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VlV
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by Chin See Vin
(founder of new viUages)
e
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M.C.A. INTRA-PARTY STRUGGLE
WATER SUBSIDES ROCK,S APPEAR:
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Confucius
FOOD FOR THOUGHTl
.JL t EJ, lDi % ~ ~ , ~ ~ ; f -=- ;t 0
!. 1. , ;t 1:1- t ~ ~ IlH ,
A&o ;t1tht, ; t ~
i , ;t 1t '* , ~ 9 ' l * 0
Confucius said, "There are three friendships
which are advantageous, and three which are
injurious. Friendship with the upright; friendship
with the sincere; and friendship with the man of
much observation:- these are advantageous.
Friendship with the man of specious airs;
friendship with the insinuatingly soft; and
friendship with the glib-tongued:- these are
injurious ...
NOTE
The author Chin See Yin is .a founder-member of the Malayan
Chinese Association and the New Villages in West Malaysia.
He is a former Member of Parliment, Negri Sembifan State
Assemblyman and President of Seremban Town Council, N.S.
This book is published
under
The Copyright Act 1987.
INTRODUCTION
u.s. President Abraham Lincoln in his Second
Inaugural Address stated - "With malice towards
none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right,
as God gives us the wisdom to see the right".
This book is written without malice and without intention to hurt
anyone, but, with a genuine desire to help strengthen the
Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and unite the Malaysian
Chinese community to work for racial harmony and posterity.
I hope that this book will help future MeA leaders and members
to realise that the party was formed with two main objectives -
. (a) to assist and look after the Chinese interest. and,
(b) to look after the Chinese squatters' livelihood after their
resettlement.
I hope that this book will help to enlighten future MCA leaders
and members that great damage has already been done to the
party and the community due to constant "power-struggles" for
positions and power and lucrative government jobs.
Soon, I hope, future MCA leaders and members will realise the
importance for a "trio" combination, namely :-
the MeA, all Chinese guilds and associations, and all New
Villages Chinese community
to work together, closely as one unit, in order to be reckoned as
a force to achieve Chinese and National unity for development,
progress and security in the country.
Above all, MCA leaders must create a social climate to go to the
people to seek their views and needs and render assistance
whenever possible.
Chin See Vin,
Sel'emban,
1993.
PREFACE
This is a true story of nearly a million Chinese squatters in
Malaya, who were facing eviction and deportation to China
without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations. It's due to
British Government allegations that the communist terrorists
sheltered in the squatter settlements, where money, food,
medicine and other supplies were obtained.
When the activities of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP)
created a serious situation to turn Malaya and Singapore into a
"Communist State", the British Government introduced the 1948
Emergency Regulations with drastic actions to overcome the
serious situation.
During the 1941 - 1945 Japanese occupation of Malaya and
Singapore, the MCP organised a resistance force called the
Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) in the jungle.
Later on, they joined the Force 136 under the South East Asia
Command, and they were trained by BritiSh OHicers parachuted
into the jungle.
When the Japanese army marched through the two countries,
they were eating the squatters' produce, killing many who
protested and raping their wives and daughters, burning their
huts and throwing little children into the fire.
Thousands of Chinese youths were imbued with much hatred,
and many went deep into the jungle tD -join the MPAJA tD fight
against the Japanese, who had destroyed many villages and
massacred countless numbers of helpless Chinese families in the
towns and cities in Malaya and Singapore. The Japanese soldiers
were barbarians.
During the Japanese occupation, the Japanese gave
unwittingly the MCP not only military training but also an
opportunity to strengthen and expand the MPAJA.
After the Japanese surrendered, the Second Congress of the
Communist Party of India was held under the cover of the Calcutta
Youth Festival in February 1948. Like other countries' Communist
Parties, the MCP wanted to turn Malaya and Singapore into a
"Communist State".
In June 1948, the outbreak of communist-terrorist-campaign
brought the Chinese squatter community into an unenviable
prominence.
The British Government intended to evict and deport to China,
without trial, nearly a million Chinese squatters under the 1948
Emergency Regulations.
Fortunately, after the first eviction and deportation of about 300
Chinese squatters from a squatter settlement in Kajang, Selangor
State, Malaya, my Resettlement (New Villages) Scheme was
accepted as an alternative.to the deportation of Chinese squatters
to China without trial by the British Government.
The first New Village in the country was set up in Seremban (my
home town), which was often visited during its construction by the
Bri!ish High Commissioner in Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney.
This was followed up and over 400 New Villages were set up to
resettle nearly a million Chinese squatters instead of deporting
them to China, thereby providing them with a new life in Malaya.
Chin See Vln
Seremban,
Malaysia, 1 993.
CONTENTS
PREFACE
1. Or Ling provides educational facilities to
New Villages ......................................................................... 1
2. Parl-time jobs for villagers' children for
technical and skills training ................................................. 3
3. Or Ling to regain supporl from two million
men and women in the 450 New Villages .............................. 5
PART ONE
The Sweat And Tears Of The
Chinese Community
1. After approval of Resettlement Scheme,
MCA was formed .................................................................. 9
2. Seek Chinese leaders' assistance ..................................... 19
3. British Government accept Resettlement Scheme
as an alternative to deporlation to China ............................ 24
4. Resettlement Committee springs into action
to set up the first Chinese New Village ................................ 29
5. Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar allots land
for the New Village and local MCA leaders
show cold shoulder ............................................................. 33
6. British High Commissioner praises residents'
efforts to help implement scheme ....................................... 36
7. Disused mining area "miraculously" turns
into farm land ...................................................................... 48
8. Chinese squatters urge Government to help
rebuild their homes ............................................................. 51
9. Perak Chief Police Officer, once a member of MPAJA
is murdered by communist terrorists ................................. 58
10. Local MeA leaders ignore the appeals for
help from New Villagers during the big flood ...................... 63
Addendum .......................................................................... 75
PART TWO
MeA Intra-Party
Struggle
1. Power struggle shames Chinese community ..................... 87
2. The early MeA leaders gain tremendous
support from Chinese folks ............................................... 90
3. MCA veterans all out to get public donations .................... 96
4. Lucrative posts cause power struggle in party ................... 99
5. Lim Chong Eu tails into turbulent sea after
winning MeA presidency with unfair tactics ..................... 109
6. Lim Chong Eu betrays his comrades ............................... 115
7. Independent group tests its strength in Seremban
to prove MCA losing Chinese support .............................. 119
8. MeA suffers a great electoral setback due to
its Chinese education policy ............................................ 126
9. Lim Keng Yaik tries to overthrow the old
guards but is sacked by Tan Siew Sin .............................. 133
10. Lee San Choon climbs his political ladder
without paying his debt of gratitude .................................. 136
11. Lee San Choon's clever manoeuvres result
in greater power struggles ............................................... 143
12. Lee San Choon wins Chinese hearts by introducing
"Reverence To Our Elders" campaign ............................. 146
13. Tan Koon Swan and Neo Yee Pan get into loggerheads
when Lee San Choon fails to intervene .............................. 151
14. MCA must undergo .................................... 156
15. MCA leaders should go back to the people
and listen to people's views and suggestions .................. 159
PART THREE
Reverence To Our Elders
Movement
1. The forgotten "Reverence To Our Elders"
movement ......................................................................... 165
2. It is more meaningful to serve tea during Chinese
New Year celebrations ..................................................... 174
3. Spiritual education is a must ............................................ 178
Dr Ling Provides
Educational Facilities
To New Villages
The MCA President, Data' Seri Or Ling Liong Sik is embarking
on a commendable task to provide educational facilities to the
villagers' children. He has to work on a more difficult task to
regain the wholehearted support of two million men and women in
the 450 New Villages. They need land.
A majority of the new villagers form a sizable proportion of the
country's poor. These men and women have relied for
generations on the cultivation of land as a means of livelihood.
They do not take kindly to actions which suddenly deprive them of
these means and reduce them to a state of poverty. Why can't the
VIPs, Tans Seri, Datos and JPs help them?
Or Ling and MCA leaders have to appreciate the villagers'
problem involve social and economic factors. They require land to
grow vegetables, rear pigs and poultry and for cottage industries,
land is the mainstay of life.
In the former squatter settlements, most of the new villagers
were exceedingly prosperous. They possessed many pigs, large
poultry farms and vast areas of vegetables. They had 1.:JOlimited
acreage of arable, productive land. They produced for the
people's daily needs. We must not forget them.
In the New Villages, the former squatters are to a large extent
cut oH from the land, except for the small plots near their houses
which are not suitable for vegetable cultivation, rearing pigs and
poultry. Therefore, they have to look for employment as tappers,
mine-workers and odd job labourers to feed their families. The
Chinese leaders must be blamed.
They have to accept a wage that is often insuHicient to buy food
for their families and give pocket money to their school-going
children.
Without land, money and continued neglect are causing
dissatisfaction, even hatred can come out of them. Many can be
misled to commit crimes.
1
The Chief Police Officer, Data' Henry Chin said that secret
sDcieties were growing at an alarming rate in Kuala Lumpu'r and
other states. There has been an increasing number of murder
cases in recent months. It is time to take a serious look at the
problem before it gets out of hand.
It's a shame if innumerable Chinese VIPs, Tans Seri, Datos, JPs
and tycoons could not assist Or Ling and MCA leaders to obtain or
acquire land for the New Villagers to grow vegetables, rear pigs
and poultry and for cottage industries. Such agricultural areas will
help to provide cheap living and cheap labour for the production
of highly competitive goods for the world markets.
2
Part-Time Jobs For
Villagers' Children For
Technical And Skills
Training
Let us give credit where credit is due, not forgetting the Port
Klang Chairman, Data' Michael Chen, who, when he was the
Minister of Housing and Local Government, visited the New
Villages often and rendered assistance to the schools and the
needy children. It was a long time ago. Since then, the New
Villages were almost forgotten.
Who is to be blamed for this situation? Whose fault it is that the
villagers' children have not had the benefits of modern education
or some form of social service? Why are villagers' children
neglected?
In fact, the leaders of the 4,000 Chinese guilds and associations,
whose members are considerable among the new villagers, could
have jointly with the large number of Chinese educationists
provided some form of modern education and social service to the
villagers' children.
Many rich Chinese and VIPs like the Tans Seri, Datos Seri,
Datos, JPs, industrialists, housing developers, tin miners, rubber-
estate owners, oil-palm estate owners, bankers, lawyers, doctors,
engineers, architects and accountants, are avoiding to give
charity. it is unpalatable to them.
There are others who prefer to live a sheltered life in the ivory
tower, and many more are still living in a state of complacency.
Many rich fear for their children's safety and many poor have to
leave their children to the wind.
When people get "burnt", they will realise that there is an
increase in petty theft, robbery, extortion, arson, murder,
adultery, Wife-battering, child-abuse, cheating and increasing
white-collar crimes.
3
Then, they will appreciate that such "ills" are due in some ways
to neglected poor children, who grew up in unhealthy
environment, perhaps, among the rogues, thieves, murderers,
dadah addicts and subversive elements.
Those rich Chinese and VIPs, who want more development and
security should volunteer their services in kinds and money
generously towards the fund- for the MCA President Data' Seri Or
Ling Liong Sik to provide educational facilities to the forgotten
New Villages_ You help others, you are helping yourself
At the same time, the MCA leaders and members can help the
villagers' childr'en to find part-time jobs for technical and skills
training in the machine shops, motor-repair shops, electrical-
wiring shops, furniture shops, carpentry and masonry shops to
prepare them to meet the needs of expanding industries.
4
Dr Ling To Regain
Support From Two
Millioll Men And
Women In the 450 New
Villages
No man is born to perfection, and so is MCA President Data'
Seri Or Ling Liong Sik.
When Chinese support for MCA was at its lowest ebb, Or Ling
had a trying time to regain Chinese confidence and support.
There were no doubt disappointing moments in his efforts to
strengthen the party.
However, with the wholehearted support of MCA leaders and
members, Or Ling had collected more than RM25 million from the
generous public for the TAR College fund. That was his finest
hour.
Together with RM25 million contributed by the Federal
Government, a total of RM50 million is to be spent on two new TAR
campuses, which will eventually take in another 8,000 students
annually_ It will be a great achievement for the party.
Now the MCA needs educational resource centres for all New
Villages to enable rural children to have access to books,
manipulative toys, and newspapers.
Or Ling said that it was important that every parent fully
understood the concept of a complete education and how they
could help their children attain educational excellence.
In fact, teachers and parents have to play a big role in education
in all New Villages.
The Chinese have four cardinal points: Rites, Heroism,
Integrity, and Shame; and eight virtue codes: Filial Duty, Loyalty,
Charity, Love, Faithfulness, Righteousness, Peace, and Justice.
Such teachings will bring about an honourable and courteous
people with knowledge to improve individuals and society.
5
When a resource centre is set up in every school in the 450 New
Villages, it will be a big encouragement to the villagers' children
to improve their studies in Chinese, English and Bahasa
Malaysia.
Moreover, free tuition will also be provided by volunteers to the
needy children. For more than 40 years, the villagers' children
have had no opportunity to enjoy such facilities.
It is the duty of all Chinese educationists and all members of the
4,000 Chinese guilds and associations to lend a hand and help to
raise a fund of at least RM25 million, which will enable Dr Ling,
MCA leaders and members to help build a bright future for such
children.
Let all Chinese assist Dr Ling to make this worthy cause a big
success in the Chinese and national interest.
6
PART ONE
The eat
And Tears Of
The
hi se
Community
After Approval Of
Resettlement Scheme,
MeA Was Formed
History can be distorted, but the facts will always prevail.
This is a story, which has not been fully told about the formation
of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) now Malaysian
Chinese Association, and the setting up of the New Villages
during the 1948 Emergency in Malaya, both of which have
provided a new life to nearly a million Chinese squatters facing
deportation to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency
Regulations.
It is said: "When you drink the water,
remember the spring".
A State of Emergency covering the entire Federation was
declared on 18 June 1948, and it was extended to Singapore on 24
June 1948. The Malayan Communist Party (MCP) had planned to
turn these two countries into a "Communist State".
The Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) issued a
manifesto calling on all former comrades to take up arms against
the British. On 28 June 1948, there were 4,500 guerillas reported
to be massing in the jungle.
The Chinese squatters had existed at all times during the
period of British rule, but their members only became really
considerable during the Japanese occupation when shortage of
food drove a few hundred thousand people into the countryside.
The outbreak of the terrorist-campaign in June 1948 brought the
Chinese squatters community into unenviable prominence. Much
of the land was on the fringes of t'he jungle and the squatter
settlements were alleged to have been made use of for shelter
and supplies by the terrorists, who also recruited or conscripted
manpower from such settlements.
Since the squatters were easily intimidated into silence, the
police and military could not obtain information regarding
terrorist activities.
9
This resulted in reprisal against the unfortunate squatters
collectively. Some were removed, their huts burnt down and their
crops destroyed to prevent them getti ng to the terrorists.
Soon a policy was made against the unfortunate Chinese
squatters. It was to evict and deport them to China without trial.
As soon as the 1948 Emergency Regulations were enforced, the
police and army evicted nearly 300 Chinese squatters from the
Kajang Chinese Squatter Settlement in Selangor at the end of
December 1948 or in early January 1949.
No Chinese leaders, who were already cowed by the barbarous
Japanese Kempetai (Japanese Military Police) and later on by the
communist-terrorists, came forward to help the evicted Chinese
squatters, who were soon deported to China without trial under
the 1948 Emergency Regulations.
In the follow-up operations on the 6 and 9 February 1949 during
the Chinese New Year celebration, the police and army moved
into the Ulu Temiang Chinese Squatter Settlement and the
Sikamat Chinese Squatter Settlement respectively, both in Negeri
Sembilan, and evicted more than 1,500 Chinese squatters. They
were detained temporarily in the Kluang Detention Camp in
Johore, awaiting ships for deportation to China without trial under
the 1948 Emergency Regulations. While passing my house, I saw
them being driven away in police and army trucks.
Every Chinese squatter was allowed to take only his or her
personal belongings with his or her two bare hands and nothing
more. Eye-witnesses said that it was a pitiful sight.
Every family had to leave everything behind, such as
all working .Imple.ments, cooking utensils, their produce like
vegeta.bles, fiSh, pigs and poultry without compensation. Looters
had a field day all to themselves.
three drastic operations taken by the British Government
within a short space of time had caused a shock-wave, frustration
and annoyance to the Chinese community in the country.
In view of the special powers to arrest and the deportation of
suspected communists or their supporters without trial to China
many Chinese leaders, who were already cowed by
barbarous Japanese Kempetai and the communist terrorists
preferred to avoid involvement in such serious matters under
1948 Emergency Regulations.
10
In Seremban Town, as a result of the British Government's
sweeping action, one after another within 3 days, much contusion
and frustration were caused to the townsfolk. There was also a
shortage of workers in business-houses, workshops, tin mines
and plantations.
Aged. parents, relatives and friends of the 1,500 evicted Chi ne se
squatters, who were waiting for deportation, were dismayed and
thrown into despair.
Above a", there was a feeling of fear that if the Chinese
squatters were deported to China, where at that time there was a
scarcity of f o o d ~ a n d clothi ngs, they would die of cold and hunger in
a strange land without relatives and friends to help them in any
way.
At that time, the MCA had not been formed.
The aged parents, relatives and friends of the evicted Chinese
squa1ters were running hither and thither looking for local
Chinese leaders for advice and help, but, the Chinese leaders
were evasive and made lame excuses, because they themselves
were scared of the serious allegations being made against the
evicted Ch inese squatters under the 1948 Emergency
Regulations.
The majority of the Chinese leaders were old businessmen,
who were also the leaders of numerous Chinese guilds and
associations.
The old towkay (head of a business) had at that time completely
lost the leadership of the Chinese community and the leadership
was taken over by the MPAJA.
Whether you liked it or not - they had the guns.
Such an Emergency had created a new chapter for the Chinese
squatters in the country.
11
1941-1945
Japanese Atrocities
12
Japanese Atrocities
13
Japanese Atrocities
14
Japanese Atrocities
15
The Malayan
People's Anti-Japanese Army
(MPAJA)
The youlhs among the Chinese squatters were imbued with hatred
against the barbarous Japanese army for their unspeakable atrocities.
The youths went deep into the jungle to join the guerilla movement
(MPAJA). They were mainly members of the Malayan Communist Party
(MCP). The MPAJA joined the Force 136 under the South East Asia
Command, which prepared 10 land the Allied Forces.
After the Second World War, the Malayan Communist Party wanted to
turn Malaya and Singapore into a "Communist Stale".
A State of Emergency was declared on 18 June 1948 covering the entire
Malaya and it was extended to Singapore on 24 June 1948.
The MPAJA issued a manifesto caINng on all former comrades to take
up arms against the British-Malayan Government. On 24 June 1948,4,500
guerillas were reported to be massing in the jungle.
~ - : ~ ~ ~ ~
The Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA)
16
The Peninsula had a backbone of jungle-covered mountains rising to a
height of 7,000 feet.
From the mountains, fast rivers ran west to the Bay of Bengal and east
to the South China Sea.
Four-fifths of the land was trackless evergreen forest and undergrowth.
One hundred feet above the ground, the trees made a solid roof of
green, shutting out the sky.
From their branches, curtains of vine and creeper joined the
undergrowth to make a jungle so dense that a standing man is invisible at
25 yards.
The remaining one-fifth of the Peninsula was made up of rubber
plantations, rice fields, tin mines, villages and towns in the 1948
Emergency period.
RESETTLEMENT AREA
My Resettlement Committee and I were determined to fulfil our
responsibility to set up the New Village.
We could not let down the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang & Sikamat
Chinese squatters, who were then detained in the Kluang Detention
Camp.
We started off with 70 released Chinese squatters from the Kluang
Detention Camp. It was the first batch.
One group was sent by lorries to obtain building materials such as
jungle-poles, rafters, rattan, big yellow bamboos, attap and so on.
The other group was given the job to clear the secondary forest and
noxious growths in order to prepare the ground for building long houses
to provide accommodation when the 1,500 Chinese squatters were soon
released from the Kluang Detention Camp.
17
British soldiers charge into a terrorist camp
18
Seek Chinese
Assistance
Leaders'
The desperation and determination of the aged parents,
relatives and friends to get help for the release of the 1,500 evicted
Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters facing deportation to
China had compelled me to secure a reprieve and also
consideration of my resettlement scheme as an alternative to the
deportation of squatters to China without trial.
The Chinese squatters were chiefly from China, who were also
mainly farmers. They trekked to the jungle. They were far away
from the cities and towns. They settled down 1'0 cultivate the soil
where land was in abundance.
The men and women cleared the virgin jungle, ploughed the
soil and planted the seeds wh ich were to sustain them in the years
to come. The area of land they cultivated depended on the
numerical strength of each family . There was little interference
from anyone outside thei r group and they flourished.
In their small way, the Chinese squatters had contributed a fai r
share towards the progress and development with workforce and
the supply of vegetables, fish, meat and other daily necessities i n
plenty and cheaply to meet the needs of the people especially in
the towns.
The peaceful and happy existence of the Chinese squatters was
shattered by the barbarous Japanese army and later on by the
mi litant Communists. Next, they were the victim of ci rcumstances.
It was reported that the police and army had searched the
countryside and found Chinese squatters, men, women and
children, living in tiny huts on the fr i nge of the jungle amidst
prosperous looking vegetable plots, flower gardens and livestock
farms.
19
They were satisfied that the Chinese squatters had been
feeding the Communists in the jungle. It was decided to remove
the Chinese squatters from their environment and clear the
country of the Communist terrorists. Hence, such deportation was
ordered against the squatters.
Since I was a member of a welfare committee, many aged
parents, relatives and friends of the evicted Chinese squatters, as
a last resort, came to see me for advice and help.
They told me that many Chinese leaders had refused to see
them in spite of repeated requests. Indeed, they were confused
and sad in my office, hoping for a miracle to happen. It was a
pitifu I sight.
So, I told them that I would do my best to help find a possible
solution. Then, they left my office quite sadly.
Thereafter, I was at a loss, not knowing how to find a solution.
I got in touch with the Negri Sembilan Chief Police Officer
(CPO), Mr G. B. Folliot, who was an old friend. He told me that he
had no authority to release the evicted Chinese squatters.
Moreover, they were already sent to the Kluang Detention
Camp in Johore State, pending deportation to China soon.
Mr Folliot advised me to see either the Negri Sembilan Mentri
Besar, Data Abdul Malek. or the Negri Sembilan British Resident,
Mr Gordon Hall, immediately.
If not, the evicted Chinese squatters would soon be deported to
China without trial.
As a matter of courtesy, I urgently consulted several Chinese
leaders and asked them to appeal to the two State Executives for
the release of the evicted Chinese squatters.
I was surprised and annoyed when the Chinese leaders told me
not to become involved in such serious matters under the 1948
Emergency Regulations. But, I was prepared to go it alone.
When I met Or Chong Ah Khoon, who was a well-known retired
Government Medical Officer, and Mr Koh Lian Chin JP, a leading
Rotary Club Member, they agreed to join me to seek help for the
'release of the evicted Chinese squatters.
Immediately, I telephoned the Negri Sembilan State Secretariat
for an appointment with the Mentri Besar.
20
Soon, we met the Mentri Besar, Dato Abdul Malek, in his oHice.
We had a long discussion with him. We considered various ways
and suggested resettlement for the evicted squatters as a viable
alternative to deportation.
The Mentri Besar, Data Abdul Malek, was very sympathetic
over the matter. Frankly, he told us that he had no authority to
release the evicted squatters, but he would lend a helping hand in
every way possible to help the evicted squatters.
He said that he would immediately contact the Negri Sembilan
British Resident, Mr Gordon Hall, for an appOintment to see us, to
explain the urgent need for his assistance.
He promised a piece of land when the evicted squatters were
released for resettlement.
The same evening, the Mentri Besar, Data Abdul Malek,
informed me over the telephone that the British Resident, Mr
Gordon Hall, would see Or Chong, Mr Koh and me the next
morning at 10 a.m.
At the NS Residency the next morning at the appointed time, we
had a lengthy and candid discussion with Mr Gordon Hall, who
also told us that the Communist terrorists had created a very
serious situation in the country and that the British Government
had to remedy such a serious situation at any cost.
Mr Gordon Hall also told us that the terrorists were using the
Chinese squatters to obtain money, food, medicine and other
supplies.
Therefore, the British Government had to deny such sources in
order to defeat the terrorists quickly.
Then, we pointed out the unenviable position of the Chinese
squatters and we oHered some reasonable explanations in
respect of the various allegations against them.
21
, .... : .
Chin See Vin
Founder Member of MeA
Author Of
Resettlement (New Villages) Scheme
And
Former 'Jlember Of Parliament,
State Assemblyman
& President Of Seremban Town Council
22
Mr Koh Lian Chin, JP.
Rotarian
Co-Founder Of The ReseHlement
New Villages Scheme
1949
23
Dr Chong Ah Khoon
AMN .JP. PJK.
Chairman,
N.S. MeA State Division
Co-Founder Of
The ReseHlement
New Villages Scheme
1949
British Government
Accept Resettlenlent
Scheme As An
Alternative To
Deportation To China
In seeking the release of 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and
Sikamat Chinese squatters, the "trio", Dr Chong, Mr Koh and I,
had to point out to the NS British Resident, Mr Gordon Hall, that if
a government officer were in a situation similar to that of an
unfortunate Chinese squatter being pointed at with a terrorist's
gun, the officer would no doubt for the love of his wife and children
give in to the demands of the terrorist.
What else could the officer do - similarly, what else could the
squatter do?
Apart from other explanations, we told Mr Gardon Hall that
under such circumstances it was unfair and unjust to evict and
deport the Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters to China
without trial, where there was a scarcity of food and clothings and
it would be certain that the majority of the Chinese squatters
would die of hunger and cold in a strange land without relatives
and friends to help them.
We pointed out to Mr Gordon Hall that there was no record to
prove the Chinese squatters had done wrong against the
government.
If a few black sheep had done so, it would not be British justice
to punish the entire squatter community.
After hearing our plea and various proposals to resettle the
evicted Chinese squatters, Mr Gardon Hall adjudged our appeal
reasonable and agreed that resettlement of the evicted squatters
would be an alternative to their deportation to China without trial.
Then, Mr Gordon Hall warned Dr Chong, Mr Koh and me not to
be too optimistic about our proposal to resettle the evicted
Chinese squatters.
24
But he promised us that he would refer the matter with his views
and recommendations to the Officer Administrating the
Government, Sir Alex Newboult, in Kuala Lumpur the same day.
It was late that same day that I received a telephone call from
Mr Gordon Hall stating that Sir Alex Newboult would be happy to
see Dr Chong, Mr Koh and me the next morning at 10 a.m. at
King's House, Kuala Lumpur. .
In fact, Mr Gordon Hall had kindly told me over the telephone
that he had had a long conversation with Sir Alex Newboult over
our appeal for the release of the evicted Chinese squatters, who
were detained in the Kluang Detention Camp pending deportation
to Ch i na without trial.
He told me that Sir Alex Newboult had more or less accepted
his views and recommendations on our proposed resettlement of
the evicted Chinese squatters. from Ulu Temiang and Sikamat
Chinese Squatter Settlements.
The next day, we met the Officer Administrating the
Government, Sir Alex Newboult, in his office in Kuala Lumpur, and
he invited us to a table for tea.
He told us that he had had a long conversation with the NS
British Resident, Mr Gordon Hall, who had given him a clear
picture of our views and proposed resettlement as an alternative
to deportation of the evicted Chinese squatters to China.
In fact, at the discussion with Sir Alex Newboult, we believed
that it would be wise to repeat all the reasons with which we had
pleaded with Mr Gardon Hall for his kind assistance in the matter
of urgency.
Sir Alex Newboult was impressed with our proposed
resettlement new village scheme. He asked me to submit it with
more details for his consideration and approval.
At my request, Sir Alex Newboult promised not to deport the
evicted Chinese squatters to China under the 1948 Emergency
Regulations. He told his secretary, Peter Andrew, to telephone the
Repatriation Officer to stop the deportation immediately.
After a while, Sir Alex Newboult's secretary told him that about
146 of the evicted Chinese squatters had already been deported to
China.
25
However, Sir Alex Newboult assured us that no further
deportation of Chinese squatters would be done. We thanked him
for his kind assurance.
Within a week, I submitted the proposed Resettlement (New
Villages) Scheme for the first New Village in the country to be set
up along the Seremban-Port Dickson road, Seremban, in order to
resettle the 1,500 evicted Chin ese sq uatters who were sti 11
detained in Kluang Detention Camp. The scheme was supported
by the two NS State Executives, Dato Abdu I Malek and M r Gordon
Hall.
Thereafter, at the request of the British High Commissioner in
Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney, the Malayan Chinese Association
(MCA) was formed on the initiative of (Tun Sir) Colonel H. S. Lee,
Mr Yong Shook Lin and Mr Khoo Teik Ee (all three were Members
of the Federal Legislative Council).
They invited the Chinese leaders of all (a few thousand)
Chinese guilds and associations, Chinese Chambers of
Commerce and other Chinese associations to a meeting, which
was held on 27 February 1949, in Kuala Lumpur.
The formation of one Chinese organisation, the MCA, was
unanimously agreed upon with the main objectives - assist the
Chinese squatters and look after the Chinese interests.
After the formation of MCA, Tun Tan Cheng Lock was elected
President; Col. H. S. Lee, Deputy President; Mr Yong Shook Lin
and Mr Leung Cheung Ling, Joint-Secretaries and Mr Khoo Teik
Ee as MCA Treasurer.
Several committees were elected for various duties, and state
divisions and branches were soon set up in every state in the
country to carry out the objectives of the association, which was
well supported by the Chinese community.
MCA became a "household" word within Chinese families in
Malaya.
On 21 April 1949, the MCA Joint-Secretaries, Mr Yong Shook Un
and Mr Leung Cheung Ling wrote to me with a request to apply for
the screening and release of the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang arid
Sikamat Chinese squatters from Kluang Detention Camp to be
resettled in Seremban as the first New Village in the country
according to my Resettlement New Village Scheme.
26
H9,
Kll,lla Lurr.:,"r.
2bt 191:9.
P"rn 1 of 1-;i.nlltr::. 1)[ "!orkinr
0n <-!;-I('/,o.
:;crecni nr, of rlet"incl!:'; fr01n Tami".nr;
t, Sik:lm.,\t now in
Ylllrmr (\/1 /';;lffl:--
The Chief ",:;kcr) us to dc:!l.
\tith the SecretDry for r.hincse A[f:.!irs.
2. Our Mr. Shook Lin
tC' thp. Sr:crr:ta.ry for l\ffi'lirs who dl'reed
tr Clsktho Chincsc H.
to mLly.c the with t;r.Chn in
to the st:"rccninp Lit ,KlII"nr IJ".!trmt.ion Cnmp.
<, Will you kindly the Chinese AffC\irs
r'fl'iccr and infC'lrm Yin'
.:J c co re! i ne: 1 y
V Ol! r sf.: i. t fu II ,
Chinese AS5C'1ciotion,
StFcct,
Sercmb<!.ll.
27
Dear Sh.Q"ok
I forwcil'rJ.
to you. I think 'Ne p",-ve to r" :rl" this
to our
.qUil.::lrl
YOul'S triJ
Le??:
L/
To:
89, Cross Street,
KUDla LU::'l:-)ur.
28
Committee
Action To
First Chinese New
News spread like wild fire. The aged parents, relatives and
tri ends were th rr lied and exci ted 10 hea r that the 1.500 evi cted UI u
Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters would soon be released
from the Kluang Detention Camp.
The Seremban townsfolk were jubilant, because since the
detention of the squatters, many were kind and thoughtful enough
to send occasionally some money, clothings, tinned food. and
milk to the detainees for their children in the detention camp.
MCA Headquarters Joint-Secretaries, Mr Shook Lin and
Mr Leung Cheung Ling, came to Seremban to discuss with me, Dr
Chong Ah Khoon and Mr Koh Lian Chin various problems relating
to the screening and releasing of the evicted squatters, problem
of land to put up temporary buildings, flnanc'lal assistance and so
on.
We told them that it would be a difficult task with so much paper
work and various contacts and arrangements to be sorted out
before getting the wagons to begin the journey to the Kluang
Detention Camp to bring back the evicted Ulu Temiang and
Sikamat Chinese squatters tor resettlement in Seremban.
They requested us to get cracking with the resettlement.
It had taken almost a month of hard work some members of
my Resettlement Committee, who were all volunteers. to prepare
the torms in triplicate for screening of evicted squatters, and
another set of forms in triplicate for the particulars of every
evicted squatter family.
Finally, it was necessary to obtair: a comprehensive report
regarding the evicted squatters for the authorities concerned for
issuing the release orders.
The local MCA officials, many State Councillors and Town
Councillors had not bothered to lend a helping hand to my
Resettlement Committee to do the time-consumIng work. but
there were many townslolk who would bring soft drinks. 'tim
29
sum" or packets of chicken rice or "meehoon" to cheer up the
members of my Resettlement Committee.
In the meantime, the Resettlement Committee was divided into
several section 10 tackle the resettlement of the Ulu Temiang and
Sikamat Chinese squatters after their release from the Kluang
Detention Camp, namely :-
1. Workforce Chairman - he had to pick from among the released
squatters the men to do the clearing of the land on which to
build the long-houses, and the men to put up the long-houses,
community hall, school, shops and temple.
2. Materials Chairman - he had to pick the men to gather certain
kinds of timber from the jungle like rafters, poles, attap and
other materials including donations of sawn timbers,nails,
hinges, screws, changkols, rakes, hammers, screw drivers,
bolts & nuts, pots, pans and cups & saucers.
3. Food Chairman - he had to get donations (instead of money)
bags of rice, tins of cooking oil, tinned food, vegetables, meat,
fish and other eatables.
4. Accommodation Chairman - he had to secure or set up a
temporary place with beds, tables and chairs, light and water,
cooking utensils etc for the first batch of released Chinese
squatters (specially selected) to help in the construction of
long-houses, etc.
S. Transport Chairman - he had to appeal to the owners of
lorries and motor-vans to provide free transport to bring
workers to the jungle to obtain building materials.
6. Storekeepers - they had 10 set up stores for materials, food
and so on.
7. Camp Chairman - he had to give out daily instruction to all
Chairmen, look after correspondence, note down telephone
messages, payout petty cash and so on.
Several meetings were held with the lorry-owners and van-
owners. They were helpful. They offered their vehicles free of
charge. They provided the drivers and petrol.
Several meetings were held with local shopkeepers, estate
owners, tin miners, rubber dealers and other merchants. They
were helpful too. They donated rice, edible oil, tinned food, nails,
hinges, changkols, rakes, timber, cement, milk, sugar, salt and
sauce.
30
Several meetings were held with the stallholders in Seremban
Market. Everyone was most helpful. By rotation, they provided,
free of charge, one day for vegetables, one day for pork. one day
for fish, one day for mutton, one day for beef, one day for fruits and
so on.
Hawkers, coffee shops and restaurants contributed their fair
share to help with money and kind during construction work to
resettle the evicted squatters.
The Se rem ban townsfolk deserved all praise for their generous
contributions of all the necessities needed for the resettlement
project.
Many sent money, milk and clothings for the children of the
squatters. They were true friends in the hour of need.
In fact, the screening of the squatter families were simplified by
the NS Criminal Investigations Department (CID) Chief, Mr H. S.
Harlock. He was a friendly and helpful officer.
Unlike some of his Asian .officers, who were haughty and
arrogant to the aged parents, relatives and friends ot the evicted
squatters, Mr Harlock was always ready to lend a helping hand.
It was a full-time job, often working up till midnight. The
volunteers had sacrificed their precious time and spent their own
money daily to help out with the paper work.
Those volunteers, who accompanied the CID officers to Kluang
Detention Camp, had to spend their own money tor food and
lodging to help screen the squatters and to help in many ways to
assist the squatters to obtain their release.
31

32
II (l =-:

Vdr W. A. Gordon Hall
Negri Sembilan British Resident
Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar
Dato Abdul Malek
(Later on Governor Of Malacca)
Tun AbduJ Malek
Strongly Supported The
ReseHlement New Villages Scheme
He supported the Resettlement New Villages Scheme as an
alternative to the deportation of nearly a million Chinese
squatters to China without trial under 1948 Emergency
Regulations
33
Negri Sembilan Mentri
Besar Allots Land
The New Village
Local MeA Leaders
Show Cold Shoulder
For
And
The British-Malayan Government's intention was to implement
my Resettlement New Villages Scheme to resettle nearly a million
Chinese squatters as an alternative to their deportation to China
without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations, and to set up
the first New Village in the country in Seremban.
The Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar, Dato Abdul Malek, invited
me to a meeting held in the Council Chambers, State Secretariat,
Seremban on 19.9.1949 where there were many Federal and State
officers wanting to know more about my scheme in order to set up
a few hundred new villages throughout the country.
At the meeti ng I poi nted out that it would have to surmount
various problems (red-tape) in order to resettle the 1,500 evicted
Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters, who were detained
at the Kluang Detention Camp.
The important factors were a large piece of land, materials,
food, light, water, tools, a workforce and other necessities
required to set up a new viI/age for the resettlement of 1,500
evicted Chinese squatters in Seremban.
Another important factor was to get dedicated volunteers to
form a "Resettlement Committee" which would be divided into
various groups with each group under a leader, such as - 1.
Workforce Chairman, 2. Materials Chairman, 3. Food Chairman, 4.
Accommodation Chairman, with provision to set up more groups,
if necessary, later on.
I poi nted out that when the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang & Sikamat
Chinese squatters were resettled in Seremban, they would begin
a new life from scratch. Since they had lost all their worldly
possessions, they could be dead-broke - no money was the
. problem.
34
Apart from each squatter family being provided with a plot of
land to put up a house in the new village, they would require
financial aid and arable land to eke out a livelihood.
In the event of evicting other Chinese squatters, who were to be
moved to various areas (new villages), they should be provided
with transport to move their belongings and implements.
In fact, the majority of the Chinese squatters were farmers, who
depended largely on the good earth to eke out a living.
Therefore, it was important for government to provide a large
piece of land to every new village for the bona fide farmers to
plant the seeds which could sustain them in the years to come.
Otherwise, there could be social problems later on.
Then, the bona fide farmers in every new village weuld be back
in business, producing plenty and selling cheaply their produce,
such as - vegetables, fish meat, eggs and other daily necessities
to meet the needs of the people like in old times.
With regard to the resettlement of the Ulu Temiang and Sikamat
Chinese squatters, who were detained in the Kluang Detention
Camp, I told the officers that they wou'ld require much help.
There would be plenty of paper work to be done and the same
had to be processed before getting the release orders to resettle
them in Seremban.
I was happy to inform the officers that the NS Mentri Besar, Data
Abdul Malek, had offered the land so required, and that the local
Chinese were very public-spirited, particularly, the shopkeepers,
the market stall holders, the hawkers, the coffee and eating shops,
restaurants, merchants, tin miners, estate owners, contractors,
lorry owners and individuals all of whom made very generous
offers of free transport. food, materials, implements and other
necessities to set up the new village to resettle the 1,500 evicted
Chinese squatters.
I told the officers that I was confident the released Chinese
squatters could set up the first new village in the country in
Seremban under their own steam to resettle themselves.
This could be their finest hour like other human beings all over
the world who cherish freedom as their greatest treasure. The
present resettlement was only a temporary accommodation.
I explained to the officers that my Resettlement Committee and I
would have to do the resettlement of the evicted Chinese_
squatters in the following manner :-
3.5
1. I wou Id initially apply for the release of about 60 to 70 Chinese
squatters from the Kluang Detention Camp as the first batch to
do the ground work, obtaining jungle materials, and
constructi ng iOta 15 or more long-houses to accommodate
about 100 5quatlerfamilies.
2. Then, the first and second batches of released Chinese
squatters would obtain more jungle materials and construct
many more long-houses to accommodate about 200 families.
3. Finally, all released Chinese squatters would continue to
obtain jungle materials and construct more long houses for
the remaining families. They would also build a school, a
temple, a few sundry shops, a coffee & eating shop and so on.
I remindec;l the officer that when all Chinese squatters had been
resettled in Malaya, one of the vital problems was winning the
hearts and minds of nearly a million men and women, assisting
them whenever possible and making them feel that they were an
i nteg ral part of the country.
Then a greater part of the social and economic problems would
be solved.
This would require a long-term policy with which to win their
confidence and support.
After the meeting, Data Abdul Malek told me that he would give
full support to make the new village a success.
He also told me that he heard from reliable sources that a few
local MCA officials and Secretary Yap were telling their friends
that my task would be a big failure.
These machiavellians ended up in ignominy.
36
British High
Commissioner Praises
Residents' Efforts To
Help Implement Scheme
Admittedly, my Resettlement Committee and I were worried.
We accepted a diHicult task to set up the first New Village in the
country in Seremban to resettle 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and
Sikamat Chinese squatters.
Candidly, a New Village was something new to us and no one
had seen or heard of a New Village before in any part of the
country.
On paper, the planning operations to set up a New Village were
simple and easy, but it was no easy task to a group of novices like
my Resettlement Committee and myself.
Well, we were determined to fulfil our responsibility to set up
the New Village. We could not let down the 1,500 evicted Ulu
Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters.
Moreover, we were determined to succeed because a few local
MCA officials and Secretary Yap gleefully predicted our
impending tailure to set up the New Village.
It was no doubt a challenge to my Resettlement Committee and
myself, and we were determined to send these machiavellians
into oblivion with our success.
We started off with the release ot 70 Chinese squatters from
Kluang Detention Camp. They were given temporary sheltel at an
old Chinese Hospital - Wah Chai Chinese Hospital, Seremban.
One group was sent by lorries to obtain building materials from
Jelebu Forest, and the other group was given the job of clearing
and opening up the vacant state land as building site. It was a
tough job for them to help themselves.
In the meantime, various stores were built for the storage of
working implements, foodstuffs, nails, screws, hinges and other
goods. A big kitchen was put up to prepare two meals daily. There
were two old cooks to prepare the food.
37
However. the success of the project would depend largely on
the released Chinese squatters themselves, not so much on
outside support.
With police protection and two contractors, we sent 40 released
Chinese squatters into the interior of Jelebu Forest for jungle-
poles, timbers, ratters, big yellow bamboos, rattan and attap daily
in order to gather enough building materials to build long-houses
to accommodate the 1.500 evicted Chinese squatters when they
were released from the detention camp.
Soon. the resettlement site was humming with activities and
various units of the released squatters were hard at work. They
put up the jungle-pole structures, nailing rafters into place and
affixing the attap.
With the passing of days. the long-houses began to take shape.
This attracted many well-wishers. curious visitors, relatives. aged
parents and friends of the evicted Chinese squatters. who would
come to see the progress on the resettlement site. Local MCA
cynical leaders and Secretary Yap could not believe their ears
and came to see the progress.
When many buildings were completed, more released Chinese
squatters were brought back from Kluang Detention Camp to build
up and strengthen the workforce. Electricity and water were
installed free of charge.
In the meantime, more building materials were brought back
from the Jelebu Forest and with other suppl ies donated by the
shopkeepers and timber dealers, the released Chinese squatters
started to put up more buildings.
Every evening, there would be crowds of well-wishers, curious
vis itors, the aged parents, relatives and friends of the 1,500
evicted Chinese squatters coming to the resettlement site.
Some would bring fruits. soft drinks or food for the released
squatters.
Then on 17 October 1949, the British High Commissioner. Sir
Henry Gurney. made a "quiet" visit to the work site of the New
Village.
He was accompanied by many Federal Officers walking from
one long-house to another, talking freely with the released
Chinese squatters.
38
After spending two hours walking around the whole area, Sir
Henry Gurney called up all released Chinese squatters to
congratulate them for their hardwork and the progress.
He told them that he would soon see them again for their further
progress on the resettlement site.
On the same day, Sir Henry Gurney, Dr Chong Ah Khoon and
myself sat at a bamboo table for Chinese tea to discuss various
plans to assist the Chinese squatters.
He assured us that he would personally look into their
problems. As requested he would provide a big piece of arable
land for the bona fide farmers to cultivate vegetables, rear pigs,
fish and other animals and also provide a plot of land for every
squatter family to put up a house later on.
In fact, the first visit by Sir Henry Gurney to the resettlement site
was made known to us by telephone from the Federation of
Malaya Secretary of Chinese Affairs, Sir Douglas Fleming,
requesting Dr Chong Ah Khoon and myself (no others) to wait for
Sir Henry Gurney before 10 a.m. on 17.10.1949 due to the
Emergency in the country.
Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar, Dato Abdul Malek, would often
visit the resettlement site to see the work in progress and spoke
freely with the released Chinese squatters.
At the request of Dr Chong and myself, Data Abdul Malek
without hesitation directed the Seremban District Officer to
provide a large piece of land (worked-out mining land) for the
bona fide farmers among the released squatters for cultivation. It
was soon provided and much work had to be done to turn it into
arable land.
39
Seremban Distric't Officer
Inche Bahaman Bin Shamsuddin
(Later on Minister of Health
Malaysia)
40
Installation of Sir Henry Gurney as British High
Commissioner of Malaya who suggested to Tun Sir Henry H.
S. Lee to form the Malayan Chinese Association (MeA) to
assist the Government to set up a few hundred New Villagep;
in Malava. Took a great interest and often visited the first
New Village in the during ita construction in
Seremban
Chin See Vin (A.S.P.)
Second-in-Command of Auxilary Police
NS Contingent. 1951 .. 1955.
41
( 811)140/16/1
OI""ICIt OF'
COIot),tISSIDNIEA OF POLIC.E
I"'EOII!.QATIOH 0"- Io4ALA'I"A
ICUAL.A LU!-\PUIf
10th Decamber.
It 111 :,.;ttl!l weh regret that I accept
yOQr resignation ram the Po!!cc Volunteer
Reserve (designate) you have tendered
OD beccmiDg aD elected me!llber of the Council
of State of Yegri Sambilan.
Tbe success in founding voluntaer
police unit in SerembQD in 1951 10'89, 1 kno ...
. very largely due to :lonr e.ne"l\1 Md 1 would
like to offer you my very sincere tt&llks for
all the til!le that you. hnve de'7otcc 11, th"
tour years tOk'ards ma.1n.taiDlng the eificie!Jcy
of the unit.
Your. services tlve been of the
greatest value.
Hay I take this of
wishing YOIl good luck in iD the wider
gpbere of'"public serv!ce to you !lc.ve
been ele,ted.
\ .
. --
(1.5. Wylie)
Ag: Commisdioner of Police.
The Hon' ble fir. Cb 1Jl See Y 1L ,
late !!OOOl"al'Y .!.ssistnnt SuperintellQSot of ;>oliee.
clo The Cbief Police Officer,
Negri Sembllan.
42
tion Dance - Chinese New Year celebration
43
Sir Henry Gurney visi ting vegetable garden which was
transformed from former worked-out mining land near t he
New Village
Former mirtong land
44
Chin Jr standing in the vegetable garden, which was
transformed from former worked-out mining land
45
Chin Jr standing in the vegetable garden, which was
transf ormed from former worked-out mining land
46
!!=reedom New V i l l a ~ e
Kampung Baru Raaah in Seremban was the first
Chinese New Village
47
Disused Mining Area
"Miraculously" Turns
Into Farm Land
"How could the farmers grow vegetables on worked-out mining
land?" asked Negri Sembilan Agricultural Officer, Dr Scott, when
he heard that the Seremban District Officer, Inche Bahaman
Shamsudin, had allotted a big piece of worked-out mining land
near the resettlement area where the first New Village in the
country was under construction in Seremban.
It was on the directive of Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar, Dato
Abdul Malek, that the Seremban District Officer, Inche Bahaman,
had allotted the worked-out mining land for the bona fide farmers
among the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese
squatters after their release from Kluang Detention Camp.
After a few months, when Or Scot! noticed that vegetables were
growing beautifully in abundance all over the land, which was
formerly worked-out mining land, he said that it was wonderful.
Also, he said: "When a Chinese slaughtered a pig, there would be
meat, b'ones and fertilizer and no waste".
Then, I told him about the transformation of the worked-out
mining land into arable land.
The British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, had taken
much interest in the resettlement scheme. He sent on two
occasions after his visit, a few Federal Officers to visit and look
around the resettlement area to note its progress.
It was on the second occasion that the Federal Officers told Or
Chong Ah Khoon and me that they had to submit reports to Sir
Henry Gurney, who was anxious to know about progress in the
resettlement area. They told us that Sir Henry Gurney was happy
and with the progress.
Meantime, more released Chinese squatters from the Kluang
Detention Camp were brought back to Seremban.
Therefore, there was a bigger workforce. Some were sent to
Jelebu Forest to collect more building materials and others
carried on with the construction work.
48
On another occasion, the Seremban District Officer and I waited
at the resettlement area for Sir Henry Gurney one afternoon on his
way back to Kuala Lumpur. This was another "secret" visit to the
resettlement area.
Sir Henry Gurney told us that he would like to spend more time
talking to the released Chinese squatters, who, he said, had done
a wonderful job.
As he walked around the resettlement area, he would stop here
and there to talk to the squatters carrying on construction work.
Later on, the squatters told us thatSir Henry Gurney was a kind
man.
Sir Henry Gurney would sometimes crack jokes with Inche
Bahaman and me as though we were old friends.
Whenever we put over a "fast" one on him, he wou Id take it
jovially. He told us that he started life as a journalist.
Then, Inche Bahaman invited Sir Henry Gurney to visit the
vegetable garden near the resettlement area. He told Sir Henry
Gurney that it was former worked-out mining land.
He told me to explain to Sir Henry Gurney how the
transformation of the worked-out mining land was made possible
into arable land for vegetable cultivation.
I told Sir Henry Gurney that the Seremban Town Board
Chairman, Tunku Mustafa bin Tunku Burhanudin, had kindly
agreed to direct the dumping of a dozen or more truck-loads of
"night soil" over the worked-out mining land until it was fully
covered up.
After that, it was left in the sun and rain for some time. The
farmers used rakes to plough and mix the dried "night soil" with
the sand over and over again for several days until both were well
mixed.
Behind the land, there was a river and the farmers used the
water to spray over the mixture every morning, noon and evening
until the land was suitable and ready for growing vegetables and
foodcrops.
Then, Inche Bahaman related the story to Sir Henry Gurney
about the Negeri Sembilan State Agricultural Officer, Or Scott's
surprise to see vegetables growing on the former worked-out
mining land.
49
Sir Henry Gurney had a hearty laugh over Or Scott's yarn about
the pig and no waste. However, Sir Henry Gurney said that he had
learned a very good lesson and he would use other worked-out
mining land for a similar purpose.
When we returned to the resettlement area, I presented to Sir
Henry Gurney the members of my Resettlement Committee,
which was made up of contractors, sundry shopkeepers, clerks,
tin miners, estate owners, pensioners, lorry owners and a few
individuals.
He thanked them for a job well done. He said that he would see
them again during his next visit soon.
Sir Henry Gurney asked all of them to sit down and told them
how happy he was to see everybody working together with the
released squatters.
Then, he asked me to tell him about the extent of public support,
which he said would be interesting to him.
I told Sir Henry Gurney that the local Chinese were very public-
spirited, particularly the shopkeepers, Seremban Market
stallholders, hawkers, coffee and eating shopkeepers, tin miners,
estate owners, contractors, restaurant-owners, lorry-owners and
many individuals, who were very generous and provided bags of
rice, tins of edible oil, tinned food, vegetables, fish, meat, eggs,
tinned milk, building materials, working implements, pots and
pans, cups and saucers, and other necessities required to set up
the new village for 1,500 evicted Chinese squatters.
In fact, it had never been in the history of Seremban people who
had done so much to help their fellow-men. Indeed, they were the
friends in the hour of need.
I also told Sir Henry Gurney that every evening the well-
wishers, curious visitors, aged parents, relatives and friends of
the evicted squatters would bring fruits, cakes, soft drinks .or
packets of food for the squatters working in the resettlement area.
Before he left for home, Sir Henry Gurney said that he was also
thankful to the townsfolk and the people for the generous
donations.
50
Chinese Squatters Urge
Government To Help
Rebuild Their Homes
The British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, surprisingly
met an ex-Malayan People1s Anti-Japanese Army 2nd in-
command Negri Sembilan Contingent popularly known as Khoo
Ah Yong who was a member of my Resettlement Committee, and
who after many years became the Chi.ef Police Officer (CPO)
Perak. He was awarded the title "Tan Sri" posthumously. More
tales later.
On two occasions, Dr Chong Ah Khoon and I were invited by Sir
Henry Gurney for tea at his residency. Apart from social
conversation, many discussions were especially on the problems
of the Chinese squatters and the need for government assistance
in various forms.
On the first occasion, we talked about the eviction of the 1,500
Ulu Temiang and Sikamat Chinese squatters, who had suffered
tremendous losses - all their worldly possessions.
They were allowed to take with them only their personal
with their two bare hands.
The government should compensate them for their losses
based on the merits of each squatter family.
Later on, the government should give such squatter family a
plot of land on which to build a house. They would need financial
assistance. because they would begin a new lite after their
release from the Kluang Detention Camp without money.
The majority of the Chinese squatters had been farmers for
generations. Without land they would be like fish out of water.
Therefore, the government should provide a big piece of tand
(arable) near the new village for the farmers to earn a livelihood.
On the second occasion, while having tea with Sir Henry
Gurney at his residency, apart from matters relating to the 1948
Emergency Regulations, I told Sir Henry Gurney briefly :-
The problems of all Chinese squatters were largely social and
economic factors with I ittle or no pol itical connection.
51
The trouble with the government - in peace it would only see
things on the surface and in troubled time it would dig beneath the
surface to get to the root of the upheaval. Therefore, the
Emergency was an eye-opener.
Under the Emergency Regulations, nearly a million Chinese
squatters had been uprooted, fortunately, they were to be
resettled instead of deportation to China without trial where many
might die of cold and hunger due to scarcity of food and clothing in
China.
Such Chinese squatters were transferred to small plots of land
scarcely a fraction of the size 01 their former vegetable gardens.
They should be provided with money and kind to help put up
their houses and compensation for the loss of the vegetables and
belongings.
The Chinese squatters had been mainly farmers for
generations. They did not know any other means of livelihood.
I,n all squatter settlements throughout the country, the men and
women produced plenty and sold cheaply their vegetables, fish,
chickens, ducks and daily necessities for home cooking to meet
the needs of people who did not depend on imported food. They
were simple people and they were always law abiding,
Moreover, the workforce was always available from the
squatter settlements for agricultural and industrial fields - mainly
tin mines and plantations.
Admittedly, they had given a fair share towards the
development and progress in the country.
It is important for the government to win the "hearts and minds"
of the squatter commu n ity - they could contribute m uch to help the
country.
When they became villagers, the government should provide at
least a big piece of land (arable) near every new village for the
bona fide farmers to grow vegetables or set up fish ponds or
flower gardens.
As squatters, they would not necessarily work for others, as
new villagers without land they would have to work for others for
wages to support their families.
Such men and women would not be happy and contented
without land. It's on land they could sow the seeds to sustain
themselves.
52
They could rear pigs, fish and poultry. In every new village, the
government should provide a village school, a temple, community
centre, and certain facilities for relaxation.
All these problems could not be tackled with a short term policy.
It should have a long term policy to look atter them, particularly to
make them feel that they were an integral part of the country.
Before Or Chong and I left the residency, Sir Henry Gurney was
happy over our very sincere discussions regarding the Chinese
squatters' problems, and he assured us that he would work on our
various proposals.
He said he would include a police post in every New Village with
instructions to assist and be friendly with the people. He thanked
us.
On 5 December 1949, on the directive of Sir Henry Gurney, the
Federation of Malaya Secretary for Chinese Affairs, Sir Douglas
Fleming, wrote to me and I agreed to be a member of the
Emergency Chinese Advisory Committee.
Later on, I was offered a British title for my Resettlement
Scheme, which I declined. Thereafter I decided to decline all
future offers of awards.
Unfortunately, on the 6 October 1951, Sir Henry Gurney was
ambushed and killed by communist guerillas on his way up to
Fraser's Hill.
It was a great tragedy. Sir Henry Gurney could have given lots
of assistance to all new villagers (former squatters).
He was a great man. He would no doubt have fulfilled his
promises made in Seremban and Kuala Lumpur to assist all new
villages.
During a big flood, the released Chinese squatters were moved
to a hilly area near the resettlement area.
Every family was given a plot of land 40 feet by 100 feet to build
a house on it. It's now called the "Rasah New Village", Seremban.
53
A New Village today
Another view
54
No. [84) 1.0 SCA.Conr.a/49 Chinese Secreteriat,
Federation of lotllaya,
lrU8la LUlllPur.
5th December" 1949.
See ytn,
'1: am:!llng Road,
Sir,
I have the hooOUl' to inform you thet His
Excellency the High Commissioner ha3 in.tructed me
to invite you to become a member of the Emergency
Adv130ry Committee Cha irman.
Please inform me are ;;llling
1 have the honour to b ~ ,
Sir,
Your obedient servent,
Work Of rJature
56
Longevity .. Officialdom" Prosperity
57
Perak Chief Police
O f f i c e r ~ Once A Member
Of MPAJA, Is Murdered
By Communist
Terrorists
"Why did so many young Chinese join guerillas in the jungle?"
was an interesting qClestion put to Mr Khoo Ah Yong @ Khoo
Chong Kwong, an ex-Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army
(MPAJA) and Force 136 member during the Occupation, by the
British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney in Seremban. (After
Merdeka, Mr Khoo was Perak Chief Police OHicer (CPO).)
At the resettlement site, when I introduced Mr Khoo Ah Yong
among other members of my Resettlement Committee to the
British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, was surprised and
happy to meet Mr Khoo working heartily to assist in the setting up
of a new village to resettle the 1,500 evicted Ulu Temiang and
Sikamat Chinese squatters, who were being released by batches
for resettlement in Seremban. It was during one" quiet" visit of Sir
Henry Gurney.
Mr Khoo replied to Sir Henry Gurney'. "Sir, first of all, I am not a
communist, but I am a great believer in the 'Three Principles' of Dr
Sun Vat Sen, the father of Republican China. As I could no longer
stomach the Japanese atrocities, it was due to such hatred
against them, I decided to go into the jungle to join the guerillas to
tight the Japanese army".
Mr Khoo also told Sir Henry Gurney: "Sir, not all Chinese
youths who joined the guerillas were communists. They had
similar hatred like mine against the Japanese army for atrocities
against the Chinese in particular".
Mr Khoo pOinted out to Sir Henry Gurney: "Sir, all Resettlement
Committee members are volunteers and we are working together
as a big family to help resettle the evicted Chinese squatters. and I
am proud to work together with Mr Han Hui Fong. who is a well-
known Rotarian and businessman, to be in-charge ot the store for
collection and distribution of food and building materials daily to
the workers to put up the new village."
58
Mr Han Hui Fong was a Rotarian. He was President of the NS
Coffeeshops Association. After Merdeka, Mr Han was first elected
as a member of Seremban Town Council, later on, as NS State
Assemblyman and served in the State Executive Council (EXCO)
for many years. He was very active in the MCA, popular in social
and political circles. Always a friend, he was a willing helper.
Awarded a JP.
Then I told Sir Henry Gurney that the peaceful and happy
existence of the Chinese squatter communjty was shattered by
the barbarous Japanese Army.
They marched through the country, eating the squatters'
produce, killing the helpless men who protested against the
barbarous Japanese soldiers and raping their wives and
daughters, burning their huts and throwing their little children into
the fire without remorse.
Such atrocities were carried out against the Chinese in the
towns and cities. Such Japanese were monsters.
The barbarous Japanese regarded the Chinese above all
others, as their implacable enemies, and among the Chinese, the
communists stood first.
I told Sir Henry Gurney that the barbarous Japanese had
squeezed every cent they could out of the Chinese community.
who had to make a "gift" of $50 million (pre-war money). which
was handed over on 20 April 1942.
When the "gift" was presented, General Yamashita somewhat
ungraciously declared that it in no way redeemed the previous
actions of the Malayan Chinese for having supported Britain and
China. (Every rich and poor Chinese had contributed towards the
$50 million.)
To the insatiable Japanese, the "gift" was only a whetter for
their appetite. Within a few months of the fall of Malaya and
Singapore, the economic exploitation of Malaya began.
The Kaishas arrived: the Mitsui and Mitsubishi were the first in
the field in the wake of the conquering army. Small Japanese
civilian traders came in shoals for the crumbs.
However, I also told Sir Henry Gurney that I came to know Mr
Khoon Ah Yong and his two comrades Tung Fook Loong and Soo
Khor after the Japanese surrendered, through two old friends,
Colonel Claude Fenner and Lawyer R. H. V. Rintoul.
59
The "trio" had taken part in the "Victory Parade" in London.
At the start of the 1948 Emergency, Mr Tung Fook Loong
returned to the jungle, and Mr Soo Khor was repatriated to China.
Mr Khoo Ah Yong surrendered to the NS Chief Police Officer
(CPO), Mr G. B. Folliot, who released him on my guarantee to
work in Negri Sembilan Aerated Water Co. Ltd, Seremban, and I
had to sign a surety bond for $5,000 that he would not return to the
jungle to join his comrades.
Mr Khoo had worked with me for many years in the factory
where I was the Managing Director. We got along very well.
He was hardworking and a jolly good fellow. He was married
and had several children.
After the resettlement of the 1,500 evicted Lllu Temiang and
Sikamat Chinese squatters, out of the blue, a surrendered
communist came to my office and told me that the jungle folks
were preparing to kill Mr Khoo Ah Yong.
Quickly, I got a job for Mr Khoo in Cathay Organisation in
Kuching, Sarawak.
Later on, I contacted Colonel Claude Fenner, who after
Merdeka, was appointed Inspector General of Police Malaysia. He
agreed to accept Mr Khoo into the Sarawak Police Constabulary.
Being intelligent and hardworking, Mr Khoo soon climbed the
ladder higher and higher. He was sent to England and to many
other countries for police training.
Subsequently Mr Khoo was promoted to be Perak Chief Police
Officer (CPO), Datuk Khoo Chong Kwong, for nearly two years.
Then, one cloudy afternoon, Radio Malaysia announced that Mr
Khoo had been shot and killed by two communist youngsters in
\poh while on his way home for lunch.
After Mr Khoo's death, he was awarded the title of "Tan Sri"
posthumously.
He was buried at the Christian Cemetry in Seremban. God bless
his soul.
60
Tan Sri Khoo Chong Kong
Perak Chief Police Officer
TIME AND TIDE WAIT FOR NO MAN
The Chinese zodiacal clock. The signs of the Oriental animal
zodiac indicate the twelve two .. hour period in a day. The
white signs pertain to daytime hours, the black ones to
nightime hours.
61
NEW VILLAGE RESETTLEMENT COMMlnEE
(Photographs Of Many Members Are Not Availabl.e)
Mr Lai Cheng Hung
Honorable
Mr Han Hui Fong, JP.
Mr Ong Peng Leng Mr Loke Kal Hong Mr Chong Klm Fook
62
Local MeA Leaders
Ignore The Appeals For
Help From New
Villagers During The
Big Flood
During the big flood of 1951, due to the continuous rain for
several days, many parts of Seremban town were under water.
In some areas the water rose up touching the roofs of houses,
particularly the resettlement area where the water was rising
continually, higher and higher, coming up to the danger level.
Many new villagers were preparing to evacuate but there was no
high ground.
Big Linggi River was flowing in front of the resettlement area,
and its water had risen to a dangerous level.
The settlers were unable to run over to the opposite side near
the main road because the swift river water had swept away the
100-feet long bridge.
At midnight, I received an urgent telephone call requesting
help. I was told that they had already made a few telephone calls
to Seremban MCA office assistants, MCA officials and Secretary
Yap, but none had turned up at the resettlement area.
They requested urgent help for evacuation because the big
Linggi River might burst its banks.
Immediately, from my house I telephoned some members of my
Resettlement Committee, the police and ambulance informing
them of the dangerous situation at the resettlement area.
I told them that the new villagers were afraid that the big Linggi
River might burst its banks at any time and many villagers might
be swept away.
I rushed over to the resettlement area, and I was happy that the
police. ambulance and army were already there waiting for the
arrival of many rescue boats.
I was with the police, ambulance and army officers on the
opposite side of the resettlement area.
63
Since the 100-feet bridge had been carried away, two police and
army officers used a boat to cross the big Linggi River, carrying
with them long t-hick ropes and equipment for use by the rescue
boats.
As soon as the rescue boats arrived, I had to be taken over to
the resettl ement area to hel p su pervise the evacuation of 1,500
new villagers (men, women and children) to the opposite side
near the main road.
There were not enough lights and the place was quite dark. It
was about 3 or 4 o'clock in the morning.
Fortunately, the passing motor lorries and motor cars had
stopped to give us plenty of light during the evacuation by the
rescue boats.
In the meantime, many members of my Resettlement
Committee were in town where many motor lorries were parked
on the roadside.
They contacted the owners, who willingly ordered their drivers
to drive the lorries to the opposite side of the resettlement area.
It had taken many hou rs to evacuate the 1,500 new vi Ilagers
across the big Linggi River flowing so very rapidly.
Both the police and army teams including ambulance officers
did a wonderful job in transporting the 1,500 new villagers with the
rescue boats to safety. I thanked them.
At that time, some members of my Resettlement Committee
were making arrangements at the Seremban Dance Hall for
temporary accommodation for the 1,500 evacuated new villagers.
As soon as the 1,500 new vi Ilagers were safely evacuated from
the resettlement area, which was flooded with the rising water
from the big Linggi River's burst-banks, they were immediately
transported by many l o r r i e ~ tD the Seremban Dance Hall to be
given temporary accommodation.
News travelled fast. It was dawn. There were crowds of
Seremban townsfolk coming to the Seremban Dance Hall to see
and cheer up the 1,500 evacuated new villagers.
Many brought with them some bread, biscuits, "tim sum", fried
meehoon, and old clothings for the new villagers.
Then, a few shopkeepers and many market stallholders came
to me to offer immediate needs, such as rice, edible oil, sugar,
salt, milk for babies, vegetables, fish and pork.
64
I thanked them for the generous and thoughtful offers. Soon
they brought them to the Seremban Dance Hall where 1,500
evacuated new villagers were put up temporarily.
During those two days, there was a constant flow of visitors,
who were relatives, friends, aged parents and even curious
visitors bringing all sorts of foodstuffs, cakes, tinned milk and old
cloth i ngs for the new villagers.
Indeed, for the second.time, the Seremban people rose to the
occasion, showing their generosity, thoughtfulness and kindness
to their fellow-men in their hour of need.
It was just wonderful to see so many people playing host to
those unfortunate new villagers.
Only a few MCA officials and Secretary Yap came to pay a
casual visit to the new villagers at the Seremban Dance Hall.
The new villagers greeted them with much sarcasm.
However, the Seremban townsfolk, the market stall holders and
many individuals had provided plenty to feed all new villagers.
With so much supplies, there were many cooks among the new
villagers, and there was no difficulty to prepare two square meals
for the new villagers daily at the Seremban Dance Hall, which
became their temporary home for two days.
When the water subsided, the 1,500 new villagers were
transported back to their resettlement area called the "Freedom
New Village" by the kind-hearted lorry owners. I thanked them.
Soon the 1,500 new villagers were moved to a nearby hilly area
where every squatter family was given a small plot of land
measuring 40 feet by 100 feet to build a house to shelter from the
sun and rain.
All new villagers are still hoping that MCA leadership will
request the government to provide a big piece of land to every
new village for the bona fide farmers to cultivate vegetables etc,
as promised under a programme of betterment in the new
villages.
65
The Big Flood
66
RtE-Settlement And
Re-Educatioll
Lessons
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As
A report In the Straits Times on the AeseHlement Scheme
A report by New Straits Times on Ulu Temiang New Village
68
t.J11J

A newspaper report on how Chin See Vln started the New
Villages Scheme to help local Chinese from being sent to
Mainland China
69

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70
Beautiful Jade
Arrangements
71
More Beautiful Jade Arrangements
72
BritIsh High Commissioner Sir Henry Gurney suggested to
Tun H. S. Lee to form the Malayan Chinese Association
(MeA) to help the Government aet up New Villages
"We toil for fame,
We live on crustsy
We make a name,
Then we are busts".
L. H. Robbins
73
~
'l!d
74
ADDENDUM
The background of 450 new villages located in prominent
places throughout East Malaysia were tales of woes. They were
set up to re-settle nearly a million Chinese squatters based on my
Resettlement (New Villages) Scheme. as ar] alternative to
deportation without trial to China under the 1948 Emergency
Regulations enforced by the British government in Malaya.
The new villages will remain a grim reminder to the Chinese
community of the hardships and sufferings of the Chinese
squatters during and after the Japanese occupation.
At that time, the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) played the
role of "Or Jekyll and Mr Hyde", and the British government
played their "subtle games": firstly, to recover Malaya from the
Japanese forces, and secondly. to defeat the communist
terrorists. In 1957, UMNO-MCA-MIC achieved an Independent
Malaya.
In 1869, with the accession of the Meiji Emperor, Japan rose to
her position as a world power. A Japanese Prime Minister,
Tanaka, prepared a memorandum to his Emperor stating that to
control the world, Japan should control Mongolia and Manchuria,
then China. In order to control China, Japan had to defeat
America.
In 1921, the Chinese Communist Party was formed in China
(CCP). In 1924, the Chinese communists first became active in
Malaya. The Malayan Communist Party (MCP) was orthodox
Marxist-Leninist but followed the trends and changes in the policy
of the CCP.
However, at the end of 1941, the peaceful economic and pol itical
progress of Malaya came to a standstill with the arrival of the
barbaric Japanese forces, and Singapore also fell into their
hands.
While the Japanese envoy Saburo Kurusu failed to break the
deadlock between Japan and America over oil supplies by the
75
latter, Japan had already planned for a simultaneous attack on 8
December 1941 on Pearl Harbour, Malaya, Hong Kong and the
Philippines. It was a treacherous act.
With the inclusion of H.M.S. Repulse and H.M.S. Prince of
Wales, the Malayan defence forces were made up of 80,000 men
of several nations (British, Indians, Australians and Malayans). Of
141 aircraft of several kinds, some were obsolete and others
broken down. There were no tanks and many of the troops had no
war experience. They were under the command of Lt. General A.
E. Percival. He also commanded the local volunteers and local
defence forces made up of mainly Malayans.
A Japanese tank regiment and two Japanese divisions of crack
troops landed in Northern Malaya and also at different parts like
Singgora and Patani in South Thailand, including Kota Bharu in
Kelantan.
When the Japanese landings were successful, the British
troops began to retreat on all fronts. The two big ships were also
bombed and sunk oH Kuantan, Pahang.
During the British retreat from Penang, the order to sink all
boats in the harbour was not carried out, and the Japanese
captured them intact. Using such boats in the numerous rivers on
the West Coast, the Japanese began to land behind the British
defence lines. The defending forces continued to retreat towards
Johore.
Since the Japanese knew every part of Malaya well due to their
tin mines and rubber estates before the war, the Australians were
soon pushed back to Singapore.
It was a master-stroke of strategy based on the Japanese
preparations made for a very long time during peace time.
The Japanese fighting spirit was high due to the treacherous
sinking of the American Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbour in Hawaii.
Moreover, the Indian soldiers in Malaya had no fighting spirit
due to the Japanese propaganda. Indian leaders were protesting
openly against sending the Indian troops to fight in Malaya. This
had a considerable ef/ect on the loyalty of the Indian troops.
The Japanese treacherous attack and the British military
unpreparedness were the obvious reasons for the Japanese
successes in both Malaya and Singapore.
76
The British army in their retreat had adopted the "scorched
earth tactic", and millions of gallons of petrol and oil were set
ablaze and other alcoholic drinks were drained into rivers.
The scorched earth tactics included docks, bridges,
warehouses, military installations, British business houses,
rubber stores, tin mines and dredges.
It was a big wastage. Food was left behind under the sun and
rain to rot, and the Malayan people were left to the mercy of the
barbaric Japanese forces, who executed hundred of innocent
people in kampongs, towns and cities. They exhibited the victims'
heads along the railings in public places to frighten the Malayans
to accept Japanese commands.
The happy and peaceful existence of the Chinese squatters was
badly shattered by the barbaric Japanese. The Japanese army
marched through the country, eating the squatters' produce,
killing many who protested and raping their women and
daughters.
There were many squatter settlements in every state in the
Peninsula. In everyone, there were vegetable gardens, pig sties,
and fish ponds around the tiny huts.
In groups the barbaric Japanese soldiers would go into those
squatter settlements for the squatters' hard-earned money or
valuables, beat them up and rape their women and daughters.
Unmercifully they burnt the squatters' huts and threw the little
children into the fires in spite of the aged squatters' appeals on
bent knees. The Japanese would bayonet aged squatters and
leave them to die.
There was not a day such atrocities were not committed by the
barbaric soldiers during the Japanese occupation.
The youths among the squatters were imbued with hatred. They
vowed to take revenge and fight against the barbaric Japanese.
Many went deep into the jungle and joined the Malayan People's
Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) which was under the control of the
Malayan Communist Party (MCP).
Both in Malaya and Singapore, the Japanese army used
informers, who were men, women and boys hooded like the Ku
Klux Klan, to pick out the victims, mainly the Chinese, and mass
executions lasted for many days.
77
Among the five to ten thousand victims, some were shot as they
stood, others were tortured to death, and thousand!> were put onto
boats, towed out to sea or deep mining ponds and pushed into the
water. The barbaric Japanese machine-gunned them as they
swam or struggled in the water. Many selected victims were
interrogated for information by the Japanese Military Police who
would torture the victims by beating them with big sticks or iron
rods until unconscious and some victims were hung upside-down
with their heads dipping occasionally into a drum of night soil.
Then, the barbaric Japanese would round up more victims
singled out for torture and execution, from the following :-
1, all who assisted with the Chinese Distress Relief Fund.
2. rich men who gave generously to the Relief Fund.
3. newspapermen, schoolmasters and Chinese high school
students.
4. men and women with tattoo marks.
5. volunteers, volunteer reservists.
6. men who supported China and Britain.
Notwithstanding the above-mentioned heinous crimes
committed by the barbaric Japanese, the Japanese army required
every family in Singapore to vacate their houses and move into
six camps set up with no proper facilities, stating that the
Japanese wanted to inspect their houses. In fact, the Japanese
soldiers ransacked their houses and took away valuables, money
and jewellery,
In those camps, the people, men, women and children, found
shelter on five-foot-ways for three days, Rich and poor alike had to
sleep on the five-foot-ways. In the morning, they washed their
faces with street-pipe water. The dead had no coHins and were
wrapped up in mats and carried away for burial.
Before leaving their houses, the rich hid their money and
jewelleries in the pillows on which they rested their heads.
On the 4th day, the people were allowed to go back to their
houses. They found all goods and valuables missing and looted
by the Japanese.
The Japanese army set up "comfort homes" for their barbaric
soldiers. I was then Deputy Superintendent in-charge of war
casualties in the "K. K. Emergency Hospital".
In this Emergency Hospital, there was a large number of
Chinese nurses, many came from Kedah, Penang, Perak,
78
Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, and Johore hospitals along with the
retreating British forces to Singapore. Those nurses were
friendly. After work, we would get together to go places or the
Dance Halls.
Af1er the surrender, the Chinese nurses had to complete a form
each stating whether she was "single or married". If she was
"single", she would be sent to the "comfort home".
In fact, 36 Chinese nurses came up to me each with a form to get
my name to be filled in stating I was her husband. In order to avoid
suspicion, I had to write, spell and sign my name in various ways.
I told them that I was their so-called husband only during the
Japanese occupation. Thus, I had 36 "wives". I took a big risk to
oblige them.
To avoid Japanese capture, the hospital doctors disguised me
in a doctor's uniform, and I move around with some doctors
washing the wounds of Allied soldiers in the hospital. I became a
"quack" doctor for a while.
One day, I had to examine and prescribe medicine for a
Japanese Officer. The only prescription I was taught to write was
"quinine water". So I gave the Japanese Officer such a
prescription for his ailment.
After three days, the Japanese Officer came to see me again for
tonic. I could not prescribe a tonic for him because I was taught to
prescribe only quinine water. It's a good cure for fever.
Anyway, 1 examined him again and told him to repeat the
medicine and that 1 would give him the tonic later.
Then, the Japanese Officer spoke to me in English about his
sickness. When 1 asked him about his education, he told me that
he was a graduate of Harvard University.
When I told him that it was my time for lunch, the Japanese
Officer left me to get medicine. Then, I ran away quickly from the
hospital to pack up my bag for my hometown, Seremban.
Later on, the 36 "wives" sent me some baby clothings for my
young son's birthday. When my wife was surprised, I told her
about my plight to claim the 36 Chinese nurses as my "wives".
Otherwise, they would be sent to the "comfort homes" to entertain
the barbaric Japanese soldiers. After the JapanesE: surrendered,
the whole episode was forgotten.
The so-called "Liberators of East Asia and the creators of the
. Co-Prosperity Sphere" were to squeeze every cent they could out
79
of the Chinese community. The leading Chinese were told that a
"gift" from the Chinese of $50 million (Malayan currency) had
been decided on.
This was to be handed over on 20th April 1942, but when the day
came the amount had not been fully subscribed. All that could be
obtained in actual cash was $29 million. Rich and poor sold land
and houses to get money.
The rest was to be raised, said the Japanese, by loans from the
Yokohama Specie Bank on security furnished by the contributors
themselves and guaranteed by the respective Chinese
associations in each state and settlement.
When the "gift" was presented, General Yamashita somewhat
ungraciously declared that it in no way redeemed the previous
action of the Malayan Chinese in having supported Britain and
China. He said "What really matters is the attitude of the Malayan
Chinese in the construction of the Co-Prosperity Sphere of
Greater East Asia".
To the insatiable Japanese, the "gift" was only a whetter of the
appetite. Soon, there was the ruthless economic exploitation of
Malaya. The Kaishas arrived: the Mitsui and Mitsubishi were the
first in the field. Lesser Japanese civilian traders came in shoals
for what was left of the spoils.
Those civilian Japanese formed Kumiai i.e. syndicates or
guilds. They became, in effect, Government-protected
compartments of the black market. They held the monopoly to
fleece the public, but they were assisted by unscrupulous get-
rich-quick elements among the Chinese.
The gambling propensities of the Chinese and other Asians
were obvious sources of profit to the conquerors of Malaya and
gambling farms, long abolished by the British, were resuscitated
in 1943.
Many unscrupulous Chinese and a few Indians became pimps
to the high Japanese Officials who assisted them to obtain
gambling licences in every state and settlement. There were
amusement parks in every town and city where all types of games
were set up for gambling, and the organizers paid heavy taxes to
the treasury daily.
Outwardly there was compliance and acceptance of the
Japanese conquerors; inwardly there was an ever-growing
80
hatred. The Chinese have a capacity for subtle obstruction,
appearing to co-operate when they were working in the opposite
direction at all times.
When the Allied forces hit back, goods from Japan arrived in
trickles. Rice was imported from Burma and Thailand. Finally,
Allied submarines severed the link of Japanese supplies of food
and war materials.
To increase food production locally, the Japanese encouraged
the people to cut down rubber trees to grow more food.
Eventually, there was a big move of the people in towns and cities
to the rural areas to grow vegetables, rear fish and pigs and plant
"ubi-kayu" to overcome the growing rice shortage.
The tide turned against Japan with the defeat of Germany in
1945. By the middle of 1945, everything was ready for the Allied
invasion of Malaya. The Japanese decided to surrender a:tter the
Americans used massive B.29's to burn Tokyo (killing a few
hundred thousand Japanese within a flattened area of 14 square
miles) by sowing incendiaries and also on a few more Japanese
cities. The planes came in, dropping cluster upon cluster of
magnesium, phosphorous and napalm bombs to burn the
Japanese and to flatten their cities in Japan. Lastly, after
Hiroshima and Nagasaki were totally destroyed by atomic bombs,
Japan announced its surrender on 15th August 1945 and the War
came to an end.
The Japanese occupation will always be remembered by the
people in Malaya and Singapore as a nightmare of Japanese
brutality, economic hardships and "ubi-kayu" as food. The
Japanese atrocities had no parallel in the civilised world.
During the Japanese occupation, there were two kinds of
Chinese resistance groups to fight the Japanese. Firstly, there
were the armed military groups living hidden in the hills and
jungles, and secondly, there were underground organisations
whose members lived openly in the towns and villages and who
either helped the guerilla troops or resisted the Japanese in some
other way.
Most important in the underground movement was a political
association called the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Union
(MPAJU), an almost entirely Chinese organisation controlled by
the Malayan Communist Party (MCP).
81
The MPAJA was divided into several provincial groups each
under its commander. The disposition of the groups was as
fDllows :-
Group 1 - Group 2 - Negeri Sembilan. Group 3 - North
Johore. Group 4 - South Johore. Group 5 - Perak. Group 6 - West
Pahang. Group 7 - East Pahang. Group 8 - Kedah.
The groups were alsD spilt up into small camps within easy
reach of squatter settlements and other contacts.
Their food supplies were received trom MPAJU and augmented
with the produce of small gardens in the jungles. In some areas,
some "Sakai" tribes assisted them.
Guerilla activity was on a minor scale, but the MPAJA was built
up tD assist in the liberation Df the country when the Allied Forces
landed in strength according to plans made by Southeast Asia
Command.
A small number of British Officers had been working, in
constant danger, with the guerillas from the beginning Df the
Japanese occupation in February 1942.
As the plans for the liberation reached their climax more British
Officers, NCOs and wireless operators were dropped by
parachute into the country, or landed by submarine, to act as
liaison teams with the MPAJA and to ensure that their military
operations conformed to the Allied plan.
When satisfactory liaison was established, large quantities of
automatic arms and ammunition and other equipment were
parachuted to the guerillas, whose task was to disrupt the
Japanese lines of communication when the Allied landings
began.
But in August, 1945, a few days before the invasion fleet was
due to leave Indian ports, Japan surrendered.
Arrangements were made by the British Military Administration
and the Southeast Asia Command for demobilisation, and at the
beginning of December 1945, the guerillas were paid off on
handing in their arms.
But the MPAJA never fully disarmed, much of the equipment
that had been dropped, was kept, and with or without Japanese
connivance, quantities of Japanese war material found its way
into the hands of the communists.
82
The guerillas left scores of secret armouries from which to
equip themselves, and the MCP pamphlets and party literature in
circulation at the end of the war and after the liberation showed
clearly that even then the object of the communists was the
creation of a Malayan Communist State.
As Malaya settled down to post-war reconstruction,
international communism reared its ugly head. It was at this
juncture, when Malayan political parties were proliferating and
Malaya was passing through its democratic infancy towards
adolescence that the communist insurrection began and arrested
the process.
Official accounts of the outbreak in Malaya was a decision taken
at the Second Congress of the Communist Party of India held
under cover of the Calcutta Youth Festival in February 1948.
The communists began by setting up General Labour Unions in
both territories directly under their own control and by infiltrating
into newly-formed trade unions which was the post-war policy of
the Government to foster.
The policy pursued was to secure as many of the key positions
as possible for their own adherents in order to organise agitation
and strike action, by which means they hoped to stultify the
genuine efforts of labour leaders to develop responsible trade
unionism.
By early 1948, the communists were testing their strength by the
promotion of strikes and labour unrest on trivial pretexts all over
the country and resorting to violence, intimidation and extortion to
enforce their will.
In May 1948, the police had information that extremist bodies
had advised all workers in trade unions to resort to violence to
secure their ends. Police gave details of six political shootings
which had taken place in April. In June 1948. many of the unions
had been controlled by the Pan-Malayan Federation of Trade
Unions, which was communist-controlled. It was not a federation
of unions in the true sense. It was an "organiser" of unions, not a
federation formed by the unions.
The strike and labour unrest increased throughout the country.
Additional reports were made on the following :-
In North Johore, a Chinese-owned rubber estate was seized
and held for a month by communist agitators.
In Kedah, workers were organized by communists into military
units and drilled regularly as if on a parade ground.
83
In Perak, the chairman of the Perak Committee oLthe Planting
Industries Employees' Association said that there was
"wholesale armed disregard for the law, intimidation,
gangsterism, murder".
In Singapore, men armed with rifles, clubs and spades seized a
rubber factory and ordered its 160 workers to strike. At another
factory, armed men drove up and addressed the workers; a strike
followed, one of the grounds for which was a demand that a
particular kind of machine should be used in the factory. These
machines had, in fact, already been used there for 20 years.
In many cases, strikes were called in support of demands for
wage scales which in fact were lower than were already being
paid.
A State of Emergency covering the entire Federation was
declared on the 18th June 1948 and was extended to Singapore on
the 24th June.
The MPAJA issued a manifesto calling on all former comrades
to take up arms against the British.
On 20th June 1948, 45,000 guerillas were reported to be
massing in the jungle. On the same day the police station at
Mentakab in Pahang was attacked. The insurrection had begun in
earnest.
The Chinese squatters were then in an unenviable prominence.
Many squatter settlements were on the fringes of the jungle.
The British government alleged that the squatters provided
money, food, medicine and shelter to the communist terrorists. It
was stated the police and army officers had scanned the
countryside and found the squatters, men, women and children,
living in tiny shacks on the fringe of the jungle amidst prosperous-
looking vegetable plots, fish ponds and pig sties.
The officers were satisfied that the squatters had been feeding
the communists in the jungle. It was suggested: "Remove them
from their environment and we will clear the country of
communists".
Hence, the 1948 Emergency Regulations empowered the British
Government to evict and deport nearly a million Chinese
squatters without trial to China, which, at that time, was short of
food and clothing. If deported, many would die of hunger and cold.
84
PART TWO
MeA
Intra-Party
Struggle
Power Struggle Shames
Chinese Community
These glimpses into the short history of the Malayan Chinese
Association (MCA), now Malaysian Chinese Association, will
provide interesting stories, somewhat similar to the legendary
"Romance of the Three Kingdoms".
The glimpses into activities in the first decade of MCA, and
thereafter, the glimpses into the problems created by the power
struggles in the party are interesting events to help guide future
generations to work with morality for posterity.
1) In the first decade of MCA, the name MCA was a "household"
word to the Chinese community, who gave their wholehearted
support to the party.
It's. worthy to mention that those early MCA leaders were
dedicated men, who worked conscientiously without pay.
They were always willing to lend a helping hand to the poor.
Often, they would dip into their pockets to make sacrifices in
order to do a service for their fellow-men. They might not be
rich, but they were generous and kind.
During the 1948 Emergency period, many had stood up to the
communist terrorists by helping farmers, tappers and others.
As a resu It, they died with thei r boots on.
Those early MCA leaders at all levels (National, State and
Branch) were, by and large, Chinese-educated, tireless
workers who sacrificed precious time and money to render
much laudable service to the poor and needy throughout the
country during the peak of the 1948 Emergency. Today, such
noble leaders are far and few in the party.
Of course, at that time there were also many devils among the
good angels at all levels in the party. Those devils would prey
on the unfortunate Chinese in trouble.
87
2) In the next few decades of MCA, the tales of power struggles
among the top-brass in the MCA from Headquarters down to
the States and Branches were legendary.
Within the party, the best of friends had turned against one
another for positions and power, eventually for lucrative
government jobs. They worked through cliques, which could
do more harm than good'to the party.
It's a dilemma to the Chinese community to stem the tide of
setbacks and the erosion of their positions, influence and
interests due to the MCA leaders and other Chinese leaders
being unable to, co-operate on various matters affecting
Chinese interests.
3) Then came the 20-month MCA crisis coupled with many
former MCA leaders being involved in series of deposit-
taking co-operative (DTC) scandals. The MCA was in tatters.
Unfortunately, several opposition leaders played up the DTCs
debacle, misled many desperate depositors to vent their
emotions in unlawful ways like the illegal demonstrations,
breaking into co-operative offices, trespassing into a
Director's house and instigating the rejection of the "Rescue
Plan" only to end up under Receiverships.
Such opposition leaders created a big mess at the expense of
a few hundred thousand depositors.
4) In the 1990 General Elections, the MCA candidates were
returned limping with only 20% Chinese support, and if not for
the massive Malay support the MCA candidates could have
suffered bigger disastrous defeats. It's due to the MCA
President not fulfilling his promises.
Under the circumstances, the MCA President should have
stepped down for other leaders to re-organise and strengthen
the party - no man is born indispensable.
However, the MCA was bogged in "quicksands" and the
Chinese were on the horns of a dilemma.
The solution to strengthen the MCA is for the MCA to work
together closely with all Chinese guilds and associations
including the New Village Chinese community.
Without such support, the MCA cannot claim absolute
authority to represent or speak for the Chinese community,
because there are several Chinese-based political parties
also claiming Chinese support.
88
However, it has been proven that only 20% Chinese
supported the MCA.
As a result, the Chinese support will remain "fluid", and the
MCA will only play "second-fiddle" in the Barisan National
government.
5) We have seen MCA in its finest hour when the party stood up
for a decade of challenge during the early Emergency period
to advise, assist and look after Chinese interests, more
particularly, the welfare of nearly a million unfortunate
Chinese squatters who were saved from deportation to China
without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations.
The MCA rose up to the challenge in its first decade to provide
the unfortunate Chinese squatters with materials and moral
assistance without fear.
The MCA had then many "unsung heroes" (mostly Chinese-
educated) who made tremendous sacrifices for their fellow-
men.
Yet, such "unsung heroes" were conveniently forgotten
including the call for "Reverence to our Elders", which was
introduced to win Chinese support during the 1981 General
Elections.
It was never revised by succeeding MCA leaders who owed
them a debt of gratitude.
We have also seen the party in its hours of darkness. A
succession of power struggles for party leadership emerged and
eventually eroded the power of the party and obscured the
objectives that was to assist and look after the interests and
welfare of the new villages.
Colossal sums of money were s p " , ~ lavishly on the power
struggles. The money could have been used to set up agencies,
obtain land and give financial aid to the new village farmers to
grow vegetables and foodcrops, rear fish, pigs and poultry or
other animals thereby bringing down the high cost of living in
order to support industrialisation and provide more jobs to meet
the needs of the increasing population.
89
The Early MeA Leaders
Gain Tremendous
Support From Chinese
Folks
Why, how and by whom was the Malayan Chinese Association
(MCA), now Malaysian Chinese Association formed?
It was the British High Commissioner in Malaya, Sir Henry
Gurney, who suggested to then Colonel (Tun Sir Henry H. S. Lee)
Lee to form the Malayan Chinese Association, after the
Resettlement New Villages Scheme was submitted on 14
February 1949 to the Officer Administrating the Government, Sir
Alex Newboult, to assist and look after the Chinese and also assist
the government to set up New Villages under the Resettlement
New Villages Scheme throughout the country.
The MCA was formed on 27 February 1949.
Tun Lee then consulted his colleagues, Mr Yong Shook Lin, JP,
and Mr Khoo Teik Ee, JP. The "trio" were then members of the
Federal Legislative Council.
They were interested in Sir Henry Gurney's suggestion to form
the MCA in view of the fact that the United Malay National
Organisation (UMNO) and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC)
had already been formed to assist and look after the Malay
special rights and Indian interests respectively.
On Mr Yong's suggestion, they invited Sir Henry Gurney to a
dinner at Mr Yong's residence. There were altogether sixteen
persons at the dinner.
While dining, Tun Lee asked Sir Henry Gurney about his
suggestion to form the MCA, and Sir Henry Gurney replied that it
would be good to form it at once.
Thereafter, a general meeting of Chinese leaders of all (a few
thousand) Chinese guilds and associations, Chinese Chambers of
Commerce, and other associations from every state and
settlement were called by the "trio" (Tun Lee, Mr Yong and Mr
Khoo). and it was held on 27 February 1949.
It was agreed unanimously by all present to form one single
Chinese organisation called the "MCA".
90
Thus, Tun Lee, Mr Yong and Mr Khoo became the founders of
MCA, which gave laudable services to the Chinese community.
More importantly, the MCA assisted the government to resettle
nearly a million Chinese squatters, who were facing deportation
to China without trial under the 1948 Emergency Regulations, in a
few hundred New Villages throughout the country.
If this had not been done, all Chinese squatters would otherwise
had been deported to China without trial. Many might have died
due to scarcity of food and clothings in China at that time.
Soon after the formation 01 the MCA, Tun Tan Cheng Lock was
elected President; Tun H. S. Lee Deputy President; Mr Yong Shook
Lin and Mr Leung Cheung Ling as JOint-Secretaries; Mr Khoo Teik
Ee Treasurer; and other leaders to various committee in order to
carry out immediately the MCA objectives - to assist and look after
Chinese interests, and the welfare and interests of the Chinese
squatters in the country.
In every state, a State Division and many Branches were set up
to serve the people. All over Malaya, similar setups were
humming with activity to help solve the Chinese and Chinese
squatters' problems.
But alas, "when drinking water, how many will remember the
spring" .
Initially, MCA was generally concerned with the economic
condition and welfare of the Chinese community and in particular
the Chinese squatters' livelihood after resettlement.
Consequently, the MCA was destined to play a vital role in
Chinese social, economical and political interests.
Unfortunately, the MCA leaders' successors have failed to
carry out their obligation to discuss with Chinese leaders all
matters relating to Chinese interests, except expressing their own
opinion to the government.
They have failed to appreciate that discussions with the
Chinese leaders on all matters affecting Chinese interests will be
of mutual benefit to the MCA and the Chinese community, and
misunderstandings between the MCA leaders and the Chinese
leaders on Chinese problems will not crop up.
During my time as an oHicial of the MCA, the Chinese would
refer econom ic and welfare probl ems to MCA Headquarters,
91
State Division or their Branches for advice or assistance. Some
cases were difficult to solve while others were solved quickly.
Thus, the early MCA leaders obtained the confidence, trust and
wholehearted support of the Chinese community, and MCA
became a "household" word within the community.
In every state, the early MCA leaders had to be on their toes
daily. They had to assist or obtain the release of many innocent
rubber tappers, mine workers and others who were arrested or
detained on even the slightest suspicion of .assisting the
terrorists.
During the Emergency period, many early MCA leaders were
shot at and some were killed by the communist terrorists.
Many such leaders had to make tremendous sacrifices of the
precious time and money, and some even suHered hardships to
help their fellow-men.
The early MCA leaders dug the well with sweat and blood, but
the succeeding MCA leaders who drank the water had
conveniently forgotten them.
Now, they have also forgotten their obligation to the Chinese
leaders, whose elders formed the MCA, to discuss with them all
matters affecting Chinese interests, except expressing their own
opinions to the government without knowing the Chinese views
and needs and causing misunderstanding between the
government and the Chinese community.
Hence only 20% Chinese supported tne MCA candidates at the
1990 general elections.
In order to regain Chinese confidence and support, MCA has to
fulfil the promises made by its President, Dato Seri Or Ling Liong
Sik.
92
Dato $eri Dr Ling Liong Sik
93
Dato Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik
My party and I see the role of MCA as follows;-
Firstly, to provide a mean ingful and constructive leadership to
Malaysian Chinese and to be continually responsive to the needs of the
community.
Secondly, the Party has striven and shall continue to strive for justice,
equality and progress for all Malaysians.
Thirdly, the Party shall work with our partners in Barisan National to
maintain continued peace and stabil ity, and especially during this difficult
period to provide inputs to the government to lighten the economic
burden of the people, especially the ppor and hard-hit.
Fourthly, we have pressed for and shall continue to strive for a more
racially balanced Civil Service so that the government machinery reflects
ihe multi-racial character of the Malaysian nation. We make no apologies
for this demand which is entirely in keeping with the aims and objectives
of the New Economic Policy.
Dato Seri Dr Ling has to fulfil these pledges.
94
o
4bt:i W tit

1: JI A !E.R1 t'F tr.JJ< tt
Newspaper report: Seremban politicians and community
leaders admitted that Chin See Vln had given more
contributions compared to Chen Man Hln and Hu Supang of
DAP
95
MeA Veterans All Out
To Get PILblic Donations
In the first decade of MCA, the early MCA leaders were
dedicated men. I n every State Division and its Branches, the MCA
leaders would penetrate every nook and corner to mix freely with
the people and have friendly chats with them in their respective
towns and villages.
With matchless skill and patience, they oHered advice and
assistance whenever needed to the poor and needy. (The present
leaders should follow the good exam pi e of past leaders and it
would help the party to regain Chinese confidence and support).
The well-ta-do Chinese estate owners, tin miners, businessmen
gave donations very generously to buy land for temples, schools
and charitable homes. They built them quickly.
The majority of the MCA leaders in those days were China-born
and local-Chinese-educated Chinese.
In groups, they would go round for donations and monthly
subscriptions for the maintenance of the schools, temples and
charitable homes. They were the backbone of the party.
There was no quarrel or fight for positions, power or lucrative
government jobs. (Today, there are always power struggles for
positions, power and lucrative government jobs leaving the
Chinese community in the lurCh).
Like many MCA veterans, in my humble way, as a Member of
Parliament, NS State Assemblymen and President of the
Seremban Town Council, I applied successfully for many pieces
of state land for three Chinese schools and two English schools
including a playground for Seremban Convent School.
It's wort.h knowing that before the formation of MCA on 27
February 1949, there were at least three nasty incidents :-
(1) The mass massacre of entire Chinese squatter areas where
helpless men and women were slaughtered, mothers and
daughters were raped and killed and young children were
thrown into burning huts by the barbaric Japanese soldiers.
96
And above all heinous crimes, the barbarous Japanese army
extorted M$50 million (pre-war money) from the Chinese
community. If it was not paid, heads would fall. Japan repaid
with two ships. Where are the two ships?
(2) The withdrawal of "Malayan Union" in favour of "Federation
of Malaya 1948" by the British Government was due to the
strong UMNO opposition, more particularly, the strong
suspicion that the MCP was threatening to revolt against the
British Government in order to set up a "Communist State" in
the country.
(3) The communist terrorists compelling the Chinese squatters
to supply money, food and medicine had caused the British
Government to uproot nearly a million Chinese squatters for
resettlement and indiscriminately destroy their arable land
for growing vegetables including their fish ponds, pig sties
and poultry farms in order to deny them to the communist
terrorists.
After the Japanese capitulation, the noble Chinese practice was
immediately revived. As a thanksgiving to God for the return of
peace and order, the rich and poor Chinese had again donated
and contributed generously towards the maintenance of temples,
schools and charitable homes.
The Chinese are always philanthropical toward such causes.
Then the British Government in England announced that Sir
Harold MacMichael would be sent to Malaya with a plan to
establish a "Malayan Union" in the country.
On 10 October 1945, Sir Harold MacMichael came to Malaya to
brief the Malay Rulers and returned to England in January 1946
after obtaining the signatures of the nine Rulers on a New Treaty.
On 1 April 1946, the "Malayan Union" was established under
Governor Sir Edward Gent with full powers over all civil servants
although he was responsible to the Legislative Council, which
was reorganised to include an equal number of both official and
unofficial members.
The Sultans, who had been Heads of their respective states,
would become Advisers. They would sit on a Council of Rulers,
which would give advice whenever requested by the Governor.
The State and Settlement Council meetings would be conducted
by the Governor who had veto powers over all official and
unofficial decisions.
97
The Malayan Union involved the extension of citizenship to all
immigrants who regarded Malaya as their home, and all races
would share equal political rights.
Soon, the Johore Mentri Besar, Data Onn bin Jaafar, formed the
United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) to oppose strongly
the Malayan Union.
The Chinese and Indian leaders had not given their support to
the Malayan Union, and they remained silent due to the loss of
courage being afraid of the barbaric Japanese Kempeitai
(Japanese Military Police) and, later on, the marauding
communist terrorists during and after the Japanese occupation.
On account of the strong opposition to the Malayan Union by the
UMNO, and the strong suspicion that the MCP was threatening to
overthrow the Government and set up a "Communist State" in the
country, it was on the Governor's recommendations that the
British Government in England had no option but to withdraw
"Malayan Union" in favour of "Federation of Malaya 1948".
On 1 February 1948, a Federal Government was set up under
British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney.
The powers of the Sultans were restored. The British Residents
were replaced by Mentris Besar, and a Citizenship Oath was
required of all persons seeking citizenship, which was difficult to
obtain.
98
Lucrative Posts Cause
Power Struggle In Party
Before the advent of the UMNO-MCA Alliance, which was
formed on 7 January 1952, Dato Onn bin Jaafar in the middle of the
year 1951 pressed on for the complete opening of UMNO
membership to non-Malays, and he came under heavy Malay
criticism. Dato Onn left LlMNO.
On 16 September 1951, Dato Onn formed the Independence for
Malaya Party (IMP). At an imposing inaugural meeting presided
by Tun Tan Cheng Lock (President of MCA), Dato Onn stated that
an "Independent Malaya" had to include Singapore, Penang and
Malacca.
In February 1952, the first Municipal Council election was held
in Kuala Lumpur. The UMNO-MCA won nine out of twelve seats.
As a result of the IMP traumatic defeats in Kuala Lumpur
Municipal and Federal Legislative Council elections in 1955, the
attempt to build up IMP soon faded away.
On 3 February 1955, the UMNO-MCA held a round-table
conference. It was a success and it became the basis of Sino-
Malay friendship and collaboration.
On 24 August 1955, the UMNO-MCA Alliance held a meeting at
the Majestic Hotel, Kuala Lumpur, to discuss elections 'and
independence.
Mr K. L. Devasar of MIC, Mr Ramani of Indian Confederation,
and Encik Mohamed Sopiee of National Labour Party and other
parties decided not to attend the conference.
However, the MPs in England were gratified to see the Chinese
and Malays had come to London together to plead for
Parliamentary democracy - Malaya's Independence. It created a
tremendous impression.
When they heard that UMNO-MCA Alliance had won 85% of the
seats at the election held in the country, they realised that UMNO-
MCA enjoyed popular support in the country.
They realised also that it meant that collaboration between the
Malays and the Chinese in the realm of practical politics had been
achieved.
99
On 5 January 1955, at a special MIC meeting, the MIC PreSident,
Mr Devasar, conveyed the news to Tunku Abdul Rahman that MIC
had decided to throw in their lot with the Alliance.
On 21 July 1955, in the first Federal Legislative Council election,
the UMNO-MCA-MIC Alliance campaigned vigorously for support
and votes.
The Alliance won 51 out of 52 seats and PAS won 1 seat.
Thereafter, Alliance continued to campaign for Malaya's
Independence, and achieved Merdeka on 31 August 1957.
In every state, many MCA leaders were elected members of
Federal Legislative, Municipal or Town Councils, and other MCA
leaders were appointed to various Boards and Councils. Some
were appointed as Federal or Stale Executive members. Many
had lucrative government jobs.
They had all tasted sugar, such as - posftions, power and
lucrative jobs.
Towards the end of the 1948 Emergency, many hardworking
and conscientious early MCA leaders were retiring.
Many were the unsung heroes who had no fear of the
communist terrorists. They were the dedicated leaders in the
MCA. They would rather die with their boots on.
Power struggles in MCA :-
Oh several occasions, there were many MCA leaders who
contested for the MCA Presidency and other positions in the party.
The question is often asked: why should the MCA Presidency
and other positions in the party attract so much interest among
certain MCA members, who were in high society generally?
There was a Kuala Lumpur District Sub-Branch. The post of
Chairmanship was an enviable one, not to mention other
positions in the Sub-Branch.
There were many influential Chinese leaders eyeing them. Tun
H. S. Lee was mentor and benefactor to many of them.
This Sub-Branch had rendered services particularly to the petty
traders and shopkeepers. Many of its Office-Bearers were
appointed to several Boards and Councils by the Selangor State
Government.
100
After nearly a decade of dedicated service, many top-brass and
members of the Sub-Branch, who were members of Boards and
Councils, were out to take control of the Sub-Branch.
In the Sub-Branch, there was a rumbling noise of dissent and
discontent, and trouble had started over various problems real or
artificial.
Soon there were two factfons confronting each other for the
Chairmanship.
On 28 July, there was a power struggle in the Kuala Lumpur
MCA District Sub-Branch election between two groups who were
the best of friends.
Even after the election, the two groups ended up in court and
continued fighting without remorse. It was pitiful and lamentable.
Strangely, Tun H. S. Lee had for nearly a decade been Selangor
MCA Chief. He had trained and brought up many members to
stardom in the economic, social and political circles.
Yet, ungratefully, the Selangor MCA had not elected him as one
of its delegates to the MCA general meeting on 23 March 1958.
Surprisingly, Tun H. S. Lee was one at the Negri Sembilan MCA
delegates at the MCA general meeting on 23 March 1958.
This was made possible through me, because he was also
staying in his bungalow in Port Dickson, and I persuaded the NS
MCA members to elect Tun H. S. Lee as one of NS MCA delegates
- so be it.
This was due to the rapid change of event in politics. Many
Selangor MCA leaders, who ran out on Tun H. S. Lee, were
proteges he had hand-picked from the gutter.
Such men were selfish and without conscience. They owed him
a "debt-at-gratitude".
Moreover, Tun H. S. Lee had contributed much towards the
achievement of Independent Malaya with Tunku Abdul Rahman.
It was an undeniable fact.
101
L. to R. Chin See Vin, Tun H. S. Lee, and NS MCA
delegates at MCA General Meetingl on, 23 May 1 958
Lion Dance
102
Posterity
103
CAMPAIGNING FOR MALAYA'S INDEPENDENCE
Tunku Abdul Rahman, Chin See Vin & NS UMNO Leaders
104
Dr Lim Swee Ann
MCADeputy'
President
105
Tun T. H. Tan
Former Alliance
$ecretary-General
& MeA Secr,etary-
Genera1
Tun Tan Slew Sin
Fonner Finance Minister
...... _ . ....
Data Khaw Kai Boh
Former Minister Of Housing
106
Tun Sir Tan Cheng Lock
107
Tun Hall Omar On9 VokeLin
Former President Of Senate
Tun Leong Yew Koh
Former Governor Of Malacca
108
Lim Chong Eu Falls IlltO
Turbulent Sea After
WinningMCA
Presidency With Unfair
Tactics
Could it be possible that after the Kuala Lumpur MCA Sub-
Branch power struggle in July 1957, a "Malady" likened to
"chronic cancer" began infesting many MCA top brass in several
MCA general elections.
Before 1958 MCA general election, Tun Tan Cheng Lock was
the MCA President. There were already lots of rumblings of
dissatisfactio"n over Chinese interests, particularly the thorny
issue of Chinese education.
MCA leaders and their supporters were also divided on other
issues. There were already signs of an explosive struggle
between two "giant" groups.
In the 1958 MCA general election, the first mighty power
struggle for the MCA leadership came into being. One group was
led by Tun Tan Cheng Lock and the other by Tun H. S. Lee.
In the midst of the power struggle, the Penang delegates, who
were led by Or Lim Chong Eu, came into the open, holding the
balance of power at the election.
When the cat was out of the bag, the people began to realise
that Or Lim was smelling around to find a way to seek nomination
to contest for the MCA Presidency. He was no doubt playi ng a
dangerous and selfish game.
About Or Lim: He was appointed together with Too Joon Hin,
Leung Cheung Ling, Goh Chee Van and Lee Thean Hin (all MCA
members) to the Razak Ed ucation Comm ittee 1956.
The Report of the Education Committee 1956 was supported
without reservation by all members of the Committee, and among
the signatories were Or Lim together with Too, Leung, Goh and
Lee.
These five Chinese members had submitted their own views
without consulting the MCA or the Chinese community leaders.
They were appointed by the government.
109
Thus, the Report caused much disappointment and
dissatisfaction among the Chinese community, especially, the
Chinese educationalists. As a result, the MCA was blamed for
such a report and it has lost much Chinese support since then.
However, at the eleventh hour before the MCA general election,
Dr Lim, who led the Penang delegates, suggested to the Lee-
Group that he should be nominated to contest against Tun Tan
Cheng Lock for the MCA Presidency. It was an amazing
suggestion It was a "time-bomb".
Otherwise, he would lead the Penang delegates to vote with the
Tan-Group in spite of being offered a less attractive post.
Dr Lim pointed out that if the Penang MCA delegates teamed up
with the Tan-Group, Tun Tan Cheng Lock would win by 5 votes
based on the number of delegates in each group. Dr Lim took
advantage because he held the balance of power.
Earlier a gentleman's agreement had been made between the
Penang MCA delegates and the Lee-Group to join forces to oust
the Tan-Group and Tun Tan Cheng Lock as President, because of
his handling of Chinese interests and the new education policy in
particular. Their combined force would defeat the Tan-Group by
22 votes.
There was no other choice but to replace Tun Lee with Dr Um to
contest against Tun Tan Cheng Lock for the MCA Presidency. It
was due to Dr Lim's eleventh hour threat.
At the final count, Tun Tan Cheng Lock was defeated by Dr Lim
Chong Eu by 22 votes.
Although Dr Lim was elected as the MCA President, the
majority of the MCA leaders and members did not give him due
respect, because of the distasteful method used by him to secure
nomination.
When the Chinese heard of Tun H. S. Lee's sacrifice, they
sympathised with him and the topic became the talk of the town
throughout the country. In fact, they expected Tun Lee to be
elected as MCA President in order to lead the Chinese
community.
The MCA leadership headed by Dr Um Chong Eu was chaotic
due to the split among the delegates in the Lee-Group after the
election. They claimed that Dr Lim had won the "crown" unfairly.
Dr Lim Chong Eu was considered a "young Turk" who had left
another party for greener pastu res.
110
Perhaps, due to the 1956 Education Report, the Chinese-
educated MCA members in both the Tan and Lee groups had little
respect for Or Lim.
The re were more troubl es ahead for Or Li m, because all
leaders in the Tan-Group and many in the Lee-Group would not
give him support due to his distasteful tactics to obtain nomination
to contest the MCA Presidency. .
In tact, Or Lim Chong Eu was aware that the Lee-Group was all
out to oust Tun Tan Cheng Lock and his group, which was causing
the party to lose much Chinese support due to their lack of
knowledge on the Chinese views and needs, more especially,
Chinese education.
Moreover, Or Lim and his 4 colleagues fully supported the
Razak Education Report 1956. This caused much disappointment
and dissatisfaction among the Chinese community and
especially, the Chinese educationalists.
Above all, Or Lim had earlier made a gentleman's agreement
between the Penang MCA delegates and the Lee-Group to join
forces to oust Tun Tan Cheng Lock and his group so that Tun H. S.
Lee and his group would take over the control 01 MCA and regain
Chinese support.
Yet, Or Lim used unfair tactics to secure nomination at the
expense of his friend, Tun H. S. Lee by forcing at the eleventh hour
the Lee-Group to replace him to contest against Tun Tan Cheng
Lock for the MCA Presidency.
Or Um won the election but he was lost in the turbulent sea.
"Power, like a desolating pestilence,
Pollutes whate'er it touches."
Shelly
111
Dato Dr Lim Chong Eu
who defeated Tun Tan Cheng LO'ck for
MeA Presidency 1958.
After a short time, Dr Um resigned.
112
Mr Too Joon Hin
Former Deputy Education Minister
who supported 1 956 Education Report
Mr Quek Kai Dong
Independent Member of
Parliament
He apologised to Independent
Group for working with
Seremban Alliance
Mr Slow Loong Hin
Member of Parliament
who supported Kai Dong
113
Chinese Principal Groups
Intellectuals, Farmers, Workers And Traders
Enlightenment
114
Linl Chong Eu Betrays
His Comrades
Before the 1959 general election, there were many
misunderstandings between the MCA and UMNO on conflicting
policies, especially on education.
Also the MCA headed by Dr Lim Chong Eu did not agree with
the Alliance Party ruling that all MCA candidates for both
Parliamentary and State elections must be approved by Tunku
Abdul Rahman, who was then Prime Minister, Chairman of
Alliance Party and President of UMNO.
Dr Lim called an Emergency Meeting to discuss the above
problem, but Dr Lim did not turn up for the meeting, and Deputy
President, Tun H. S. Lee took over the chair to discuss various
election problems which were widely published in the
newspapers.
When Tunku Abdul Rahman confronted Dr Lim over such
publications, the blame was thrown on Tun Lee, who, after giving
the facts to Tunku, did not contest for a seat at the general
election. It was unfair of the Tunku to accept the Tan-Group's list
of MCA candidates.
Many people believed that had Tun H. S.Lee contested against
Tun Tan Cheng Lock and won the MCA Presidency, the MCA
would have remained a strong political party.
It would be strongly supported by all Chinese guilds and
associations, Chinese Chambers of Commerce and other
organisations in the country.
The Chinese organisations, which consist of over four thousand
registered Chinese guilds and associations are an interplay of
groups; some of them are united by blood, others by commercial
interests, and the rest by political, geographical and religious ties
in Malaya.
115
Candidly, the Chinese intellectuals, farmers, workers and
traders have contributed much towards progress, development
and security in the country.
They represent the Chinese in all walks of life, but the Chinese
are divided like the loose sands. When will the Chinese unite?
When the MCA, the Chinese guilds and associations and the
New Village Chinese community work together as one unit with
close co-operation and understanding, then there will be racial
harmony, equality, prosperity and security.
At the Parliamentary election 1959, Or Lim requested about 30
MCA members including myself to resign from the party to contest
as (MCA) Independent candidates for parliamentary seats and
thereafter return to join the MCA.
Or Lim promised us financial and moral support to contest
against the MCA candidates wherever possible. He promised
everyone of us that he would speak at our election campaign.
Since the parliamentary seats in Seremban Timor and
Seremban Barat had a majority of Chinese voters, the MCA
Assemblyman, Mr Han Hui Fong, introduced Mr Quek Kai Oong to
me, because the latter was interested to contest for a
parliamentary seat.
I took Kai Dong to MCA Headquarters and requested Dr Lim to
allow me to bring in a new corner, Quek Kai Oong to contest the
Seremban Barat Parliamentary seat, and I would contest the
Seremban Timor Parliamentary seat. With Or Lim's approval, both
Kai Oong and I won the two parliamentary seats.
The irony was that after filing our nomination papers, we were
shocked to hear that Or Um had teamed up with Tunku Abdul
Rahman at an election campaign in Petaling Jaya, Selangor,
making wild accusations against all the (MCA) Independent
candidates and calling us turncoats. Sadly, Dr Um had let down
his 30 MCA comrades.
It was shameful for Or Um to team up with Tunku Abdul Rahman
to condemn and destroy us. Perhaps, Or Lim wanted to seek the
Tu nku's favour, but it was u nfai r to do so at ou r expense.
When some of us went to MCA Headquarters to look for Or Lim
for an explanation, we were told that he had left to seek medical
treatment in London. How could Or Lim have the heart to leave all
his (MeA) Independent comrades in the lurch?
116
Fortunately, about ten of us contested as (MCA) Independent
candidates. We had hardly two days to file our nomination papers.
Mr Quek Kai Dong (Seremban Barat Parliamentary
Constituency. NS). Mr Yeoh Tat Beng (Bruas Parliamentary
Constituency, Perak), and I (Seremban Timor Parliamentary
Constituency. NS) were elected to Parliament.
Later on, Quek Kai Dong and his supporter, Siow Loong Hin,
rejoined MCA (hoping to be apPointed to lucrative government
jobs).
They came to my house with Oatuk Khaw Kai Boh to persuade
me to return to MCA. I told them that I would do so as soon as
monthly meetings were held with Chinese guilds and associations
to help solve Chi nese problems.
After May 13.1969, Tun Tan Siew Sin asked me to help unite the
Chinese. I returned to MCA with Tun Tan's assurance that MCA
would work with Chinese leaders and bring in new blood to
strengthen the party, but his scheme was sabotaged. Kai Oong
and Siow Loong Hin ended up in cold storage.
When Dr Lim Chong Ee returned from London, he was
confronted with many problems and he resigned as MCA
President.
Many MeA members did not forgive him for teaming up with
Tunku Abdul Rahman to attack the (MCA) Independent
candidates.
What took the cake was Dr Lirn's "blue-eyed boy", Too Joon
Hin's defeat in Sitiawan, Perak. He was defeated by MCA
candidate, Mr Yong Woo Ming, who was strongly supported by his
Fao Chow clansmen.
When Dr Lim resigned as MCA President, the Kedah Chief, Dr
Cheah Toon Lock, became the Acting MCA President. For a while,
there was peace and order in the party.
As Senator, Or Cheah had pleaded with government to declare
a public holiday on Wesak Day, and his plea was accepted by
government, which declared Wesak Day a public holiday in the
country.
117
MY PALS AND I
The Winners
Negd Sembilan Chinese Recreation Club
NSFA Cup & Shield Competition 1939
Front Row: Goh Hock Chye, Kat Mao Hin, Lam Quee Sang and Zee Gin
Middle Row: Wong: Chit Woh, Chew Toh Seng, Chia Sow Yin,
Dr Cht:mg Ah Khoon (President), Ng Loo Beng,
Lim Kee Siong and Chin See Yin (Captain)
Back Row: Kwan Soon Teck, Liew Kow Seng, Khong Guan, Goh Wee,
Lee Moh 'Hon, Wong Ah Kow and Loong Kwan Hoe
118
Independent Group
Tests Its Strength In
Seremban To Prove
MeA Losing Chinese
Support
How I was elected President of the Seremban Town Council? It
was a "sweet-sour" story.
The Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman and I got along well.
We would occasionally have a drink in the Parliament Lobby, his
house or sometimes in my house.
On a few occasions, Tunku asked me to return to Alliance Party
to assist the Alliance Executive Secretary, Tun T. H. Tan (who was
also MCA Secretary-General) or as Minister in the Prime
Minister's Department.
It would mean that I would have to assist the MCA. So I told
Tunku that the MCA was losing much Chinese support. Then,
Tunku told me to prove it.
Soon, in 1961, I told Tu nku Abdul Rahman that I cou Id prove it by
challenging the Alliance Party with my Independent Group (which
was captioned "Chindependents" by the Straits Times Press) at
the Seremban Town Council election.
At that time, the Labour Party in Seremban was quite strong.
Tunku Abdul Rahman and I shook hands in good spirit, and I had
to prove it.
Time was running out. I told many friends that I was looking for
14 candidates to join me to contest the Seremban Town Council
election against the Alliance Party and the Labour Party.
My friends recommended most of the candidates who were all
"political unknowns", and I brought them together and talked to
them about election.
When Tun H. S. Lee, Datuk Wong Shee Fun, Datuk S. M. Yong
(later on High Court Justice S. M. Yong), Datuk Lau Vat and a few
elders heard about the challenge, they kindly provided financial
assistance.
119
Many friends in my hometown kindly also provided financial
assistance, but, just imagine, my colleagues, Quek Kai Dong and
Siow Loong Hin went over to assist local MCA Chief, Lim Kee
Siong and other Alliance candidates.
After nomination, Seremban Town was humming with political
activities. According to local Alliance Secretary, Datuk Mahima
Singh (former Member of Parliament and Malaysian Sikh leader),
on election eve Kai Dong, Loong Hin and Kee Siong persuaded
Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Tan Siew Sin, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun
Sardon and a few other Alliance leaders to come to Seremban
Basketball Stadium where a big crowd would await them.
Unfortunately, when the Alliance top-brass came to the
Basketball Stadium, the place was almost empty. They waited for
about an hour but only a crowd of a few hundred people came to
hear them. Tun Tan was annoyed and reprimanded Kee Siong,
Kai Dong and Loong Hin.
According to Datuk Mahima Singh, some Alliance workers
came back to Tunku & Company with information that the
Independent Group was campaigning on a Chinese school
playground in Temiang, Seremban, where a big crowd of over ten
thousand people were listening to me speaking on a platform.
Before my campaign ended, suddenly Quek Kai Dong came up
the stage to apologise to me, and I told him to apologise to the
crowd. They did not receive him kindly.
On polling day, the Alliance Party had hundreds of workers and
a few hundred motor cars to transport voters. The Labour Party
had also many workers and many motor cars to transport voters.
The Independent Group had quite many workers and not so many
motor cars for voters.
Thank God, a miracle happened. The majority afthe voters, who
were transported by the Alliance Party and the Labour Party to the
polling stations, voted for the Independent Group.
At the final count, the Independent Group won ten out of fifteen
seats, and I was elected President of the Seremban Town Council.
When I took over as President of the Seremban Town Council,
there were few Chinese in the council. I approached the State
Government. The Data Mentri Besar and the State Secretary
agreed to consider my request for more employees to expedite
various projects of the council. I had also to seek the support of
the Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman who gave his support.
120
After my submission of facts and figures to support my request,
I was given the green light. Apart from many Malays and Indians, I
employed, from time to time, in all nearly two hundred Chinese,
men and women, for various services like engineering,
carpentary, lighting, clerical work and a large workforce for
several labour-intensive jobs to keep the town clean.
Everything was moving along smoothly and everyone of my
town councillors did a good job. It was like new brooms sweeping
the town clean.
After more than a year or so, I began to notice dark clouds in the
sky.
When the Independent Group members and supporters were
celebrating a "Moon-Cake" night in my house, out of the blue, a
Chinese Towkay came in with a big packet of currency notes
($5,0001 =) as a gift for a favour. After sometime, when he was
about to leave for home, I requested, in fact, handed back the
packet of currency notes to him and told him not to do such a thing
again.
However, a trusted friend told me that many councillors looked
at the packet with much interest. He suggested that it would be
wise for all of us to take an oath to keep "clean".
It was one o'clock in the morning in the Seremban Temiang Hill
Temple, sixteen of us knelt down with lighted candles and joss-
sticks declaring "never sell-out Chinese interests, Chinese
education and Independent Group'.
Bel ieve it or not, in breaki ng the vow, many suffered serious
illness or death. Symptoms were - vomiting blood, cancer,
blindness, heart failures, damaged kidney and lung problems.
11 was due to the greed for greener pastures - materialistic
gains, positions and lucrative jobs.
One, who took over from me, was arrested within a few months
for corruption, and the Federal Government took advantage of it to
take over the elected Town and Municipal Councils in the country.
Thereafter, since no action was taken by the Federal
Government on two "commission reports" to re-introduce such
elected councils, the Independent Group closed shop.
Since the majority of the voters were non-Malays, in the Town
and Municipal areas in West Coast, Malaya, the MCA could not
muster enough votes to win the Town and Municipal elections for
various reasons.
121
Then, the State and Settlement governments began appointing
Government Officers and nominated councillors to run the former
elected councils.
With dedicated MeA leadership and MeA leaders penetrating
every nook and corner often in Town and Municipal areas to meet,
advise and help the people, MeA can muster votes from the
majority of the Chinese and other communities to win all such
Town and Municipal elections again, when re-introduced, like
good old days.
So long as the "clique system" is in the MCA, it will continue to
weaken the party, and Chinese will look elsewhere for advice and
assistance.
Dato Mahima Singh
Former Member of Parliament
Malaysia" Sikh Community Leader
(Seremban Alliance Party Secretary)
122
Mr Chin See Vin
Seremban Town Council
1961 Election Campaign
I asked Kai Dong to apologise to the people
123
Seremban Town Council Meeting
124
Seremban Town Council Meeting
125
MeA Stlffers A Great
Electoral Setback Due
To Its Chinese
Education Policy
In 1961, Tun Tan Siew Sin (son of Tun Tan Cheng Lock) took
over the reins. As MCA President, Tun Tan played an active role in
the party.
Tun Tan was also Finance Minister in the Government. He was
a Malacca-born Chinese Baba, who spoke little Chinese.
In 1964, the MCA won 27 Parliamentary seats, a much better
result compared with that of the 1969 general election.
In 1969, the MCA suffered a disastrous defeat and won only 13
out of 33 seats. They lost because they could not muster enough
Chinese votes to win.
The Chinese were disillusioned because of MCA's stand on the
education policy and voted for the Opposition parties as a form of
protest.
Because of this, MCA President Tun Tan Siew Sin, MCA Deputy
President Or Lim Swee Ann, MCA Vice-President Khaw Kai Boh
and other colleagues pulled out of the Cabinet.
Tun Tan was shakened by the electoral setback. He was a sad
man. There were circumstances beyond his control.
In this election, three MCA top-brass (Ministers) were defeated.
They were MCA Deputy President Or Lim Swee Ann, MCA
Secretary-General Kam Voon Wah and Deputy Finance Minister
Or Ng Kam Poh. They were defeated by Opposition unknown
candidates.
When Khaw Kai Boh was appointed by Tun Tan as Committee
Chairman to make another amendment to the MCA Constitution, it
became an "unholy" constitution.
Under the new Constitution, the MCA President wielded
enormous powers with which he could expel dissenters at will.
The amended constitution also gave full powers to the MCA
Headquarters to control all Divisions and Branches and sack
126
members who disagreed with them. It was indeed a very
dictatori al constitution.
The MCA Youth leader Datuk Lee San Choon and his
colleagues protested strongly against the amendments but to no
avail.
(Datuk Lee later on made full use of it when he became the MCA
Preside.nt ..... using it unmercifully against his opponents.)
Later on, the amended MeA Constitution generated several
crisis within the party. It ripped the party apart, the like of which
Malaya had not heard nor seen .....
After MCA's disastrous defeat in 1969, the Alliance Minister
Tun Ismail described the MCA as "neither dead and neither
alive". It was an unkind description.
On May 13,1969, racial riots broke out and there was bloodshed
between the two major races in Kuala Lumpur, the Federal
Capital of Malaysia.
The racial riots of May 13, 1969 were described vividly by the
former Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman in his book "May 13
Before & After".
In fact, two chapters in the book on "May 13 Before & After"
provided interesting reading.
I have Tunku Abdul Rahman's kind written approval to
reproduce them, stating inter alia-
"Therefore it is true to say that the incidents of May
13 were really sparked off by these Communists
Chinese youths, the same kind of people, if not the
actual ones, who took part in the funeral procession.
" 'Oarah bayar Oarah' was among the many such
slogans painted on the placards carried in the
funeral procession by Labour Party youths on May 9,
slogans chanted aloud by them all through the
procession.
"In fact, it can now be said that these slogans of
'Oarah Bayar Oarah', and the irresponsible actions
of members of the Garakan and OAP when holding
their victory procession, and also other
demonstrations by equally irresponsible ruffians all
combined to culminate in the violence of May 13th. I'
It was 3 days before the 1969 general election when a young
communist youth was shot dead.
127
During [he "night visit" at the funeral parlour, many political
leaders, who were seeking Chinese support, were present at the
funeral parlour.
The Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman wanted to know who
gave permission for the funeral procession of the dead
communist to pass through the streets of Kuala Lumpur.
As a result of the "night visits" made by many opposition
leaders at the funeral parlour in the 1969 general election, the
opposition parties had tremendous leftist support.
The killing of the communist youth and various
misunderstandings had caused a tremendous swing among the
majority of the Chinese voters, some Malay voters and many
Indian voters to cast their votes in favour of the Opposition
candidates.
The leftists proclaimed the young communist youth, who was
shot dead by the police, as a martyr. They had in fact made a
mountain out of a molehill. That's Communism.
The misunderstanding's swing had shocked the Alliance Party,
which nearly lost both Selangor State and Negri Sembilan State to
the Opposition parties in the 1969 general election.
As a result, the country was under Emergency Administration
for 21 months before the parliamentary system was restored.
Tun Razak formed the National Operations Council to
administer the country. Since then, many stringent laws have
been legislated.
Thanks to the Opposition parties.
128
Kle.na,
, 1'<'B5.
I was pleased to receive your letter of 6th April,
and to learn that you have noVl turned int 0 an aut hor"
If you tl!.1Jl.k Chapters X and XI of my book "Me.y 13th,
Befol'"e and AM:er" would be of use to you, you are l'1e1come
to
Kind regard
129
"VICTORVU PARADE
Above. Gerakan supporter throwing a smoke 'bomb
n
Below. DAP supporters in the demonstration
130
MAY 13TH IN KUALA LUMPUR
Above. Wrecked vehicles in Jalan Bangsar
Below. Fire-brigade pouring water on blazing shops in
Kampung Pandan
131
MAY 13TH IN KUALA LUMPUR
Above. Overturned motorcars on fire in Jalan Raja Muda
where the riots began
Below. Gutted shophouses in Jalan Campbell
132
Lim Keng Yaik Tries To
Overthrow The Old
Guards But Is Sacked By
Tan Siew Sin
In February 1971, parliamentary democracy was restored. Tun
Tan Siew Sin, who wanted to regain Chinese support, appealed to
the Chinese leaders for advice and assistance.
Several Chinese public rallies were arranged for him to call for
Chinese support and unity. Surprisingly, such rallies had large
crowds, and they were great successes.
Thus encouraged, Tun Tan wanted to win a wider support for
the party by bringing in young Chinese like Dr Lim Keng Yaik, Paul
Leong, Alex Lee and others.
Soon, on Tun Tan's proposal, Dr Lim was appointed a Senator
and within a fortnight he was made a Minister with Special
Functions in charge of new villages. He played his cards well.
While making his rounds of the new villages, he became
popular with the Chinese workers. At the same time, he was
aware that Tun Tan Siew Sin was not popular with the Chinese for
being aloof and not being able to speak Chinese.
Meanwhile, the young turks enhanced their popularity, and
their leader, Dr Lim, took advantage of it byforming a young turks'
movement within the party.
As Tun Tan was not happy with the new movement, he was
more inclined to work with the old guards. Or Lim and his group
began working to overthrow the old guards, if possible to include
Tun Tan.
One morning, in June 1973, Tun Tan rang me for advice
because he wanted to expel the young turks. I said it was unwise
to expel them because there were two groups in the power
struggle within the party.
The same evening, Tun Tan told me that he had expelled the
young turks on strong advice from the old guards. I told Tun Tan to
keep his eyes and ears open because old guards had a free hand
to oust him.
133
Although Tun Tan was MCA President, he was like a general
without an army. Datuk Lee San Choon was the Deputy President
and the vacuum left by the reformists was filled by San Choon's
supporters including Datuk Neo Yee Pan.
These men became the power behind the throne. There was a
change of outlook in the party.
Tun Tan fell ill. On the advice of a specialist, who was brought in
from London, Tun Tan, after much persuasion from Tunku Abdul
Rahman and myself, went to London for a serious operation,
which took eight hours.
On Tun Tan's return from London, after a short rest, he went to
his office to carry on the tedious job of Finance Minister.
One day, he invited me to his house for lunch and showed me a
big scar of an "L" shape behind his back after the serious
operation in London.
After lunch, I told Tun Tan it would be wise for him to resign as
MCA President, because the old guards would throw him out for
obvious reasons. Later on, he resigned as MCA President.
After Tun Tan's retirement from politics, he was appointed
Chairman of Sime Darby, which is a giant conglomerate. Also, he
was appointed economic consultant to the government.
Automatically, Datuk Lee San Choon took over the leadership
as MCA President and Tan Sri Lee Slow Yew moved up the ladder
as MCA Deputy President. It's difficult for two "tigers" to live in the
same mountain.
San Choon inherited the enormous preSidential powers (spelt
out in MCA constitutional amendments after May 13) although San
Choon had strongly opposed the amendments when they were
debated.
What an irony. he used it later on without hesitation.
Tun Tan had wisely abstained from invoking the enormous
powers for a second time. If he had done so there could possibly
have been a political crisis and further strengthened the
Opposition parties by expelled MCA dissenters.
In order to retain the "crown", Tun Tan could have thrown a few
buckets of cold water on the "hot-heads" and built up another
group within the party.
134
There were already rumbling noises from the old guards to get
rid of Tun Tan, who was away in London for a serious operation.
There were many write-ups in the newspapers on ways and
means to strengthen the party under the new leadership .
However, when Tun Ismail bin Abdul Rahman, Deputy Prime
Minister died in August 1973, Tun Tan was considered the most
senior Cabinet Minister.
He made a bid for the post, but the Prime Minister Tun Razak
rejected him due to a weak MCA.
In the 1974 general election, the MCA won 19 out of 24 allotted
parliamentary seats, and 43 out of 54 state seats.
The achievement had generated a glow, but many a time all that
glitter came to naught due to the complacency of many MPs and
State Assemblymen and other leaders.
The main problem with the MCA leaders is "taking things for
granted". They will go all out during a general election or by-
election to campaign for votes, but after the election, they will
have a "tidak-apa" attitude towards the people.
Most of them live in an ivory tower, thereby leaving the Chinese
in the lurch.
Naturally, the Chinese community will lose confidence and trust
in such MCA leaders. The Chinese will look elsewhere for advice
and assistance.
The MCA leaders fail to realise that there are a few Chinese-
based political parties who are waiting around the corner and
waiting to render service to the Chinese whose votes will be
helpful to them to win many Parliamentary and State seats at
futu re el ections.
It's time for all MCA leaders throughout the country to wake up
and see reality.
135
Lee San ChOOll Climbs
His Political Ladder
Without Paying His
Debt Of Gratitude
Who helped Datuk Lee San Choon to climb the ladder?
When Datuk Khaw Kai Boh died, there was a vacancy for the
post of MCA Deputy President. At that time Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew
was already a Minister in the Cabinet.
According to Datuk Michael Chen, the MCA Central Committee
was working like one big family. Among the members were San
Choon, Michael Chen, Siok Yew, Siang San and others.
Michael Chen, Siok Yew and Siang San discussed the vacancy
at a lunch. Michael Chen told Siok Yew (who was eligible for the
post of Deputy President) that, since he was already in the
Cabinet, he should give way to San Choon to fill in the vacancy left
behind by Kai Boh.
Surprisingly, Siok Yew agreed without hesitation. At that time,
San Choon was only the MCA Youth leader and held no
government job. San Choon was then not popular with Tun Tan,
Tun Razak and Tun Hussein Onn. So, he had no opportunity to
climb the ladder.
After consultation with Tun Tan, Datuk Michael Chen proposed
at the Central Committee Meeting that Datuk Lee San Choon be
the MCA Deputy President, and San Choon was apPointed.
Thereafter, San Choon was first appointed as a Deputy Minister
and he continued to rise as Minister until his retirement from
politics.
It's undeniable that Datuk Lee San Choon owed a "debt of
gratitude" to Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew, Datuk Chan Siang San and, in
particular, Datuk Michael Chen, whose sympathetic act had
assisted greatly to pave the way for Datuk Lee San Choon to climb
the ladder to fame and wealth.
Fearing a threat to his leadership, Datuk Lee San Choon later
on got rid of his benefactors, Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew, Datuk Michael
Chen and others with unfair strategies and manoeuvres.
136
After the tune, al of Tun Razak. San Choon asked Michael Chen
whether Siok Yew should remain as MCA Deputy President at the
next election.
Michael Chen reminded San Choon of the sacrifice made by
Siok Yew tor him to become the MCA Deputy President.
A few days before the 1977 MCA general election, it was
reported in the Star publication that Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan
would challenge Tan Sri Lee Si ok Yew for the MCA Deputy
Presidency.
Since there was a feeling of friendship among them, Michael
Chen asked Hon Nyan about the report and Ho!) Nyan confi rmed it.
Michael Chen went to see San Choon about the report and San
Choon admitted it.
Again, Michael Chen reminded San Choon that Siok Yew had
sacrificed the Deputy Presidentship to him after Kai Boh's death.
Then, how could San Choon put up Hon Nyan against Si ok Yew
at the 1977 MCA election?
When Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan challenged Tan Srj Lee Siok
Yew at the 1977 MCA general election, Datuk Michael Chan joined
in the contest for MCA Deputy Presidentship due to San Choon's
ungrateful act. It was a 3-corner fight. This annoyed San Choon,
who only had himself to blame.
Going back to the 1975 MCA general election, San Choon was
elected MCA President without a hitch and the same could be said
of Siok Yew as MCA Deputy President.
The Vice President were Wong Seng Chow, Tan Cheng Swee,
Ngau Kan Lock and Michael Chen. Neo Yee Pan was appointed
Secretary-General of MCA.
Quietly, there began another build-up and consolidation.
Eventually when the curtain was drawn, the friendly atmosphere
and smiling countenances were no longer there, even among old
friends. Sadly, friends became foes and vice versa.
Back to the 1977 MCA general election, the Health Minister Tan
Sri Lee Siok Yew was persuaded not to seek re-election as MCA
Deputy President due to strong pressure by Datuk Lee San Choon,
who preferred Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan because he was in the
Prime Minister's Department, to be the MCA Deputy President.
137
Hon Nyan was a retired government officer and a political
novice, whilst or. the other hand, Si ok Yew was a seasoned
politician who could be a threat to San Choon's leadership in the
party. It's San Choon's imagination!
The MCA delegates felt that it was not "cricket" for San Choon
to pressure Siok Yew to withdraw from the contest when he had
given up his promotion as MCA Deputy President to San Choon for
the sake of friendship.
The result was that Michael Chen polled 768 votes while Hon
Nyan received 437 votes.
Inside, San Choon was annoyed with the result. He should
blame himself!
Datuk Michael Chan was elected the MCA Deputy President
while Datuk Lee San Choon was elected the MCA President.
Then, Datuk Lee San Choon appointed Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan
as the MCA Secretary-General.
Naturally, Siok Yew's supporters were annoyed because San
Choon had forced Siok Yew out in the cold.
Siok Yew's former political secretary Lim Heng Kiap who was
also Selangor State Assemblyman for Ampang brought into the
battle field a nonentity, Chan Kok Leong to fight against San
Choon for the MCA Presidency in the 1977 MCA general election.
Although Datuk Lee San Choon defeated his opponent by a big
majority, he felt insulted and humiliated.
It is a saying: "Gratitude is the memory of the heart".
138
Dato Lee San Choon
MeA President
139
Dato Richard Ho
MeA Deputy President
Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan
MeA Secretary General
140
Dato M ichael Che"
Port Klang Chairman
Dato ehan Siang San
Minister of Housing & Local Government
141
, Tan Sri Lee Siok Yew
; MeA Deputy President
;, . ; ~ , " . ' . "" ...... , ~ , , .... . ~ ..
Dato Neo Yee Pan
142
Lee San Choon's Clever
Manoeuvres Result In
Greater Power Struggles
Having been made to fight a political unknown and having his
hand-picked candidate chopped up like mince-meat by his
benefactor, San Choon might have felt bitter. It was all his own
making.
It was imagination bringing fear to San Choon that Michael
Chen's widespread grassroot support could pose increasing
threat to his leadership in MeA. He kept his old pal Michael Ch en
in cold-storage.
Meantime, while San Choon was hoping that his protege Yee
Pan would fill the vacancy left behind by Siok Yew in the Cabinet.
the Prime Minister Tun Hussien Onn gave the post of Minister of
Health to Datuk Richard Ho.
MCA Deputy President Datuk M i c h ~ e l Chen was then never
given a chance by his Chief, Datuk Lee San Choon to be Acting
MCA President who was either on leave or on tour.
Instead, San Choon had circumvented protocol by appointing a
committee to represent the MCA President during his absence.
Virtually. San Chaon kept Michael Chen away from all functions
inside and outside the party for obvious reasons. It was a
distasteful practice.
Because of San Choon's clever manoeuvres, Richard Ho
believed that San Choon had forgiven him for his alliance with
Michael Chen.
It was a mistaken belief. In fact, San Choon was afraid of
Michael Chen and Richard Ho working as a team in the party.
Describing San Choon and Michael Chen, the former is the swift
under-current water albeit soft-spoken and aloof, when the latter
is hardworking and frank.
Evidently, San Choon will avoid or keep away a person who he
believes is likely to be a threat to his leadership.
After the 1979 MCA general election, at MCA President Datuk
Lee San Choon's request, the Prime Minister appointed the MCA
Secretary-General Datuk Neo Yee Pan as the Minister of Housing
& Local Government in place of Datuk Michael Chen.
143
It is "self before service and friendship" in politics.
In the "2nd National War" between two giants in the MCA, the
combatants on the battle field were like the legendary characters
of the "Romance of the Three Kingdoms".
However, political veteran Michael Chen had at that time as
many or more grass root supporters than the schemer San Choon
had in MCA.
San Choon had been forcing Michael Chen to the wall, and
Michael Chen had no choice except to fight it out.
Outwardly, friendship existed between them, but it was different
inside their minds - just thinking and planning the strategies for
the next move. It was a chess-game.
The relationship between San Choon and Michael Chen
became sour during the period of two years after the 1977 MCA
general election. It was only natural.
Strangely, neither Datuk Lee San Choon's many supporters
accepted Michael Chen nor respected him as MCA Deputy
President. It was a poor show.
In the same way, neither did Datuk Michael Ch en's many
supporters accept San Choon nor respect him as the MCA
President. It was tit-for-tat.
They were slighted by the respective supporters at functions
and meetings. It was unfortunate.
Such existence created a big split in the party and San Choon,
who was captain of the ship, should never have allowed a state of
dilapidation to exist.
Thus, there was a glaring split in the party, and it became worse
with the passing of time. Each camp was recruiting for support
daily, to be ready for the final confrontation on that fateful day.
Many insiders said that San Choon, much to his dislike, had to
assure Chan Siang San, Lew Sip Hon and Dr Ling Liong Sik and a
few other of his supporters but he had neither admitted nor denied
his dislike for Richard Ho.
Richard Ho had to cast in his lot with Michael Chen in the 1979
MCA general election. He had no choice but to rely on Michael for
support.
Whjle Michael Chen went for "broke" for the MCA Presidency,
Datuk Richard Ho went for the MeA Deputy Presidency.
144
At the election, Lee-Group put up the former "nonentity" Chan
Kok Leong (who became famous overnight after contesting
against Datuk Lee San Choon in the 1977 MCA general election) to
fig ht Richard Ho.
The whole idea was to create friendly rapport with Richard Ho's
supporters and win over support from them against Michael Chen
contesting for the MCA Presidency in the party.
It was unfair to sacrifice a "happy-go-lucky" candidate (Chan
Kok Leong) against Richard Ho in order to weaken support for
Michael Chen in his fight against San Choon.
In spite of objections against voting procedure and other
irregularities, San Choon polled 901 votes to Michael Chen's 686
votes.
Datuk Lee San Choon won by a majority of 215 votes.
If the objections had been looked into and the irregularities
remedied, it was certain that Michael Chen would have won the
MCA Presidency.
Richard Ho polled 866 votes to Kok Leong's 355 votes. Datuk
Richard Ho won by a majority of 511 votes.
Then, San Choon invoked his enormous powers under the
Constitution (unholy bible) after his victory to expel 61 members
including Siok Yew who had sacrificed his promotion to San
Choon to be MCA Deputy President after Datuk Khaw Kai Boh's
death. (Where was San Choon's gratitude - it was a Question
asked by many Chinese inside and outside the MCA.)
Many called the distasteful action a "Mockery of Justice".
Datuk Michael Chen was so disgusted, he decided to leave the
MCA. He was the man who got Tun Tan's approval for San Choon
to be MCA Deputy President after Kai Boh's death.
There is an old saying: "He who fights and runs away, will live
to fight another day".
However, in every state throughout the country, there were
many "thousand-person dinners" organised to encourage
Michael Chen to fight another day.
145
Lee San Choon Wins
Chinese Hearts By
In trod uctng "Reverence
To Our Elders"
Campaign
In the 1981 MCA general election, Datuk Lee San Choon was
afraid ot an open contest, which could split his camp, and Datuk
Richard Ho could be re-elected as Deputy President.
This could embarrass him and boost Richard Ho in view of the
country's coming 1982 general election.
San Choon had cleverly called for the "maintenance of status
quo" placing Neo Yee Pan in an advantageous position over Tan
Koon Swan in the Central Working Committee.
There was already a power struggle in the San Choon camp
between Koon Swan and Yee Pan. 80th men were eyeing the
Deputy President's post and San Choon was afraid to state his
preference, which could weaken his control in the party.
The lone ranger, Datuk Richard Ho was stranded by San
Choon's strategic manoeuvre, which was also a tactical move to
keep Richard Ho in cold storage and dump him the 1982 general
election.
In order to prepare a solid foundation for the 1982 general
election, Datuk Lee San Choon cleverly set up a IVlullement
Committee to call tor "Reverence to our Elders", which was soon
introduced with much pomp and splendour in 1981.
In every State Division, it organised parties to introduce
"Reverence to our Elders". It caught the imagination of the
Chinese community, who gave tremendous support to MCA to win
many Pari iamentary and State seats i nel uding Datuk Lee's
successful contest for the Seremban Parliamentary seat.
Thereafter, it was discarded. How unkind it was to the community
who supported the party to win many parliamentary and state
seats?
Thereafter, the Movement Committee vanished into thin air and
the call "Reverence to our Elders" was conveniently forgotten.
146
Not even succeeding MCA leaderships had bothered to revive it
in order to help discipline young Chinese to play a vital role in the
community.
Then again, Datuk Lee San Choon had cleverly hoodwinked the
Chinese with a statement on 21 February 1981 stating:
"We want only full-time men." He said the party wanted
candidates who were willing to give full-time service not only to
the party's interests but also to the people. (It was never carried
out, mere lip-service.)
In the past, MCA.top-brass were only looking for safe Malay-
Chinese constituencies, and in the 1982 general election Datuk
Lee San Choon was challenged by the Opposition leaders
whether he had the courage to contest in anyone of the 15
Chinese dominated parliamentary seats in the country.
After consultation with many friends and me, I suggested to San
Choon that between the Oamansara parliamentary constituency
(in which San Choon intended to contest) and the Seremban
parliamentary constituency, he should not contest in Oamansara
because the chances to win in Seremban were better.
In Seremban, it would create shock waves. Firstly, it would stir
up the Chinese throughout the country and win their admiration
for his courage to fight the "tiger" in its den. Secondly, the shock
could demoralise the OAP at the election.
About a fortnight before polling day, there was a rumour that
many Chinese in town would not give San Choon their votes.
This rumour had to be stopped, if not, it would spread like wild
fire. I suggested to the Seremban Petty Traders to call an
Emergency Meeting immediately.
At the meeting, I promised them that San Choon would put up an
"overhead bridge" across the main trunk road to the Seremban
Market.
Many said that it would need a "miracle" and out of the blue, a
very loud voice said that if an "overhead bridge" could be
completed before polling day, all peopl&would vote San Choon.
At the meeting, an "echo" was given resounding support .... so
be it.
In order to win more support from the townsfolk, market
stallholders, hawkers and others, a well-known contractor, Mr
Yau Hon Koong and I got hold of four experienced welding firms
147
together with Yau's firm under the voluntary supervIsion (free
designs) of an Engineering & Structural Consultant Mr C. C.
Wong. A 30-ton iron overhead bridge was built across the main
trunk road (Kuala Lumpur-Seremban) to the Seremban Market. It
was a marvellous feat.
Within fourteen days, the 30-ton iron overhead bridge was
completed on the eve of the polling day, which was held on 22
April 1982.
It was one of the helpful factors to the MCA President Datuk Lee
San Choon to defeat the DAP National Chairman, Dr Chen Man
Hin by 845 votes. Indeed San Choon had defeated the "tiger" in its
den.
Datuk Lee San Choon's election campaign started from my
house after lunch, where San Choon met many leaders of the
Chinese guilds and associations.
San Choon was invited by every guild and association to either
lunch, tea or dinner every day to meet their respective members.
Thanks to the press, which played up the visits and his appeals
for support and pledges to deliver the goods.
Nevertheless, after the election, it proved to be nothing more
than lip-service.
About 1 112 years later, Datuk Lee San Choon resigned as MCA
President and Minister of Transport. Later on. he resigned as
Member of Parliament for Seremban constituency.
The Chinese community had trusted him to lead them in the
resuscitation of Chinese interests that had been eroded in many
fields.
After having given him and the party so much support, the
Chinese community were very disappointed and annoyed with his
resignation without valid reasons.
They claimed that Datuk Lee San Choon had completely let
down the Chinese community.
"You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the
people some of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people
a 1/ the time ".
Abraham Lincoln
148
Mr Vau Hon Koong
Mr Chin See Vin
The 30 .. ton Iron-Overhead .. Bridge to the Seremban Market
149
IN CONSULTATION
Dato Lee San Choon and Chin See Vin In the Tiger's den
1982
Sailing For Peace And Posterity
150
Tan Koon Swan And Neo
Yee Pan Get Into
Loggerheads VVhen Lee
San Choon Fails To
Intervene
Before his resignation, Datuk Lee San Choon was to many of his
friends an "Emperor of ancient China". He was given enormous
powers by the MeA Constitution (unholy bible) to expel any
member at will, either by words or by a stroke of the pen.
No sane man like San Choon would have thrown in the towel
and given up all after having been crowned with so much pomp
and glory. It's so strange!
However, the power struggle continued after Datuk Lee San
Choon's "sudden resignation" from the political scene.
The Emperor's maintenance of "status quo" in the MCA had
created a big "hell-fire" with the help of the "unholy bible", and
even the Emperor could not help to put it out. They did not hear
him.
The damage was disastrous to the party and the cost to the
contestants was tremendous (possibly millions of dollars) and to
the Chinese community - humiliation.
The spark that caused the "hell-fire" was the "phantom
members syndrome" in the party. In fact it almost ruined the party
and caused many to face financial losses, some towards
bankruptcy and a few to prison.
At the 1984 March Central Committee Meeting, after a lengthy
debate on the thorny issue of "phantom members", Mr Tan Koon
Swan and his supporters failed to get an "ad hoc committee" set
up and the "steering committee" enlarged to investigate and
report on the issue.
Koon Swan finally handed in a petition signed by 15 members of
the Central Working Committee to call for an Extraordinary
General Meeting (EGM).
151
The petitioners were Tan Kaan Swan, Ling Liong Sik, Lee Kim
Sai, Kee Yong Wee, Lew Sip Hon, Wong Mock Leong, Lee Boon
Peng, Ng Cheng Kiat, Chan Kit Chee, Chew Hock Thye, Lee Jong
Ki, Chan Teck Chan, Ngau Boon Min and Wong Char Wah.
The MCA Constitution requires at least one-third of the
members of the Central Working Committee to request an
Extraordinary General Meeting.
Sip Hon and Hock Thye sent letters to the MCA Secretary-
General Tan Sri Chong Hon Nyan to dissociate themselves from
the request for the EGM shortly after the petition was delivered to
Yee Pan.
The withdrawal did not affect the petition which still had the
one-third required.
Thereafter, there were more games of chess.
As a result, there was a sudden turn for the worse in the power
struggle.
1. The MCA Acting President Neo Yee Pan stripped Mr Tan Koon
Swan and Datuk Lee Kim Sai of their Chairmanship of MCA
Federal Territory and Selangor respectively on 19 March 1984.
2. At noon, the MCA Acting Deputy President Datuk Mak Hon
Kam as Chairman of the Disciplinary Board expelled the 14
petitioners.
Among them were the MCA Youth Chief & Deputy Minister in
the Prime Minister's Department, Datuk Lee Kim Sai, and MCA
Central Working Committee Member & Deputy Finance Minister,
Datuk Or Ling Liong Sik.
Yee Pan had no doubt learned the tricks of the trade from Tun
Tan Siew Sin and Datuk Lee San Choon to invoke the enormous
powers provided by the" unholy bi bl e".
Unfortunately, there were reprisals, too, for Yee Pan and Hon
Kam. They were caught in the gamble later on and vanished into
oblivion.
There was overwhelming public sympathy far Tan Koon Swan's
group (Tan-Group), and there was also condemnation for Neo Yee
Pan's group (Neo-Group).
The MCA was split into two groups. Few members remained, if
at all, neutral in MeA.
152
Throughout the country, there were wall posters condemning
Neo Yee Pan's leadership in the party, but the Neo-Group sought
protection under the "unholy bible".
3. Soon, Yee Pan requested the Prime Minister Oatuk Seri Or
Mahathir Mohamad to remove the expelled MCA leaders Oatuk
Seri Or Ling Liong Sik and Oatuk Lee Kim Sai of their deputy
ministerships, which were left vacant until the MCA crisis was
resolved.
Although former MCA President Oatuk Lee San Choon said that
he would not be involved in the tussle between Koon Swan and
Yee Pan, he attempted to intervene but failed. They would not
hear him.
Instead, Oatuk Lee San Choon was rebuffed by the leaders of
the Neo-Group. Yet, to many in both groups, San Choon had been
their mentor and benefactor. They were uncertain of his stand.
The power struggle was brought by both groups on many
occasions to the Kuala Lumpur High Court, causing so much
publicity and washing dirty linen and also causing so much
damage to the MCA and the Chinese community.
Reinforcements were brought into the battle field, inside and
outside MCA, by both groups spending good-money freely.
At every EGM, both groups provided their respective MCA
delegates (supporters) with transport, board and lodging (first
class hotels).
Then, on 30 January 1985, to end the nearly two-year MCA
crisis, the two rival groups, whether they liked it or not, had to
bury the hatchet by signing an agreement witnessed by the Prime
Minister Oatuk Seri Or Mahathir Mohamad and the Barisan
National Secretary-General Encik Ghafar Baba, who had worked
out the agreement.
Many people called it the "Match-Marriage" agreement.
Unfortunately, the agreement was "broken" and after a time,
the power struggle ended with a MCA general election.
On 24 November 1985, the Tan-Group won an overwhelming
victory over the Neo-Group at the MCA general election, and Mr
Tan Koon Swan was elected MCA President.
It was a d
9
ytlf joy, but the following days were long and lonely
being filled with much sorrow.
153
Mr Tan Khoon Swan
MeA President -1985
One day of joy
Many days of sorrow
"In each life some rain must fall,
Son:e days must be dark and dreary" ,
Longfe/low
154
Dato Neo Vee Pan
MCA Acting
Pride Invites Calamity
"Pride goeth before destruction,
and a haughty spirit before a fa"".
Old Testament
155
MeA Must Undergo
Restructuring
In the 1990 polls, it was proven about 20% Chinese supported
the MeA candidates. MeA Deputy President Datuk Lee Kim Sai,
after winning the Hulu Langat parliamentary seat, was visibly
annoyed and disappointed with very poor support of Chinese
voters. He gave a "Big Thank" to the Hulu Langat Malay voters.
The MCA Secretary-General Dr Ting Chew Peh said that many
areas, which were predominantly Chinese such as new villages
and towns, gave little or no support to the MeA candidates. (Under
the new system of counting votes at the polling stations, it was
possible for a candidate to be able to tell how his constituents
voted.) It revealed miserable Chinese support for the MCA
candidates.
The poor performance at the polls requires immediate re-
organisation in the MCA to achi"eve much more Chinese support.
It was a disastrous defeat in Penang, where all MCA
parliamentary and state candidates were wiped out.
Penang is a predominantly Chinese area. The Penang Chinese
gave big shocks to the MCA President Datuk Seri Ling Liong Sik to
awaken him to realise that all those candidates, who won
elsewhere, won with tremendous Malay support and little Chinese
support.
Before the 1990 polls, Datuk Seri Dr Li ng Liong Sik was
"misled" of increasing Chinese support for the party.
It was a last minute inclusion of Mr Vim Chee Cheong (who was
kept in cold storage by certain leaders) to contest against the DAP
National Chairman Dr Chen Man Hin. Then, the Chinese voters
came forward to support MCA to win both Seremban and Rasah
parliamentary seats. Otherwise, the MCA would have lost the two
parliamentary seats again.
When MCA leaders drank the water, they should remember the
spring. They should not forget "who formed MCA" and "why new
villages were set up". Above all, they should not ignore the
Chinese guilds and associations, which supported the formation
of MCA.
156
The Chinese community can survive without the MCA, but the
MCA cannot survive without Chinese support.
It was Tun Sir Henry H. S. Lee, Mr Yong Shook Lin and Mr Khoo
Teik Ee, who motivated the formation of MCA and invited all (few
thousand) Chinese guilds and associations for a meeting and
formeCl the MCA on 27.2.1949 in order to assist the Chinese
squatters and look after the Chinese interests. The "trio" (not Tan
Cheng Lock) were the actual founders of the party.
It was the urgent need for approval to set up a few hundred new
villages to resetile nearly a million Chinese squatters who were
faCing deportation to China without trial under the 1948
Emergency Regulations. It was almost a holocaust. The
Resettlement New Villages Scheme prevented drastic actions
from being taken against all Chinese squatters.
Or Chong Ah Khoon, Mr Koh Lian Chin and I prepared
immediately a "Resettlement New Villages Scheme" as an
alternative to the deportation of all Chinese squatters to China
(where they could have died of cold and hunger then, due to
scarcity of food and clothings).
I helped build the "First New Village in Malaya" at Jalan Port
Oickson, Seremban, as a model for over 400 new villages to
resettle them instead of deportation.
At that time, the MCA and the Chinese community had worked
together hand-i n-glove.
Later on, many Chinese lost confidence in MCA due to the 1956
Razak Education Report, which was supported by Or Lim Chong
Eu, Too Joon Hin, Leung Cheung Ling, Goh Chee Van and Lee
Thian Hin as MCA representatives.
In 1957/1958 MCA general election, Or Lim Chong Eu
ungentlemanly secured the nomination, which was intended for
Tun Sir Henry H. S. Lee, to contest againstTun Tan Cheng Lock.for
the MCA presidency, which Or Lim won and held for a while until
the 1959 general election. He had to reSign after creating some
problems in the party.
The Chinese community was disappointed and annoyed.
Since then, there were continuous "power struggles" among
MCA leaders for positions, power and lucrative government jobs
while leaving the Chinese community to fend for themselves.
157
The Chinese were fed-up. The MGA lost much Chinese support
in the country.
Minimize" Power Struggles". MeA President should not be a
"government minister", because he has to take an "Oath of
Secrecy" and implement the government pol.icy.
But, he should be a Member of Parliament or Senator who
would not be tied down to government policy. Then, he could
speak up freely on the Chinese views and needs.
In order to pave a way for Chi nese unity, the MCA should
include six or seven representatives who are the leaders of
Kwangtun, Hokkjen, Kongsi and Hainan clan-associations in the
MCA Central Working Committee in order to strengthen the
relationship with the Chinese community and secure their
support.
Such representat ives will provide information on Chinese
views and needs to help solve Chinese problems, and strengthen
raci al harmony in the country.
OPINIONS
Many observers believed that the Prime Minister Oatuk Seri Or
Mahathir Mohamad was aware that if there was no change in the
"antI-establishment" stand 01 the urban voters, who are largely
non-Malays li ving in the cit ies, towns, new villages and estates, it
would be detrimental to the MCA. Gera.kan and MIC candidates at
the 1990 general elections.
Hence, the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Or Mahathir Mohamad
visited every state several times expounding: the government
policies and seeking the support 01 all races. particularly, the
Malays. (PM with foresight.)
Many observers also believed that the Prime Minister Datuk
Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad relied mainly on the UMNO
candidates and those BN candi dates in the Sarawak and Sabah to
form the new government even if the" anti-establ ishment" stand
was not dissolved.
MCA has a responsibility to help dissolve it soon.
158
\ .
MeA Leaders Should Go
Back To The People And
Listen To People's Views
And Suggestions
It is vital far Chinese interests that all Chinese, men and
women, support, join and help to re-organise the MCA with a
dynamic leadership that can assist the Chinese community to
stem the tide of setbacks and the erosion of their position,
influence and interests in the country. If a house is divided it will
fall. .
The success will depend largely on such leadership that can
match the UMNO leadership with foresight, wisdom and courage
to speak up loudly and clearly on the Chinese views and needs.
In welcoming the New Year, it is time for reconciliation, and all
Quarrels are forgotten and all mistakes forgiven.
It is sad that the Chinese hold the MCA leaders in low esteem
believing they lack experience and vision. To a certain extent,
their opinion is quite correct.
If so, the Chinese community have to blame themselves for
staying aloof from the MCA, and their complacent attitude towards
the party.
They should join the MCA and play an active role in the affairs of
the party, assisting to elect the dedicated members into the MCA
Central Working Committee (CWC) and assisting to give more
constructive criticism in order to build up a dynamic and efficient
party. Otherwise, the Chinese community will continue to lose
much more of their rights and interests in the country.
There are several Chinese-based political parties misleading
and dividing the Chinese community, who are now like the loose-
sands.
The Unions are to be blamed for the Chinese workers looking
for strategies to work for fewer hours and earn more money.
159
All these problems are causing so much hindrance to the
-Chinese community to achieve their legitimate interests and a fair
share of the national economic cake.
With a "trio" combination between the MCA, all new villages
Chinese community and the four thousand Chinese guilds and
associations working together as a unit, there will be no such
hindrance.
Also, there are irresponsible agents of many western
missionaries misleading the ignorant Chinese into western
beliefs to discard the Chinese way of life, especially the Chinese
customs and traditions dating back to time immemorial.
Western beliefs will cause an abandonment of family ties and
isolation from the community. The devotion to aged parents will
no longer exist. The Chinese will be a fragmented and divided
community and there will be grave social problems in the country.
When all Chinese, men and women, give their wholehearted
support and join the MCA to help re-organise the party with a
dynamic leadership, the MCA will have a new image symbolising
the solidarity of the Chinese community, whose legitimate
interests enshrined in the Malaysian Constitution will be achieved
peacefully, with the support of all quarters.
If not, the future generations will face a bleak future. This will
not happen, if the MCA and the Chinese community stand by each
other to work for mutual benefits.
The Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad said that
time had come to emphasise spiritual training appropriate for
today and so on, and he said education should bring about
honourable and courteous people with knowledge to improve
individuals and society.
He has paved a way for the MCA leaders to seek the assistance
of the Federal Government to introduce the teaching of religious
values in Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, in all Chinese
schools to maintain the traditional family life, which is losing sadly
the "moral fibre".
Surely, Mr Ng Teck Fong and his joint committee on
Confucianism can render much assistance in the teaching of
religious values in all Chinese schools.
The MCA reputation is at an all-time low. The Chinese are
confused and frustrated. The gap between the MCA and the
Chinese community is widening daily.
160
Many elderly Chinese blame the MCA leaders for being selfish.
They are interested in gaining and holding on to power, instead of
opening the door and vigorously inviting all Chinese from all new
villages and all Chinese guilds and associations to join the party
in order to work together, as one big family for progress and
posterity.
The Chinese community want a more visionary MCA leadership
that can demonstrate a genuine sense of purpose and willingness
to entertain new ideas regardless of the source.
They want the leadership to work closely with the leaders of all
new village Chinese community and all leaders of all Chinese
guilds and associations regarding Chinese problems, in order to
strengthen racial harmony, progress and development in
Malaysia.
Above a", MCA leaders must create a social climate to go to the
people to seek their views and needs and render assistance
whenever possible.
It's a saying: "You help others, you help yourself."
This is an interesting opinion of a well-known author, Richard
Wilhelm, in his "Short History of Chinese Civilization". It's as
follows :-
"Since those early times China has passed through many
terrific upheavals and convulsions; her soil has been laid waste
time and again by monster rebellions, and more than once the
whole country has been swept from end to end by a flood of
invaders.
Yet her civilization has never perished, but has always
resumed its march forward, often absorbing the very foes who has
been victorious in the field.
What is the secret of this amazing vitality and endurance posed
in like measure by no other nation?"
161
PART THREE
everence
To Our Elders
Movement
The Forgotten
"Reverence To Our
Elders" Movement
In 1981, it was indeed commendable for the MCA to set up a
Movement Committee for the party to introduce the concept of
"Reverence to our Elders" to encourage young Chinese on the
need to practise "filial piety".
In every state division, parties were organised to tntroduce
"Reverence to our Elders". It had no doubt caught the imagination
of the Chinese community, who had given much support to the
party to win many parliamentary and state seats in the 1982
general election.
Later on, the Movement Committee vanished into thin air and
the "Reverence to our Elders" was forgotten conveniently by the
MeA leader who was canvassing for support to keep the "crown".
In the Chinese way of life, the insistence on filial piety and
respect for elders and teachers, produced a disciplined youth who
could play a significant role in the community.
If the MCA leadership had forged ahead with "Reverence to our
Elders" movement, the party would conti nue to enjoy
considerable Chinese support. MCA and Chinese leaders threw it
to the wind. Due to the MCA Presidency, they were divided into
two groups, and caused a two-year crisis.
From time immemorial, human beings in every part of the
world, even in the most primitive tribes, have organised life
supported by customs and traditions.
As a child, you look to your parents for shelter, food, clothings,
education and other everyday-things you need.
When you are a child, you look to your parents for wisdom,
protection and comfort. You look to them for love, understanding
and care.
But do you realise that your parents look to you too for love,
aHection and understanding of their views?
165
Hence, it is not so much the material gains compared to the
significant importance of "Reverence' to our Elders". Under a
Movement Committee to be set up again by the MCA, it will be
encouraging every family to give "filial piety" to their aged
parents.
Somehow the two words "home & family" are likened to the
words referring to "bread & butter". Every member of a family has
an important role to play in achieving a happy home life.
Usually, the father is the provider of food, shelter, and other
needs. The mother is the home-maker who works to make the
home a clean, healthy and happy place to live in.
Every family has their times of happiness and trouble. It is a
normal thing for brothers and sisters to quarrel and even fight
.sometimes, for the parents to get cross on some occasions, and
for members of a family to have illness and financial problems.
It has both a bright and a dark side. The wise and strong and
healthy family face their problems together, talk honestly about
their feelings, and try to work out solutions to their diHiculties.
Such is life.
It is said that customs and traditions die hard. To know your
parents' love. it will be their wish normally for their grown up
children to have families and raise children toward posterity.
Of course, many parents will appreciate the truth that there are
no filial children always at the bedside of a long-sick person.
It is obvious, but so long as the family lives in harmony and co-
operation, all aHairs will prosper and even the difficult problems
will be solved, sometimes quite easily.
The fact remains that when your parents are alive and you do
not support them, it is no use to make sacrifices to them and burn
incense daily when they are dead.
It will be proper to feed and look after them when they are alive.
There are many cases where the poor parents make many
sacrifices for their children to achieve a better life, but many such
children, when grown up, have achieved wealth and fame in
society, they have often felt ashamed of their poor aged parents,
and for other reasons, even neglected them.
Such ungrateful children somehow will be punished .... time will
166
tell.
Such ungrateful children are difficult to
society, which has to find ways and means to care and look after
the unfortunate parents.
The and state have a
responsibility to pressure the government to legislate a law
requlring the grown-up children in every family to look after their
parents.
It ;s hoped that the MeA will revive the Movement Committee to
re-introduce the good work in the "Reverence to our Elders" and
all state divisions will set up in order to it to
encourage the younger Chi nese to practise "filial piety".
Perhaps under a popular MCA leadership, there will be
Chinese confidence and for a "fund" to be organised and
all grown-up Chinese children in !3very family will make a small
contribution monthly towards it
Such fund will be invested and the profits utilized in useful ways
to cheer and whatever assistance to the
parents who need them.
When the "Reverence to our Elders" movement is soon revived
the MCA there will be a new MCA image and there
will be considerable Chinese support for the party, which can do
much more to assist and bring cheer to aged parents.
168
The senior citizens were so happy to read Shin Min Daily
News' reports on HReverence To Our Elders"
169
~
"'-l
o
"REVERENCE TO OUR ELDERS"
Charity Dinner jointly organised by Shin Min Daily News and
Hennessv
171
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Community leaders cutting ribbon to officiate the
"Affectionate Heart Charity Night" Dinner
What Is Cooking Inside?
1. Chinese New Year Celebration - Traditionally, Chinese
tea is served to relatives and friends.
2. Reverence to our Elders - The insistence on filial piety
and respect to elders and teachers to produce
disciplined youths to play significant roles .....
3. Religious educational values produce honourable and
courteous people to help reduce social ills.
4. The MCA setbacks in the 1990 polls.
5. The "trio combinations" between the MCA, all New
Villa,ges Chinese community and four thousand
Chinese g,uilds and associations as one big family to
achieve legitimate interests and a fair share of the
national economic cake.
173
The festivities and rites connected wIth Chinese New Year are
observed with undiminished enthusiasm.
No foreigner can fail to note the complete dislocation of all
normal activities.
The outward and visible signs of the passing year are the
closing of shops and appearance of new, red and
almost continuous detonation of crackers are rare in modem
times.
The Chinese customs and traditions die hard. The Chinese all
over the world celebrate, based on lunar calendar, In the same
way as the Chinese in China do.
Traditionally, Chinese tea is served to relatives and friends,
being an age-old customs on any holy day, which is a time for
sobriety, kindness and goodwill to one and all.
On the eve of the Chinese New the family will
no matter how far they are away from home, they wll' try to make
it.
It is a very important feast dating from time immemorial -
symbolising the solidarity of Chinese family. After dinner, tea is
served.
The dinner is not necessarily a sumptuous one. It is the reunion
that is important to the family.
The dinner js first offered with tea in ancestral worShip.
It is a time for reconciliation where all
and ai' mistakes forgiven.
After dinner, the family prepares to meet the New Year wilh
ior good health and
Notwithstanding the act obeisance and filial piety
being performed in Chinese houses, the Chinese New Year will be
with bowing or handshaking, tea drinking to a "Happy
1
New Year" and many HAng-Paws" for the children.
The members of the family will "kowtow" and offer "tea" to the
elders.
Strange as it may seem - the Kwangtun, Kongsi and Hainan
Chinese celebrate the Chinese New Year on the 1st day of the 1st
moon, but the Hokkien Chinese actually celebrate the Chinese
New Year on the 9th day of the 1st moon.
According to legend, there was a Chinese Emperor, who had to
hide with some of his loyal troops in a sugar cane plantation in
order to avoid his enemies who were searching for them.
This respite gave the Chinese Emperor time to re-organise his
forces to recover his kingdom.
Hence, sugar cane, which is a symbol of triumph of good over
evil, is placed prominently in every house, and on the 9th day of
the 1st moon on which the Chinese Emperor recovered his
kingdom, his people celebrated the Chinese New Year.
In the eight century A.D., Lu Yu in his "Book on Tea" stated ...
"Tea tempers the spirit, calms and harmonizes the mind. It
arouses thought and prevents drowsiness, lightens and refreshes
the body and mind".
The legendary Emperor Shan Nung was reputed to have lived
about 5,000 years ago. One day, he was sitting beneath a tree
waiting patiently for some water to boil.
As he sat there, a few leaves drifted down from a tree
(ternstroemiacae or tea plant) and fell into the hot water.
Soon, a delicious aroma arose from the boiling water. Intrigued
by it, his Imperial Majesty took a sip with approval. Folklore
accred its tea.
Scientific analysis of tea confirms many values such as amino
acids, polypeptide bodies, sugar, organic acids, caffein,
theophylline, fluoride, vitamin C and B complex, plus nicotinic
acid. Apparently, tea has certain active ingredients to help
produce urine and assist digestion.
In fact, tea-drinking Chinese are healthy and they live to an old
age.
The general customary practice in a Chinese house is to serve
tea to relatives and friends.
At the ti me for them to take leave, tea wi II be served - one for the
road.
175
It is even possible to resolve misunderstanding and tender
apologies with a cup of tea.
When the USA President Mr Richard Nixon went to China on his
first visit, Chairman Mao and President Nixon drank tea during
their political and economic discussions.
In England, France, America and western countries, tea has
become one of the most fashionable beverages.
Today, tea has been called one of the world's greatest
beverages along with coffee, cocoa and other soft drinks.
During the Hari Raya celebration, the Malays serve tea or rose
water to relatives and friends.
On this holy day, it will be sinful to offer alcoholic drinks such as
beer, stout, whisky, brandy and the like. It's "haram".
A doctor points out "The road to Intoxication" being interesting
is as fOllows :-
(1) With the first drink or so, the drinker becomes relaxed and
perhaps talkative, even if he is normally reserved.
(2) As one drink follows another, he is apt to become more
assertive. His reflexes are rather sluggish.
(3) Still later, the drinker may have a feeling of extreme
exhilaration, or he may be a prey to utter depression.
(4) Finally, acute intoxication sets in. The drinker may lurch
and sway, mumbling or may "pass out"
However, tea-drinking is a vital part of Chinese culture and way
of life.
On New Year Day, it will be unwise to waste good money on
alcoholic drinks for visitors and relatives.
Instead, the hard-earned money should be wisely spent on
good food, meat and delicacies for the family. Then, the family and
elders will be happy and that is what a Happy New Year should be.
Let us abide by customs and traditions to celebrate the Chinese
New Year with tea only to serve the relatives and friends on this
holy day. It's good for health and wealth.
Not drunk is he who from the floor
Can rise alone, and still drink mo;e,
But drunk is he who prostrate lies,
Without the power to drink or rise.
A Drunka"rd
176
177
Spiritual Education Is A
Must
The Prime Minister Datuk Seri Mahathir Mohamad at a
Teachers' Day celebration had paved a spiritual way saying that
the time had come for us to set our priorities and to emphasise
spi ritual training appropriate for today and knowled,ge which was
in keeping with national-building, and that a good education
system should strive towards character-bu ilding, rather than just
be concerned with imparting knowl edge.
Ideally, he sai d, educat i on should help bring about an
honourable and courteous people with knowl edge to improve
individuals and society.
Such wisdoms should have awakened the leaders ot the MCA,
New Vi ll ages and Chinese guilds and associations to set up a
committee and produce a tew si mple text books on the religious
values of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism as a subject in all
Chinese schools, in order to give spiritual knowledge to the
youngsters for posterity. Singapore uses sllJch text books in their
schools.
' T h ~ Chinese have a saying that Confucianism, Taoism and
Buddhism are like the three legs of a tripod, supporting the whole
of their ethical li1e, and they see no inconsistency in subscribing
to them all.
In a nutshell, some educationalists described Confucianism,
Taoism and Buddhism as :-
1. Confucianism tightened the lines of family life and that of the
community. discouraging individual selfish adventure, and
preaching that co-operation and virtue alone could preserve
nation unity. By stressing loyalty and truth, and condemning
violence and disorder which afflicts the world. Confucius was
a Chinese sage and philosopher (551 - 478 B.C.).
178
2. Taoism - A Chinese philosopher who lived about 600 B.C.
wrotethe Tao Te Ching, one of China's sacred books. In it,
Lao-Tse set down rules for a way of life now known as Taoism,
which has become one of China's three chief religions. "Tao"
means "the way". Lao-Tse, who lived as a hermit during his
later years, taught love and humility being good for mankind.
3. Buddhism - Meaning Enlightened One is the name given to
Gautama, who was an Indian religious leader of about 500
S.C. He gave up a princely life, his wife and child. He went out
to seek peace and knowledge for himself and a solution to the
ills of the world. His teachings formed the foundations of
Buddhism. He taught that peace of mind could be gained only
through the absence of desires and pursuit of a good life.
Religions can help to reduce the increasing social ills. Like the
Muslims, the non-Muslims ought also to get their respective
religious education in schools to build up a healthy society, which
will be well-balanced in its thinking and outlook.
There is an increase in petty thef1, robbery, extortion, arson,
murder, adultery, wife-battering, child-abuse, cheating and so on.
Above all, white-collar crimes are rising.
There are many stories of divorce and separations in which the
break up of rich and poor families are leaving their children in the
lurch, without love, affection and moral care. Such children will
grow up with bitterness in life and are easily misled.
When the parents are so engrossed with their daily life for
material gains, they will usually lose whatever religious value
they might have learnt without passing them to their children, who
will grow up in unhealthy environments, perhaps, among the
rogues, thieves, murderers and subversive elements.
Then, there will be decadence in the society and individuals will
be only interested in themselves. If such ills are not remedied
quickly, they will soon cause grave social problems.
In many ways, religion is an antidote to even grave social
problems confronting society. Healthy industrious and productive
Malaysians having religious education can assist largely to
eradicate the social ills.
179
Today, there are too many western missionaries who make use
of young men and women to persuade the innocent Chinese to
accept Christianity. Such agents are persuasive, talkative and
clever to convert many young people, who will in turn convert
thei r parents.
Indeed, it is highly deplorable tor such agents to ridicule the
Chinese praying to their idols and condemning Confucianism,
Taoism, Buddhism and other religions. They play with fire.
Such irresponsible agents are misleading innocent Chinese
into Western religious belief to discard the Chinese way of life. It's
an abandonment of family ties and isolation from the community.
The devotion to aged parents will no longer exist. It'll be a pity.
As a youngster in a mission school, I was often persuaded by a
French priest to become a catholic. One day, I suggested a simple
issue for comparison to the priest:-
When "A", who was a Buddhist, and "B", who was a Catholic,
died at the same time.
The family of "An got a Chinese priest to purify his soul with
clean water.
The family of "S" got a Catholic priest to purify his soul with
holy water.
"A's" family used candle-sticks, joss-sticks and food for
prayers.
"B's" family used candles, incense and wreaths for prayers ..
Both coHins were made of wood from trees.
Finally, both were buried and covered with earth.
Thereafter, the French priest left me alone to practise my own
religion.
It is true that different races have diHerent names for their
rei igions. The truth remai ns that we all pray to the same God in
diHerent ways for his blessings.
The Chinese fervently hope that the leaders of the MCA, New
Villages and Chinese Quilds and associations will get together to
180
produce books on the religious values of Confucianism, Taoism or
Buddhism as a subject in all Chinese schools in order to give
spiritual knowledge to the youngsters for posterity. It will be good
for the country.
The scholar, trained for public duty, seeing threatening danger,
is ready to sacrifice his life.
When the opportunity of gain is presented to him, he thinks of
righteousness.
In sacrificing, his thoughts are reverential.
In mourning, his thoughts are about the grief which he should
feel.
Such a man deserves our greatest resp'ect.
Confucius.
181
Fruits Of Labour
182
ght (C) in n
A Yi
Kui
Publ r: