Вы находитесь на странице: 1из 16

ARTH 22

Tram Le Professor Emily Breault 15 March 2012

THE MANIPULATION PUBLIC SCULPTURES TO TRANSMIT CULTURAL IDEALS

Le 1 Introduction Freestanding public sculptures in Renaissance Florence were not simply made for the idea of "art for art's sake" but rather served as a symbolic representation of political power and cultural identity. This form of art was an effective communication medium for persuasion purposes; sculptures transmit messages better than any other literary or artistic devices due to their tremendous beauty, notable size, and strategic placement. During the period from fourteenth to sixteenth century Florence, observers could not help but notice the apparent shift in attitude from "devotion and admiration to suspicion and outright fear"1 for female subjects in the public monuments. As a result, knowing that public sculptures "crystallize interpretations of cultural identity in visual form and influence the citizenry's perception of them,"2 Florentine elites strategically manipulated this form of art, both content and placement, to imply misogynistic viewpoints and reinforce patriarchal ideals for its citizens to follow. Statement of Research Matthews's and Johnson's Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy introduces the idea of cultural shift in attitude towards women from the period of fourteenth to sixteenth century Florence, apparent through the constant replacement of sculptures that depict powerful female figures. Then, Steinberg's Sexuality of Christ serves as an inspiration for the paper; it makes one curious whether Renaissance art is indeed too competent for its own good. Florentine leaders seemed to possess a terrified mindset for realistic sculptures that emphasize female strength. Franklin's Boccaccio's Amazons and Their Legacy in Renaissance Art: Confronting the Threat of Powerful Women explains the concept of powerful female images in Renaissance art,
1

Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. 2 McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Le 2 which directly relates to the fear of such subjects and resulted in their removal in the first place. McHam's Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture and Olson's Italian Renaissance Sculpture interpret the monuments in artistic terms, pointing out different perspectives that can easily be missed. Finally, all these concepts are tied together by Paulo Tinagli's Women in Italian Renaissance Art: Gender, Representation, Identity, which explores the positive depictions of women in art, thus allowing deeper analysis on how Florentine elites manipulated art to indirectly violate these virtues and enforce patriarchal ideals. Women as Representations of Important Virtues Before the shift in attitude towards female sculptures, the Madonna's purity and her sacred love for the Christ Child was the prevailing subject for Renaissance Florentine sculptors. In the Piazza del Duomo, one can immediately notice Madonna being depicted above each of the Duomo's three main portals, with statues of Old Testament figures linked to Marian prophecies also placed on the faade. In the central lunette, the Madonna and Child [Figure 1] (as the Throne of Wisdom), a sculpture of St. Mary with the Christ Child on her lap, dominates the architecture. This marble public figure was created by Arnolfo di Cambio, around 1296-1310.3 Cambrio shows the Virgin, while holding on to the Christ Child, looks into the faraway distance as though watching over the city of Florence. Because of such symbolic interpretation, this statue had always been respected because Florentine citizens believed St. Mary was protecting them. Besides this art piece, the Virgin's importance could be seen in other visual means such as the "Quattrocento practice of placing stone, stucco, and terracotta reliefs of the Virgin and Child in

Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press.

Le 3 tabernacles located on neighborhood street corners."4 In brief, St. Mary was the ultimate example of an influential female subject in Renaissance sculptural art. Besides overtly expressed religious ideals, secular female figures displayed during fifteenth century Florence also represented other positive concepts. An example can be seen in Donatello's Dovizia [Figure 2], a sculpture created in the late 1420s for the town's central market place, Mercato Vecchio. Donatello shows a woman high on an antique column, holding a cornucopia on one arm while simultaneously balancing a basket of fruits on her head. The meaning behind this art piece relates to the virtue of Wealth, which gives rise to Charity, an important part of the Christian's Three Cardinal Virtues.5 Dovizia is significant because it shows positive qualities using a female image that is not related to a religious icon. However, less and less virtuous female sculptures were created as time progressed and artists chose to shine light on male dominance instead. Shift in Attitude The first evidence that demonstrates the fear of powerful heroine sculptural monument lies in the constant relocation of Donatello's bronze sculpture, Judith Slaying Holofernes [Figure 3] (mid-fifteenth century).6 The statue was at first commissioned by the Medici family, Florentine rulers during the fourteenth century, before their expulsion in 1495. The subject is of Judith, captured in the moment, as she lifts the scimitar and is about to slice Holofernes's neck while he helplessly awaits his fate. When the Republican replaced the Medici family to rule over Florence, they kept this statue as a symbol of the humble city's (Judith's) triumph over proud
4

Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. 5 Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. 6 McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Le 4 tyrants (the Medici family). Supposedly, Judith is "virtuous" and displays the concept of an "inherently weaker woman [who] could have slain the powerful warrior only by the grace of God."7 Thus, Judith could be seen as the destined protector of Florence, similar to how she saved the Jewish people and the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem. The Florentine citizens regarded Judith as a heroine, respecting her role as the city's protector like the Virgin Mary in Arnolfo di Cambio's Madonna and Child [Figure 1]. Similar to the concept behind Leo Steinberg's statement, that naturalism makes Renaissance art "too competent for its own good,"8 the realistic depiction of Judith caused Florentine elites to realize that this female subject was a "potentially dangerous female idol turned into an inspiring civic monument."9 Due to this reason, Judith Slaying Holofernes posed as a threat to the patriarchal principles in sixteenth century Florence. The Palace Herald Messer Francesco argues that this public monument was a "deadly sign" because "it is not fitting that the woman should slay the man."10 The Florentine elites also blamed the town's recent misfortunes on this sculpture, although it had been there before such incidents. As a result, Judith Slaying Holofernes was removed from the raised platform (ringhiera) in front of the Piazza della Signoria and replaced by Michelangelo's marble statue of David [Figure 4] (1504).11 The statue of David was regarded as a perfect replacement for Judith Slaying Holofernes because David is a hero-the man who singlehandedly killed Goliath, a triumph that made possible only by God. Yet, Florentine rulers could not allow Judith, a female figure, to serve this
7 8

McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Steinberg, L. (1983). The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion. New York: Pantheon Books. 9 Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. 10 Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. 11 McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Le 5 role. Here, spectators can see the shift of female subjects from being heroines and representing important virtues to becoming the causal of misfortunes without any basis. The only one to blame was Donatello, whose masterpiece is too realistic for its own good. At first, Judith Slaying Holofernes was moved inside the palace, then was placed outside at the northwest arch of the Loggia dei Lanzi, and finally to the less visible east arch to diminish its importance altogether. The constant relocation of this statue displays an apparent fear of female authority in Renaissance Florence, and the extent at which public sculpture served as a medium to transmit cultural beliefs. Out with the Good, in with the Bad Male figures became more dominant in public sculptures in sixteenth century Florence; the rest of the monuments "depicted predominantly evil or powerless women."12 During this transition, Cambio's Madonna carvings for the three lunettes above the main entrance portals of the Duomo were removed. In addition, future portrayals of the Virgin Mary were usually paired with statues of Medici rulers of the same scale to decrease her iconographic importance. Obviously, the subject of the Virgin Mary could not be completely ignored, but she was no longer seen as an admirable protector and was portrayed very passively in all her depictions. Asides from removing positive images, negative allusions were added to fasten the process of implementing misogynistic views. An example of illustrated female cruelty could be seen through Vincenzo Danti's Salome at the Execution of the Baptist [Figure 5] (1571).13 Danti's sculpture replaced the set of statues representing the Three Cardinal Virtues at the Florence Baptistry. Instead of having beautiful female figures signifying Faith, Hope, and
12

Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. 13 McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Le 6 Charity, Florentine elites chose to show Salome holding the platter that would soon carry John the Baptist's head, after his execution. According to Olson, the author of Italian Renaissance Sculpture, "her [Salome's] elongated form and elaborate costume are emphasized at the expense of the cruelty and horror in her face."14 In other words, Salome's beauty is there to accentuate the frightening expressions that she displays. Salome at the Execution of the Baptist's placement showed the apparent intention of spreading misogynistic ideas because "female wickedness would have been visible to Florentine citizens on a daily basis."15 Again, public monuments serve as an important medium to transmit subliminal messages; in this case, this particular art piece was there to reinforce female cruelty in the mind of the town's residents. "Masculinized" Florence In addition to showing negative images of women, Florentine leaders "masculinized" the town hall square to completely reverse the "woman on top"16 theme. They took this task literally by placing Benvenuto Cellini's bronze statue, Perseus holding the Head of Medusa [Figure 6] (1554)17, in the Piazza della Signoria. To make their point obvious, Florentine elites ordered Cellini to show Perseus physically standing on top of Medusa's decapitated female body, holding her snaky head of hair. In this statue, Cellini captures the moment after Perseus outwitted the gorgon by using his metal shield to block Medusa's gaze, then chopped off her head. Once again, the theme of male heroism is apparent, aided by the portrayal of a victimized evil woman. In fact, Perseus holding the Head of Medusa is a "conscious imitation of Judith [Figure 3] in

14 15

Olson, R. J. (1992). Italian Renaissance Sculpture. London: Thames and Hudson. Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. 16 Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. 17 McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Le 7 material, composition, and theme made it a corrective to the earlier statue."18 Clearly, Florentine rulers aimed to reverse the town's previous "misconceptions" of female heroism and further emphasized female wickedness by attacking those virtues directly. Despite the negative representation of women, Perseus holding the Head of Medusa is a masterpiece because it is made to be noticed. According to Roberta Olson, the author of Italian Renaissance Sculpture, Medusa's "blood spurting from her neck and dripping from her head is beguilingly decorative rather than revolting," and her face displays a "sensuous beauty of Classical representation creating a much more psychologically sinister monster."19 In other words, the female subject is purposely made beautiful to enhance the male's presence. Although Medusa is a dreadful female monster, her beautiful cruelty adds to the overall art piece so that its reinforcement of masculinity can be read more clearly. It is still ironic, however, because "the greatest compliment Renaissance humanism could bestow on a woman was to liken her to a man."20 Yet, Perseus holding the Head of Medusa was made with the intention of being similar to Judith Slaying Holofernes[Figure 3], a statue that represents female authority. On top of that, the Perseus sculpture itself needs the female subject of Medusa to complete it. Whether Florentine leaders realized this or not is unclear, but they certainly put in a lot of effort in decreasing the importance of femininity while ironically relying on it to bring out patriarchal ideals. Finally, the rejection of dominant female figures to bring forth political messages was apparent through Giambologna's Rape of the Sabine [Figure 7] (1583).21 In this art piece, Giambologna created the subject of a Roman man abducting a young Sabine woman, while an
18 19

McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Olson, R. J. (1992). Italian Renaissance Sculpture. London: Thames and Hudson. 20 Franklin, M. (2010). Boccaccio's Amazons and Their Legacy in Renaissance Art: Confronting the Threat of Powerful Women. Woman's Art Journal, 31(1), II-20. 21 McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Le 8 old male bystander watches helplessly. At first, Giambologna had no specific subject in mind and clarified that he "began his sculpture interested solely by the technical challenge of carving three nameless figures in a choreographed struggle."22 However, the Grand Duke Francesco de' Medici wanted to make this statue a symbol of the Medici family's power, therefore demanded Giambologna to give the sculpture its current name. Similar to the concept of a man conquering the woman's body, this statue represents the Grand Duke's possession of Florence. Located at the Loggia dei Lanzi, Rape of the Sabine gave the public a promise: Florence would be identified as the new Rome, "taken over by the duke results in a new and stronger state."23 Because this sculpture replaced Donatello's Judith Slaying Holofernes [Figure 3] in 1582 in the northwest arch of the Loggia dei Lanzi, an obvious comparison can be made: both statues were politically significant, but the negative shift in attitude towards women became transparent through the female subject transforming from a heroine into a victim. Moreover, Rape of the Sabine was a demonstration of male sexual power through a cultural and artistic context. As previously mentioned, because this sculpture could be directly compared to Donatello's heroic subject, Judith, any concept that rejects Donatello's portrayal is evident of misogynistic implications. Since "warrior women from the classical past either pledged eternal virginity or engaged in sexual relations only for the purpose of procreation,"24 their purity symbolized their power. By having a man violating this virtue, Florentine elites could further diminish a woman from being an authoritative figure. In the artistic sense, Renaissance art interpreted that "nakedness stands for the purity of spirituality."25 Rape of the Sabine, on the

22 23

McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 24 Franklin, M. (2010). Boccaccio's Amazons and Their Legacy in Renaissance Art: Confronting the Threat of Powerful Women. Woman's Art Journal, 31(1), II-20. 25 Tinagli, P. (1997). Women in Italian Renaissance Art: Gender, Representation, Identity. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

Le 9 other hand, shows the naked female body being conquered by a man, which is a sign that demonstrates her pure spirit completely deprived. As a result, the female figure was condemned from a political, cultural, and artistic standpoint, and all of this was done by implementing these messages on public monuments. Conclusion Public sculptures in Renaissance Florence were not only made for the purpose of appreciation but also as a mean of transmitting cultural ideals. During the period of fourteenth to sixteenth century, there was an apparent shift in attitude, discouraging female figures to represent positive virtues and political principles in these pieces of art. First, Florentine leaders decided to remove female iconographic symbols such as Arnolfo di Cambrio's carvings of the Madonna in the Piazza del Duomo, and required artists to give the Virgin Mary passive roles in future creations. Next, the rulers reminded their citizens of female wickedness through sculptures such as Danti's Salome at the Execution of the Baptist and tarnished the heroic female image by replacing Donatello's Judith Slaying Holofernes with Michelangelo's David. Although both characters symbolize heroic ideals, the Florentine elites refused to let a woman bring forth this message. As though replacing a heroine with a hero is not enough, Florentine rulers combated any idea of female power altogether by using Cellini's Perseus holding the Head of Medusa to directly challenge Donatello's statue. Then, they "masculinzed" the town by replacing Judith Slaying Holofernes with Giambologna's Rape of the Sabine in the Loggia dei Lanzi. Rape of the Sabine was significant not only for its political implications but also for its display of misogynistic allusions and patriarchal ideals through both cultural and artistic approaches. By

Le 10 slowly removing positive images of female icons, replacing them with powerful male characters, and simultaneously depicting women in a very negative light, Florentine rulers successfully enforced political messages with a misogynistic viewpoint to their citizens through the most effective medium during that time period: the public sculptures.

Le 11 Works Cited Franklin, M. (2010). Boccaccio's Amazons and Their Legacy in Renaissance Art: Confronting the Threat of Powerful Women. Woman's Art Journal, 31(1), II-20. Grieco, S. F., & Johnson, G. A. (1997). Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge University Press. McHam, S. B. (1998). Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Olson, R. J. (1992). Italian Renaissance Sculpture. London: Thames and Hudson. Steinberg, L. (1983). The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion. New York: Pantheon Books. Tinagli, P. (1997). Women in Italian Renaissance Art: Gender, Representation, Identity. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

Le 12

[Figure 1] Arnolfo di Cambio, Madonna and Child, 1296-1310

[Figure 2] Mercato Vecchiio in Florence (with Donatello's Dovizia on a column on the left side), late 16th century

Le 13

[Figure 3] Donatello, Judith beheading Holofernes, mid fifteenth century

[Figure 4] Michelangelo, David, 1504

Le 14

[Figure 5] Vincenzo Danti, Salome at the Execution of the Baptist, 1571

[Figure 6] Benvenuto Cellini, Perseus holding the Head of the Medusa, 1554

Le 15

[Figure 7] Giambologna, The Rape of the Sabine, 1582

Вам также может понравиться