Jonathan Hooper Ritual a matter of various culturally specific strategies for setting some activities off from others,

for creating and privileging a qualitative distinction between the sacred and the profane Discuss The idea of what a ritual is, is a very complex and hotly debated subject. Every religion encompasses a certain degree of ritual. In light of the title quote, taken on its own, this would suggest that a ritual is merely a way of separating the sacred form the profane. Is it right to suggest that ritual merely encompasses this. The essay will look at this idea through a study of two differing religions. Haitian voodoo and the Iban. On the surface they appear to be quite different. To the uninitiated although seemingly bizarre voodoo does in fact display a large distinction between the sacred and the profane. The rituals being used to interact between the two, thus displaying their separation. On the other hand the Iban appear to be almost devoid of ritual. Rice farmers with no ritual activity under the bounds of the above quote. That is of course until one looks to their understanding of themselves and where they are from. One will see the Iban do have a belief system in place within which day to day activities are so very much a part of their views of the sacred and the profane as to appear mundane. Thus begging the question is ritual something more than just the various culturally specific activities for setting some activities off from others? By looking at the Haitians and the Iban the essay will show that ritual is much more. Important in terms of social bonding, social cohesion, education and even social control. To begin with the essay will look at the voodoo religion within the bounds of the title quote, looking at the two worlds, the sacred spirit world and the profane. Showing the link between the two in terms of the Loa and how and why people interact with them. One will then see what the rituals do for the society. By moving on to the Iban the essay can contrast them with voodoo in the light of the title quote, but suggesting that the Iban ritual is less about ideas of the sacred and profane but more an issue of function. The sacred and the profane are so close that ordinary daily activities become rituals which give the Iban the capacity to act and to maintain social cohesion Haitian voodoo is a relatively new religion yet its base goes back a long way. It owes its existence to the ancient tribal religions of Africa. Tribes, when sold into slavery took their beliefs to Haiti. They were watered down through the separation of tribal groupings to break spirit. However, rather than create problems amongst

themselves the slaves discovered similarities between the base elements of their religious practices such as ancestor worship; the use of song, drums and dancing in the religious rituals; the possession of the worshipper by God.1 The need for unity helped bring these groupings together under a system along the lines of the enemy of my enemy is my friend. The belief in similar Gods was the catalyst. This ability to amalgamate many different influences has become a feature of voodoo and it also shows in the description of voodoo as a religion of crisis. It is out of crisis that one sees the birth of Petro voodoo. A response to the enslavement of Africa. As Deren points out, it is not an evil response, it is a response born of rage. This is highlighted by the ability to placate the Petro Loa. They are not evil demons, just harder to handle, a sign of the rage on which they are built. Through the enforced practice of Christianity, voodoo has incorporated many symbols and ideas which make certain ideas sound very similar. As it is they have a grand God above all others who exists many Loa who can be seen as similar to Christianitys patron saints, who each have a special function. Even down to the symbol of the cross versus the crossroads. at first glance it might seem Christianity had triumphed over Voudoun, it becomes clear, on closer study, that Voudoun has merely been receptive to compatible elements from a sister faith.2 Given that Voodoo bears such resemblances to Christianity in their beliefs, it is of no surprise therefore to see such belief in the sacred and wide use of ritual to interact with the sacred. Here the essay will look at the Loa and the other elements of the sacred. By understanding the sacred and its difference to the profane one can assess the degree of distinctness facilitating the claim that ritual actions are removed from the normal. One can look at the Loa and immediately draw comparisons with Christian saints. They have special abilities so one can call upon certain Loa under certain circumstances. Indeed every Haitian has a mait-tete which resembles a personal saint. The very important thing to note about the Loa is that although they may be seen as physical manifestations in things, they are for the most part, essentially principles. To worship the Loa is to celebrate the principle, not the matter in which it may be momentarily or permanently manifest.3 This idea of belief in a principle over a being is similar to Buddhism where in default of gods it admits the existence of sacred things, namely the
1

2 3

Deren. M Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti (McPherson & Co: New York : 1953) p58 ibid. p56 ibid. p89

four noble truths.4 The Loa are dependant upon humans. On a philosophical level of course a principle can only exist if people are prepared to believe in it. Thus by believing in the principles or Loa, humans can gain favour or good fortune and health. Conversely ignoring ones Loa can have grave consequences. A Loa can also punish his erring servant simply by showing indifference to his lot and withdrawing his protection. A man deserted by his Loa is at the mercy of poisons5 due to these ideas of principle not all the Loa are easy to define. Their definition and role will vary from person to person and Hounfo to Hounfo. Thus promoting not just ideas of culture specific notions, but also of Hounfo specific beliefs. Legba is one of the more important Loa. Much like Saint Peter, he is the link between the spirit world and ours. It is through him that all other Loa are contacted. He also represents the principle of life, seen in his occasional representation as a cosmic phallus,6 and time. He is also often seen as destiny. Erzulie and Damballah are two sides of the sexual whole and so as will be seen, it is often them that people turn to for celestial marriage. Ogoun is the spirit of power and might. Today this less so the case and as such reflecting the modern notion that politics is power, Ogoun is often associated with politics.7 The point here is that there is a Loa for everything and the believers feel that it is their positive interaction with these Loa that helps them succeed, often to the detriment of everything else. This belief has built up a sever attitude of fatalism. If something goes wrong it must be because one has not treated the Loa correctly. Again one sees where the idea of a crisis religion comes from. Believers only really use the Loa for help. Thus the need for rituals for the believers becomes all the more important. Indeed to subscribe to a particular Loa could be seen to accept a certain principle. Due to the presence of Loa in just about every sphere of life, there is a ritual concerned with gaining favour, for most things. Ones ancestral spirits are very important. When a person dies their soul is believed to descend into an abyss. By the family later reclaiming this soul into a Govi, they gain the favour of the spirit and also the benefit of that souls moral authority and the inspirations that govern it. The effect of this is quite large. It may seem a defunct idea to the uninitiated, but within the reality
4

5 6

Durkheim, E Ritual magic and the Sacred in Grimes, R Readings in Ritual Studies (Prentice Hall: London 1996) p189 Metraux, A Voodoo in Haiti trans. H, Charteris (Andre Deutsch: London 1972) p99 Deren. M Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti (McPherson & Co: New York : 1953) p97 ibid. p131

of the believers it can be an invigorating force. This ritual is of course an extraordinary action that by its very existence shows a distinction between the sacred and the profane. By performing these actions in a certain way, as bell has suggested, the rituals are making certain things happen. Voodoo incorporates both types of ritual action suggested by John Beattie. Instrumental acts and expressive acts. Instrumental acts being those which have a practical value. Expressive acts being those who have a symbolic value. One of the most common elements of the voodoo ritual is the idea of feeding the Loa. The Loa constantly try to maintain a balance in the universe, to make sense of it. This uses much energy. Added to this are all the requests for help and favour by men. There are two ways in which to feed the Loa. Through the essence of food, in sacrifices and offerings of food. Or the Loa can feed in person through the mounting and possession of a body. These occasions are always a time of great joy and of reinvigorainting life. They are great social occasions. The rituals are important for the beliefs they represent but also to the very fabric or the society which performs them. Those who perform the rituals are engaging in something as a whole. It brings them together. The process of ritualization is not necessarily important for the ideas believed in, but more for the actions it requires. Thus bringing people together in practice. The belief requires practice and vice versa. In Haiti rituals also perform a function in seeking technical and practical advice in reference to plating, buildings and certainly medicinal remedies.8 Thus maintaining a link to previous knowledge and instilling links with tradition. By asking advice of the Loa in specific ways people maintain a certain code and collectively partake in the affirmation of certain principles and traditions however much society is changing in other respects. Having looked at voodoo one can see that the title quotes assertion is quit accurate. However one cannot help but feel that ritualization entails something else, not just the setting of some activities as distinct from the normal. In fact one would go as far as saying this is perhaps not necessarily the most important part of ritualization. Instead the social and the functional aspects as looked at previously is perhaps more important. Durkheim stated in the Elementary Forms of Religious Life that there can be no society which does not feel the need of upholding and reaffirming at regular intervals collective ideas which mark its unity and its personality. This one
8

Deren. M Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti (McPherson & Co: New York : 1953) p189

feels is very close to reality. This issue can be seen to be borne out when looking at the Iban. One will see that for the Iban, through their myths; have come to an understanding of themselves and the world. Their notions of ritual more than separating the sacred and the profane seem to look to unify the two. Thus creating a society in which ritual action is as to live. Adat kami bumai. This means we farm (hill) rice and live according to the order revealed by the spirits.9 This shows the importance of the spirits to the Iban. However when one looks at the myths and the spirit world, one actually sees told the Iban history and they concern the spirit ancestry of the Iban and the origins of their religious beliefs, ritual and social code.10 The story of Keling becomes a view of what the Iban should be. His attributes of strength, resourcefulness and the such like become a model for the Iban. He is the Iban value system incarnate.11 The Iban are not so concerned with their origin. They do have varied creation myths, however due to the endless cycle of decay and rebirth in the rainforest and also in their farming; it is this cycle idea that really concerns them. As such they are more concerned with understanding why they believe in what they believe. So through the story of Simpang-Impang the Iban see the natural order of things and the naming of all the animals. It also speaks of rice cultivation, thus is the reason for their knowledge of rice cultivation. The major deity is Pulang Gana who is responsible for the rice cult. He owns the earth and lets the rice grow. Pulang Gana would not let the original rice farmers succeed unless they made offerings to him. Sengalang Burong taught the Iban how to read the stars and augury for use in farming. When one looks at their practices one sees where their ritual occurs. In the rice cycle the Iban read the stars to know when to clear the land and when to plant their crop. When clearing the land, the spirits acceptance of their choice is received in a dream. Every stage in the actual cultivation of the padi is accompanied by rites which, in Iban eyes, are absolutely vital to the success of the crop.12 Many of their ritual farming practices regarding rice may seem like common sense to an onlooker yet it is the Iban belief that this knowledge is from the gods which makes it so sacred and thus a ritual. It is the mythology which ritualizes the Iban behaviour. If they did not believe in the Gods their actions would not be considered a ritual. The
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Jensen, E The Iban and their Religion (Clarendon Press: Oxford 1974) p5 ibid. p70 Sutlive Jr., V The Iban of Sarawak (AHM: USA 1978) p100 Freeman, D Report on the Iban (The Athlone press: New York 1970) p159

mythology provides Iban religion with its dramatic personality and terms of reference.13 Through mythology the Iban learn of the adat order of things. Harmony is maintained by all things following their adat, and it just so happens that the Iban adat is to follow the right farming practices thus ritualising otherwise ordinary activities. When looking at this idea of adat one really begins to see the rituals as part of social existence. The most important property is rice. The better farmer will have more and better rice. This to us may be common sense, yet to the Iban the better farmer is someone who has in fact followed the correct rituals (farming practices) and is therefore a more moral man. He has maintained spiritual harmony and has honoured adat. Therefore a responsible farmer is a good farmer. A bad farmer is seen as morally deficient as he cannot feed his bilek. The rituals hold the society together, they form a collective bond based upon the ideas of responsibility. This is further seen by looking at the more expressive of Iban occasions, the Gawai. Participation in these festivals and associated rites is essential for god health and prosperity. In this way they are also functional. A Gawai becomes a social gathering and a public holiday. The festival will serve to distract from the 365 day farming year. So aside from the belief it will bring good rice growth, in real terms it also keeps social cohesion by taking the focus off the actual growing of rice. One of the festivals primary aims could be seen to be the strengthening of solidarity14 So in considering the Iban one sees that there is a sacred to be considered. It is everything that is important rendering much of the profane, as we would see it, to be sacred to the Iban. The interconnectedness of the sacred and the profane have a big effect in relation to the title quote as many activities regarded as ritual are not set apart from others. Ordinary action as rituals. However when looking at rituals from a social perspective they are more obvious. The ordinary farming rituals give the Iban the capacity to act15 to grow their rice. Without their rituals they could not farm. By following ritual and maintaining the adat, social order and standing is maintained. The successful will progress up the social ladder. Both myth and ritual are symbolic statements about the social order.16 Through the continual evolution of Iban myths, as a result of their history, the young are given the ancient knowledge and understanding of the way things are done. Yes the Gawai is perhaps the ritual most likely to fall under
13 14 15 16

Jensen, E The Iban and their Religion (Clarendon Press: Oxford 1974) p100 Sutlive Jr., V The Iban of Sarawak (AHM: USA 1978) p106 Bell, C Ritual Theory. Ritual Practice (Oxford University Press: Oxford 1992) p218 Jensen, E The Iban and their Religion (Clarendon Press: Oxford 1974) p210

the title definition yet one feels little else. The sacred and the profane are just too similar. In conclusion one feels that rituals are without doubt all culturally specific strategies. They do also deal with what would be considered the sacred and the profane. The title quote suggests that they are used to actually set certain activities which deal with the profane as separate and out of the ordinary. While this is true in many cases, such as voodoo ritual touched on in this essay, there are cases in which this is not true, such as the Iban. The sacred and the profane cannot be separated, as such rituals cannot be actions designed to set the two worlds, ideas apart. There are occasions, such as the Gawai festivals, where there is more of a separation of actions yet, for the most part, this is not the case. As such when regarding ritual in the Iban case one feels that one would have to look at it being a more functional thing. Ritual, in the Iban case, is done because it has an end result, good rice. The rituals are also a very important social bond and can be an Iban route to the top of society. They help educate by keeping the knowledge and traditions alive from one generation to the next. The rituals help keep the endless cycle turning. That is not to say that other culturally specific rituals are done to achieve a result, i.e. functional. The point being made is that the title quote although correct in the assertions it makes is perhaps not inclusive enough. It is more a description of ritual; it needs to include an idea of what ritual does, by perhaps extending it to include the notion of functionalism. Which would give a greater overall picture of not only what ritual is but what its role is in any culture or society in terms of bonding, educating, even control.

Bibliography
1. Spirit Mediumship & Society in Africa ed. Beattie, J & Middleton, J Routledge: London 1969

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Bell, C Ritual Theory. Ritual Practice Oxford University Press: Oxford 1992 Deren. M Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti McPherson & Co: New York : 1953 Freeman, D Report on the Iban The Athlone press: New York 1970 Grimes, R Readings in Ritual Studies Prentice Hall: London 1996 Jensen, E The Iban and their Religion Clarendon Press: Oxford 1974 Metraux, A Voodoo in Haiti trans. H, Charteris Andre Deutsch: London 1972 Sutlive Jr., V The Iban of Sarawak AHM: USA 1978