterized by combination of intergovernmental and supranational elements (Ugur 1999: 25). This elements are basic concepts of how France and Germany thing to have a good structure and establishment in Europe. Europe wants to keep her identity, and an extension with Turkey, or Russia, launches a series of questions and criticism about the geographic position very especially for Turkey. The image of a European Turkey began when the Ottoman Empire became a Republic in 1923 following the central idea of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk to reach the level of contemporary civilization (Kili 2010). Different degrees of integration in the European Community of Turkey aimed at geographical, cultural, political and economical issues. France and Germany were the countries that opposed Turkeys accession constantly, despite from time to time of Great Britain and USA

different arguments for the future integration. But despite this, they have tried, especially Germany to maintain important bilateral relations. Turkey acknowledge after the concept of strategic depth proposed by Davutoglu that this country have a significant position in geopolitics and global politics issues (Balcer 2009: 19), as a country part of Europe and Asia continents. It is Europe interested on this strategic position? But here we have other controversial issues like the conflict with Cyprus, the relations with Greece, Nabucco project for energy, the entire Balkan area that EU is interested in etc. French and German position can be determined and can develop new strategies with Turkey for the European Community or, why not, to be a European Union member. The Europeanization of Turkey (Oguzlu and Ozpek 2008: 992) is a long process between two oriented ideas, the traditionalist and the one who support the modernization. In this short essay I will try to explain the positions of Germany and France about Turkey accession to European Union and the opinion of the leaders and elites. Frances position on Turkey France opinion on the Turkey accession to the European Union was a critical point of view for many of the leaders (especially the presidents) of this country. In last several years the big opposition during the electoral campaign in 2007, and today, Nicolas Sarkozy choose to keep a reluctance position to accept Turkey among the united European countries (Cataptay 2007). Maybe the only French president which supported positive the problem accession was Jacques Chirac. We could find in him the only advocate for Turkey, offering the possibility of an open referendum to see the public opinion in his country. This solution was also a proposal from Sarkozy in the last years, to change a Constitutional article. Another president, Giscard DEstaing was sustaining that the accession of Turkey will lead to the End of Europe (Teitelbaum and Martin 2003: 99). After the Copenhagen Summit in 1993, and after the establishing the criteria for membership, France supported the concept of absorption capacity (Esen 2007) and this allows leaders to legitimate themselves to a contrary decision for the Turkey. France was against enlargement taking into account the EU institutions, decision-making mechanism and the issues of the budget that could be very problematic (Esen 2007: 5). French proposals were that the negotiations for Turkey to be directed to the Mediterranean Union project rather than EU (Oguzlu and Ozpek 2008: 1008). Also Sarkozy demand for a wise mens committee to make some

research about geographical meaning until where are the borders of Europe are found (EUCE 2008). In 2011 Sarkozy declared and quoted in Hurriyed Daily News that he believes it is necessary to have close ties between Turkey and the European Union as much as possible without going any further toward a full membership that in fact could be beneficial neither for Turkey nor for the EU. And what happened in 2011? The diplomatic relations between Turkey and France were affected by the problem of a law adopted in France regarding the punishment for those who are against and do not recognize the Armenian genocide in public (Allen 2012). It is true that Turkey have problems with the respect for the human rights and the process of democratization. On the other hand France, the same like Germany must take into account the public opinion were in the past the years has been increased against the Muslims, especially after the terrorist attack on 9/11. As Anne-Marie Le Gloanneac argues, in France does not exist a well know path to decide about Turkey in the field of intellectuals or politicians (Tocci 2007: 77). All the problems like the question of Cyprus, about the Armenian genocide, the religion aspects it is a political discourse (Tocci 2007: 78). Germanys position on Turkey The case of Germany is similar with France in terms of public opinion and the beliefs of leaders who must respect the decision of the governing parties and the attitude of the citizens. The German position for Turkeys accession to EU was more diplomatic, and still is. Chancellor Schroder was strongly supported the position and achievements of this country. In 1997 Helmult Kohl argued the existing off to many cultural and religious differences. Today, Angela Merkel supported, especially during the German EU Presidency in 2007 a tehnic path. Germany builds a new strategy with Turkey to avoid political issues and divergent opinions of the members states. For this reason was created the Strategic Partnership Turkey-EU with the purpose to make a cooperation in areas like economy, security and foreign policy. German demand was for a privileged partnership and then for a full membership (Esen 2007: 6). The emigration problem was an issue or a consequence after the employment programme started in 1966-1967, when both countries signed a strategic commitment, allowing the Turkish people to work in Germany. And this is a reason to fear for a high level of migration if Turkey acceded to European Union.

Stelzenmuller on the same IAI-TEPAV Report said that Germany is the key country (Tocci 2007: 105) because here the Muslims are better integrate and the relation with Turkey is much closer and can maintain a link with the other European countries and France. The parties in the German Bundestag have different opinion on Turkey accession. Angela Merkel and CDU are for a privileged partnership. The CSU is against, the SPD are for Turkey and Die Linke put in front the problem of Kurdish minority (Tocci 2007: 111-112). The important question is if Turkey is a part of Europe history. From my point of view I will say it is. Turkey was involved in wars, diplomatic conferences during the Europe evolution. Conclusion A new wave of EU enlargement will lead Europe to the borders with Syria, Iran, Irak, states with high democratic problems. For Turkey the accession in European Union can rear giving up the state model built by Ataturk. The public opinion in France and Germany is very important (EurActiv 2005). Exist a type of behavior to reject the Muslims (Morelli 2011: 17) or a islamophobia. In both countries, France and Germany (Orendt 2010), the governing parties demand for a continuation of the accession negotiations (Balcer 2010: 16). The leaders align with the skeptical public opinion (Bennhold and Bilifsky 2006). The problem of Turkeys accession will materialize when the European Union finds a institutional and political meaning.

1. Allen, Peter. 2012. Turkey threatens to retaliate against France over Armenian genocide

bill. The Telegraph, 24 January 2012.

2. Balcer, Adam. 2010. Heading for the strategic Partnership EU-Turkey in the Foreign

Policy. http://www.demoseuropa.eu/files/W%20strone%20strategicznego%20partnerstwa %20UE%20i%20Turcji%20w%20polityce%20zagranicznej%20EN.pdf 2012).

3. Bennhold, Katrin and Bilifsky Dan. 2006. News Analysis: Sarkozy may cause global



ripple- Europe. New York Times, 10 September 2006. 4. Birand, Mehmet. 2011. Turkeys EU talks a tool, not a path to membership, Sarkozy says. http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/default.aspx?pageid=438&n=sarkozy-speaks-outagainst-turkeys-full-membership-sees-eu-talks-as-a-tool-2011-02-24 (January 27, 2012).
5. Cagaptay, Soner 2007. Sarkozys Policy on Turkey's E.U. Accession: Bad for France?

http://www.jewishpolicycenter.org/96/sarkozys-policy-on-turkeys-eu-accession-bad-for (January 27, 2012).

6. Dahlman, Carl. 2004. Turkeys Accession to the European Union: The Geopolitics of

Enlargement. Eurasian Geography and Economies, 44(8): 553-574.

7. Esen, Tolksbay. 2007. Absorption capacity of the EU and Turkish accession: definitions

and comments. http://www.tepav.org.tr/upload/files/1252667182r9668.Absorption_Capacity_Of_The_Eu_ And_Turkish_Accession_Definitions_And_Comments.pdf (January 30, 2012).

8. EurActiv. 2005. Euro barometer: Over half or EU citizens against Turkeys accession.

http://www.euractiv.com/priorities/eurobarometer-half-eu-citizens-turkey-accession/article142697 (January 20, 2012).

9. Kili, S. 2010. The Ataturk Revolution and Republicanism, Ataturk Society of America.

http://ataturksociety.org/editorial_details.asp?id=16 (January 27, 2012). 10. Morelli, Vincent. 2011. European Union Enlargement: A status Report on Turkeys Accession Negotiations.

11. Network of European Union Centers of Excellence. 2008. Turkeys Quest for EU

membership. http://www.unc.edu/depts/europe/business_media/mediabriefs/Brief4-0803-turkey'squest.pdf (January 20, 2012).

12. Oguzlu, Tarik H. and Ozpek Bilghehan B. 2008. Turkeys Europenization. International

Journal, 63(autumn): 991-1009.

13. Orendt,

Moritz. 2010. Germanys Role in Turkeys EU-Accession Process.

http://www.bilgesam.org/en/index.php? option=com_content&view=article&id=233:germanys-role-in-turkeys-eu-accessionprocess&catid=70:ab-analizler&Itemid=131 (January 27, 2012).

14. Teitelbaum, Michael S. and Martin L. Philip. 2003. Is Turkey Ready for Europe?

Foreign Affairs, 82(May/June): 97-111. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RS22517.pdf (January 30, 2012).

15. Tocci, Nathalie. 2007. Conditionality impact and prejudice in EU-Turkey Relations.

http://www.setav.org/ups/dosya/17654.pdf (January 20, 2012).

16. Ugur, Mehmet 1999. The European Union and Turkey: an Anchor/Credibility Dilemma.

England, Argate, pp. 1-85