Andean Dynamics Ethnicity Class Pape 2009

Indigenous Movements and the Andean Dynamics of Ethnicity and Class Organization, Representation, and Political Practice in the
Bolivian Highlands
by I. S. R. Pape
An analysis of the Andean dynamics of ethnicity and class in historical perspective with a focus on political institutions, decision making, and organizational structure at the communal and subregional levels reveals that, in the Andean context, ethnicity and class are inextricably linked in a societal dynamic that is closely mirrored in the two main organizations representing indigenous people in the Bolivian highlands. As a result, the main differences in organization, representation, and decision-making patterns manifest themselves within organizations, between the higher and lower levels of the hierarchy, rather than between the two organizations. The two organizations cover the same social, economic, and cultural realities; they perform largely the same practical and symbolic functions and occupy the same position in relation to the state. At the communal and subregional levels, the functioning of authority, decision-making patterns, and organizational structures are highly similar in the two organizations, and so are their overarching organizational structures. Keywords: Indigenous movements, Andean region, Ethnicity and class, Bases of ethnic politics, Andean organizational flexibility
The rise of indigenous movements in Latin America has brought about an apparent shift in representation among indigenous populations from classbased to identity-based organizations. In the context of a seemingly objective contradiction between ethnicity and class, especially in the view of international policy makers and donors, indigenous identity has become a point of contestation for various sections of indigenous populations. The renaissance of indigenous movements is often seen in relation to identity-based social movements, international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), democratization, and institutional reform (Van Cott, 1994; 2002; 2005; Stavenhagen, 1996; Langer, 2003). As Korovkin (2006: 143) points out, while there is much truth in this type of analysis at the macro level of institutionalization, it fails to grasp the complexities of Andean indigenous politics and tends to obscure its structural underpinnings and the complementarity of its cultural and socioeconomic agendas. Others have concentrated on discourse, rights, and the revival of tradition (Korovkin, 2006; Canessa, 2006; Postero, 2007). In this
I. S. R. Pape holds a Ph.D. in Development Studies from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, and works as an independent consultant.
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 167, Vol. 36 No. 4, July 2009 101-125 DOI: 10.1177/0094582X09338605 2009 Latin American Perspectives
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LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
context, questions have rightly been raised regarding the close relationship between ethnicity and class (Postero and Zamosc, 2004: 12; Zamosc, 2004; Korovkin, 2006; Webber, 2007). Although several scholars point to this linkage, considering its central importance in this field, the concrete ways in which these two types of identity and citizenship are combined seem somewhat underexposed in the literature. As the lions share of scholarship on indigenous movements concentrates on claims, rhetoric, and the national level of organization, the dynamics of ethnicity and class within indigenous movements remain little investigated. This is also the case regarding organizational structures, decision-making patterns, and modes of representation. Another paucity in the analysis of contemporary indigenous politics is systematic empirical exploration of political institutions and practices at the communal level, from which most of the customs that are currently being institutionalized in indigenous organizations appear to derive (see Lucero, 2006; Postero, 2007; Korovkin, 2006). This article seeks to look beyond rhetoric and claims at the relationship between ethnic identity, class, and representation. This means that issues of ideology, discourse, and identity markers are not its focus. Instead, the Andean dynamics of ethnicity and class are analyzed in historical perspective in order to elucidate central mechanisms inherent in the current tendency toward a shift in representation and the organizational and identity-related aspects included in the process. The focus is on political institutions, decision making, and organizational structure at the communal and subregional levels in a comparative study of the peasant union Confederacin Sindical nica de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (Unified Confederation of Peasant Workers in BoliviaCSUTCB) and the Consejo Nacional de Markas y Ayllus del Qollasuyu (National Council of Markas and Ayllus of Qollasuyo CONAMAQ). Both of these organizations represent people who are indigenous according to ILO Convention 169 (ILO, 1989), both declare themselves to be indigenous, and both function as legitimate organizations locally. This article argues that in the Andean context race and class are inextricably linked in a societal dynamic that is closely mirrored in the two organizations. As a result, the main differences in organization, representation, and decisionmaking patterns manifest themselves within organizations, between the higher and lower levels of the hierarchy, rather than between the two organizations. Although the normative differences at the national level may be increasing as indigenous organizations reinvent ancestral tradition, there are significant functional similarities at the local level. This article demonstrates that the two organizations cover the same social, economic, and cultural realities, perform largely the same practical and symbolic functions, and occupy the same position in relation to the state. At the communal and subregional levels, the functioning of authority, decision-making patterns, and organizational structures are very similar in the two organizations. At the same time, their national organizational structures are similar to a substantial extent. The analysis is based on two years fieldwork in rural Chuquisaca and Northern Potos. The research was conducted on the Federacin Sindical nica de Trabajadores Campesinos de Chuquisaca (Unified Federation of Peasant Workers of ChuquisacaFSUTCCH) and the Federacin de Ayllus Originarios Indgenas de Norte Potos (Federation of Original Indigenous
Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS
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Ayllus of Northern PotosFAOI-NP), now the Nacin Charca Qara Qara (Charca Qara Qara NationNCQQ),1 in five communities in the municipality of Yamparez (Chuquisaca) and four communities in the municipality of Chayanta (Potos), as well as at the respective subregional and regional levels of organization. Chayanta is situated at approximately 4,100 meters above sea level and is constituted by a main village and the ayllus (indigenous kin groups with their own territory) Chayantaka and Panakachi, with a total of 63 rural communities. Yamparez, at 3,100 meters above sea level, has a main village and 46 rural communities, all affiliated with the peasant union.2 The first two sections of this article analyze Andean dynamics of ethnicity and class and organizational structures in the countryside in historical perspective. The following section compares organizational structures at the regional and subregional level within the FSUTCCH and the NCQQ. Next, the political institutions, modes of representation, and internal authority structures at the community level are explored in comparative perspective. Finally, the dynamics of ethnicity, class, and political representation are analyzed in relation to the two organizations. THE ANDEAN DYNAMICS OF ETHNICITY AND CLASS Ethnic differentiation has been a central factor in social and economic organization in the Andean region since pre-Columbian times (Murra, 1975; 1986). The interconnection between ethnicity and class is highly complex, interweaving a host of factors, notably geographical differences, urbanization, social organization, economic activity, language, gender, and physical appearance. Arguably, a process of sociocultural mestizaje, with systematic patterns of social and economic subordination of the original population, commences the moment the Spaniards arrive in 1532, shaping societal institutions and human interaction, incorporating existing Andean practices and institutions into colonial ones (Murra, 1975; 1986; 1995; Platt, 1982; Wightman, 1990; Larson and Harris, 1995; Saignes, 1995; Cieza de Len, 2001; Garcilaso de la Vega, 2001; Serna, 2002). Throughout the colonial period, different categories of Indians and mestizos were designated as fiscal categories, resulting in a strong tradition of the designation of economic activities and social positions with ethnic categories. Van den Berghes (1979: 255257) seminal analysis of the relationship between ethnicity and class reveals that ethnic categories are related to production in a manner that causes class and ethnic inequalities to become cumulative. Building on this, Harris (1995: 364, 360) identifies a spectrum of ethnic identity and socioeconomic position in which economic activity and ethnic identity are linked so that ethnicity becomes a principal social marker. This is rooted in the colonial tributary system, with its ethnic categorization of socioeconomic groupings, which generated a strong linkage between ethnicity and participation in the economy that has endured to the present day. According to Harris (1995: 352), it is based on the ways in which different social classes and economic activities are identified with different ethnic labels grounded on racial classification. Thus, ethnic categories become designators of class. As societal organization evolves throughout colonial rule, ethnicity and class become intertwined
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both practically and symbolically. Currently, ethnicity to a very substantial extent remains tied to position in the socioeconomic structure. This means that for indigenous peasants a change of ethnic identity is almost invariably a precondition for economic or social advancement. Conversely, those who accumulate wealth at some point change their ethnic identity, from campesino to cholo (mestizo), which typically entails changes in clothing, language, perhaps name, and residence from rural areas to village or town (Van den Berghe, 1979: 259; Harris, 1995: 364). Not only economic activities but also rural and urban spaces are ethnically marked. An indication of this is the close association between the impoverishment and the indigeneity of the rural population (see Hall and Patrinos, 2006; Jimnez, Landa, and Yaez, 2006). Because categories are relative, economic, ethnic, and rural-urban differentiation take place simultaneously, and it is subject positions, to use Laclaus (1985) term, rather than individuals that are assigned an ethnic identity relative to their socioeconomic and geographic position in the concrete context. This is illustrated by the fact that several observers have noted instances of the same persons being considered mestizo in his village and Indian when he arrives in town (Harris, 1995; de la Cadena, 1995). The functioning of this socio-ethnic spectrum indicates that rural areas and their inhabitants are practically and symbolically linked with subsistence agriculture; the money economy is mestizo or white, and participation in it therefore entails some measure of change in position on the ethnic spectrum vis--vis fellow comunarios and, to a lesser extent, more urban sectors of society. In this manner the class elements of peasant, mestizo, and urban economies and identities have become inescapably ethnic phenomena as well, accompanied by tightly intertwined linguistic, social, and cultural markers. This syndrome of ethnic, social, and geographic linkages is fundamental to Bolivian societal dynamics. In terms of socioeconomic differentiation, its significance is paramount. To the rural indigenous population, it is near allencompassing; the ethnic spectrum also entails a continuum of discrimination, exploitation, and exclusion embedded in the societal structure. Its flexibility, sophistication, and endurance match those of Andean social organization and constitute an integral part of the specificity of the region. Crucially, it is at the heart of the relationship between ethnicity and class, tying these together and linking them to geographical space. ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURES IN THE COUNTRYSIDE: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE Andean social organization is characterized by an ongoing process of mutual influence and amalgamation between ancestral, colonial, and postcolonial elements. Though in a subordinate position, ancestral organization has interacted with colonial organicism and union corporatism, producing a host of situations in variations on a theme (see Murra, 1975; 1985; 1995; Lehmann, 1982; Platt, 1982; Molini-Fioravanti, 1986; Godoy, 1989; 1990; Lagos, 1994; Saignes, 1995; Alb, 1995; Larson, 1995; 1998). An integral part of the process is an ongoing adaptation and subordination to the state and its economy since the earliest colonial period (Platt, 1982; Larson, 1998; 1995; Wightman, 1990;
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Harris, 1995; Saignes, 1995). As a result, the history of Andean social organization entails a long trajectory of the incorporation of ethnic groups, rural communities, or ayllus into a larger organizational superstructure external to the local polity. In pre-Columbian times, various Aymara groups and subsequently the Inca Empire colonized other ethnic groups and incorporated them into their polities while allowing them to keep their land and customs. In colonial Alto Per, Indians and ayllus were incorporated into the colonial state through the aforementioned tribute regimes. At the local level, political institutions appear to have persisted inside communities in varying forms throughout the history of the region (Alberti and Meyer, 1974; Murra, 1975; 1980; Lehmann, 1982; Platt, 1982; 1986; Klein, 1993). After the 1952 Revolution, corporatism became predominant in the organization of the state, generating a system of governing its relations to societal groups that remains highly influential. Institutionalized in a one-party system, the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (Bolivian Revolutionary MovementMNR) was organized in a hierarchical structure based on compartmentalized functional sections (Malloy and Gamarra, 1995: 403; Malloy, 1970: 137; 1977b: 466). The peasantry was incorporated into the system via its territorially based rural sindicatos (the constituent unit of union organization, which geographically and socially coincides with the hamlet), organized in the Confederacin Nacional de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (National Confederation of Peasant Workers of BoliviaCNTCB). The distribution of plots in the agrarian reform initiated in 1953 took place through the CNTCB, ensuring widespread membership of the peasantry. The peasant union, subsequently converted into the CSUTCB, de facto remained the sole jurisdiction in rural areas until 1985 (Malloy, 1977a: 12, 9; 1977b; Nickson, 1995). This articulation between the rural corporate community3 and union corporatism covering larger geographical areas has resulted in the contemporary type of flexibility in organization, which entails the simultaneous articulation between rural and urban areas and between the indigenous population and the state. The present paper argues that this constitutes a crucial mechanism in the reproduction of indigenous peasant organizations. Ethnographic studies confirm the persistence of numerous aspects of precolonial polities in rural areas. Contemporary ancestral organization has its most clear-cut form in the ayllu, a multiple-level community that ties kin group to territory through communal ownership of land and a common cosmology. The persistence of the ayllu may be explained, to some extent, by the fact that colonial taxation came to function on the basis of its internal categories of stratification and by the fact that subsistence agriculture at high altitudes entails some element of ecological complementarity between different ecological tiers, which in turn constitutes the basis for Andean pre-Columbian polities (Murra, 1975; Platt, 1982; Harris and Alb, 1984; Alb, 1995; Harris, 2000a). Currently, ayllu organization exists as subjacent or parallel organization (Urton, 1992; Klemola, 1997), as ideology and practice within communities (Alberti and Mayer, 1974; Lehmann, 1982; Platt, 1986; Rasnake, 1988; Rivera, 1990; Lagos, 1994), and as explicit formal organization (Godoy, 1985; 1990; Platt, 1986; Mendoza, Flores, and Letourneux, 1994; Pacheco, 1996; Harris 2000a). Present-day ayllus vary considerably in formal organization, but all share a series of elaborately structured, consecutively subordinated levels (see Pacheco,
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LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Authority: SegundaMayor
JatunAyllu
Jilakata/Kuraka
Moiety/Urinsaya
Moiety/Anansaya
Jilanqu
Minor Ayllus/Cabildos
Minor Ayllus/Cabildos
Alcalde
Comunidades/Estancias
Comunidades/Estancias
Figure 1.
Ideal-Type Ayllu
1996: 98106; Mendoza, Flores, and Letourneux, 1994). An ideal-type ayllu structure is depicted in Figure 1. The ayllu is divided into an upper and a lower moiety, and there are between three and six levels of hierarchy between the apex and the household (Klemola, 1997: 8). A great ayllu may consist of several minor ayllus, which are divided into cabildos, consisting of one or several hamlets. At each level of hierarchy, there is a corresponding authority. While the lower levels of organization up to the cabildo follow settlement structures, the higher levels of organization are not directly linked to spatial organization (see Platt, 1986; Pacheco, 1996). Thus, at the third or fourth level above the household, ayllu organization functions as a political superstructure proper.4 This appears to be a widespread feature in Andean sociopolitical organization; we shall return to this below. As Andean polities evolved in varying forms of association with the colonial and postcolonial state and economy, especially regarding tribute, resettlements, and the hacienda system, the movement of people due to tribute and mining drafts became a particularly important factor in reshaping Andean societies. Many Indians left their communities in order to avoid taxation and mining drafts and settled as forasteros (outsiders) in distant communities where they would not be subject to recruitment (Yambert, 1980; Wightman, 1990; Assadourain, 1995). The category of originario (original inhabitant) still prevails in Bolivian ayllus, while that of forastero has been divided into two categories, agregado and kantu runa, indicating differentiation in social status and access to land (see Pape, 2005). Thus present-day ayllu structures are a product of interaction with the colonial state. Although the advent of the hacienda system fragmented ancestral organization and communal land tenure structures, parts of the social rules, customs, and authority structure have endured in substantial measure at the communal level. Therefore, when the organizational superstructure of the peasant union was created, this resulted in widespread forms of hybrid sindicato and ancestral authority and practices or in parallel organization at community and subregional levels of organization (Alb, 2002). Several
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examples reflect this variety of situations. Ayllu Chayantaka (Northern Potos) joined the peasant union in 1985 but kept the ayllu structure intact in parallel organization, with union authorities being recruited among ayllu authorities. Ayllu Panakachi (Northern Potos) is not a member of the peasant union5 but has incorporated several union practices into its polity as a result of its close relationship with neighboring Chayantaka, which remained a union member. In Yamparez (Chuquisaca) the sindicato is the community organization, but ancestral practices and authorities are incorporated into the organization at the community level. In the neighboring municipality of Kila Kila, a similar situation exists, but here part of the higher levels of the ayllu structure still existed in 1997, although the main authority was with the sindicato (Klemola, 1997: 57). In Porco (southern Potos) the two ayllus have maintained ancestral organization and have simultaneously been full members of the peasant union since the agrarian reform of 1953, with ayllu authorities serving as union authorities as well. Ayllu Layme (Northern Potos) was divided in terms of organization in 1953, when the part situated in the valleys became a member of the peasant union while the part situated in the highlands did not. In 1982 the ayllu was, however, still intact (Harris, 1982). This shows the extraordinary adaptability of indigenous peasant communities and the endurance of ancestral organization or elements thereof in articulation with different organizational superstructures at different historical junctures. ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURES IN INDIGENOUS ORGANIZATIONS The CSUTCB and the CONAMAQ are currently the two main organizations representing indigenous peasants in the Bolivian highlands. Both are organized as confederations, and both present an agenda of promoting indigenous rights. The CSUTCB supplanted the CNTCB in 1979, partly in order to free the union of state patronage (Malloy, 1970: 203208, 310313; Platt, 1986; Herniz and Pacheco, 2000: 53). This second peasant union identified itself as indigenous from the outset (Strbele-Gregor, 1994; 1996; Alb, 1995; 2002).6 It was created on the basis of the explicitly indigenist discourse of the Katarista movement led by Aymara intellectuals. Thus, the CSUTCB came into existence as a marriage of Katarista ideology and peasant union structure and practice (CSUTCB, 1994b; Rivera, 1987: 138140). In the light of the widespread tendency toward perceiving the organization as a mere trade union, it is worth stressing that the CSUTCB was based on indigenous organization and epistemology from its foundation. The CONAMAQ too was created by urban Aymara intellectuals (Alb, 2004: 22). The organization was established in 1997 and has been increasingly successful, with the help of international NGOs and donors (Van Cott, 2000; Vacacela, 2005). Propagating a strong indigenist and ethnicist discourse, it works for the implementation of indigenous rights and the acceptance of indigenous political practices and culture as equally valid as their Western equivalents. The organization is currently undergoing rapid changes in terms of organization, terminology, and geographical expansion (FAOI-NP, 1999; Vacacela, 2005).7
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LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES CSUTCB
FSUTCCH
Central Provincial
Central Provincial
Central Provincial
Subcentrales
Secciones Sindicatos
Figure 2.
Organizational Structure of the CSUTCB
THE FSUTCCH
The FSUTCCH is one of the nine departmental federations within the CSUTCB. Except for the two or three lowest levels of organization, its hierarchy follows the political division of the country into provinces and cantons. There is a corresponding authority at each organizational level, with biyearly rotation above the level of subcentral and yearly rotation at the lower levels. In most provinces there are five or six levels of organization, hierarchically subordinated, from the executive committee at the departmental level to the local sindicatos. The federation consists of seven centralas provinciales, which in turn comprise a total of 95 subcentrals. These, in turn, are constituted by the union of the sindicatos within their jurisdiction (FSUTCCH, 1997: Art. 18; interview, Germn Yucra, leader of the FSUTCCH [currently senator for MAS], 29.3.2000). At the lowest level of the structure, the constituent unit of union organization is the rural community, be it ayllus, ranchos, or indigenous communities (FSUTCCH, 1997: Art. 1; 3). Figure 2 depicts a stylized version of the organization. As in the case of the ayllu, from the level of central provincial, union organization functions as a political superstructure proper. From the subcentral down, there are more divisions than in the national jurisdiction between the levels of its official equivalent, the canton, and the settlement unit represented in the sindicato. This is an indication that at this level the organization functions as de facto jurisdiction as well. The level of seccin is not always functional; it allows for variations in the number of organizational levels in the settlement structure. The sindicato coincides with the community and is constituted by all its inhabitants. The three lower levels from community through subcentral correspond to those of the ayllu shown in Figure 1 in function as well as organizational structure. It is these three lowest levels of organization that directly reflect the settlement structure. The fact that union structure is based on the community means that the role of the sindicato as a communal organization
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encompasses the Andean social rules and decision-making practices that will be described in the next section. In terms of representation at the higher levels of organization, the union functions through a series of consecutively subordinated congresses and assemblies. The ordinary congress elects the executive committee and decides the program of principles of the federation and its political position (FSUTCCH, 1997: Art. 1921, 24). Participation in the national congress is determined through a system of upward delegation based on lists of participants from the geographical units in an elaborate system in which candidates are voted onto the list of delegates and subsequently delegates are elected for representation in the congress and/or specific posts. A candidate rises through the ranks from one post to another as he gains experience (interviews, Natividad Loayza, secretary at FSUTCCH headquarters, 24.4.2000; Germn Yucra, leader of the FSUTCCH [currently senator for MAS], 24.5.2000; Felipe Quispe, El Mallku, leader of the CSUTCB and leader of the Movimiento Indgena Pachakuti [MIP], 9.7.2000). Rotation, consensus, and ascent through the ranks are long-standing practices in the peasant union and appear to derive from communal consensus democracy. This interpretation is supported by the fact that in interviews they are invariably mentioned as the basis of decision making and are practiced to some extent at the higher levels of organization but not stipulated in the statutes. Likewise, there is an ideal of rotation of leadership between geographical areas. This is not formally organized, but the general idea is that other provinces than the previous incumbent should take over. This is practiced fairly rigorously at the levels of central provincial and below. The ideal of consensus is at the heart of union organization. This is illustrated by the following quote by the dirigente (leader) of the FSUTCCH regarding the nature of union democracy as opposed to representative democracy: To choose your representative at an assembly, democratically in consensus, and this compaero or compaera goes as the elected captain of their organization. That is a true representative, chosen in consensus, right? But we currently see very little of this, and the parties only select their candidates by pointing their finger (interview, Germn Yucra, leader of the FSUTCCH [currently senator for MAS], 24.5.2000). This ideal is routinely expressed at all levels of organization and illustrates the close links to Andean social organization. Union leaders perception of democracy is influenced by the nature of Bolivian political practice and its predicaments. As a consequence, they frequently allude to the corruption and dysfunctional nature of political parties and contrast this with their ancestral culture, which is perceived as pure and uncorrupt. Consensus democracy is invariably presented as an essential part of this culture (interviews, Felipe Quispe, El Mallku, leader of the CSUTCB and leader of the Movimiento Indgena Pachakuti [MIP], 9.7.2000; Germn Yucra, leader of the FSUTCCH [currently senator for MAS], 24.5.2000; Paulino Flores, subcentral, Sotomayor, Yamparez, 17.4.2000; Natividad Loayza, secretary at FSUTCCH headquarters, 21.4.2000; Corcino Arancibia, dirigente, Sotomayor, Yamparez, 18.4.2000; Ignacio Arancibia, former dirigente central, Yamparez, 1.9.2000 and 14.11.2000; Julio Arancibia, alcalde communal, Sotomayor, Yamparez, 17.4.2000; Martn, dirigente, Pata Llaqta, Yamparez, 28.6.2000; Silverio Choque, dirigente, Sajpaya, Yamparez, 23.3.2000).
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CONAMAQ
QUECHUA
AYMARA
URUKILLA
SUYU
SUYU
SUYU
MARKA
MARKA
MARKA
AYLLU
AYLLU
AYLLU COMUNIDAD
COMUNIDAD
COMUNIDAD
Figure 3.
Organizational Structure of the CONAMAQ (Vacacela, 2005: 27)
THE NCQQ
Affiliated with the CONAMAQ, the NCQQ organizes individual ayllus and creates a new superstructure at the regional level. The organization aspires to represent all indigenous people in Northern Potosi and argues that it is not prone to politicization and corruption because of its consensus democracy and rotation in cargos (positions). Individual leaders gradually ascend through the hierarchy as they gain experience (interviews, Eleuterio Coyo, segunda mayor, Ayllu Chayantaka, 8.1.2001; Julin Huaylla, kuraq mallku, FAOI-NP, 19.01.2001; Antonio Simn, mallku in subordinate position in FAOI-NP, former segunda mayor of Ayllu Jukumani, 19.01.2001). In this respect, the functioning of the organization is very similar to that of the union organizational structure. Functionally and in terms of representation practices, the main difference is that the CONAMAQ has recently adopted ethnic groupings and their territories as the blueprint for the political superstructure. This has been implemented so that the organizational hierarchy will be based on nationhood rather than the political division of the country.8 Figure 3 shows the hierarchy within the CONAMAQ, in which the NCQQ corresponds to the level of the suyu.9 This structure follows the same corporatist template as the peasant union, with a geographically based hierarchy of organization, a corresponding authority, and a series of consecutively subordinated assemblies (Vacacela, 2005: 19). In terms of organizational structure, the sole difference is the abandonment (in 2006) of the political division of the country as the organizing principle at the higher levels of organization. The level of marka allows for varying numbers of organizational levels in different areas, much like the seccin in the peasant union. It is a newly adopted level in terms of organizational hierarchy. In Northern Potos, the marka can be found in some of the larger ayllus (interviews, Florencio Molle, member of Ayllu Macha, 2001; Zenn Yucra, mayor, Unca, member of Ayllu Layme, 20.02.2001; Luis Oporto, subalcalde, Chayantaka, 27.1.2001), but the term is currently employed by the
Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS CONAMAQ NCQQ Markas
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Ayllu
Ayllu
Ayllu
Internal political and organizational structure
Figure 4.
Organizational Structure of the NCQQ
CONAMAQ to signify a local association of ayllus.10 This is an example of a novel use of an element of ancestral organization. As in the case of the FSUTCCH, the lower levels of organization follow settlement structures up to the level of cabildo. From this level to the ayllu apex, the political superstructure is based on assemblies and upward delegation, which function almost exactly in the same manner as in the peasant union. Figure 4 depicts the organization of the NCQQ. Individual ayllus are incorporated into the organization with their existing polities. As noted, ayllu structure varies with regional culture, production, and settlement structures, but all are organized as rural corporate communities as depicted in Figure 1 (see Pacheco, 1996; Mendoza, Flores, and Letourneux, 1994). The political superstructure above the ayllu level articulates with the corporatist organization of the CONAMAQ through consecutively subordinated delegation and assemblies (interviews, Eleuterio Coyo, segunda mayor, Ayllu Chayantaka, 8.1.2001; Julin Cuellar, mallku mayor, FAOI-NP, 19.02.2000; Julin Huaylla, kuraq mallku, FAOI-NP, 19.01.2001; Antonio Simn, mallku in a subordinate position, FAOI-NP, 19.01.2001; Josefina Muruchi, councilor in Unca for MAS, member of Ayllu Kharacha, 18.02.2001; Zenn Yucra, mayor, Unca, member of Ayllu Layme, 20.02.2001; Luis Oporto, subalcalde, Chayantaka, 27.1.2001; Vicente Fernndez, UCS, mayor, Chayanta, 11.1.2001, 18.2.2001, and 2.2.2001). This means that, as in the case of the peasant union, two different types of corporatist organization are linked at the third or fourth level of organization from below. The executive level of the NCQQ functions as a corporatist federation, with an executive board with content-specific posts, much like that of the FSUTCCH. Both ancestral/geographic posts and content-related ones are represented here (FAOI-NP, 1999: 8). Rotation of authority and decision-making patterns in the NCQQ are very similar to those described above for the FSUTCCH in combination with upward delegation, rotation, ascent through the ranks, and consultation of the bases. Also here consensus is invariably mentioned as a central ideal and basis for decision making (interviews, Eleuterio Coyo,
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segunda mayor, Ayllu Chayantaka, 8.1.2001; Julin Huaylla, kuraq mallku, FAOI-NP, 19.01.2001; Antonio Simn, mallku in a subordinate position, FAOI-NP, former segunda mayor of Ayllu Jukumani, 19.01.2001; Zenn Yucra, mayor, Unca, member of Ayllu Layme, 20.02.2001). The assembly levels and the frequency with which they meet are clearly modeled on those of the peasant union. The general assembly meets once a year and the assembly of suyus each trimester. A difference from the union is that the Governing Council meets once a month to discuss strategy (Vacacela, 2005: 20, 21). While the NCQQ relies on internal ayllu organization, it also aims to change it. In order to ensure institutional continuity and benefit better from capacity-building efforts, the organization is pressing for lengthening the terms of the segunda mayor and jilanqu from one to two years (interviews, Julin Cuellar, mallku mayor, FAOOI-NP, 19.02.2000; Julin Huaylla, kuraq mallku, FAOI-NP, 19.01.2001; Josefina Muruchi, councilor in Unca for MAS, member of Ayllu Kharacha, 18.02.2001; Antonio Simn, mallku in a subordinate position, FAOI-NP, former segunda mayor of Ayllu Jukumani, 19.01.2001), which would make the ayllu resemble the peasant union, in which positions above the subcentral level have two-year terms. One of the most significant recent changes in organization is the formalization of rotation at the higher organizational levels. Implemented in 2006, rotation replaces voting among delegates to elect leaders at the apex of the organization. Figure 5 shows how the CONAMAQ presents its internal rotation. This formalization of rotation is combined with the reproduction of the unequal structure of an upper and a lower moiety from ayllu organization at the regional level. Rotation takes place between moieties, and movement is counterclockwise, so that the first three localities to exercise leadership are in the upper moiety (shown as white in the figure), while the next three are in the lower moiety (represented by the grey areas). This means that elements of consensus democracy replace elements of corporatist delegation for representation of the membership and voting for electing leaders. Yet the corporatist hierarchy is not abandoned; formal leadership rotation is combined with upward delegation for assembly participants, internal ascent through cargos and a series of geographically subordinated assemblies. The political implications of this new practice require more empirical investigation and perhaps the passage of some time. The measure sets a template with long intervals, as the term of office is two years. The 32 years between turns of leadership for each locality constitute a veritable generation in areas where life expectancy often oscillates around 55 years. Another normative innovation is the introduction of the mama talla, the wife of the mallku (head of the organization), who is given a mainly symbolic role in the authority structure at the higher levels of organization in accordance with Andean gender complementarity.11 However, her influence seems to be highly restricted in terms of decision making, policy, and strategic planning (Vacacela, 2005: 28).12 The indigenous superstructure at the higher levels of organization is a new creation, initially modeled on the peasant union in terms of decision-making patterns and a corporatist hierarchy, subsequently modified to follow current ethnic territorial distribution. At the same time, it brings with it a codex of customs and social rules from the Andean community and the lower levels of
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Figure 5.
Structure of Rotation within the CONAMAQ (Vacacela, 2005: 42)
organization in terms of representation, political practice, terminology, and symbolic features. The overarching corporatist structures are very similar in the two organizations. Figure 3 follows the same pattern of geographical subordination as shown in Figure 2, and the modes of representation and delegation in the two organizations are not substantially different either. Practices and ideals concerning rotation and consensus are generalized throughout the Bolivian highlands regardless of organizational affiliation; they are part and parcel of rural political Andean culture, be it Quechua or Aymara, union- or ayllu-based. In sum, the two organizations are very similar in structure, functioning, and political practice. At the same time, in both organizations the local levels directly reflect the settlement structure. This is illustrated by the fact that the three lower levels in Figure 2 correspond with those in Figure 1. In both organizations, at a third or fourth level above the hamlet the organizational structure disengages from the settlement structure and becomes a political superstructure, which is then articulated with larger organizational entities. This strengthens the hypothesis that the local polity is the place where ancestral organization, customs, and practices have survived and that larger superstructures have incorporated these and assimilated them in varying measure, something that has taken place at least since Tawantinsuyu13 (Murra, 1975; 1980). Let us now turn to the political institutions and practices in contemporary Andean communities.
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POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IN ANDEAN COMMUNITIES Throughout the rural Andes, the community is the constituent unit of social and political organization. This is where the majority of the indigenous population lives and everyday practice within organizations takes place. The scholarly privileging of ayllu communities over those affiliated with the peasant union has contributed to a tendency toward the latters generally being perceived as less indigenous, although they figure in statistics as part of the indigenous population, fulfill the criteria of ILO Convention 169, and have indigenous languages as their mother tongue (INE, 1997; 2002). It is symptomatic that in the ethnographic literature sindicato communities and their history, organization, and cosmology have seldom been studied in their own right. The hybrid, mixed, or parallel aspects of social rules, authority, and community organization are often presented as irrelevant practices behind which the real or genuine ideals and practices are to be found (see, for instance, Platt, 1986; Rasnake, 1988; Godoy, 1990; Urton, 1992; Klemola, 1997). Consequently, the widespread articulation between sindicato and ancestral organization at the community level remains little investigated. It is therefore important to stress that the ideology and practices that knit the community together are equally important in everyday life in areas where the ayllu structure is no longer explicit.14 The rural community is organized around subsistence agriculture and collective survival strategies (Alberti and Mayer, 1974; Molini-Fioravanti, 1986; Urton, 1992; Klemola, 1997; More, 2002). The difficult living conditions at high altitudes and the necessity of accessing produce from several ecological tiers have brought about a distinct set of social and political institutions. Thus, in Andean communities a sophisticated polity connects elaborate rules of reciprocal labor and fictive kinship with religious beliefs, authority structures, and decision-making practices aimed at ensuring the reproduction of the community (Lehmann, 1982; Harris, 1982; 1995; 2000a; Molini-Fioravanti, 1986; Carter and Alb, 1988; Rivera, 1990; Mendoza, Flores, and Letourneux, 1994; Klemola, 1997; Pacheco, 1996). The remainder of this section is based on research in five hamlets that are sindicatos and four that are part of an ayllu. For the sake of avoiding repetition, a brief description of each is given, followed by a general analysis of communal political institutions, pointing out significant differences. In Yamparez, Chuquisaca, communities are organized in sindicatos as members of the peasant union. The authority at community level is the dirigente, and there is a mesa directiva mostly consisting of 12 secretaries overseeing different policy areas such as children, environmental issues, or sports. In Chayanta, Northern Potos, there are two ayllus, Chayantaka and Panakachi. The former was a member of the peasant union at the time of the research while the latter was a member of the FAOI-NP (now the NCQQ). The research was conducted in two communities within each ayllu. The authority at the community level is the alcalde communal. Also here there is a mesa directiva in each community. Both ayllus are characterized by formal stratification, with originarios at the top, agregados in the middle, and kantu runas at the bottom of the hierarchy. This stratification governs not only access to land but also political participation, with the result that kantu runas cannot ascend the ranks of the authority structure. At the communal level, formal organization serves as a nexus between the community and the state and thus de facto constitutes the local jurisdiction.
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The monthly assembly is the central political institution in rural communities throughout the central Andes in ayllus and sindicatos alike (Rasnake, 1988; Rivera, 1990; Urton, 1992; Klemola, 1997; Harris, 2000b; 2000c). Studies on the origins of the communal meeting are scarce, but Sternfelds (2004) findings in the manuscript of Huarochir suggest that it is a pre-Columbian institution.15 This is the backbone of local organization, where discussion of problems and all decisions concerning the community take place; nothing is done without discussion and a decision, preferably in consensus. In order for a meeting to be valid, a majority of comunarios must be present. As the married male represents the household in the community, it is he who attends the meeting on its behalf. The assembly is governed by a set of rules and customs that are very similar in Yamparez and Chayanta, with minor variations that will be pointed out. Internally, its principal function is to ensure social cohesion and collective survival. This entails settling disputes, ensuring that social rules are observed, organizing communal work, planning development projects, and overseeing collective aspects of production. Externally, the assembly serves as the link between the community and the higher levels of organization, as a forum for discussing political proposals from the top of the organization and the aforementioned voting for delegates for the higher levels of assembly or authority. Furthermore, the communal assembly serves as the point of connection with the municipality, development NGOs, and the state, while the communal authority acts as a representative on its behalf. Conduct is formalized; authorities must be treated with due respect and addressed as Tata (father), and the word must always be asked for from the dirigente or alcalde comunal. There are sanctions, mostly a fine or public scolding, for failure to comply with communal decisions or to perform communal work. Ideally, all households must be present; otherwise they must ask the communal authority for permission to be absent, and there is a fine for not attending. In order for a meeting to be valid the majority must be present, as decisions are perceived as legitimate only if they are sanctioned by the majority and all married men have expressed their view on the matter.16 This means that when an important issue is debated, all the males present speak one after another, a procedure that can take several hours in larger communities. Decision making is firmly rooted in the ideal and practice of consensus. Voting is hardly ever employed, and then only if consensus cannot be reached and a quick decision is needed. When different standpoints exist, those who can persevere in the almost interminable debates win the argument, while others give up so that the meeting will come to an end. Another frequent pattern is that one faction gradually wins over more and more people to its case during this process, and sometimes the change of mood in the gathering is almost palpable. Literacy skills and being able to speak well and endure the lengthy discussions are decisive in this process. Hence, the stronger comunarios and those with higher status more often than not have more leverage over decisions. Observation of ayllu meetings suggests that a kantu runas word is not as highly valued as that of an originario. Thus, as in most other societies, social status is an important factor in gaining political influence and ascending hierarchies. The practice of consulting the bases is central to Andean political culture and an integral part of political practice in both localities. The fact that only
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communal decisions are perceived to be valid means that authorities cannot dictate a decision on any important matter without previous discussion. When asked how decisions are made, authorities invariably answer that they are made by the bases.17 The dirigente or alcalde comunal asks what the community thinks, lists the various options or suggestions presented, and asks the community to decide, urging all to participate. Any decision regarding production, development projects, or political issues from the higher levels of organization is presented to the bases in this manner before a decision is sent upward in the organization or to the relevant entity.18 At the communal level authority structures are strikingly similar in Chayanta and Yamparez. The general roles of the communal authority are practically identical. Apart from ensuring social cohesion and the observation of social rules, it mainly consists in celebrating fiestas, settling disputes, representing the community externally, and ensuring that national legislation is implemented in the community. It is the duty of the secretaries of the mesa directiva to make sure that the countrys legislation is implemented in their specific areas. The functional representation of the state and the enforcement of legislation are intrinsic parts of communal organization and are inscribed into leaders obligations. Every community performs these functions alongside the internal communal practices, regardless of the type of affiliation. In both localities communal rotation patterns are based on the same principles, albeit with the aforementioned overt restrictions in the ayllu based on formal social stratification. All married males must serve as communal authority at some point in their lives, the term of office is one year, and advancement up the ranks may take place once experience has been acquired with minor secretary offices, advancing to dirigente or alcalde comunal and then perhaps beyond the hamlet. At the supracommunal levels, leadership rotation follows the settlement structures two or three levels up. Here, rotation takes place in regular turns within a cabildo or subcentral. Within the pattern of delegation to the higher levels of organization, rotation takes place among localities. This is also the case at the lower levels of hierarchy in the peasant union up to the subcentral level. At the higher levels of organization where the polity departs from the direct association with the settlement structure, rotation is a clear ideal and is practiced, though not in the strict order that we find at the lower levels of organization. While the ideals behind the rotation are fairness and collaboration between local areas based on mutual dependency in terms of production or produce, in reality other factors, such as political differences and local rivalries, come into play at this intermediate level.19 Regarding ascent through the ranks, in the ayllus the kantu runas can occupy only the lower posts within the hamlet and agregados are seldom able to occupy the highest positions in the ayllu hierarchy. The main differences in terms of organizational structure and political practice at the communal level are first that the formalized internal stratification in ayllus has direct consequences for access to political participation; particularly, kantu runas have restricted political rights. Second, the hierarchy is steeper in ayllus than in other communities; higher-level authorities can overrule decisions made at lower levels, and women cannot participate, while in the union there are no formal barriers to womens participation. On the whole,
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however, these differences remain relatively small variations in a set of communal institutions, ideology, and political practices that constitute a common type of polity, which provides the underpinnings of the revival of ancestral institutions in contemporary indigenous and peasant organizations. ETHNICITY, CLASS, AND REPRESENTATION IN THE BOLIVIAN HIGHLANDS Corporative group representation remains the most important organizing principle in Bolivian society. The incorporation of the rural corporate community into a larger political superstructure has a long historical trajectory and is common throughout the Andean region, be it the peasant union or indigenous organizations. Regional and local organizations have several points of articulation with the state and form a coherent set of representative institutions from the community through the provincial level. Consequently, where newly created indigenous organizations take over, they also take over the organizational infrastructure of rural communities, with their existing practices and institutions.20 As we have seen, this dynamic has resulted in three main modes of corporatist organization, which exist in varying combinations depending on local historical, geographic, and sociocultural factors: (1) the communal and immediate supracommunal levels directly associated with the settlement structure, (2) a local political superstructure that does not correspond directly to the settlement structure but constitutes a local polity containing several elements of ancestral consensus democracy and at the same time serves as a nexus with the higher levels of organization, and (3) overarching organizational superstructures such as the CSUTCB or the CONAMAQ that arrive from the outside and incorporate the local polity. The intermediate level thus has two main characteristics; it is here that the local polity becomes an abstract political superstructure proper, and it functions as the point of articulation between the communal level and the overarching structure of corporatist organizations. It is significant that change of affiliation on behalf of localities does not alter their internal organizational structure. Furthermore, the fact that even in ayllus that have remained without organizational affiliation, the higher levels of organization are separate from the settlement structure, indicates that the ancestral polity becomes abstract as a superstructure. The fact that these features also exist at the local levels of organization in areas that have been affiliated to the peasant union for 50 years suggests that the superstructure rests on communal political institutions that have endured in various forms. Also in terms of decision making, there is a shift at the intermediate level of corporatist organization. At the communal and immediate supracommunal levels, ancestral political practice has endured in varying forms of interaction with the state and other institutions. At the intermediate level, practices of consensus democracy connect with corporatist delegation and voting at congresses. Corporatist delegation is anchored in communal consensus democracy, and it is this feature that lends it its representative qualities. As we have seen, rotation and delegation are combined at the lower levels, where delegation is rooted in communal consensus democracy. Accordingly, there is a distinction between
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decision making regarding qualitative issues such as production, development projects, and stances on political matters, on the one hand, and the election of authorities, on the other. While rotation applies at the communal level, corporatist delegation in combination with voting at assemblies prevails at the apex of the organization. At the intermediate level these two types of decision making and election of authorities articulate with each other, so that corporatist delegation becomes seamless throughout the hierarchy in spite of the qualitative differences between this and communal-level consensus democracy. This dynamic governs the internal difference between the communal and national levels in the CSUTCB and the CONAMAQ alike as the main mechanism of contemporary flexibility of Andean social organization. It is worth stressing that the specificity of the Andean communal organization is rooted in that of its subsistence agriculture. Everyday reproduction of indigenous identity is inextricably linked to agricultural practices and their all-encompassing significance in rural life. Communal political culture rests on collective survival strategies, and everyday political practices are directly related to these. Therefore, at the local level the identities of indigenous and campesino, that is, the ethnic and the socioeconomic aspects of this social group, are two sides of the same coin. This means that their representation in real terms entails both aspects, be it in the CSUTCB or in the CONAMAQ. In the rural Bolivian Andes, to be part of a rural community means to be a peasant to the same extent as it means to be indigenous.21 Seen from a rural perspective, class representation and the representation of ethnic identity effectively amount to the same thing. Thus, in terms of interest representation, there is no intrinsic difference between the two organizations; they operate in this socio-ethnic spectrum of differentiation, in which ethnic identity and class markers are interlocked. The flexibility of Andean organization and the incorporation of communities, ayllus, and partial polities into overarching superstructures result in the similarities across organizations, at the bottom and the top respectively, while the differences are to be found between these levels within each organization. These differences are based on the generic difference between consensus democracy (the local levels) and corporatist organization (regional and national levels). In both organizations a revival and reinvention of ancestral practices is taking place. The functioning of communal political institutions is particularly important to the understanding of this process; it constitutes the basis of the current reconstructivism of indigenous political practices at the higher levels of organization, as well as in the political discourse of urban indigenous groups. In the struggle between different organizations and their internal factions to represent the indigenous population and identity, a redefinition of tradition is taking place in which new titles and customs are created as the practices from lower levels of organization are introduced at the higher levels. This indicates that ancestral culture and practices are not inherent qualities or fixed entities; like other identities they are relative and in constant flux. An indication of this reality is that much of the profiling takes place at the discursive level. Indeed, ideological presentation and claims are among the most apparent differences between the two, as the CONAMAQ has gained ground on the basis of a highly indigenist and reconstructivist agenda. However, even in this realm there are strong similarities, as both organizations display a
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mixture of indigenist/utopian, socialist/Marxist, and anticapitalist discourse (CONAMAQ, 2007; FAOI-NP, 1999; CSUTCB, 1994a; 1994b; interviews, Julin Cuellar, mallku mayor, FAOI-NP, 19.02.2000; Felipe Quispe, El Mallku, executive leader of the CSUTCB and leader of the Movimiento Indgena Pachakutai [MIP], 9.7.2000; Zenn Yucra, mayor, Unca, member of Ayllu Layme, 20.02.2001, Eleuterio Coyo, segunda mayor, Ayllu Chayantaka, 8.1.2001; Germn Yucra, leader of the FSUTCCH [currently senator for MAS], 24.5.2000 and 29.3.2000).22 The clearest example of this is CONAMAQs aim to re-create the Qollasuyu.23 This exact claim was repeatedly made by Felipe Quispe, El Mallku, when he was heading the CSUTCB in the early 2000s. Arguably, the main difference in this respect is that the CONAMAQ has set out to realize this goal with strong institutional and financial support from international NGOs and donors (Van Cott, 2000; Vacacela, 2005). This is not to deny the social and cultural differences between the two organizations and the geographical areas they represent. Nor is it to imply that it is of no consequence what type of organization prevails in rural areas. Rather, the aim is to point out that although the indigenous populations in the Andes have undergone manifold historical, economic, and organizational experiences, they also share a series of traits that manifest themselves as variations on a theme. It would therefore be erroneous to assume that one locality or its legitimate representative organization is more authentic or indigenous than another. CONCLUSIONS Ethnicity and class are inextricably linked in the central Andes, historically, economically, and socioculturally, and this socio-ethnic complex is in turn closely associated with rural and urban spaces. This has two main implications. First, crude indigenous/Western distinctions in terms of social organization are false dichotomies in this context. Secondly, the strong association of ethnicity and class is a product of deep-seated historical processes and reflects the contemporary socioeconomic reality. Therefore the class/ethnicity dichotomy, which views indigenous identity as the sum of remnants of pre-Columbian practices and customs and class as mere position in the economic structure based on the formal, capitalist economy, is also false in this context. The long colonial and postcolonial history and the resulting social, ethnic, and rural-urban spectrum mean that for the rural indigenous population, more often than not the class and ethnic elements of their identity are perceived as one; they are Quechua or Aymara, members of an ayllu or community, and they are peasants. Arguably, in terms of organization and representation, they are indigenous peasants, a term that is now widely accepted among scholars in this field. The dynamic that connects ethnicity with class is also central to organizational structure and representation in rural areas. Therefore, the differences between the CONAMAQ and the CSUTCB are of degree rather than of nature, of rhetoric and identity formation rather than of socioeconomic, political, or cultural reality, let alone intrinsic or millenarian truth. The fact that the two organizations are similar in structure, representation, and practice, in combination with the fact that the significant differences in this respect are to be found between the local levels of organization and the regional/national levels,
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reflects the functioning of the socio-ethnic spectrum of differentiation in the connection between the different levels of decision making, between the rural and the urban, and between different forms of civil-society organization and the state. With the general tendency toward more ancestral practices and indigenist rhetoric at the top of the organizations, a change in terminology and titles is taking place, from province to nation, from dirigente to jilakata, kuraka, and mallku. However, while allegiances, acronyms, and rhetoric change swiftly in the highly politicized Bolivian public sphere, realities on the ground in rural communities do not. Because the local institutions are embedded in collective survival strategies and everyday practice, at this level normative changes seep through only slowly. Conversely, while policy changes and organizational discourse filter down from the apex of the organization through the corporatist system, they do not alter realities in rural communities substantially in short periods of time. It would therefore be erroneous to assume that Evo Moraless time in government has substantially altered the long-standing communal practices, forms of representation, and organizational structures uncovered in this paper. The issue of defining indigeneity from the outside is contentious at the best of times; to draw any conclusions as to which type of organization is more authentic or best represents the indigenous population would certainly be a daunting task. The present analysis suggests that it is important to bear in mind that whether an organization adequately represents indigenous people can be determined only by its members or prospective members themselves. The study of indigenous movements calls for detailed examination of concrete practices in their specific historical, societal, and cultural contexts. In the Bolivian case, the data suggest that indigenous organizations, though they represent socially and economically excluded sectors of society, form part of the societal structure and present a common history that is reflected in strong similarities in terms of organizational structure, representation, and decisionmaking patterns.
NOTES
1. The organization changed its name in 2006 in line with the shift from geography to nationhood as the basis of formal organization. 2. The research was carried out between January 2000 and December 2001. Recorded material includes approximately 80 assemblies at the communal, subregional, and regional levels, interviews with authorities at all levels of organization, formal and informal interviews with comunarios, and 39 group interviews. A survey on political participation with 160 respondents was also conducted at the community level. The author lived permanently in the countryside for 20 months and traveled to several other rural communities as a consultant. 3. The term is a modification of Wolfs (1957) closed corporate community. This is not to return to earlier Marxist discussions of peasantries but rather to use a term that is recognizable and designates the corporatist features of communal organization. The term may be applied to refer to the endogamous features in combination with what Harris (1982) has termed the ethnic economy. 4. See Mendoza, Flores, and Letourneux (1994) for detailed descriptions of the nine ayllus of Northern Potos, which clearly bear out the corporatist structure of their organization and the variations on a theme.
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5. The ayllu briefly joined the peasant union during the famine in 19851986. 6. See Strbele-Gregor (1996; 1994), Hahn (1996), Rivera (1987), Alb (1994; 2004), and Korovkin (2006) for detailed accounts of the history of the CSUTCB. 7. See Lucero (2006) and Vacacela (2005) for recent descriptions of the CONAMAQ. 8. Until 2006 the organization was based on political division of the country and its structure was identical to that of the CSUTCB, except for the fact that it did not cover the entire national geography. 9. Suyu means country in Quechua. 10. This may be practical for ayllus within a municipality of a geographical region with specific issues in common. 11. For an analysis of how the Andean ideal of complementarity serves to reproduce womens exclusion from political participation, see Pape (2008). 12. Vacacela (2005: 2930) comments that the real influence of these female authorities is virtually nonexistent. 13. The Inca Empire (Quechua Four Countries in One). 14. Indeed, Mores (2002) detailed study of reciprocity and the rules that govern it is based on data from Chuquisaca, where sindicato organization prevails. 15. Several studies suggest that the authority structure and the sociopolitical identity of Bolivian rural communities are amalgamations of ancestral and other practices, such as those of the church, colonial institutions, and the peasant union (Platt, 1982; Klemola, 1997; Harris, 2000a; Sternfeld, 2004). 16. On womens political participation or the lack of it see Pape (2008). 17. This is, of course, the ideal. In reality, in both localities a smaller group tends to speak a lot and dominate discussions while about half of the inhabitants speak once on each subject and one-third remains silent. 18. In minor disputes between individuals, the dirigente or alcalde communal often settles the matter with a swift decision, just as he decides on appropriate sanctions against transgressions of communal social rules. 19. This was the case in the FAOI-NP in 20002001, as well as in the FSUTCCH. See Vacacela (2005: 21) for a description of current rivalries within the CONAMAQ. 20. Arguably, this is also what happened when the peasant union incorporated rural communities in various regions at different times between 1953 and 1985. 21. The term indigenous peasant, which has become generally accepted in the field, describes this fact. Alb (1997: 910), who coined the term, asserts that the indigenous population and the campesinos constitute a common historical, cultural, and socioeconomic grouping. 22. Another example is Evo Moraless Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement toward SocialismMAS), which is widely accepted as an indigenist political party. The equation of ancestral practices and socialism is common in the Bolivian highlands. 23. The part of Tawantinsuyu that covers the current Bolivian Andean region.
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Indigenous Movements and the Andean Dynamics of Ethnicity and Class Organization, Representation, and Political Practice in the

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Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

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Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Authority: SegundaMayor

Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

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Organizational Structure of the CSUTCB

Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

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Organizational Structure of the CONAMAQ (Vacacela, 2005: 27)

Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS CONAMAQ NCQQ Markas

Internal political and organizational structure

Internal political and organizational structure

Internal political and organizational structure

Organizational Structure of the NCQQ

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Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

Structure of Rotation within the CONAMAQ (Vacacela, 2005: 42)

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Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

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Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

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Pape / ANdEAN dyNAMICS Of ETHNICITy ANd CLASS

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