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Indian Congregations in the New Kingdom of Granada: Land Tenure Aspects, 1595-1850 Author(s): Orlando Fals-Borda Source: The

Americas, Vol. 13, No. 4 (Apr., 1957), pp. 331-351 Published by: Academy of American Franciscan History Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/979439 . Accessed: 08/07/2011 18:10
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INDIAN CONGREGATIONS THE NEW KINGDOMOF IN GRANADA: LAND TENURE ASPECTS,1595-1850* theiressays the congregation Indians New Spain, on of in Lesley ByrdSimpson HowardF. Clineadvanced and information the on general characteristics legalbasesof thisroyalpolicy.1Essenand tially,the kingsof Spainwantedto gatherthe Indians townsfor into purposes religious of training in order facilitate and to fiscal political and administration. Accordingto Simpson Cline,the application and of theselaws in New Spaintowardthe latterpartof the sixteenth centurywaslargelyineffective apparently, congregation and, the program affectedonly a smallportionof the nativepopulation.One of the main reasonsfor this partialfailurewas the fact that the Indians alreadyhad villages,and it was very difficultfor them to move to newlyestablished locations.The documentation thesesocio-political of processes avowedly is incomplete; investigators not gone beyond have 1606 and have not examined intrinsicland tenureimplications. the Except for a case historypresented Cline in 1955, other social by aspects this policy havehardlybeen studied.2 of The congregation policycallednot only for the gathering Indians of into towns,reducciones, pueblos indios,but for the delimitation or de and delivery landto the natives.3 of This land,whichwas referred to as the resguolrdo (reserved area)or tierrols resguardo indzgenas del de (landsreserved the benefitof the Indians) for was as a rule already occupied workedby the persons and involved, it was adjacent and to the nsw towns.4In contrast with New Spain, wherethe natives lived
1 # This articlewas awarded secondplacein the JamesAlexander Robertson Memorial Prize 1955 Competition sponsored the LatinAmerican by Conference the American of HistoricalAssociation, Washington, C. D. Acknowledgment madeto the John SimonGuggenheim is Memorial Foundation for a Fellowship that permitted authorto do sociological historical the and research about his nativeColombia, and to Professors L+Tnn T. Smith and Lyle N. McAlisterof the Universityof Florida. 1Lesley Byrd Simpson, Studies in the Adninistration of the Indians in New Spain: Te Civil Congregation [Ibero-Americana: (Berkeley, 71 1934); HowardF. Cline,"Civil Congregation the Indiansin New Spain, 1598-1606,"The Hispanic American Hisof
torical Review, XXIX ( 1949), 349-369. 2 Cline,p. 369. FIoward Cline, CivilCongregation the WesternChinantec, F. " of New Spain,1599-1603," The Americas, XII (1955), 115-117. 3The pertinentlaws were issuedby Charles and Philip II from 1546 to 1578, and V they are recapitulated the Libro VI, Titulo III of the Recopilacion de las Leyes de in las Indias.
4 Supplementing detailsandrelatedinformation be obtained can fromthe sourcescited

tN

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OF IN NEW CONGREGATIONS KINGDOM GRANADA INDIAN

policy of villages,the implementation the congregation in nucleated of in met with even greaterresistance the New Kingdom Granada, the farmsteads.5 Nevertheless settledin scattered wheremanyIndians and was to landthatcorresponded the natives duly granted delineated or and officials, reductions puebloswere built, with by government on MostIndians remained their insidethe premises. churchandplaza, it to lots in the country,but commuted these towns whenever was application policyhadonly a partial Thusthe congregation necessary. of in the New Kingdom Granada. of such In spiteof theirineffectiveness, lawswereprovocative highly as below,thesystem For socialsituations. example, explained significant from nowadays)springs laborers pointedimportance (of of resident that some early tenurialarrangements aroseafter the Indianswere Although most and organized congregations givenlandreservations. in were of thesecollectivelandgrantsgivenby the colonialauthorities manyof them centuries, and in terminated the eighteenth nineteenth departments. Colombian on like stillsurvive, oil drops thesea,in various from manuscript can The historyof these institutions be gathered in materials diversearchives Bogotaand in the officesof notaries at publicof form,the subject to of It is the purpose thispaper treat,in summary of in congregations the provinces TunjaandVillade Leiva of Chibcha from the standpoint of department Boyaca,Colombia) (present-day is The of landtenurearrangements. periodcovered from 1595, when collective titles receiving newsof natives thereis the firstdocumented to started sell such until 1850,whenmanyIndians to theirresguorrdos, laws. by landindividually virtueof republican
municipios.6

De Rodriguez, los ChiDchols Hernandez aboveas well as from the following:Guillermo JuanFriede,El indio en lucha a la coloniay a la republica(Bogota,1949),pp. 275-298; El por la tierra (Bogota,1944);Jose MariaOts Capdequi, regimende la tierraen la Peasant and OrlandoFals-Borda, Americaespanola(CiudadTrujillo,1946),pp. 93-104; Florida,1955),pp. 89-106. Colombian Andes (Gainesville, Society in tAoe and s The ChibchaIndiansdid not live in villagesbut in scatteredfarmsteads, they were not too proneto move into the new pueblos. However,these towns survivedas scattered the in remained religiousand trade centers,while the bulk of the population Study of treatment this subjectsee the writer's"A Sociological area. For a documented of BetweenMan and the Landin the Department Boyaca,Colomof the Relationships University of Florida, Gainesville,1955, pp. 71-78. Cf. bia," doctoral dissertation, de "Los orlgenesdel problema la tierraen Choconta,Colombia," OrlandoFals-Borda, (Bogota),XLI (1954),36-50. y Boletinde historia antiguedades was study,information gatheredfrom the seven volumeson " Res6 For the present in guardosde Boyaca" in the colonialsection of tlle Archivo Nacionalde Colombia at cited as ANC. Volumesand legajoswere also consulted the offices Bogota,hereafter of in of notariespublicat Tunja and Turmeque the department Boyaca.

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ESTABLISHMENT OFINDIAN Resguardos BOYACA, IN 1595-1642 The effortof the colonial government establish to Indian reservations in the provinces Tunjaand Villa de Leiva,as a collateral the of to program reducingthe nativesinto pre-planned of towns, was most successfully carriedout from 1595 to 1642. This was a periodof triumph the royalpatron of overthe localpowerof the encomenderos. Indiancollectiveestateswere delineated the field underthe title in of the gobernador, cacique,and they lay side by side with the or estates, mercedes, or whichhadbeengranted or purchased private to by individuals.7 Froma serf-likestatussuch as he had possessed the in preceding years,the Indianwas lifted to the positionof a lesseeof the Spanish king. The revision titlesordered KingPhilip 1591 of by in according the firstCedula Pardo upsetthe two-layer to del pyramid (the conquerors the conquered) and which had been formedduring the yearsof initialoccupation. Moreover, royalorders such definitely curtailed use of nativelabor.The finalpushfor thislocalrevoluthe tion camefrom the Ordenanzas promulgated September 1593, on 22, by Antonio Gonzalez, captain general the Ne^rKingdom presiof and dentof the RealAudiencia.9 Gonzalez ordered a surveybe made that of the de facto situation created the Spanish by settlers, that the and landbe formally returned the Indians. to The oidorchosenby President Gonzalez perform work in to this the province Tunjawas Andres of Egasde Guzman, seniormember a of the royal council. The first Indiancommunities be given to back the land " whichis theirs were those locatedin Chiquinquira " (September 1595),1 6, Moquira(October13, 1595),1land Iguaque
8 7 Distinctfrom the Spanish grants,the Indiantitleswere given for collectivities rather than for individuals.In this it has been claimedthat the colonialauthorities were preservingthe indigenous system of social organization.Communal ownership, however, does not necessarily with primitivepeoples. S-cudies the Algonquins Canada, go of of the Tolowa of California, the Veddasof Ceylon,amongothers,have disclosed and that privateownershipis possiblein " non-civilized societies."As for the ChibchaIndians who occupiedthe mountain of Boyaca,it is suspected they knewthe principles area that of inheritance privateownership, and although definitive no scudyhas beenmadeon the subject. See Juande Castellanos, Historiadel Nuevo lReino Granada de (Madrid, 1886), I, 38,47, 190;and LiborioZerda, Dorado (Bogota,1948),pp. 142-144. El 8 Cf. Ots Capdequi, pp. 69-71. 9 Jose Manuel Groot, Historiaeclesia'stica civil de Nueva Granada(Bogota,1889), y I, 516-520. 10ANC, V, ff. 311-321; Jose MojicaSilva,ed., Relacio'n visitascoloniales(Tunja, de 1948),pp. 202-203. 1lANC, III, ff. 1-145. At the presenttime, Monqwra a neighborhood is (vereda)in Villa de Leiva.

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INDIAN CONGREGATIONS KINGDOM GRANADA IN NEW OF

(October29, 1595).12 each caseEgas de Guzman In madea census of Indians, notedwho werepayingtributes encomenderos, to observed thatthe natives werecongregated the reduction with the assisin and, tance of local officials, notaries, witnesses, and went to the field to delineate boundaries the resguardo. the of Theseboundaries fixed were by surveyors armedwith a rod and a rope (varaand cabuy), and landmarks were placedat strategic locations.13 Iguaque, In Egasalso separated communal-crop withinthe reservation a land area. Theseresguardos not givenin fee simple theIndians, were to although there were lots for individual exploitation insidethe premises.The land could not be sold or rentedto outsiders, the limitsof the and resguardos fixeduntilofficial were revisions weremade.The fact that the Indian landneverreallyleft the realms the regalza be seen of may in theadjustments in thegrants made everytimethere aninspection. was If it wasfoundthatthe natives decreased numbers, partof the had in a reservation separated sold to secinos,the proceeds was and going to the king'streasury.This prerogative the king was exercised of often duringthe eighteenth century, mJhen warswith England the required extraordinary financial measures. Sometimes titles to reservations the cameto be little morethanprecaria, when whole communities were displaced from theirresguardos afterthesewere sold in toto for the king'sbenefit(see below). Thus the situation the Chibcha of Indians in regard the tenureof reservation approached formof a to land the lease,a sort of foro by which tenurewas allowedfor a number of
generations.

The visitsof Egasde Guzman not completely are documented, but it can be established he delineated issuedthe titles for the that and resguard in the communities Tinjaca,14 os of Moniquira,15 Cucaita (December 1595),16 16, Toca (March20, 1596),17 Turmeque(May 18, 1596) Sichaca(May, 1596) Pesca-Soaca 18 ,19 (June 8, 1596) 20
19Mojica,pp. 34-36. Iguaque now a veredain the municipio Ch;quiza. is of For furtherdetails,see Fals-Borda, Sociological "A Study . . .," pp. 87-91. ls AndresBerdugoy Oquendoto Viceroy Solis, Chiquinquira, April 30, 1756,ANC, VI, f. 902,905. 16 Mojica, p. 227. 16" Confirmacion los resguardos Cucaitapor Andres Berdugoy Oquendo," de de Cucaita, February 1756, 1, ANC, V, ff. 921,928v. 17 Mojica, p. 72. 18 ; Diligencias del resguardo Turmequede la Real Corona,Turmeque," de May 18, 1596,ArchivoNacionalde Colombia, Colonia, Sala Resguardos Cundinamarca de (hereafterreferredto as ANC,Cund.),I, ff. 9-18. 19 Mojica, p. 54. This town, now disappeared, nearSiachoque Firavitoba. was and 20 Ibid.,pp. 37, 54; " Los indios de Soacacontrasu encomendero, 1647," ANC, V, ff. 762-769.Soacahas also disappeared; was locatednear Pesca. it
13

FALS-BORDA ORLANDO

33S

DEPARTMENT

OF

BOYAC A

( CO LO MBIA) Indion Resguord Coloniol os D uring Time s


in Porenthesis.)

( Spon; sh PorrO quiOs

NoTE:Names shown are only of those pueblosthat have survivedand that at the presentiime are municipios.

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INDLKN CONGREGATIONS KINGDOM GRANADA IN NEW OF

Tuquecha-Moquecha (June21, 1596),21Bombaza (June28, 1596),22 Guaquira (July 7, 1596),23 Custiva(July 9, 1596),24 (July 14, Iza 1596) Sogamoso ,25 (August31, 1596) Bonza(September 1596) ,26 25, ,27 Ocusa(October25, 1596)28Sora(November 1596),28 Samaca 2, and (November27, 1596).3This was a tremendous undertaking which seemsto havesucceeded curtailing powerof the encomenderos in the and in limitingtheir temptation occupy Indianlands, at least to temporarily. WhenEgasde Guzman hissuccessor, Enr1quez, left, Luis undertook to investigate resguardos the already granted, proceeded form and to new Indiancongregations. (Simultaneously, other resguolrdos were established, with the usualprocedure, eitherby Enr1quez by his or deputy Antonio Beltran Guevara, Somondoco de at (October 1601), 31, Cerinza (January 1602),Socota(January 1602),Cocuy-Panqueba 8, 19, (January 1602),Soata(February 1602), Sumita(February 30, 7, 19, 1602), Tapagua,Quelpa,Culagua, Tempaquela, Pisquira, RavichaChilagaula (February 1602), Guaca (May 20, 1602), and Arca24, bucazo(June12, 1602).31 stipulations the same-theIndians The were were to remain congregated the reductions, keep theirland as in to lessees, to distribute among and it themselves individual familial for and exploitation for the payment taxesand tributes.The corregiand of doreswere to protectsuch landfrominvaders. Subsequent sisitadores oidores and continued inspect previous to the work andto createnew reductions reservations, the mounand until tainous areaof Boyacawas well coveredwith organized Indiancommunitiesholdingcollectivetitles to their land. One such visitador was Lesmesde Espinosa Saravia who, on June 28, 1617,granteda reservation landat Pare.32 foremost the workof Licenciado of But was
21 Mojica, p. 39. It seemsthat this Moquecha the old nameof a veredanow called is Tobal,at Tota. 22 Ibid.,p. 58. Bombaza was nearTota and Tuquecha. 2S Ibid.,p. 60. Today, one of Tota'sveredas. 4 Ibid.,pp. 4243. 25 Ibid.,p. 45. 26 "Autodel Licenciado Juande Valcarcel, Sogamoso," April26, 1636,ANC, I, f. 204v. 27 Mojica, p. 41. Today, one of Paipa's veredas. 28 Ibid.,p. 38. 29 Ibid.,p.44. 80 Ibid.,p. 45. S1 Ibid., pp. 46-106,178; ANC, Cund.,I, ff. llv-12. Some of these towns have disappeared it is difficultto know where they were established. and However,ie can be gathered that,with the exceptionof Somondoco, thesecongregations were in the Soata regionin the northern sectionof Boyaca. '2 Mojica, 218. p.

36

Titulos del resguardo, Panqueba," September 1635, ANC, f. 663v; Mojica, 13, VI,

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Juande Valcarcel who,following new directives President from Sancho Giron Marquis Sofragas of established resguardos 1635at the folin lowinglocalities: Tequia(August25), 33Chiscas-Tunebia (September 2),34 Guican-Panqueba-Cocuy (September 13),35 Chita(October3),36 Beteitiva(October31),37 Combita(December 15),38 Motavita.39 and In 1636,Valcarcel gave reservations landto Indians Garagoa,40 of at Tenza (January 20),41 Tibana(February 21),42 Ramiriqu1 (February 27),43 Boyaca (March12),44Mongu1(April 21),45Oicata-Nemuza (July6),46 Tuta (July 12),47 Suta(October 5),48 Tibasosa-Nobsaand Chameza.49 Valcarcel's work differed somewhat fromthat of his predecessors the mannerof distribution land. While Egas and in of Enriquez merelyset the boundaries the resguardos determined of and the communal-crop Valcarcel established areas, also communal pastures, or potreros. Thesewereusually located the hillsabovethe pueblos. on The intensive periodof organization resguardos of closedwith the tour of VisitadorDiego Carrasquilla Maldonado 1642. Apparently in most of the Indiancommunities the Tunjaprovince then had of by beengrouped, because available the recordof this visitadorshowsthe establishment only two resguardos, of thoseat Gachantiva-Turca 50 and Sorocota (November 22).51
33

Ibid@, 170-171 pp.

34

Ibid.,p. 173.

p. 179. The deedstates:" Los dichosdos pueblosestanjuntosy poblados este pueblo en en contornode la iglesiacomo se ordenoen la visitaultimapasada." 86 Ibid.,pp. 184-185. 87 "Diligenciade reconocimiento del resguardo Beteiiivay Tutaza por Jose M. de Campuzano, 1777," ANC, V, f. 206;Mojica,p. 182. S8 Mojica, p. 186 89 4 Diligencias de ajuste del resguardo Motavitapor A. Berdugoy Oquendo," de December16, 1755,ANC, III,ff. 665-668. 40 ANC, III,ff. 505-511. 41 ANC, VI, ff. 782-786. 42 4 Confirmacion del resguardo Tibanapor A. Berdugoy Oquendo," de January 20, 1755,ANC, VI, f. 940. 48 Mojica, p. 206. 44 " Confirmacion los resguardos Boyacapor A. Berdugoy Oquendo," de de January 23, 1755,ANC, V, f. 986v. 45 "Amparo del nuevorespardo de Monguipor A. Berdugoy Oquendo,1755," ANC III,ff. 770-824; Mojica,p. 197. 46 Mojica,p. 191. It seems that the Nemuza Indianswere incorporated Oicata; to Nemuzadoes not existtoday. 47 "Asignacion de las tierrasdel resguardo Tuta por Juan de Valcarcel,Tuta," de July 12, 1636, ANC, VI, ff. 9-15;Mojica,pp. 192-194. 48 Mojica, p. 202. This is calledSutamarchan today,by adopting nameof the first the encomenderos. 49 ANC, VI, f. 952v; cf. Mojica,p. 250. 6ANC, III,ff. 997-1002. 51 Mojica, p. 208. These landswere locatedat Novillero,today a veredain Moniqliira.

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INDIAN CONGREGATIONS KINGDOM GRANADA IN NEW OF

Reservations partial and congregations reducciones in continued to be organized confirmed and sporadically subsequent in years.Archival documents indicate that theseorganized communities were numerous. Besides thosealready mentioned the text, therewere resguardos in in the followinglocalities (datesuncertain): Agustilia, Boavita, Busbanza, Carsi,Chitaraque, Chivata, Citaquepa, Coper,Cormechoque, Duitama, Firavitoba, Gameza,Giramena, Guacamayas, Guateque,Labranzagrande, Mongua, Morcote, Muzo,Onzaga, Paipa, Pauna, Paya,Raquira, Saboya, Sachica, Sativa, Siachoque, Socha,Sotaquira, Susacon, Tasco, Tobas1a, Topaga, Tota,Tutaza, Viracacha. and Ninety-four havebeen documented, theremayhavebeenmore. and But the localsettlers werenot entirelyidle,andforceswerealready at work undermining structure the resguardos. the of Out of this strugglebetweenthe Indiansand the Spanish settlersnew tenurial arrangements arose. In this manner, after 1642the historyof Boyaca no longerrecordspredominantly grantingof resguardos-rathers the the documents to showthe overwhelming start atmosphere conflict, of maladjustment, insecurity and that permeated rurallife. A new act was starting the tragedyof the Indianwho, while attempting in to defendhis landwas, in reality,battling his life. for Smparos AND ORIGIN THE THE OF SYSTEM RESIDENT OF LABORERS, 1642-1754 In a sense,the adjudication resguardos of amounted an amparos to thatis, to an act of protection. The Indians neededthe protection of the authorities, especially regardto labor,becausethe Spaniards in tendedto reject menialactivities.If it was necessary work the to farmsin orderto securea title, such work was to be done by the conquered race,not by the neo-aristocrats. attitudeX well as This as pressing economicand politicalneeds,was recognized sisitadores by andoidores, hadto permit useof Indians private public who the in and pursuits.The " personal service for encomenderos, " which formerly allowedfor the use andabuseof nativehands, gaveway in partto a regulated systemof mitayos, laborers. or This transition now be will studied. Different fromthe mitayos mineros, miners, mitayos or the agrzvolas, or agricultural wage hands, deserve closeattention. Whenthe Spanish settlers couldno longerobtain landandthe Indian onepackage,52 the in
62

See Fals-Borda, Sociological "A Study . . .," pp. 97-101.

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the needwasfelt for a way to permit natives workin haciendas. the to A systemwas devised whereby cacique eachreduccion to the of was furnisha certainnumberof able-bodied Indians,distributing them amongthe Spanish farmsof the surroundings. redistribution A of personnel to be madeeachyear according manpower the was to and needsof the local farms. Such Indians were entitledto a wage and to the application certainregulations, as an eight-hour of such work day.53 timepassed, laborers engaged As the thus werecalled concertados. The earliest reference concertados Boyaca the available to in in documentsis in the titlesof the reservation Soaca(Pesca-Soaca), of issued by Egasde Guzman 1596. He ordered in that the Indians were not to be " concerted for morethansix months: "
Y se manda dichocorregidor Soata]quelos indios hubieren al [de que de serviren las labores, guarda crios de los ganados los espanoles y de y vecinoslabradores los concierte masque por seismesesremudanno dose y entrando otrosen su lugarparaque tengantiempode acudira sus proprias laboresy granjerlas acudira la fabricade mantas y que ellossuelenfabricar.54

But it was not untilAugust7, 1657,thatthe systemof concertados was regulated detailby President in Dionisio PerezManrique:
It is my command hereafter this puebloof Duitama well that in as as in all othersin the districts SantaFe, Tunja,and Villa de Leiva, of Indians be givenas concertados, they arethosewho comprise will and one-fourth all able-bodied of Indians who pay tributein each town. They are to be remunerated every six months,when they will each be paida wage of fourteen poltacones year,andwill eachbe given per eight folnegols corn on the cob . . . every Efteendays,six pairsof of alpolrgoltols,a strawhat.... Saidconcertoldos be distributed and shall amongthe farmswtihinthe jurisdiction the town, with preference of given thosefarmsnearer the town and thoseof oldertitle.55 to
Wages had been requiredas paymentfor labor when the Indianswere declared subjectsof the Crownin 1542. Regulations this system were set forth in 1593 by of PhilipII, in 1598 by the Real Audiencia SantaFe de Bogota,and againaccording de to a royalcedula in 1601(Groot,I, 202, 301-302,524). 44Los indios de Soacacontrasu encomendero Francisco RamirezMelgarejo, 1647," ANC, V, f. 776v. Unfortunately other detailsare given, such as the numberof no Indians involvedand their obligations.Cf. Mojica,p. 39, for Tuquechaand Moquecha
63 64

( 1596).

Transcribed Hernandez by Rodriguez, 265-266. See regulations concertados pp. for at Somondoco, Tenza,Sutatenza, Sunuba 1621 by Antoniode Obando, Mojica, and in in p. 142.
65

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INDIAN CONGREGATIONS KINGDOM GRANADA IN NEW OF

Sucha system,however, slowly degenerated, it reverted the as into seignorial arrangement which it was leading:there were natives to who, afterbeingallocated a farm,stayedthere,practically serfs, to as for an indefinite periodof time. When landlords offeredplots on which such Indianscould settle (thus securinga dependable and steadylaborforce) and cashwages,the germof the presentsystem of resident laborers, a tintof feudalism, quickto gainstrength. with was The de factosituation thesesettlers of movedSpanish officials recogto nize theirstatusand,eventually, pertinent instructions were issued:
If the Indians not wantto remain the farms, do on they shallnot be detained thereby force,andthey may returnto theirreductions. But if the Indians not returnwithintwo years,the hacienda which do in they work shall be their confinement, there shall be insidethe and farmsa place suitablefor [Indians]to live together.56

In addition the disintegration resguclrdos within,there to of from occurred challenging the intrusion whitesfromwithout-while of many nativesleft the reservation work on neighboring to haciendas, white settlers invaded Indian lands.After 1642it became necessary the that sisitcldores only investigate manner whichthe Indians not the by were put to work, but also that the officials revisitthe premises search in of Spanish invaders. Thusnew clmpclros to be proclaimed which had in it was also ordered correctthe illegalities to withina periodof time. Many casescan be cited which may illustrate periodof initial this disintegration. example, 1670clmpclro the Indians San For the for at Jose de Pareis clearin this regard.The local reservation been had granted Lesmes Espinosa by de Saravia 1617andconfirmed Diego in by Carrasquilla Maldonado 1642. The Indians beenpayingtribute in had to encomendero Diego de Velasco,but therewas a greatreduction in intakeduring 1660's, the indicating the resguclrdo decaying. that was Visitcldor Jacinto Vargas de Campuzano to Parein 1670to study went the situation, he discovered the Indians and that livedscattered the in fieldsandnot in a congregation, they had diminished less than that to one-tenthof the number encountered Espinosa by Saravia, that and Spaniards squatting the Indian were on land. On the otherhand, when VargasCampuzano investigated 46 farmsand trapiches the managed by Spanish settlers the province Velez (of whichParewas then in of a part),therewereten Negroesand488 laborers were described who as " slaves."In the regionof Chitaraque SantaAna,whereit was and
66 See the Recopilacsn de las leyes de las liias, Libro VI, Titlo III, Ley XII. Cf. Jose MariaArboleda Llorente, indio en la colonia(Bogota,1948),pp. 164-166. El

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attended were, 55 laborers that suspected a partof the PareIndians of holders the collective It the trapiches. was clearthatthe protected nearby. work in haciendas had Pare reservation left it in order to which had the Moreover, Indians rentedland withinthe resguclrdo, after the was clearlyagainst law. Thus VargasCampuzano, meeting to determined correct and with the Indians the Spaniards, andtalking and the by the situation regulating systemof concertcldos annulling grants.57 conflicting neighbors; and with squatters invading had Mostresguclrdos trouble were worseoff are records full of suchconflicts.Someareas archival than others;as a rule, thosefar away from Tunjadid not fare well for of in this regard-thereservations Guicanand Chiscas, example, accounts, Contemporary nibbledaway by whites.58 were practically such as one by BasilioVicente de Oviedo and viceroys'reports,60 at werehaving the to all bearwitness the tryingtimesthatthe Indians race. of dwindling thenative and of hands non-Indians, the considerable
59

OF THE os OFTHE THEDISINTEGRATION Resguclrd AND ORIGIN 1755-1810 Agregados, by was The trend towardsdisintegration hastened royal policy, VI signedby Ferdinand in del by especially the secondCedulcl Pclrdo that once moreproclaimed the Indians 1754. Of course,this cedulcl was by but were to be protected, in realitythe state'sfiscalinterest the economicwelfareof the than any feelingtoward then stronger that money dictated difficulties International commonwealth. Spanish or was and hadto be obtained, one easymanner the saleof realengcl, crownland. of An appraisal land titles and a revisionof occupiedland thus Amongotherthings,it was decidedto sell the becamemandatory. and landswhosetitlescouldnot be documented, to auctionthe land Mostof the Indian after1700.61 or whichhadnot beenoccupied used issued afterorders years, " landwas" composed in 1755 andsubsequent and by Viceroy Jose Solis Folch de Cardona; such land was found and of faultybothin the number settlers in its use, therebyrequiring
Mojica,pp. 216-220. V, 1; ANC, I, ff. 780-81 III, ff. 148-148v; ff. 420425,532-538v. del Nuevo Reino de Granada y 69 BasilioVicente de Oviedo, Cualidades riquezas (Bogota,1930),passim. de eds.,Relaciones mando(Bogota,1910), and Posada PedroMariaIbanez, 6Eduardo passim. pp. 61Ots Capdequi, 107-112.
68

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important adjustments. tenurial This revolution linkedwith the end is of a number reservations. of When AndresBerdugo Oquendo, newly appointed y the visitcldor, started difficult his mission 1755,the linesof demarcation in whichhad been drawnso clearlybetweenwhitesandIndians were blurred both in raceandin the geographic distribution the population. of Pueblos or " parroquias espanoles were no longerwhite,and " pueblos de " de indios hadbeenprettywell intermixed. wasdifficult define " It to who belonged the respective in racial communities originally designed. This problem facedby Berdugo Soata,wherehe decidedtO count was in mestizos(mostof the community) " legal" Indians proceeded as and to visitthe resguardo.62 course, the Indian Of if community Soata of hadbeenintermixed suchan extent, wassimplydueto the immeto it diatepresence Spaniards. of Indeed,Berdugo foundthat the Indians hadbeenrentingtheirlandto whites,leavingonly a smallportionof theresguclrdo themselves. onlywerethewhitesoccupying to Not much of the landbut someof themwere living,illegallyof course,in the puebloitself.63 Berdugowas confronted with two realities.One was the evident dwindling thenative of race,andthe otherwasthe tremendous pressure uponresguclrdo landsexertedby the non-Indian population. fact, In bothrealities couldbe considered two sidesof the samecoin. This as pressure seemed be exerted so muchby the big landowners, to not or Icltifundistcls, a new andlargeclassof resident as by operators-specifically referred as a " middleclass by ViceroyManuel to " Guirior_ 64 who were contentwith havingsmallfarms.This new classmay have been part white and part mestizo,or it may have been almostall mestizo.The fact is that it rapidly grew in numbers. This groupof land-hungry farmers founditself squeezed the landholders the by of provinces Tunjaand Villa de Leiva:the heirsof the senores of who hadreceived largemercedes, Church, the Indians.The newthe and comers(chapetones) the localmestizos and couldlive on Spanish latifundiabut only as renters.65 the otherhand,they couldnot live On officially resgualrdos in because they were not Indians.Nevertheless,
AndresBerdugoy Oquendoto Viceroy Solis,Soata,May 25, 1755,ANC, IV, f. 7. ANC, IV, ff. 9-9v. sgPosadaand Ibanez, 149. p. There are many casesin which such smalloperators sewledon Spanishhaciendas. For instance,duringthe 1770's Diego de Caycedohad 23 vecinos as renters (arrendatarios)in his Teguaneque farm at Turmeque(" Memorial Diego de Caycedo,Santa de Fe de Bogota," October14, 1777,ANC, VII, f. 78). Nicolas de Rutiahad 53 vecinosas renters his Toca estatesin 1785("Padronque se hizo este ano de 1785de las personas in que hay en estaagregacion Toca de confesion comunion," de y ANC,Cund.,I, ff. 33-35).
62 63 66

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the a way was foundto circumvent law and,as was the casein Soata, many who were not Indianswere actuallyrentingand living on land.66. reservation couldno Campuzano styledafterVargas It was clearthat amparos with systemof dealing and longerbe enforced, thata morepragmatic solutionwas to sell for the was necessary.Berdugo's the situation of in all treasury or partof resguardos whichthe number Indians king's to of did not justifythe amount landinvolved.He decided movethe to relativelyfew Indianswho would be displaced other pueblos. or vecinoswho were squatting rentinginsidethe resguardos Resident at were entitledto purchase auctionsuch landundera systemcalled the wherebyone vecino represented othersand encabezonamiento, This meant,of course,that such took partin the legal proceedings. de or as wouldlosetheirstatus reducciones pueblos indios communities Berdugo de into parroquias espanoles. andthatthey wouldbe turned 18, Toca on such undertook actionin Soata June21, 1755,67 on January Saboya,71 San on Moniquira April 12, 1756,69 Jose de Pare,70 1756,68 on and Tenza,Somondoco,73 Ramiriqui Tinjacaon April 30, 1756,72 were in Part June11,1756.74 or allof thelands theseresguardos publicly were as auctioned, a rule, in SantaFe de Bogota. The true Indians and to ordered moveaway to work at nearbypueblos, to takealong such to weregranted thosedisplaced, privileges Certain all belongings. fromtributefor one year.75 as freedom but There were illegalrentersin other reservations, Berdugodid system. This of the not undertake overhauling the entireresguarrdo y CampuzanoLanz, of the wasmorenearly accomplishment JoseMaria of of of corregidor the partido Tunjawho, with the sponsorship Vicesomewith only one (Boyaca),others in 66 Therewereillegalrenters mostreservations, to with a good number(Certinza).Blasde Valenzuela the Viceroy,SantaFe, December de del 24, 1777,ANC, V, ff. 82-83;" Confirmacion resguardo Boyacapor A. Berdugoy 23, January 1755,ANC, V, ff. 990-995. Oquendo," Antonio de Penalberto Viceroy Solis, Boavita,June 21, 1755,ANC, IV, 67Joseph f. 13. y OquendotO Viceroy Solis, Toca, January18, 1756,ANC, IV, 68 AndresBerdugo f. 961v. p. 235. 69 Mojica, III, (Tunja,1928-1941), 123. Monografias 70 RamonC. Correa,
7lANC,IV,ff.30-33.

April 30, 1756,ANC, 72AndresBerdugoy OquendotO Viceroy Solis, Chiquinquira, VI, ff. 905-911. pp. 73Moiicas 243 247RobayotO the Viceroy, SantaFe, March22, 1782,ANC, I, of 74Memorial Clemente Mojica,p. 239. ff. 293-295; de 76" Memorial los oidores,SantaFe,"July 15, 1755,ANC, IV, ff. 22-22v.

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INDIAN CONGREGATIONS KINGDOM GRANADA IN NEW OF

roy ManuelAntonioFlorez,abolished 1777 and 1778 the entire in reservations Sativa,76 of Busbanza,77 Chiscas, Boavita,Guacamayas,78 Cerinza,79 Beteitiva,6 Tutaza,81 Sogamoso,82 Tasco,83 Viracacha,84 and Tibasosa.85 Campuzano solda partof thereservations Guateque,85 also at Pesca,87 Tota,88 Soraca,89 Cheva,Onzaga, Mongui.90 and Campuzano's criteria thesame thoseof Berdugo-the were as Indians notworking were the landbut were renting to "whites" in orderto obtainmeans it to pay the tribute,and these "whites" had practically takenover the nativepueblos.However,foremost the mindof the Spanish in rulers wasthe danger the impending with England.By sellingIndian of war land-stillconsidered realenga-muchneededcashcouldbe collected as for the armies the king. of A new parroquiawas instituted each casewith the blessings in of the Church.91 status quo of landholding maintained, The was except for a change thestatus mostof thevecinosfromrenters owners. in of to This happened communities in wherethe method encabezonamiento of wasusedto effectthe transition the landfromthe Indians others, of to namely, Ramiriqui,92 in Guateque,93 Soata,94 Cerinza,95 Beteitiva,96 Pesca,97
76 ANCsIVs ff. 298457. qq ANCsIVs ff. 705-761. 78ANCsIVsff. 869-1002; Mojicas 266. p. 79 "Diligenciasdel remate de los resguardos de Cerinzas SantaFe" June 25 1777, ANCsVs ff. 54-56. 80 ANCs Vs ff. 225-238. 81 ANCsVIIsff. 974-1006. 82 Mojicas p. 259. The first order to abolishthe Sogamosoresguardo was issuedin 1767(ANC, Isff. 166-167, 202),but the Indians 186 resisted change. The finalorders the were given by Campuzano Oidor FranciscoAntonio Morenoy Escandon(ANC, and VIIsff. 726-727). 83 ANCsVIs ff. 824-841. Mojicas 245-246. pp. 86 Ibid, p. 250. 86 Ibid.,pp. 250-265;ANCsIIIs 283. f. 87Tomasde Guevara Viceroy Caballeros to Julys1781 ANCsVIs ff. 579-589. 88 Mojicas 244. p. 89 Ibid.,p. 247. 90 ANC, Vs f. 44v.;Mojicas 273. p. 91 In this regard see the monumentals thoughsomewhat disorganized work of Correa, alreadycited. The legal wordingwas: " Se erige en parroquias extinguiendose primisu iiva constitucion doctrina (cf. " Memorial los oidoress de " de SantaFe" July 15 1755, ANCsIVs f. 25v). 92 Clemente Robayoto the ViceroysSantaFes March22 1782 ANCsIsff. 293-295. 93 ANCsIIIs ff. 277-299. 94 Joseph Antoniode Penalber Viceroy SolissBoavitas to June 21 1755sANC, IVs ff. 13-76v. 96 ANC, V. ff. 54-112v. 96 ANC, Vs ff. 238-240. 97 Tomasde Guevara to Viceroy Caballeros Julys1781 ANCsVI, ff. 580-581.

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a and Tutaza10l Toca,l02 But and Tasco,98 Tibasosa.99 at Tinjaca,100 in vecinowassole beneficiary eachlocality. In thesethreecomsirlgle in continued suchmanner class the munities numerous of cashrenters solariegos." of were thatthe few landowners accused livingas " senores Whena censusof vecinoswas takenat Toca in 1785,it showedthat or therewereonly five ownerswho had53, 84, 47, 27, and4 families respectively.103 of households renters Indians of of As an outgrowth the legaldissolution the resguardos, to or by were transferred force from one community congregation In belongings. referring and families private with together thetr another, the from Soatain 17551 oidoresused the familiar to those displaced of to It termagregados.l04 is important studythe meaning thistenurial because hasvariedfromtimeto time and even at the present it term variations.105 timeit hasregional by were organized Egasde Guzand Whenresgtlardos reducciones who lived at were simplythosenatives agregados manandValcarcel, pueblo, Theystillwentto theassigned from somedistance the reduction. in purposes.For instance, and admlnistrative however,for religious away,were "agrewho of 1626the Indians Osamena, livedone league X; the for gadosto Vijua,wherethereis a church everybody 106 Indians 107 to wereattached Motavita; andthose in of Guatensana 1635likewise in and Chausa, Tibaquira 1636wereagregados who natives livedin Sasa, the during practice This to Samaca.108 seemsto havebeena common of fromthe standpoint religious as period, it wasrealistic earlycolonial groups. to couldminister two or moreIndian one administration: curate or who were strangers foreigners or Distinctfrom forajidos, Indians
ANC, VIs ff. 850-860. p. Mojicas 250. ff. ANC, VIs 908-926. 101 ANCsVIIsff. 1001-1023. 102 ANCs VII, ff. 83-107V que Padronque se hizo este ano de 1785de las personas hay en eta agregacion 103 44 de Toca de confesiony comunion,'ANC,Cund.,I, ff. 33-35. 15, de los oidores,SantaFe,"1U1Y 1755,ANC, IV, ff. 22-22v. 104 4' Memorial Colombia) time in Giron (Santander, " 106 The term " agregado is used at the present PinedaGiraldo,"Estudiode la zona see to refer to a tobacco sharecropper; Roberto(Bogota,1955),p. 52. There Social Co7npesina in de tabacalera Santander," Seguridad has but in are agregados diverseareasof Colombia, their distribution not been docuwho are mented. The Boyaca agregadosare differentfrom the Brazilianagregados (Baton Peoplesand Institutions Brazil: see laborers fazendas; T. Lynn Srnuth, on resident Rougesrev. ed. 1954) pp. 60 383-387. p. 6Mojicas 195. p. 107 ANCsIIIsf. 665;Mojicas 222. p. 108 Mojicas 2W.
98 99

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INDIAN CONGREGATIONS KINGDOM GRANADA IN NEW OF

amidthe specific groupwith whichthey lilred, agregados duly the had assigned lands, they belonged and withintheirlocalcommunities. Agregados another of kind aroseearlyin the seventeenth century. These consisted the white settlerswho lived away from Spanish of towns and who had difficulties traveling in each Sundayto church. This problem firstobserved Archbishop was by Fernando Ugarte de in 1622,whenhe permitted missionaries Indians minister the to to the sacraments suchisolated to Spaniards.109 took the designation These of " agregado confesion comunion," or " vecinoy agregado." de y 110 111 The number secinosy agregados of seems haverisenas the reservato tions disintegrated. will be seen,they were an important As element in bringing aboutthe end of the resguardos. The new type of agregados madeits appearance 1755didnot that in havethe religious overtones its predecessors. wasa reallandtenure of It class. In principle, agregados the resulting fromthe reorganization of reservations to continue were with landfor theirown use withinthe new locations.They werepermitted harvest to fromthe lots thatthey weregoing to abandon to startplanting and immediately the land on they wereto receivein the new locations.1l2 Moreover, differences no wereto be established between old residents thenewcomers, the and and the latterwere entitledto elect and to be electedto political offices. Eventhe priests were requested promote to amalgamation. In practice,however,the algregados becamelandless laborers who suffered hardships only in the process movingfrom one place not of to another, at the pueblos but wheretheirIndian fellowsweresupposed to receivethem '4with open arms."The pathetic caseof Beteitiva is probably typical. The leaders this community of wrote as followsin 1779afterthey wereordered moveto Duitama: to
Abouttwo yearsago Don Jose Campuzano commanded to leave us with all speed the landswhich we possessed said [Beteitiva]and in Tutazaand to move with our familiesand belongings the pueblo to of Duitamawhere we were to receive suflicientland. We pleaded with him all we could. . . but he paidno attention.On the contrary,
9 Oviedo,pp. 116-117. 110 Padronque se hizo este ano de 1785de las personas hay en esta agregacion " que de Toca de confesiony comunion," ANC, VII, f. 33; " Interrogatorio el cual seran por examinados testigos,Beteitiva," los May 25, 1777,ANC, V, f. 232v. Oviedo,p. 117. 112 Suchwas ordered for the Sogamoso Indians upontheirtransfer Paipa; "Auto to see del VisitadorFranciscoAntonio Morenoy Escandon, Paipa," June 8, 1778,ANC, VI, f. 726v. The samewas orderedfor those Indians Soataupon their transfer Tequia at to andBoan7ita; "Memorial los oidores,SantaFe,"July 15, 1755,ANC, IV, f. 22-22v. see de

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he said that if we did not obey his commands would orderour he housesand huts to be burned.Therefore, obeyed and walkedto we Duitama underthe greatestdiEculties,with so many hardships that we have no words to describe. . . how we reachedDuitamaafter two daysof traveling with our womenand morethansixty children, our cattle,and otheranimals. And when we arrived Duitama, at our only shelters werethe treesandthe eavesof the housesof the Duitama Indians.... We stayed,but untilthe present landhasbeenassigned no to us, for whichreasons live like renters[arrendados], the verge we on of perishing.... The greatest[of our afflictions] the ill treatment is that we receivefrom the Indians Duitama.ll3 of -

It should notedthatthe Indians Beteitiva no choicebut to be of had become, they said," arrendados," tenant as or laborers. They werenot givenlandas promised, hadto workfor the residents Duitama. but of Cases Indians of who wouldnot movefromtheirabolished reservations were also common. In this instancethe nativeswere likewise converted from lesseesof the king to landless laborers, because they remained opposition the ordersand on landthatwas no longer in to legallytheirs.The termusedto describe theseIndians alsothatof was agregado, for no otherreason, if because was impossible referto it to themas belonging any local resguolrdo. to Suchwas the case of the Cerinza Indians who did not move to Duitama-they described themselvesin 1784as agregados the parroquia Belen.1l4 to of Stillanother is knownwherebythosewho triedto settlein the case new locationfound this difficultand returned their nativecomto munities. Thishappened Tascoin the 1780's, at whither localpriest the sponsored returnof thirtyIndians the fromSocha.1l5 of course, But, suchIndians returned laborers a landthatwasno longertheirs. as to Apparently, the courseof timethe word agregado lost as a in was reference a tenureform in most of the criticalareasselectedbzz to Campuzano. theseas well as in manyotherareasin Boyaca,the In conceptof resident laborer embodied the concertordo in system (see above) continued keep its hold, although the present to at time this system working a voluntary is on basis.1l6 terms New havebeenadopted in Boyaca describe samearrangement: to the arrendatario, viviente, and
113 "Bruno y Agustin Acero, capitanes de los indios desagregados pueblo de del Beteitiva," the Viceroy,SantaFe, July 12, 1779,ANC, V, f. 269-270. to 114 "Don Pedro de Bargas. . . por los capitanes indios naturales e del pueblo de Cerinza," the Viceroy, SantaFe, August19, 1784,ANC, V, f. 120. to 116 Agustin Baldeon,Indiancaptain, to the Viceroy, SantaFe, November 25, 1789, ANC, VI, f. 895v. llff Fals-Borda, Peasant Society, 66-67,102-112 pp. passim.

attachedtO COCUY tO E1 in 1755, those left landless on their ownplots andwhopay

348 INDLAN CONGREGATIONS KINGDOMGRANADA IN NEW OF dependiente.ll7 appears only in the smallmunicipality PanIt that of queba,and specifically the cveredol neighborhood Orgoniga, in or of have both the rentingarrangement hintedby the Beteitivans its and appellative agregoldo preservell8 been d. In themeantime, disintegration the remaining the of reservations continued. When the Indians into arrears the payment taxes, got in of parts theirreservations rentedby the Spanish of were authorities. This happened Raquira,ll9 in Tuta,l20 Motavita 1803,l2l in Firaand in and vitobain 1804.122 remnants reservations The of already reduced size in wererented secinosfor the purpose covering Indians' to of the tributes. There were abouttwo hundred such rentersinsidethe resguardo of Guateque 1801.123 in Even such a powerfulcacicazgo Turmeque as which,on the basisof the available materials, alonesucceeded augin menting resguolrdo the expense a Spaniard,l24 suspected its at of was of having leastthreehundred white" renters at " livinginsidethe reservation. Whena fightdeveloped between secinosof Toca andDiego the de Caycedo(who had relinquished farm at Teguaneque the his to Turmeque Indians), priestcertified a number whites" had one that of listed themselves Indianswith the purposeof remaining the as [in resguardos]." 125
117 For a discussion these termsand others,see Fals-Borda, of "A Sociological Study . . .," pp. 133-151.Notably,today in manyareasof Boyacato be called" concertado " is considered insultor somewhat an degrading. 118 In Panqueba, an agregadois now a share renter. When Campuzano visited El Cocuy in 1777, listed three parcialidades Indiansat Panqueba he of which belongedto the El Cocuy community,apparently agregadossince the visit of Berdugoin 1755 (Mojica,pp. 249, 265).Orgonigawas a part of the resguardos El Cocuy in 1806, of when a priestrequested deliveryin orderto help with the construction the church its of (ibid.,p. 275). The sharerentersof this localityhave preserved term " agregado," the althoughthe meaningand functional relationship the term has changedfrom " those of

rent in produce, after the priest'sprobablepurchasein 1806. The principle that governedthis transition similarto that one in Cerinza 1784. was in 119 Don Pedro Mendinueta, Viceroy,to corregidor Raquira, of SantaFe, February 13, 1802, II, ff. 262-263, ANC, 269V. ANC, VI, ff. 3741, 675-685. ANC, VI, ff 686-699. ANC, IV, ff. 641-688. ANC, VI, ff. 797 797V. Don BisenteJoya, governador pueblode Turmeque, the Viceroy, SantaFe, del to April 25, 1775, VII, f. 3. The whole proceedings this transaction up to ANC, for take folio 141of the samevolume. 125"Certificado pedimentode FranciscoMarino,San Antonio,"January23,1778, a ANC, VII, f. 141. On the other hand,Oviedo believedthat Turmequehad been little invaded Spaniards 118). by (p.
120 121 122 123 124

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18 os Resgaard INBOYAC4,10-1850 OF THEEND THE When the flowervase was brokenin the Llorentestore on that was already day, July 20, 1810,the end of the resguolrdos rebellious a probably littlemoredaring on looming the horizon.The new Junta, decidedto government, than the viceregal and muchmorepractical the and altogether decreed end of reservafinishall the complications the Although socio-political 24, on tionsandtributes September 1810.126 state of because the unsettled of the new unchanged remained situation the of reconquest 1816-1819, precedent and government the Spanish leaseholder as beenset. The daysof the Indian a precarious hadalready with the ideologyof the In of the king were numbered. agreement citizens mustbe made,and were made,full-fledged times,the natives in fee simple. andlandowners of By 1810the population Boyacahadlargelybecomea greatcomhad localities beenby that munityof mestizos.Mostof the mountain of regardless whetherthey were ininto parroquials time converted it Therefore, seemsthatthe or mestizos, whites.127 by habited Indians, was more altogether decisionto finishthe resguardos government's been considered.128 thanit has heretofore realistic was in The basiclaw whichput an endto the reservations Colombia that signedby Bolivaron October11, 1821. It stipulated withinfive amongtribute-paying land yearsthe resguardo was to be distributed Administrawho wouldthenbecomeownersin fee simple.129 Indians this law until 1832,when of delayedthe application tive difficulties however, was the of themanner dividing reservations set forthin detail; lots to were forbidden sell their newly acquired for ten the Indians in were promulgated 1834 and in 1843. years. Furtherregulations were madefull ownersby the Finally,on June22, 1850,the Indians of Lopez,beingentitled" to dispose their of government JoseHilario propertyin the same mannerand in the same titles as the other 130 [citizens]." resguardos had Althoughthe colonialauthorities endednumerous
353-356. El Posada, 20 de Flio (Bogota,1914),pp. 211-213, Eduardo alreadycited; cf. above,note 70. Cf. the work of Correa, to government makesuch a decisionrestedupon of the Colombian 128 The authority from the SpanishCrown the eminent the conviction that the State had subrogated Courtof Justiceof Colombia in domain. This is contained a decisionby the Supreme urtdicas sobre dated April 7, 1897;see Jose Maria SerranoZuniga,Investigaciones 1936),p. 79. (Manizales, bald10s p. Rodriguez, 286. 129 Hernandez 180 Ibid.,p. 287.
126 127

350

OF IN NEW INDIAN CONGREGATIONS KINGDOM GRANADA

of priorto 1810,therewere manystill left to meritthe consideration the records, workof to According the available legislators. republican of in the subdividing reservations Boyacawas largelyin the hands the Solano.Aidedby othersurJuan surveyor," Nepomuceno " scientific Solano and witnesses, notaries, by veyorsand assisted town officials, their the and resgualrdos subdivided landamong the abolished following censusanda man-land to users tribute-paying according a meticulous on for ratio established each reservation: Samaca July 5, 1834,132 Sotaquira on Turmeque June4, 1836,134 Tuta on March24, 1836,133 the Motavita, lower 14, on Combita March 1838,136 22, 1837,135 on July and Sora sectionon August9, 1838,137 on March21, 1839,138 Cucaita and at The on August27, 1840.139 resgualrdos Siachoque Oicatawere werealready the because localIndians this also parcelled during period, 1850, sellingtheirlots,andeventheirrightsto the land,in November, Many as probably a resultof the law of June22 of the sameyear.140 but this during period, no documenwere otherresgualrdos terminated of consequences this The socialand economic tationis yet available. to that they deserve be treatedat policy are of such variedinterest, lengthin specialmonographs. time, in that It appears thereareno resgualrdosBoyacaat the present one of exceptfor one in the municipio Coperand,in principle, for the reservation at TuneboIndians Guican.It is not knownwhenthe Coper to had The local Indians been given in encomienda was established. was MiguelGomezon April28, 1561;a repalrtizniento in force (espemines)in 1629,whenDiego de Argotewas ciallyfor the localemerald priorto 1770, had The encomendero.14l reservation been organized of the adminisin because thisyearthe localpriestwas put in charge
131

"A 131Forthe size and numberof the resultinglots, see Fals-Borda, Sociological in of Study . . .," pp. 197-201.For detailson the parcellation one resguardo CundinaPeasant Society,pp. 97-109. marca,see Fals-Borda, in was the day on which the actualpartition completed each 132 These datesrepresent lots. The record of had locality,afterthe Indians been given possession their respective ff. de is reservation in the NotariaSegunda Tunja,legajoSamaca, 1-99v. for the Samaca leg. Tuta, ff. 1-98. 133 NotariaSegunda, numbered. leg. de Turmeque, 1836,folios not continuously 134 Notaria Municipal folios not numbered. leg. Sotaquira, 136 NotariaSegunda, ff. de Tunja,leg. Cucaita, 36-124. 136 NotariaPrimera ff. leg. Motavita, 1-18. The paramo, or highersection,was sub137 NotariaPrimera, dividedmuchlater,in 1871. folios not numbered. leg. Cucaita, 138 NotariaPrimera, ff. leg. Cucaita, 1-87. 139 NotariaPrimera, folios not cony leg. Protocolosde Siachoque Oicata,1850-1856, 140 NotariaPrimera, tinuouslynumbered. 154, pp. 140-141, 163. 141 Mojica,

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tration a parc the resguardo.l42 of of Coper converted a polrrowas lnto quiol December 1776.143 thereis no recordof the abolition on 29, But of the resguolrdo duringeitherthe colonialor the republican period. At present, Coper" Indians pay an annual the " levy for the use of theirland. In conclusion, should notedthatwhilethe landof the resgualrdos it be organized according congregation to laws passedfrom collectiveto individual hands,most pueblosor reductions which were built as a result the samepolicies of remained focalpoints eachcommunity. as for This seemsto be the most important lastingachievement the civil of congregations Boyaca:the perpetuation ecological in of communities of farmers regardless race,farmers of who, while remaining scattered overthe countryside, became dependent a definite on church market and centerfor local religious economic and activities.The loyaltyof the peasants, eitheras Indian lessees the kingor as freemestizo of citizens, to thesecenters, beenof paramount has importance the socialstrucin ture of Boyaca. The cohesiveness those ancientruralmicrocosms of formedin pre-conquest was thus successfully days preserved the by socializing policies the civil congregation, spiteof theirfailure of in in gathering population the into the newly createdvillages. This continuityof social solidarity throughout centuries the appears havebeen to maintained throughthe bondageto the soil unposedon Indians and their descendants, eitheras agricultural laborers as owners. or ORLANDO FALs-BoRDA Bogotoi, Colombia

148

142 ANC, III,f. 643v. Correa, 60. ItI,

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