MAATHIR-UL-UMARA

(ENGLISH TRANSLATION WITH NOTES AND PREFACE)

_I'III+.I.11411111114.1114111l21111.IIIIIIIIIII!II!:;III!!III!IIII-------:----

l
THE MAATHIR-UL-UMARA
BEI~G

BIOGRAPHIES OF THE MUI:IAM:MADAN AND HINDU OFFICERS OF THE TIMURID SOVEREIGNS OF INDIA FROM 1500 TO ABOUT 1780 A.oD.
BY

NAWWAB $A.M$AM-UD-DAULA SH.~H XAWAZ KH.\K

A~D

HIS

SO~

'ABDUL .!fA YY
(SECOND ElJITION) ntANsLATED BY

H. BEVEltIDGE, B.C.S. (RETD.)

REVISED. ANNOTATED ANlJ COM.PLETED BY

BAINI PRASHAD, D.Se., F.R.A.S.B.

VOLUME

JANAKI PRAKASHAN
Ashok Rajpath Patna-4

PREFACE

~,

I
l-

The late Professor Dowson 1 rightly described the Madf1lir-ut-Umara as 'the Peerage of the Mughal Empire', and remarked 'It consists of a Biographical Dictionary of the i1l.ustrious men who hl-Ne fiourished in Hindiistan and the Dakhin under the house of T"uniir from Akbar to 1155 A.H. ' He described it as the work of Shah Nawaz Khan I;la.m~m-ud Daula, and referred to its two manuscript editions. The first was prepared b! th.e auth~r, and later r~stored~t~ a fe~ editio~ by Mir Q...hulim 'Ali Azad; lt conslsted of 261 blOgraphles Including the life of the author by the editor. The second edition was the work of the son of' Samsamu-d daula, named 'Abdu-l Hai Khan' who 'completed the work in its present form. . . .. The biographit's in the second edition are 731 2 in number giving an increase of 569 lives not contained in the former edition. They are very ably written, and are full of important historical detail; and as they include the lives of all the most eminent men who fiourished in the times of the Mughal Emperors of the House of Timiir down to 1194 A.H. (1780 A.D.), the Ma-iisiru-~ umara must always hold its place as one of the most valuable books of reference for the student of Indian History'. From this brief but very succilJ,ct description of the gent'sis of the Maiilhir-ulJUmara, it is clear that the work was planned and executed by the author whose full name was Mir 'Abd-ur-Razzaq, Nawwab I;la~m-ud-Daula Shah Nawaz Khan Khawii.fi Auranga.badi. It was during the period of this forced retirement of six years following the defeat of his patron N3.l;lir Jang in the battle of Burhanpiir on 3rd August, 1741, and till he was reappointed governor of Berar in 1747, that he devoted himself to the compilation of the work. s In the life of the author by Mir @ulam 'All .Azad the period of his retirement is incorrectly given as five years'. Mter I;lam~am.ud-Daula's reinstatement in office, the work was apparently forgotten, but in reply to a remark l> of his Bon 'Abdul ij:.ayy he suggested that the latter should complete it. After eamf;1am.ud.Daula'B arrest on 5th April, 1758, his hOllse was plundered, and th!' manuscript of MadtJ!ir.ul-Uma.ra together with all his library was lost. It was recovered in an incomplete form a year later, and some twelve years after its composition (i.e., in 1759), it was rearranged and completed by the author~s close friend and associate Mir Q.,hulam 'Ali Azad ll ; this constituted the so-called first edition. 7 'Abdul J:layy, who
1 Elliot and Dowson, History of India, VIII, pp. 187-189 (1877); the account, as the editor noted, is based mainly on Morley, Descr. Oat. Hist. MSS. Arabic and Persian Roy. As. Sac., pp. 101-105 (1854). 2 In reference to the number of biographies also see Beveridge's Note I 011 p. 33 of the translation. The biographies by the son'Abdul ~ayy are distinguished by the letter Qiij which is an abbreviation AZ~ or supplement. a Maii!!Jir.uZ-Umara, Text IJI, pp. 727, 728. ~ Maii!hir-uZ-Umara, Text I, p. 19, Beveridge's translati~m, p. 16. 6 Maii!hir-uZ-Umara, TOO<t I, p. 3, Beveridge's translation, p. 2. 6 Maii!hir-uZ-Umara, Text I, p. ll, Beveridge's translation, p. 10. . 7 For descriptions of the two editions, see in addition to Mor1ey and :Qowson clted already, Rieu. Oat. Perswn MSS. British _'Ifuseum, I, pp. 339-341 (1879), and Ivanow, W., Descr. Cat. Persian MSS. As. Soc. BengaZ, pp. 69, 70, Nos. 213,

The Maathir-ul-UmartJ
Printed in India .. First reprint Edition with exhaustive index, 1979 . h Published by R.B. Singh tor Janaki Pra.kashan, Ashok RaJl,at l'atna4 . Printed a.t Mehra. Offilet1'ress. Dary1. Ganj, New Delhi.

214 (1924).

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1~

PREFACE PREFACE

vii

Vl

d hi' fathp!"s title I ',' l who latN !',~ceIVC ". h" h,td fOl'tunaldy eseape~. ~1~t;~.I'p~~;)aration of additio~a~ blOg;a&;~;; 11lld a hHigh(I~~.I~k6:~<;~arD) ll\ld completed t~c seedontdh(dbltal~II:'~ the thl'Cl' lI8') .\ 100' "."'. ., ., h' h forme ,e n n (17;'() .~.D.) l: it waR ~~i8 ellt~~~ WI ~~ the Asiatic Society ofBengal ~lllr vo!lnneR oftlH'> Ti'xt.('d~tlOn pu .18 leI . On the title pages of the t 11'ee

in' 1887-H6 (for detaIls V!.~eln{r:~~ work pubiished. up t~ 1914, ~r. H. g t. f the l"ng,lish translation o ' d l "'h-h Nawiiz Khan and hIS son -b S oa-nlu-d- au a ,-, a . k' cated lJar s o ' , id e gives 'Nawa . am,? o h s ThiJo\ mIsta .' IS rep Bevpr g , a~ the names of the ...ut ur. 'ic(' of th!' work and by .Abdul ,,~aqq 2 ' h'. short but valuable not, f 'Ab InI Haqq in lJ ' BenI Prasad m IS, . n '80n of th!' nau1l' o 1_.. ., Jb 3 There is no l,efl'rpnce to a)_ l Daula in thl'> llfna!hlr, no.r I,S Al' cn). . l t of Samsam-u< . '. f . l letailed the autobiogr,aphlca ~ccOllm .Sthp ]:oint author of work m_t~e _adlr y II 'Abdul n InpntlOne< a s . nh 1- l ' A.h ~za anI any sue h IH'rso . ' n' of M(/(Uhir by 'L U a]~. . the name biogl'a!lhies ~t1ld 1\P";Cl'lptlO s " tl ' -<lup to B'\'l'ndge readmg t th . t k IS apparl'n \ ' e Ha,v\'. Thl' \llls.a -e l H A similar miRtak 'm relcerence obook e 'Th', .. b t l H'v\, aR 'Abdu . aqq. f ' ' ' t 4 who stated: l" A l U h: a. 'f the work was malll' by dP\\Ral'-k Shiih NiUi,z Khiin, and nuthors ll? o "A.bd al Hv Ben Abd al ~za,' was complIed by. . - ' l D ,l A D 1779 . . .B l finished hy hi~ so~ SUl;l~~~;~xt,~:~i~ion'b; thc Asiatic. So~'ici8~tan~nt~e Th\' pubhcatlOn o ' . fM. lvi <\. bdur Rahlln III , , mder the editorship o . au , . 'f A.li in three volumes m wa.s ,,;tarted \ l .d b' "Maulvi Mirza AsIHa . _. us parts are work was comp etc t . of publication, etc., uf the "\iana . . 1896. Details of the aes ns follows:." 887.88). edited by M. AbdUl' ~ahm1. Yol. I-FasclCles I-IX.(I d (18"4) bv M. Ashraf Ah. J" . les x, Xl , In pX ld't d b M AbdUl' Rah'lm. F asClC Il-Faseiclps i-ix (1888-89), ed\p.. t ~f C~ntents of Vols. II, Yol. Fascic1ps x-xii. Index an ,I~ III (1896), by M. Ashraf Ah. . . ' 89{)-95) bv M. Ashraf Ah. . \'01. lIl-Fascwles l-Xl (l, . , . d h' talented wife 'd t whom an IS '11 Tn July, 1906, Mr. BH'v~~~eg:1 g;st~ldents of ~ndianfHAiks~~~:~ ""1' l\ nette Susanna e ' . l translatIons o ' , "1',,. n '. . l bt d for theIr master y d the Babu/'always rem~~ ~n~ e e _ un-Nama of Gulbadan Begam an ublieation TiJ,znk-i-.]a1iii n gm , H1tmaYfur the Asiatic Soeiety of:'3engfal ~r 1-aathir-ulN ama--offprpd to prepare. E "\ish translatlOn o t e 8 ~ 'h' B'bl'othecn Indica senes an n? '. t' g of November, 190 , In t p l l f h S .ety m ItS meI' m . F . l ' Ihnruii.' The Councila t e OCI cf s of the work comprismg asclC es ~""n'ed to its publication, and 600 ha~ere issued in 1911, 1913 and '~2 3-4 and 56, of 200 pages eac '. al habetical arrangem.cn _0r in the the. otthe nohT'ce: h . p" tIl e. bioffraph1es, but natur y vo Ium eo of the Text-edlho,n. h, . th three n ' f rence t O different from that m ,P d t' n including the remarks m reh~ h'ch . part conSlS t s o f thp intro rf 10f -thl' author-anel 219 biograp leS w I . " Ul' the two pditions and the l P o __- - - - - - - - - - - -

1\,,'

\9}4.

transl~tion

aut~~r ~~~~::~~e~:c

vari?~lS

ISr~~~~

:lJ Beveridge's translation, pp. :1-:;. 451 (1931). 6 I. 27a (1937). 2 ilem Prasad, H'.sto J, 1nrl;(J Office, Perswn Books, IT, Pt., ' I809) and in the .l Arberry, Cat. Ltbrar Y ';entalUbr. oj T;poo Sultan, p. 19 ( '0/ (1813); the O'tl 't'l~o prefacin~ his II>stuJ'!J oj B eng 4 Stewart, Descr. Cat. t f the au lOrI,,, . lB') descriptive acc,:mn. o b Prof. DowHon, op. c,t., p. .. mistake waH pomte,l out y
I

Ma(~tJ!ir,ul,Uma.ra'r;eoxtJ(;l:Fn~ir,~p. 4'~O,

\Vf'fe dealt with under the letters A to a part of H. Unfortunately, tllP arrangement is rather faulty and a number of biographies, which should have been dealt with under these letters, have been left out. The arrangement in regard to the various biographies is somewhat arbitrary, and as the author did not give the volumE' or page numbers for the biographies translated, it is not easy to find out the ones which have stilI to be dealt with. In the table of contents, I have supplied this dE'ficiency by giving the numbers of the volume and the pages on which the accounts arp to be found in the Tpxt-edition. The part now printed, and which with the first six fascicles will form "olume I of the translation, consists of the remainder of the account of Haidar Quli Khan (No. 223), and Nos. 224-254 of the letter H, Nos. 255-295 (;f the letter I, Nos. 296-324 of the lctter J, Nos. 325-358 of the letter K and Nos. 359-365 of the letter L; in all 142 biographies. In this part an attempt has bepu made to reviClP and complpte the translations, to indicatP as far as possible the sources from which the accounts werE' ~aken, and to supply referE'nces to recent literature in thp foot. notes. The references to printed texts are mainly to editions publi,.herl in the Bibliotheca Indica. spries, and the same applies to the translati(\I1s so far as these have been published. This, owing to the absence of or the very defective indices available, has involved a great deal of reading, and it is likely that references may have been missed in several cases. It has not been possible to check all historical data, but names of various places have been corrected with reference to the modern spelJings in the Imperial Gazetteer so far as possible. The conversion 'of the l:Iijri dates as given in the Text-edition into dates according to thr };p\\, Style of the Christian Era has been effected with the help of Wiistl'nfdd Mahler's Vergleichmu,ls-TabeUen (Leipzig, 1926). The standard sdIellH' for transliteration recently adopted by ~he Society has bepn followed with slight modification'!. To reduce the cost of publication thC' jormat and type for the new part were changed from the more expensin'> form nsed in the parIier fascicles to that used for the Jour1UJ,l of the Sopiety., For facilitating reference the volume and page numbers of the biographil's dealt with in this part are given under the names of the nobles as also in the Oontents. The names of the nobles dealt with are also printed as page-headings over the accounts. I am fully conscious of the shortcomings in the work as now issllPc!, bnt these arc natural when one is editing a posthumaus work from an imperfect manuscript. An entirely new version would probably hasl' resulted in a better translation, but this was not possible, as the only consideration which weighed with me in agreeing to completo the work was to preserve the work of Mr. Beveridge. The translation of a tpxt of some 2,700 pages must have been a stupendaus undertaking and E'ntailpd no end of hard work for the author in his advanced age-Mr. Beveridge was 92 years of age when he died on 8th 'November, 1929, and the work Was begun by him when he was well over seventy. While craving the indulgence of my readers for the imperfections in the translation, jor1llnf, etc., I hope that this great monument of the scholafi'lhip, indust.ry and Qevotion of the late Mr. Henry Bevcridge will prove useful to students of Iudian History particularly fl)J' the Mughal Period. I am grateful to my colll'agne Dr. B. S. Guha, the General Secrptar~' of the Society for facilities provided in connpction with this work. My

VIil

PREFACE

tl anks are <lu~ to illY friend Sir Jadllnaih 8arkar, the leading a~lthorit~ o~' Indian Hi1<tory dth('\Iogh~Il Period, fo: his ~aluable Sugg.csr~:~~o the loan of 1<ome work1< from hIR perRonal hbrar.J. I a~ alRo ml e . . Sh. _ l-Ulama Khan Bahadur Hidayat Hosam for hIS ever-~'eady hd~ the in ~~: {~lllcidation of several difficultieR' 'lh'lll' ssta~tof h eL~;tpr~al:~e p.' cl Arabic Department of te OCle y av ' t he e{~.la~ a,nt , II times Finally, I have to acknowledge the rea~y coungru(.gmg fY MIa. aG E Bingham of thl' Baptist Mission Press m throperatIOn o . expeditious printmg of thIR work.
MUSEUM HOUSE, CALCUTTA,
BAJNl'I'RASHA.

CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE

l.

2. 3.
4.

The Maasir-ul-Umara l (Text I, pp. 1-10) Note of Editor to Second Edition (Text I, pp. 10-13) Life of Nawab Samsamu-d-daulah Shah Newaz Khan, ("tl'. (TcxtI,pp.14-41) -Preface to the Table of Contents (Text I, p. 42)

l !l

lt

32

31st August, 7941.

5. 6. 7.
8.

9. 10.
ll.

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

31.
32. 33.

A 'Abdu-l-'Aziz Khan Bahiidur (Text II, pp. 836-839) Q. 'Abdu-l-'Aziz Khan, ffi1,aikh (Text II, pp. 686-688) Q 'Abdii-l-Hadi Khwaja (Text I, pp. 772, 773) Q. .. .. 'Abdu-l-~jid ofRerat (.A.~fK. Khwaja)-(Text I, pp. 77-83) 'Abdu-l-:M:atlib Kha.n (Text II, pp. 769-771) Q. .. 'Abdu-NNabi !;Iadr (Sbai.kb)--(Text II, 560-564) 'Abdu.l-QaWi (I'timad K. Sbaikb)--(Text I, pp. 225-229) 'Abdu-r-Rabim Beg Uzbeg (Text II, pp. 793, 794) Q. 'Abdu-r-Rauim of Lucknow (ffi1,aikb)--(Text II, pp. 564, 565) (Mirza) 'Abdu-r-RaUim Khan-Khanan (Text I, pp. 693-713) 'Abdu-r-RaUim Khan (Text II, pp. 812, 813) Q. 'Abdu.r-RaUim Khan (Khwaja)-(Text I, pp. 792, 793) Q. 'Abdu-r.RaUman, Af~al Khan (Text I, pp. 115-117) 'Abdu-r-Ral).man Sultan (Text II, pp. 809-812) Q. 'Abdu-r.Razzaq K. Lari (Text II, pp. 818-821) Q. (Saifu-d-Daula) 'Abdu-f;l.f;lamad. Khan Bahiidur Diler Jang (Text II, pp. 514-517) Q. 'Abdu-l-Wahab Aq~iu-l-Qa~at Qa~i (Text I, pp. 235-241) (Saiyid) 'Abdullah K. Barha (Text II, pp. 489-491) Q. (Saiyid.) 'Abdullah Khan (Text II, pp. 400, 401) Q. 'Abdullah Khan S'aid. Khan (Text II, pp. 807, 808) Q. 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg (Text II, pp. 764-769) (Khwaja) 'Abdullah Khan (Text I, pp. 832, 833) Q. 'Abdullah Khin (Shaikh)-(Text II, pp. 573-583) (Mulla) 'Abdullah Au::;al'i Makl:diimu-l-Mulk (Tpxt III, pp. 252-257) 'Abdullah K. Firiiz .Jang (Text Il, pp. 777-789) (Mir) Abii-l.Baqa Amir Khan (Text I, pp. 172-174) AbU-I-Fatu (Text I, pp, 558-5(2) Abu.I-Makaram .Jii,n Ni:;;ar Khan (Text I, pp. 537-540) Q. Abul-Fath K. Deccani and an account of the Mahdavi Religion (Text I, pp. 120-125)

33 34 35
3H

40 41 44 48 49 50 65 65 66 68 70
7L

73 79
80 81
J-\;~

84 R5

!J3

!17
105

107
LlO

l The spellings of the names and titles for the first 219 biographies and tho introductions are given as they are printed in the fascicles published up to 1914. For facilitating reference to the Text the volume and page numbers of the Text edition are, however, given within brackets after each name. The supplementnr\' biographies by 'Abdul I;Iayy are distinguished by the letter Q.

r
x
CONTENTS CONTENT:;

Xl

3J. Abu-!~l<'a~l '~llii,mi Faluimi (Shailill)-(Text II, pp. 608-tii2) :15. (KIl\l'ltJa) .Abu-l-~asan of Turbat (Text I, pp. 737-739) .. :l6. Abul Kh~lr _~. B~hii,d~r Imam Jang (Text l, pp. :{G3-3{io) Q. 37. Abu-I-M a ah (Mu' Shah)-(Text III, pp. 18li-IHl) .. 3S. (Mirza) Abu-I.Maali (Text III, pp. 557-560) .. .. :JH. AI;JI.-I-l\Ianl?i'i~ ~. Bahiid.I~I: :;Jafdar .Jang (Text I, pp. 365-3ti8)
-!-O.

Page li7
128

Page
81. 82. Ami:nu-d-Daulah Aminud-Din Khan Bahadlll" Sambali (Text l, pp. 357, 358) Q. .. .. ~', (Mubammad) .Amin Khan Mir Muballllllad AlIlIlI (1pxt III, pp. 613-(20) .. .. .'. (Saivid) Amir K. Khawafi (Text II, pp. 47h, 477) Q. Amir Khan Mir Miran (Text I, pp. 277-2S7) Amir Khan Sindhi (Text I, pp. 303-310) .. '.Aqil Khan 'Inayat Ullah (Text Il, pp. 7flO-7l12) Q. (Rajah) Aniip Sinah Badgrljar (Text II, pp. 220-223) Raj~h Anuriidha Gaul' (Text II, pp. 276, '277) Q. '.Aqil K. Mir 'Askari (Text II, pp. 821-823) (i- .. 'Arab Bahi'idur (Text II, pp. 771-773) 'Arab Khan (Text II, pp. 79-1, 795) Q. Arslan Khan (Text I, p. 277) Q. .. Asad Khan Mamiiri (Tpxt I, pp. 140-142) Asad Khan .Asafu-d.Danla-Jamla-al.l\lulk (Text l, pp. 310321) ARafu-d-Daula Amirul-Mamalik (Text I, pp. 3G8, 3G!!) Q . .. A~af Khan Khwaja @iyasu-d-Dill 'Ali Qazwini ('l\'xt I, pp. flO-93) .. .. . ., .. Af,laf Khan Mirza Qiwiimu-dDin J'aafar Beg (Text I, pp. 107U5) .. _ .. .. .. .Asaf K. known as Ai?Rf Jahi (Tpxt I, pp. 151-160) A~alat K. Mir 'Abdu-IHadi (Tpxt I, pp. ]67-172) A~alat Khan Mirzii Muhamlllad (Text I, pp. 222-i25) A~hl'af Khan Mir Munshi (Text I, pp. 73-75) .. Ashraf K. Khwaja Barkbfll'dar (Text I, pp. 206, 207) Q. A;iliraf K. Mir Muh-ammad Ashraf (Text I, pp. 272-274) '.\;kar Khan Najm ~ani (Text II, p. 80!l) Q. Atish K. Habshi (Text I, pp. 188, 189) Q. AtiHh Khali Ja~ Bpg (Text I, pp. 255-258) Q. . . 'Azdu-dDaula Iwa~ K. Bahadur Qaswara Jang (Text II, pp. 832-836) Q. .. .. A'~irn K. Koka (Text I, pp. 247-252) . _ _ A'zirn Khan Mir Mubammad Baqir, otherWise Iradat Khan (Text!, pp. 174-180) .. .. .. 'Aziz Koka M. Khan A'~am (Text I, pp. 675-(93) 'Aziz Ullah Khan (Text II, pp. 789,790) Q. 'Aziz Ullah Khan (Text II, pp. 823, 824) Q.
oo oo ., oo

240 241 245 246 253 259 261 263 264 266
2ti8

131 132 136

1~17

sa.
R4. R5. M. 87.
88.

41. 42. 4:1. 44.

4;1.

4U. 47.
-lS. 4(1.

g;:
g~:
~L
o!!.

50. 51.

54. 55. iju.

u') lii

ti7. (j8. uH. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75.

713. 77. 78. 79.
}JO.

~~:

tiJo

292,293) Ab.'i Nai:!l' ~a~, son of Shaista Khan (1.bt I, (l\l~l'za) .~bu S aid (Text III, pp. 513-5H1) .. .. (Mil') Abu TIII'ab GujnUi (Text III, pp. 280-285) Adham Khiin Koka (Text I, pp. (i7-n) Afzal f\lIau (Text I, pp. G5-fi7) .. .. At~al Kh,ill 'Alliillli Mullii Hhukl'llllah Shinizi (Text I pp. H5-15J) Q. .. .. ' Agb l ' (Ag:huz~ Khan Pir l\1u!,Jamma(l (Text I, pp.' 274-277) ej.' Abmad Beg Khan (Text l, pp. 194,195) .. .. Ab!lll'd R-g Khii l Kiibuli (Text I, pp. 126, 127) (l\l~r) Ah,nad Khiin (Text III, pp. 6ti2-6()fl) .. (1\hr) .AI:lInad K. TIH' Second (Text III, pp. 760-76.5) (SaIYld) Ahmad. K. Barha (Text II, pp. 378, 37!!) Q. Ahmad Niiitha (Mulla)-(Text III, pp. .562-5(6) Ahmad Khan Niyazi (Text I, pp. 185-188) .. A!,Jmad (tllmikh)--(Text II, pp. 554-55ti) .. A!,JRa~ Khar~ Sultan Hasan (Text I, pp. :301-:3(3) Q. .. (\I~k\l.n) 'Am~II-I-M\llk Shil'azi (Text l, pp. 5H2, 5(3) Q. .. ;-\p~ ~\Il~h Rat hO!' (Mahiil'ajah)-(Text III, pp. 755-7(0) Q. \S~IYI;l) _Alam Biil'ha (Text lJ, pp. 404-4.5H) Q. .. (M~r) _A~I .~kbar l\HiHavi (Tl'xt III, PIJ. 231, 232) rM~rza)_ Ah !3l'g Akbar Sbahi (Tl'xt TIl, pp. 355--357) Ah ~an C:\-hl'zada)-(Text lIT. pp. 257, 258) Q. (Haklln) Ali ni!lini (Tt'xt I, pp. M8-57:l) .. ;AI~ Mard~lI Bahiidlll' (Text II, pp. 77:3-775) Q... Ah Mardan K. Amiru-I-Umara (Text II, pp. 795-807) :AI~ Mardan K. of Haidarabad (Text II, pp. 824,825) Q. ,AI~ MlI?ammad K. Rohilla (Text II, pp. 841-843) Q. .. ,AI~ Quh _K. of Andarab (Text II, p. 7(4) Q. .. .. Ah Murad Khiin Jahan Bahi'idur Kokaltash K. Zafar Jang (Text I, pp. 817-819) Q. .. . 'Ali Quli Khan Zaman (Text I, pp. 622-(30) .. Alif Khan Aman Beg (Text l, pp. 191-194) .. 'AliverdiKhan Mirila Baneli (Text II, pp. 843-847) Q. Allah Quli Khan Uzbpg (Text I, pp. 189-191) Allah Yar Khan (Text I, pp. 182-185) " .. Alla_h Yar K. Mil' 'ri'izak, ete. (Text I, pp. 216, 217) Q. .. Aman Ullah Kh,in Zaman Bahadur M. (T"xt l, pp. 740-748)

pp:

ii.

140 141 142 145 I4S

14!!

153
15[; l ;,ti

S!l. BO. fll. fl2. !l3. \14. !l5. !lti. 9i. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. Ill. 112.

2()8 2H9 270 27H 2S0 282 287 295 299 301

157 WO
I ti:;

Hi4 167 lu9 170 172 17:l

17fi 177

302
303 304 305

178 180 180 185 18ti ]94U)4 19ti

] II (i

305
308 3U 315 319 334

1!l7 204 20.') 208 210 212

335

B
113. 114. 115. I lli. 117. 118. II n. 120. 121. Biiba Khan Qaqshi'il (Tpxt I, pp. 391-393) Bahiidur (Text I, pp. 393, 394-) Q. .. RabadnI' K. Baqi Bpg (Tpxt l. pp 444--44-7) Bahadnr Khan Rohila (Tt"xt l, pp. 415424) BaMdnI' Khan Shaibani (Text l, pp. :lH4-3S7) Bahiiduru-l-:Mulk (Text l, p. 3flS) Q. Bahadur K. Uzb0g (Text I, lJ. 400, 4OJ) Q. Baharji, Landholder of Baglana (Text l, pp. 412-415) (I'tiqad K. Mirza) Bahman Yar (Text I, pp. 232-234)' 335 337 3'38 340 348 350

(J.

..

..

..

..

..

Aman Ulhth Khan (Text I, pp. 293-295) .. .. Am~nltt,K. Mil'ak M'uinu-d.-Din Ah-mad (Text I, pp. 258-268) Alllanat Khan The 2nd (Text I, pp. 287-290) (Riio) Amar Sin~h (Text II, pp. 230-237) Q. Amin K. Dl'<:cani (Text I, pp. 352-357)

212 2]9 221 230 232

351
351 354

236

r
r
xii
OONTENTS OONTEN'l'13

xiii
Page 471 472 475 483 484 485 486 487 491 493 495 505 505 509 512 513 518 519 520 521 527 528 529 532 536 537 543 546 548 550 553 556 556 558 559 563 564 565 568 570 572 572

122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150.

Bahram Sultan (Text I, pp. 431-444) Bahramand Khan (Text l, pp. 454-457) Bairam Khan Khan-Kha.niin (Text I, pp. 371-384) Bairam Beg Turkaman (Text J, pp. 399, 400) .. Balju Qulij Sbamsher Khan (Text I, pp. 404, 405) Q. Baqi K Celah Qalmaq (Text I, pp. 427-429) Baqi Khan J:layat Bpg (Text I, pp. 458-461) Baqi Muhammad Khan (Text I, p. 394) Q. Baqir K Najm ~ani (Te.xt l, pp. 408-412) Basalat K M. Sultan Na~r (Text I, pp. 461, 462) Q. Barkhl1rdar (M. Khan 'Alam)-(Text I, pp. 732-736) (Rajah) Basu (Text II, pp. 157-160) Q. Baz Bahii.dur (Text I, pp. 387-391) .. Bebadal Khan Saidai Gilani (Text I, pp. 405-408) Beglar Khan (Text l, pp. 401-404) . (Rajah) Bethai Das Gaur (Text II, pp. 250...,250) Q. (Rajah) Bhagwant Das (Text II, pp. 129-131) .. (Rao) Bhii.o Singh Hara (Text II, pp. 305-307) Q. (Rajah) BMratha Bandila (Text II, pp. 212-214) Q. (Rai) Bhoj (Text II, pp. 141, 142) Q. (Rajah) BiMra Mal (Text II, pp. 111-U3) (Rajah) Bikramii.jit (Text II, pp. 139-141) Q. (Rajah) Bikramajlt Rai Rayan (Text II, pp. 183-195) (Rajah) Bir Bahadur (Text II, pp. 361, 362) Q. (Rajah) Birbar (Text TI, pp. 118-122) (Rajah) Bir Singh Deo Bandila (Text II, pp. 197-199) Q. Biyan K (Text I, pp. 462, 463) Q. . Burhanul-Mulk S'aii.dat K (Text l, pp. 463-466) Q. Buzurg Umed Khan (Text l, pp. 453, 454) Q.

Page 355 365 368 378 379 380 382 384 385 388 389 392 394 396 399 401 404 405 407 408 409 4Il 412 419 420 423 425 425 428

167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 178. 179.

(Rajah) Debi Singh Bandila (Text II, pp. 2ll5--297) Q. Dianat Khan (Text II, pp. 5!}-..63) . . .. Dianat Khan (son of the above)-(Text II, pp. 70-80) Dianat Khan Qii.sim Beg (Text II, pp. 8, 9) Q. .. Dianat Khan Rakim Jamala Rashi (Text II, pp. 37, 38) Q. Dianat Khan (Text II, pp. 22, 23) .. Dilawar K Bahii.dur (Text II, pp. 68-70) Q. Dilawar Khan Kakar (Text II, pp. 9-14) .. Diler K. 'Abdu-r-Rauf Miyana (Text II, pp. 56-59) Q. (Saiyid) Diler Khan Barha (Text II, pp. 412-415) Q. Diler Kha.n Daudzai (Text II, pp. 42-56) . Dindii.r Kha.n of Bokhafa (Text II, pp. 23, 24) Q.. (Rai) Durga Sisodia (Text II, pp. 142-148) Q. .. E 180. Ekataz Khan 'Abdullah Beg (Text III, pp. 968-971)
181. 182. 183. 184, 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199.
200.

e
151. 152. 153. 154. 155.

(Rajah) Cabila Ram Nagar (,Text II, pp. 328-330) Q. (Khan ~Alam) Calma Beg (Text I, pp. 632-635) .. (Rajah Candar Sen (Text II, pp. 336-338) Q. (Mirza) Cin Qulij (Text III, pp. 351-354) Curaman Jat (Text l, pp. 540-548) .. D

429
430 433 434 43H

i'56. (Rao) Dalpat BundHa (Text II, pp. 317-323) Q.

'<157.
~H.
}~l.

442
44fi 448

160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166.

Danishmand Khan (Text II, pp. 30-32) Darab Khan (Text II, pp. 39-42) Darab Khan Mirza Darab (Text II, pp. 14-17) Darbii.r K (Text II, pp. 1-3) Darya Khan Rohilla (Text II, pp. 18-21) DastaIl,l Khan (Text II, pp. 3-5) Q. . D'aud Khiin (Text II, pp. 63-68) Q. . , D'aud Khan Qoreshi (Text II, pp. 32-37) Daulat Khan Lodi (Text II, pp. 5-8) Daulat Khan Mayi (Text II, pp. 24...,30)

450 453 455 457 458 462 4H4 467

201. 202, 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208.

F Ullah Khan (Text III, pp. 28-30) Fai~i Fiya~i (Sbaikb Abu.l-Fai?;)-(Text II, pp. 5~90) Fakbir Khan (Text III, pp. 26-28) Q. Farhat Khan (Text III, pp. 1-3) Q. .. (Ihtibam K 'Ilililii.~ K Sbaikb) Farid FathpUri (Text I, pp. 220-222) Q. .. .. .. .. (Sba.ikb) Farid Murta~a Khan Bokhari (Text TI, pp. 633641) .. .. .. .. (Mirza) Faridl1n Khan Badas (Text III, pp. 354, 355) Q. Fath Jang Khan Miyana (Text III, pp. 30-32) .. Fath Jang K Rohilla (Text III, pp. 22-26) .. Fath Khan (Text III, pp. 3-10) .. .. Fath Ullah Khwajagi (Text I, pp. 669-671) Q. .. Fath Ullah Khan Bahiidur 'Alamgirshahi (Text III, pp. 40-47) Amir Fath Ullah Shirazi (Text I, pp. 100-105) . . .. Fazail Khan Mir Hadi (Text III,pp. 38-40) Fa~il Khan (Text III, pp. 18-21) .. ., .. Fa~il K. alias MuHa 'Alau-L-Mulk Tuni (Text> III,pp. 524530) .. .. .. .. .. Fazil Khan Burhanu-dDin (Text III, pp. 34-38) .. Fazil Khan Shaikh MaJrudum ~adr (Text III, pp. 32. 33) Q. (Mir) Fa~l U11ahBokhari (Text JII, pp. 361-365) Fedai Khan (Text III, pp. 10-12) . . .. Fedai Khan (Text III, pp. 12-18) . . .. Fedai Khan MuJ;J.ammad SaliJ;J. (Text III, pp. 33, 34) (l Firuz K, the eull.uch (T~xt III, pp. 21, 22) Q. (Mirza) Fulda (Text III, pp. 258-264)
Fai~

G
(Sbaikb) Gadai Kambu (Text II, pp. 539-541) (Rajah) Gaj Singh (Text II, pp. 223-226) Q. Ganj 'Ali Khan 'Abdullah Beg (Text I~I, p. 155) Q. (Rai) Gaur Dhan Suraj Dhwaj (Text II, pp. 195-197)

F
CONTENTS

xiv

CONTENTS

xv
Page

209.

210.
211. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 217. 218.

Page (Mir) Gesu of Khurasan (Text Ill, pp. 249-252) 575 (llll\irat Khan (Text II, pp. 863-865) 576 (i..hairat Khan Muhammad Ibrahim (Text II, pp. 869-872) Q. 577 Ghalib Khan Bijapiiri (Text II, p. 865) Q. 579 Qha~anfar Khan (Text II, pp. 866-86&) 580 (Mirza) (!.hazi Beg (Tarlillan)-(Text III, pp. 345-348) 582 Qhazi Kha.n Badakb"hi (Text II, pp. 857-862) .. 583 Ghaziu-d-Din K. Bahiidur ~'iriiz Jang (Text II, pp. 8i2-8iV) 587 Q. (Amiru-I-Umara) Ghaziu-d-Din K. Bahadur Firuz Jang (Text I, pp. 361, 362) Q. 592 (Rajah) GOpal Sing Gaur (Text II, pp. 340, 341) Q. 593
H
~abb.

Khan Barah (Text II, pp. 500-5(2) Q. ~usain Khan Khweshgi (Text I, pp. 600-605) 250. J::lusain Khan Tukriyii (Text I, pp. 551-554) 251. (Khan Jahan) I:Iusain Quli Beg (Text I, pp. (j45-6531 252. (Mir) ~usiim-ud-Din (Text III, pp. 323, 324) 253. (Mir) .l;Iuliam-udDin Anju, Murtaga Khan (Text III, pp. 3S2384) 254. J:lusam-ud-Din Khiin (Text I, pp. 584-587)
248. 249.

(Saiyid)

~ll~ain

640

641 644 645 649 650 6:')1

255. 256. 257. 258. 251:1. 260. 261. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266. - 267. 268. 269.
_I' . .

(Shaikb) Ibrahim son of Shai.kb Musa (Text II, pp. 570-572) Ibrahim Khan (Te'xt I, pp. 295-30]) Ibrahim 1\11an Fatl,1 Jang (Text I, pp. 135-139) '1 Ibrahim Khiin tJzbeg (Text I, pp. 75-77) Q. Ifti!illar Khan Khwaja Abiil Baqa (Text I, pp. 200-203) Htikbiir Khan Sultan ~usain (Text I, pp. 252-255) lhtimam Khan (Text I, pp. 160-1(2) Q. (Khan 'AJam) lkhla~ Khan (Text I, pp. 816, 817) Q. IkUla::;; Khan Ikbla~ Kesh (Text I, pp. 350-352) Q. Ikblalil Khan Shaik.h Ilahdiya (Text I, pp. 198, 199) Q. (Saiyid) JkLti~ii~ Khan, (ll' S~iyid Firiiz Jang l (Text II, pp. 473-475) Q. Ilahwardi Khan (Text I, pp. 207-215) Ilahwardi Khan (Text I, pp. 229-232) Ilangtosh Khan Bahiidur (Text III, pp. 971, 972) Q. 'Imad-ul-Mulk (Text II, pp. 847-856) Q. .. 'Inayat Khan (Text II, pp. 813-818) .. 'Inayat Ulliih Khan (Text II, pp. 828-832) Q. (Raja) Indarnllin Dhandera (Text Il, pp. 265, 266) Q. !raat Khiin Mir Isl,1iiq (Text I, pp. 203-206) :haj Khan (Text I, pp. 268-272) _. . .. Irshad Khan Mir Abiil.'Ala (Text I, pp. 290, 291) Q. 'Isa Khan Mabiu (Text II, pp. 825-828) (Mirza) 'ha Tar1rlJan (Text III, pp. 485-488) (Mu'tamanud-Daula) Isl,1aq Khan (Text III, pp. 774-776) Q. Iskandar Khan Dzbeg (Text I, pp. 84-87) Islam Khan Chishti Fiirflqi (Te'xt I, pp. 118-120) Islam Khan Mashhadi (Text I, pp. 162-167) Islam Khan Mir piya-ud-Din J:llIsain Badak!J"hi (Text, I, pp. 217-220) Islam Khan Riimi (Text I, pp. 24]-247) Isma'il Beg Diildi (Tnt I, pp. 64, (5) Q. .. Isma'il Khun Bahiidur Pani (T(oxt I, pp. 370, 371) Q. IEma'il Khan Makha (Text I, pp. 291, 292) Q. Isma'il Quli Khan :Qbu-al-Qadr (Text I, pp. 105-107) I'tibiir Khan Khwajasara (Text I, pp. 134, 135) Q. I'tibiir Khan Na~ir (Text I, p. (5) Q.
1

Q.

219. 220. 221. 222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227. 228. 229. 230. 231. 232. 233.
234. 235. 236. 237. 238. 239. 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. 245. 246. 247.

Khan (Text I, pp. 579-583) .. Hadi Dad Khan (Text III, pp. 941-943) Q. l;Iaidar 'Ali Khan Bahadur (Text I, pp. 611-613) Ql .. ~aidar Muhammad K. Akbta Begi (Text I, pp. 554-557) Q. l;Iaidar Quli Khan Mu'izzu-d-Daulah (Text III, pp. 746751) Q. l;Iakim Beg (Text I, pp. 573-576) f;lakim ~adhiq (Text I, pp. 587-590) l;IakiDl Humam (Text I, pp. 563-565) l;Iakim..ul-Mulk (Text I, pp. 599, 600) Q. (Saiyid) f;lamid Bollilari (Text II, pp. 396--399) Q. (Mu'izz-ud-Daulah) .l;Iamid Khan Bahadur f;)alabat Jang (Text III, pp. 765-769) Q. ij:amid.ud.Din Khan Bahadur (Text I, pp. 605-611) Q. I;Iaqiqat Khan (Text I, pp. 590,591) Q. (Ikram Khan, Saiyid) I:Iasan (Text I, pp. 215, 216) Q. (Muqarrab Khan Shaik.b) l;Iasan, known as I:Iassii (Text III, pp. 379-382) l;Iasan 'Ali Khan Bahadur (Text I, pp. 593-599) l;Iasan Beg l Badakhsm Shaikb :Umari (Text I, pp. 565-568) (Mirza) J:lasan f;)afavi (Text III, pp. 477-479) .. Hashim Khan (Text III, pp. 940, 941) Q. l;Iayat Khan (Text I, pp. 583, 584) Q. (Saiyid) Hidayat U!lah ~adr (Text II, pp. 456, 457) Q. Himmat Khan Mir 'Isa (Text III, pp. 946--949) .. Himmat Khan Muhammad J:lasan and Sipahdar Khan MU1).ammad Mul}.sin (Text III, pp. 949-951) .. (Saiyid) Hizbr Khan (Text II, pp. 415,416) Q. .. Hizbr Khan son, of Ilahvardi Khan (Text III, p. 946) Q. Hoshdar Khan Mir Hoshdar (Text Ill, pp. 943-946) (Amir-ul-Umara, Saiyid) l;Iusain 'Ali Khan (Text I, pp. 321 338) (Ililila~ Khan) l;Iusain Beg (Text I, p. 151) Q. f;lusain Beg Khan Zig (Text I, pp. 591-593)
1

594 597 597 599 600 602 604 606 607 608

653 653 657 659 660 662 663 664 665 666 667 668 672 673 674 678 680 682 683 685 687 687 689 690 691 692 694
696 698 701 701 702 703 704 705

610
611 614 615 616 617 620

i;~:
272. 273. 274. 275. 276. 277. 278. 279. 280. 281. 282.

622 622
623 624 624 625 627 627

628 628
639 639

283. 284. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289.

The word K!llin has inadvertantly ooen omitted after Beg.

For Frr\iz Jang read Firuz

hJlii.n.

OONTENTS

xvii

xvi

CONTENTS

t
.. .. .. .. ..
Page 705 708 709 714 716 716

Page
.. 332. Khalil Ullah Khan (Text I, pp. 775-782) 333. (Mir) Khalil Ullah Yazdi (Text III, pp. 335-3(2) .. 334. Khan Dauran (Text I, pp. 782-785) .. 335. Khan Dauran Amir-ul-Umara (Text I, pp. 819-825) Q. .. 336. Khan Dauran Nalilrat Jang (Text I, pp. 749-758) 337. Khan Jahan Bahadur ~afar Jang Kokaltash (Text I, pp. 798813) 338. Khan Jahan Barah (Text I, pp. 758-766) Q. 339. Khan Jahan LOdi (Text I, pp. 716-732) 340. Khan Zaman (Text I, pp. 785-792) .. 341. Khan Zaman Mewati (Text I, pp. 829-832) 342. Khan Zaman Shai\tb Ni~am (Text I, pp. 794-798) 343. Khidmat Parast Khan (Text I, pp. 718-716) 344. Khi4r Khwaja Khan (Text I, pp. 613-(15) 345. Khuda Banda Khan (Text I, pp. 814-816) 346. Khudawand Khan Deccani (Text I, pp. 659,660) .. 347. Khudayar Khan (Text I, pp. 825-829) Q.' 348. KhushJ;lal Beg. Kashgbari (Text I, pp. 773-, 774) Q. 349. Khusrau Be (Text I, pp. 673-(75) 350. Khusrau Sul~n (Text I, pp. 767-772) 351. Khwaja Jahan Herati (Text I, pp. 630-632) 352. Khwaja Jahan Kibuli (Text I, pp. 672, 673) 353. Khwaja Jahan Khawafi (Text I, pp. 748, 7(9) Q. 354. Khwaja,Quli Khan Bah8.dur (Text I, pp. 834, 835) Q. 355. Khawwalil Khan BalIbtiyar Khan Deccani (Text I, pp. 774,
oo oo oo

290. 291. 292. 293. 294. 295.

I'timad Khan Gujarati (Text I, pp. 93-100) I'timad Khan Khwajasara (Text I, pp. 88-90) .. I'tiqad Khan FarrukbShahi (Text I, pp. 339-346) I'tiqad Khan Mirza Shiipiir (Text I, pp. 180-182) 'hvaQ. Khan Qaqshal (Text II, pp. 776,777) Q. .. 'Izzat Khan Khwaja Baba (Text II, pp. 775, 776) Q.
J

I
i

I
!

767 770 774 775 778 783 791 795 804 808 809 8U 813 815 816 817 819 820 820 823 824 825 825 826 827 828 829

296. 297. 298. 299. 300. 301. 302. 303. 304. 305. 306. 307. 308. 309. 310. 311. 312. 313.
314. 315. 316. 317. 318. 319. 320. 321.
322. :323.

324.

Jii<lu RaD Kantih (Text I, pp. 520-523) . 717 (Mii'tmin.lII.Mulk) Ja'far Khan (Text III, pp. 751-755) Q. 719 Ja'far Khan Takiii (Text I, pp. 507-509) 721 Ja'faJ:" Khan 'Umdat-ulMuIk (Text I, pp. 531-535) 722 724 Jagan Nath (Text I, pp. 514-516) Q. (Kunwar) Jagat Singh (Text III, pp. 149, 150) .. 725 (Raja) Jagat Singh (Text II, pp. 238-241) Q. .. 726 JagmaI (Text I, pp. 510, 5U) Q. .. .. 727 Jagraj, also known as Bikramajit (Text I, pp. 526, 527) Q. 727 Jahii.ngir Quli Khan (Text I, pp. 512-514) 728 Jahangir Quli Khan (Text I, pp. 524, 525) 729 (Raja) Jai Ram Badgiijar (Text II, pp. 241, 2(2) Q. 730 (Mirza Raja) Jai Singh Kachwaha (Text III, pp. 568-577) Q. 731 (Dhiraj Raja) Jai Singh Siwa'i (Text II, pp. 81-83) Q. 735 Jalal Kakar (Text I, pp. 530, 531) Q. 736 Jalal Khan Qiirchi (Text I, pp. 509, 510) Q. .. 737 (Mir Saiyid) Jalal ~adr (Text III, pp. 447-451) .. 737 (Khwaja) Jalii.l-udDin Mal;lmud Khunlsani Bujiiq (Text I, pp. 61fH>18) 740 (Shailili) Jamal BaJWtiyar (Text II, pp. 566, 567)Q. 741 742 (Mir) Jamal-ud-Din Inju (Text III, pp. 358-360) (Mirza) Jani Beg Arg-lliin (the ruler of Thatha)----'(Text III, pp. 302-314) 743 .J anish Bahadur (Text I, pp. 511, 512) Q. 748 Jan Nitl!ar Khan (Text I, pp. 527-529) .. 749 (Maharao) Janoji Jaswant Nimbalkar (Text III, pp. 806, 750 807) Q. .. 751 Jan Sipar-Khan (Text I,pp. 535-537) .. 752 Jan Sipar Khan (Khwaja Babii)-(Text I, p. !i30) Q. 752 Jan Sipar Khan TlIl'kaman (Text I, pp. 5lti-5HI) (Mahal'aja) Jaswant Singh Rath5r (Text III, pp. 5!l!l-604-) .. 754 756 (Raja) Jujhar Singh Bundela (Text II, pp. 2!4-218) Q.
K

77~~

356. 357. 358.

Kirat Singh (Text III, pp. 156-158).. (Raja) KisMn Singh Bhadiwariya (Text II, pp. 228-230) Q. Kishan Singh RathOr (Text m, pp. 150-152)

L
359. 360. 361. 362.

363. 364. 365.

Lasl1kar Khan (Text III,pp. 161-163) Lashkar Khan Abiil ~&8an Mashhadi (Text III, pp. 163-168) Lashka.t Kh8.J,l, otherwise Jan Nitl!ar Khan (Text III, pp. 168171) .. oo... .. (Ruku-ud-Daula Saiyid) Lashkar Khan Bahidur _Nalilir Jang (Text II, pp. 359-361) .. .. (Rai) Liinkaran Kachwaha (Text II, pp. 116, 117) Q. Lu~f Ullah Khan (Text III, pp. 171-177) Lu~fUllah ~idiq (Text III, pp. 177, 178) Q.
oo

830 831 834 835

836

837 840

Kakar 'Ali Khan (Text III, pp. 148, 149) Q. Kakar Khan or Khan Jahan Kakar (Text III, pp. 152, 153) Q. 327. Kamal Khan Gakkhar (Text III, pp. 144-1(8) .. .. .. 328. Kamgar Khan (Text III, pp. 159, 160) Q. .. 329. (Rana) Karan (Text II, pp. 201-208) Q. 330. (Rao) Karan Bhiirthiya (Text II, pp. 287-291) Q. 331. Ka$lab Khan (Text III, pp. 153, 154) Q.
325.
326.

757 758 758 760 761

764

766

The Maasir-ul-Umara.

...-.

IN l THE NAME OF GOD, THE MEltClFUL, TftB COMPAssioNA'U.

Boundless pra.isa and countIess benedietions a.re due to the king of kings, for the aots of fa.mous princes and the deeds of grea.tm.iniatere spring from His almighty power a.ud absolute will Be is the Ruler whose comma.nds sway the hearts and ha.nds of mortals. The tiniestatom ca.nnot move without the permit of His glorioua power, nor without His stringent order ca.n any movent oease. He is an Arranger who has given grace and glory to Space by the personalities of princes of lofty lineage and thereby made it a eradle of rest and peace. He has associatedhigh-thoughted nobles with enthroned princes so that they may be as limbs to the heart, and may bring to a happy issue the affaits of nations. He is a supreme Ordainer who by the ont' word" Be" (Kun) hath brought worlds on worlds of creations from the secret places of non-existence into the expanse ofBeing-aconsummatEl Artist, who in His creations has produced such marvellousexcelleilcies that the masters of Wisdom feel helplesB before them and are unable fully to appreciate them. As it has been written Verse. O God, by Thy commanding, within the universe Earth is stationary, Heaven movent. Giver of greatness to men and genii King of kings of the world art Thou! Salutations without number to a Leader who after showing his mission to the follower s. of the Divine commands regarded not
l This is the prefaceto the second edition, but it comes first in the text. is by 'Abdu.I-l:Iayy, the SOIl of the original author.

lt

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

r
!

THE MAASIR-UL-UMAllA.

the paucity of adherents nor the plurality of adversaries, but attacked and routed the misleading heretics and founders of error, and by successive victories requited them according to their deeds, till at length his firm faith dominated the world and obtained universal currency. As it has been written

Verse.
Mul).ammad, King of Realm and Religion Whose sword o'erthrew the foundation of malice Crown-wearer of the company of the apostles On him is the seal of power and prophecy. :Blessinge also upon his holy family and upon his well-born companions for they &re the strong pillars of the arch of rule and the 8ates of approach to him. Let it not be concealed Irom the t'8&ders of this work that as Mir 'Abdu-r-Razzaq, who afterwards received the title of Sa.msamud-daulah, the deceAsed father of the writer of these lines, who had acquired such knowledge in the science of biography, that the accounts of the Indian princes of the house of Tirour and of their officers were all on the tip of his tongue, and had such skill in genealogies that many persons applied to him for information about their ancestry, while in retirement in the Qutbpura1 quarter of Aurangabad occupied himself in composing this book which contains an ac(\ount of the officers of the aforesaid princea. He had made rough drafts of many biographies and had also faired out many notices. Afterwards when Nawab A~af Jah (the Nizamu-l-mulkof Haidarabad) became well-disposed towards him and summoned him to his presence and ordered him to engage in his public business, and also later when the martyred 'Ni~amu-d-daulahmade over to him the charge of the Diwani of his establishment (Sarkat), the completion of the book remained wrapped in the veil of abeyance. One dav the writer of these words represented to him that a good found;tion had been laid, would that it might be completed! That great one replied, " Do you finish it." Afterwards he became the minister of Nawab
J4aa~ir

I
I
l

$alaba.t r Jang, and at last gave his life in that service. His house was plunder ed I and the chaptera dispersed. Some years afterwarc1a a few portions came to hand. Mir Gh:1l1a.m 'Ali Amd-peace be upon him-who was anintimate friend of the deceased-gatheredthose portions together and wrote a preface and an introduction and a. notice of the author. After that some other portions were recovered. As the commandof that great man continued to gnaw at my !lOul I was always anxiously thinking about it, and at last I made a beginning in 1182 (1768-1769) and compiled from historical works supplementary biographies, and I also supplied a preface which my deceased father had written at the beginning of the work, and which I had copied out into a commonplace book, as well as a preface and introduction which Mir Azad had written, and four biogl'aphies, also written by Mir Azad. The list of books which I consulted at the time of composition is as fOllows :-

List.
Akbarnamah by Wlaikh Abu-l-Fa~l B. Mubarak. l'abl\oqat Akbari by Khwajah Ni*amu-d-din Al).mad. Muntakhabu-ttawarikh by Shaikh 'Abdu-I-Qidir Badayuni. 4. Gulshan Ibrahimi, commonly known as the Tarikh Ferishta by Mul).ammad Qasim. 5. '.AJam Arai by Sikandar Beg, the secretary (munshi) of Shah 'Abbas (the Ist), the ruler of Peraia. 6.. Haft Iqlim by Amin Al).mad Razi. 7. Zubdatu-t-tawarikh by Nuru-l-~aqq. 8. Iqbalnamah by M'utamad Khan Bakhshi. 9. Jabangirnama II in which JinnatMakani (Jahangir) wrote the account of twelve years of his reign.
l.

2. 3.

Ul, 107,

A brother of N~ir Jang. Ghulam '.lli was alive when this was writt"n. He survived the writflr of this preface who died in 1196,April 1782, whereas Ghulam 'Ali did not die tili 1200. 1786. He is buried at Khull
~

dabid or Raw~a (Haig. Historic Landmarks of tha Dec<.'an, p. 58). 8 As pointed out in Elliot VI, 279, the (son of the) author does not soom to have had access to a. copy of the Memoirs extending beyond the first

r
THE MAASm-UIrUMARA.

THE MAASIBrUL-UMARA.

10. Zakhlrau-l-KjJ.wanin l by Shaikh Farid of Bhakkar. ll. Majma'u-l-Afghanl' written by someone for ~an Jan:an 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.
17. 18.

26. 27.
28.
30.

Lodi". Padshahnamah by MuHa 'Abdu-l-~amid of Lahore, and Mu\1ammad Wari. 'Amal ~ali~ by Muhammad $ali~ Kambii. Waqai s Qandahar. 'Alamgirnamah, by Mu\1ammad Ka~im Munshi. Miratu-l-' Alam hy Bakhtawar K. the eunuch. Tarikh ~ Asham. Khula~atu-t-tawarjkh, written by a Hindu 6 in the time of Aurangzeb. Tarikh 6 Dilkusha, written by a Hindu and containing the account of some events of Aurangzeb's reign. Maair' Alamgiri. by Musta'ad Khan Mu1}.am~ad Shafi.' Bahadur 8 Shahnamah, by Ni'amat Khan 'AJi. Labb LaMb, by Khwafi Khan. Tarikh Mu~ammad9 ShaM. 10 Fat\1iyyah, by Yiisuf Mu\1ammad Khan. The Ta?;kira II (anthology) called Majma'u-n-nafais by Sirajud-din 'Ali Khan Arzii.
6 The author was Sujan Rai of Batala in the Giirdiisplir district of the Panjab. . See R.A.S.J. for 1894, p. 733, Rieu 23090 and Elliot VIII, 5. 6 The author was Bhim Sen. Rieu I, 271. It was translated by Jonathan Scott. , Should be Saqi, Rieu I, 270. 8 Rieu 27280. g This rnav be the NadiruzZ ama ni of Khiishhai Chand, Rieu I, 128, and Elliot VIII: 70, or it may be the work by Yiisuf Mnl).s.rnmad K. mentioned in Elliot VIII, 103. 10 This may be the work mentioned in Elliot VIII, 70, or it may be the Jinina-I-Firdausof do. 413. See Rien 13880 and III, 108180. II See Sprenger's Oudh Catalogue,

31.

Mirat Warida.t, l by Mu~ammad Shan, with the poetical name of Warid. Jahan' Kusha, a history of Nadir Shah. and 29. Sarv Azad and Khazana' Amra, both bv Mir Ghulam 'Ali .Azad. Miratu-~ ~afa,8 by Mir Mu~ammad 'Ali ,of Burhanpflr. Tarikh Banga.la:'

19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

My hope is that readers of this work will correct omissions or mistakes if they find any, and that they will pardon defects. Be it known that the deceased compileI' of this work arranged the lives according to the date of death, and where, as in some cases, that date was unknown, the date down t,o which the biography was carried, WIJ,S treated as the date of qeath. Heaven be praised! This delightful work was finished in 1194 (1780) and the chronogram is-

Verse.
The pen decked t.he garden with a verbal Spring, Approved by the wise, 'tis the pleasure-ground of every sage. The sheet produced by the writer's Spring-creating pen dissipated the glories of Iram 6 and emulated Paradise. Reason, the Secretary, wrote the year of completion. Bravo! "Learned Associate (editor) of the Maa!!iru-l-Umara" (1194=1780).
PREFACE WHICH THE PARDON ED AUTHOR (SHAH NEWlz) OF THE BOOK WROTE AT THE COMMENCEMENT 6 OF RIS WORK.

twelve years. The Jahangirnamah of Ghairat K., i.e, Kamgar HUBIloini, is not mentionerl ih the list, but is referred to at II, 865 in the account of Ghairat K. - I Presumably this is the work mentioned by the writer's father, I, p. 8, as being by Shaikh M'ariif of Bhakkar.
~ This must be the Makhzan Afghani of Rieu I, 210, 212 and Elliot V, 07. It is by N'iamat Ullah. 3 Apparently the LaJiaifu-I-Akhbar of Rieu I, 264b. It is Ilon account of Dara Shikoh's unBucceBsful siege of Qandahar. ~ By Shihabu-ddin 'ralish, Rieu I, 26690. It is also called Fatl).iyah-i.Ibra.t.iya. See A.S.B.J. for 1872, p. 51.

From the beginning of my years of understanding and discr~tion I had, in spite of the time given to ordinary lessons, a love for
l

Rien I, 275, and

Elliot VIII,

21.
~ The work translated into French by Sir William Jones. 3 Rieu I, 129, and Elliot VIII, 25. , Rieu I, 312b. It is observablt' that in the above list no mention is made of the Mnlllo8!illkh~ or Abridgement of 'Iniyat K. 'Ashnii. It is coromonly known as the Shah J ahiinni-

132.

mqh and is referred to in MIloIlo~ir ll, 762, and elsewhere. See Elliot VII, 73. The author seems to have used the Mula!ill!ill~ in his account of the taking of Qandahar by the Pwsians. 6 A fabnlous garden in Arabia. Felix. 6 The author states in the biography of his grandfather Mu1)ammad Ka?,im, III, 721, that h" was born "n

THE MAASffi-UIrUMARA.

THE MAA8IR-UL-UMARA.

investigating biographies and chronicles. Whenever I had any leisure, I devoted some of it to the instructive annals of former kings, and some to the accounts of highly-placed officials. Sometimes the words of philosophers and saillts enlarged my vision, and sometimes I was stirred up by the rhythmical utterances of poets. At length, in the third decade of existence, touched with contrition, when there is a change in life, Time cast me into the struggIes of service and my days were spent in the acquisition of a livelihood. After that, prosperity and pleasure threw me into other occupa tions and I ceased to be in l touch with books, and the love of literature left me. Though the thought of my manuscript colle<ltiolls occasionally affected me, and I wished to offer a pilgrim's present to the rising generation, yet time kept ~aying to me with the tongue of gesture (zaban-i-l,>.al).

Verse.
The brain o'er heaven, the heart at foot of golden idols ll How can I speak; where is the brain and where the heart 1 Suddenly the wondrous working of destiny gave me in 1155, 1742, retirement and solitude. Outwardly the year was, pregnant with a thousand troubles and anxieties , but the heart was impledged to caIm and composure, and regarded the unexpected leisure as great gain. The same old desire took full possession of my soul and ancient wishes ftowered anew. But a revision of my design dissuaded me from composition, for my forerunnershad completed books of every kind or fashion which I had thotight of, and other subjects had been dealt with by great thinkers and artists both directly and indirectly, and at large or in abridgment. So my heart did not incline towards my composItions, and I judged them as belonging to the class of the common-place. Suddenly there shot into
28 Ram~n 1l1l (8th :March 1700), and that he becl!ome diw8n of Berar in 1145 (173 2-33), in his 34th yeo.r. l Ma81i8. Two B.M. MSS. ho.ve skinaa, II Muhrbiit1in. Apparently this refors to the gold coins called 'hiin in the Deccan, the pa.godo.s of early tro.vellers, which were o.lso called biit-aahroji on account of their having an idol or tam pie represented on them. See Bahar-i-'Ajam s.v. "The brain o'er heaven" seems to refer to his lofty

my heart the thought that if I wrote from the beginning of the reign of 'Ar@ .Ashiyani (Akbar), of which the chronogram is Na~rat Akbar (" Victory of Akbar" or "Great Victory," and equal to 963, or 1556) to the present time, an account, in alphabeticalorder, of the lives of great Amira and exalted nobIes -some of whom had, at the time of their glory, by dint of fort~ne and good conduct, been the authors of great deeds, and carried the balJ of a famous name to an honourable goal, while others had, by the wind of their arrogance and presumption, heaped up final ruin for themselves,-and should append to the biographies re~arkable sayings, strange narratives , prudent enterprises, great actions, extraordinary campaigns, and exhibitions of courage, and should incidentally describe the events during two centuries of the illustrious princes of the Timuride dynasty in India-Thanks be to God for their achievements-and should make mention of many ancient families, aBsuredly a new work would be produced and one which would stand apart from the writings of other authors. Accordingly, my heart firmly decided upon this singular undertaking, and the countenance of purpose displayed itself in a conspicuous manner. Although a book by Shaikh M' aruf of Bhakar called the 'fakhira-al-Khwanin l which contains an account of Amirs came to my notice at this time, and many of its statements have been included in the present work, yet as it is founded upon hearsay, and is contrary to the aBcertainments of the masters oUhis science, whereas
l Text Khwiqin, but the entry No. 10, in the Jist of authorities by author's son, and the reference at II, p. 260, shows tho.t Khwlinin, II.B given in the v$l'iant, is right. It is stated st thelNl~ pll!oce above referred to (lJiz., the life of Amiinat K.) that the book was written in 1060 (1650). At p. 75 of VoJ. III mention is made of a S. M'anif who was !;ladr of Bhakar, but probably this WlIo8 the grandfather of the S. M'o.riif, the author. No historical work co.lled the Zo.khiro.-o.l-Khwinin is mentioned by Rieu, though at p. 1047a of his catalogue mention is made of an extract from the Zakhirat-ul-Khwlinin which is described as another name for the Z;akhIrat-ulMuluk, a ti-eatise on prMtic~ ethics by the Ksshmir saint ShlihHamadiin: It is much to be wiBhed that S. :M'arm's book could be found, for o.pparently it wss full of interesting gossip. At p, 288 of Vol. II the o.uthor of it is spoken of as Bho.ikh Fo.rid Bho.kri. See also the ~t ;;f works consulted by 'Abdu.I-l:/ayy, No. 10.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

the basis of my book is trustworthy writings, the origina1ity and superiority of the latter are evident. As in the time of Akbar, when the limit of rank for Amirs was 5000-though in the end of his reign two or three persons attained to 7000-royal service had a high value and man~ahs were greatly respected, many persons in small positions were possessed of influence and excellence, and therefore I have for that period included officers down to the rank of 500. For the reign of Shah Jahan and up to the middle of Aurangzeb's reign-after which many offices and dignities came into vogue-I have noticed holders of 3000; and the possessors I of drums and flags. After that on account of the Deccan campaigns full ofcontrarieties (isaqpurmashaq), the increase of servants, and decrease of produce of the country, such superiorities did not continue. Gradually the circle became larger, and for the present time-vacant of goodness or blessing-when many hafthazaris (holders of the rank of 7000) are at sixes andsevens (bahaftu-hasht, "at seven and eight ") and are damaged in reputation and honour, and when in every district and direction many a shash-hazari and panch-hazari (holder of 6000 or 5000) is in preplexity from the buffetings of fortune, I have thought it enough to stop at 5000 or 7000. Many ancestors who had brushed the corner of obscurity have acquired the fame of eternallife as appendages to their celebrated posterity, and many sons and grandsons, who from want of merit did not rise to high office, have had their names blazoned because of their illustrious ancestry. Some who did not obtain to high rank have been noticed on account of their noble qualities. This work, which is a collection of numerous mark~ (igar), has been designated Ma airu-lUmara, "Marks of Amirs." In the family of Timuride princea each heavenly father and pure mother received a title; as for instance ~a~ib Qiran (Lord of Q9njunction) denotes Amir Timur, Firdus Makani is ?,ahiru-d-din Mu~ammad Babar, Jinnat Ashiyani is Na~iru-d-din Mu~ammad Humayun, 'Ar@ Ashiyani Jalalu-d-din is Mu~ammad Akbar, Jinnat Makani,
I From a statement in the Tiizak J. it a.ppears that drums and flags were bestowed on holders of office of the va.lue of 3000.

Nuru-d-din Mu~ammad Jahangir, Firdus Ashiyani and 'Ali Ha~rat, Shihabu-d-din Mul)ammad ~a~ib Qiran ~ani is Shah .Tahan, Khuld Makan, MU~iu-d-din Mu\lammad is Aurangzeb ' Alamgir Ghazi, Khuld ~fanzil Qutbu-d-din M:u~amma.d M'u?-~am Shah 'Alam i~;Bahadur Shah; while the venerable mother of 'Arsh Ashiyani has ( Akbar) , viz. Hamid1. Banu Begam'the title of Miriam-Makani, . . . d Banu and the honoured mother of KhuldMakan, mz. Ar]man Begam, is entitled Mumtaz Ma~al (Taj Ma~al). and hi~ elder sister, Jahan Ara Begam, is called Begam ~al)iba. Accordmgly, whenever there was occasion to mention them in this book, it was su~ cient to do so by their titles. With regard to other princes, thelr . Muhamcorrect names have been given, excep t th a t m some places " . mad Shah Padishah has been styled Firdus Xramgah. Preface I and Introduction which Mir Gl!ulam 'Ali Azad-may God prolong his life-placed at the head of the chapters after they had been collected.
(Note of Editor to Second Edition.)

(As this composition has become well-known, and as it cont~ins a life of the deceased author (Shah Newaz) , the writer of these hnes ('Abdul-l-~Iayy the son) has included it in the book.) Praise to the King of Kings who has bestowed upon kings the exalted position of the rule of the world and has given to their Amirs, the adorners of the throne, the office of assisting them. And Peace and Salutation be upon the Protector of the world (Mu~ammad) who has so gloriously guided the acts of the nations, and has controlled genii and men by the God-given seal of prophecy ; and upon the illustrious family who are honourableprinces, and on the companions of holy lineage who are sublime Viziers. But to proceed. This book is charming, and amasterpiece which has no fellow. It is the production by God's help of that. congeries of human perfections Nawab Samsamu-d-daulah Shah Newaz Khan-may God have mercy upon him-who composed it
l This is the preface to the first edition. See a(',connt of Ghuliim . Ali in Beale .v. Aziid and in Colonel \Vilks' "Sketches of the South of India," L 237. and 267 n.

10

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

II

with a magic pen, and for five years devoted all the powers of his intellect to the task. h Those who are acquainted with history can judge how m~c labour 1 the noble author bestowed upon it, and how far he carned out his researches and strove after accuracy. . . But the pages which had been written remamed nearly twelve years in the alcove of forgetfulness, and the lovely peacock spread his plumage in the cell of a cage. Time did not allow: of the blackness of the rough draft' tl being changed into the whlteness ~f the finished page, nor of the long winter night' s being .c~nverted mto a world-il1uminating morning. At last they admmlstered to th: noble author-mercy be upon him-the. cup .o~ mar~yrdom ::st placed the children of his lofty genius (hIS wntmgs) m the th The author's house was plundered an d e of orph a nhood . d' d The !ations of his library were at one stroke lsperse. accumu . W T B"Igrami f ir Ghulam 'Ali-whose style is Azad l;Iusami asu l : : : o;: terms of exceeding friendship with the deceas~d, a~d smote his hands in sorrow when the unrivalled masterpiece dlSand for a long time pursued the threads of search ovel' appeared , the world. . h of whither it ha.d gone and lUto w ose , . There was no t race h ds it had fallen. One full twelve month after the martyrdom an d d th l st Joseph showed of the noble. author, a clue was foun ,an e o .. his countenanoe. There was great joy, and I immedIately rolled u~ my sleeve to arrange and whiten and mend the torn garment .0 the foul draft and to stitoh the scattered pages. As the manuscn~t had taken flight from the library in detachments and had fallen l~ . places the chapters did not remain together. They ha varIOUS ,. Af t l bour the to begathered like the leaves of autunm. ter grea a l lk scattered pages were collected, but the biography of Qutbu~ ~mu f "d f Barha) grand VlZler o 'Abdullah Khan (one of the two S alyl S o . F kh Siyar which the author had wntten, had per. .d H . ,Al- Khan . Muhammad arru- ' . h~d and the biography of Amiru-I-Umara SalYI . usam 1_. ~~e ~.rother of (the said) Qutbu-I-mulk came to hand with an lmI

t
i

perfect beginning. The author had not written the biographies 1 of Nawab X~f Jah and of his suocessor the martyred Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah. The jealousy of fortune had not granted him leisure for this. The eminence of these four Amirs was as clear as the sun, and it was imperative that their biographies should be included in the work. By chance I had put together all four biographies in my book the Sarv Azad. I copied out the biographies of Qutbu-I-mulk, Nawab A,af Jii.h, and the martyred Ni~amud-daulah from the Sarv Azad. For the biography of Amiru-I-Umara Saiyid l;Iusain 'Ali Khan I retained all that came to my hand and supplied the beginning from the Sarv Azad. Some other nece88ary biographies were wanting in the chapters, such as the biography of S. Abiil Fa~l,' the author of the Akbarnama, whose pre eminence does not need to be mentioned. The deceased author used to imitate his style in his compositions. The biography of S'aad Ullah K., grand vizier of Firdiis Ashiyani (Shah Jahan), was also wanting, The author in several places refers to intended notices, and these are not forthcoming. The inference is that they were written but that the violent blasts of accidents had carried them away. The noble author, who has been received into mercy, has also in various places recorded his intention of writing (such and such) a notice, but it has not been found at the position indicated. Whatever has been done has been done, and whatever was not done remained undone. Now, who has the brains to compile such notices and to add them as a supplement 1 The author himself completed his preface, but the writing of pra.ise and prayer was wanting, so I wrote some words of praise and supplication and pre fixed them. The first biography in this place is that of the author. After that the body of the work commenoes, May God grant help!
1 The lives of Ghziu-d-din the 80n of Nigiimu-l-muIU' and of his son 'Imidu.d-din seem all to be by Ghul~ , Ali as' they appear in hi~ Kha.zna 'Amri. t Apparently the life of Abii-l-Ia~l wuafterwa.rdsfound by Shh Newz's IlOn, for there is a long one in the 2nd

Lit.

" How ~ ueh blood oozed from the vein of his thoughts. ' ,

vol. and the son doe.s not mark it as his, and Ghulim 'Ali does not say he wrote it. The life of S'a.ad Ullah, the primI'! minister of Shah Jahan, appears in Vol. II, p. 441, of the Maa~irUDder the style ()f 'Allimi S'aad Ullah Khn. It is by the Bon' Abdul-l-l;Iayy.

".

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

12

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

13

LIFE I OF NAWAB SAMSAMU-D-DAULAH SHAH NEWAZ KBAN SHAHID

(MARTYRED) KBWAFI AURANGABADI-THE MERCY OF

GOD B'E UPON HIM!

His real name was Mir 'Abdu-r-Razzaq, and he was oP the family of the Saiyids of Kbwaf. His ancestor (~reat, great, ~rea.t grandfather) Mir Kamalu-d-din 3 came to IndIa from Kh~af m the time of Akbar and became one of his chief servants. HIS s~n Mlrak Husain was a distinguished servant in the time of Jahanglr, d his ~randson Mirak M'uinu-d-din received the title of Amanat ~:an and obtained high office under Shah Jahan. During the -: relgn o f 'A-I a mg-ll' ,he became diwan of Lahore, Multan, Kabul and . . a . nd when the subahdari of Multan was assIgned. to the K ash mIr, . Prince Shah' Alam, Amanat K. was made naib-suba~dar m addItion to his diwanship. He acted in keeping with his name (am~t "trust' ') and served with perfect honesty and trustworthlA royal order was sent to him in the time of his Diwani to send a certain person to court, and he summoned hjm and pressed h lm t o go. The person said that he would go if Amanat K. would . guarantee his being treated with respect. Amanat K. rephed that he had no confidence in a person who had behaved in such and such a way to his father and brothers (Amallat referring thereby to Aurangze b 's treatment of hi~ father and brothers), how then ,. could he he a guara.nt.ee? Talebeal'ers carried this re~ark. to the king, and he became angry and deprived Amanat of lus office ~nd his fief. He remained a long time unemployed,but at last the kmg 'th the thought. "This person (Amanat) fears God was strue k WI . . . and regal'ds not me . " He became the patron of such a praIse-

::s~.

worthyofficer. The king took him again into favour and restored to him his rank, his fief, and his diwanship. He became impressed by his personality and relied fully upon him for every thing, both for word and deed. When the king was in Upper India and the suba};1dari of the Deccan was committed to Khan Jahan Bahadur KokaItash, the diwanship of the Deccan, the paymastership and recordership were given to Amanat KlJan. He managed the diwani with COllS1l'mmate ability, and Khan Bahadur used often to come to his house. He also had charge of the Ni~amat (the criminal jurisdiction) of Aurangabad. Four of his sons were distinguished. The first was 'Abdu-lQii.dir Dianat Khan, the second Mir Husain Am~mat Khan; the first was made Diwan-i-tan,J and the second, Diwan-i-khal~a (diwan of the exchequer). Amanat K. (the second son) was also made governor of the port of Surat, and on his death z Dianat K. (his elder brother) succeeded him. This Dianat K. had been diwan of the Deccan before he became governor of Surat, and after becoming governor, he again became diwan of the Deccan. The third son Mir 'Abdu-r-Ra~man Wazarat K. had the poetical name of Girami 8 and was made diwan of Malwa and diwan of Bijapur. He wrote excellent verses and they were collected into a divan. The following are specimens:

Ere the caravan-leader of the ecstatics took an omen for the march Our madman girt up his loins for the desert.

. I The office of looking after the

I Translated by H. H. Wilson, Quarterly Orient al Magazine. I V. 21i9. ~ By the female side. 3 No servant of this nmne is mentioned in the .:\in. but s""veral Kamals nre spoken of in thc A. N. II r. At p. ;~59. Vol. l, of the )raa~ir the author calls his ancestor l\Iirak Kamal anci says he was the son of Mir l;Jasan and came to India with his son Mirak l:hlsaiI1.

Kamal eame to India to his matermd lIuele Shamsu-d-din 'Ii!lwafi. for whom see Blochmann 445. The statemt'llt of Ghulam 'Ali that Mir Kamal beeame one of Akbar's (hicf servants, or that he became a s:.rvant at all, is not bornc out by the Ain or by Shah Newaz's own account of his an('estry, in his life of Amanat Khan. See Maa~ir I, p. 25!).

tankhwah or assignments of land to

private individuals. ~ In \llI, 1099-1700. See Maa"ir 'Alamgiri, 412. g Girami's divan is mentioned in Btewart's Cat. of Tippao Su\t.an's Library. See also A.S.B. Cat. n4, and Sprenger Oudh Cat. 412, and Etha Cat. 1. O., p. 889, No. 1625. 6 I found both verses in the A. S. B.

MS. of Girami's divan. The first 0(:curs before the middle of the MS. (not paged) and the second is toward~ the end of the volume. In the MS. the second line comes before the first. The divan seems to con~ist chieAy of love-songs. The poet says he made an ill-timed repentance in the season of flowers as t,hat is the time of enjoyment.

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14
THE MAAS:m-UL-UMARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

15

Another ver8e.
The flower-season cam.e and I made an i1l-timed renunciation How hard was I on 'the bowl, and how I abused the gl888 Separated from my companions I could not join the march Alas! I trod the fields of ecstacy alone. The fourth was Ka",im K. the Diwan of Multa.n. Mir ijasan Ali the son of Ka~im K .. was the fa.ther of Nawiib Samsamu-ddaulah Shah Newaz K. On his mother's side Samsamu-d daulsh was descended from Mir I:Il1sain Ama.nat K. above mentioned (seco~dsonofAmanatNo. 1) Mir !;lasan 'Ali, the father of Samsamud-daulah, died at the age of nineteen l and had no opportunity of developing himself. Be it known that the descendants of Mirak M'uinu-d-din Amanat K. beca,me very numerous and occupied a large ward (Qutbp1ira) in the city of Aurangabad. The diwani of the Deccan and other high offices became appurtenances of the family. A world of men obtained shares in the bounties of the family. The diwani of the Deccan after Mir' Abdu-l-Qadir Dianat K. fell to his heir 'Ali Naqi K. and he got his father's title of Dianat K. After his death this great office fell to his son Mirak M:ul,1ammad Taq'i who obtained the title of Wazarat K. After his death his brother Mir Mul,1ammad I;lusain K. was appointed. He served in the time of Nawab A~af Jah afterwards, and was fully trusted. At last he received the title of Yaminu-d-daulah Man~iir Jang. He and Samsamu-d-daulah were martyred on the same day. I now proceed to give an account of Nawab Samsamu-d-daulah. The virtues of his incomparable Amir are beyond the powers of the pen to delineate, nor could a wide expanse of parchment contain . them. Truly the eye of the world never beheJd another Amir with ;1 such a combination of excellencies, nor have the ancient heavens ever weighed in the balance of a vision a statesman of BUch an universality of talents. From the beginniQg of his development the marks of rectitude appeared on his forehead, and the lights of
He died in Lahore, and s.tnBiimu-ddaulah Me.&Air. III, 721.
l WII8

future excellenceshone on the brow of his actions. He was born on 29 Ramzan I 1111, 9th March, 1700, in Lahore. As many of his relations were in Aurangabad, he went there in early youth.' In the beginning he had an office on the establishment of Nawab Asaf Jiih, and some time after he was appointed to the imperial diw~ni of Berar. He was long in this office and discharged the du ties well so that the Nawa.b AiJaf Jah remarked one day, that the work of Mir 'Abdu-r~Razzaq had vigour and smartness 3 (nimaki darad). When Mul;lammad Shah the ruler of Delhi summoned Nawab A~af Jah to his presence in 1150,1737, and Nawab A,af Jiih went off to the capital, leaving his son and heir Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah Nasir Jang as his deputy, Samsamu-d-daulah became associated with the son. The latter made him diwin of his own office aA well as royal diwan, and he conducted t.he duties of both offices with supreme ability and integrity. When Nawab A,af JAoh returned from Hindustan to the Deccan wicked men instigated Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah to oppose hi~ honoured father. Such was not the opinion of Nawab Samsamu-ddaulah. On the contrary he urged him to agree with his father. As a great crowd of wicked men were gathered from every side, the words of Samsll.mu-d-daulah were of no avail. On the day when the son and the father met in battle, Samsamu-d-daulah was on a elephant following that of Ni~amu-d-daulah (i.e. Na~ir Jang). When Ni?amu-d-daulah's army was defeated and A,af Jah's men captured his elephant, I;Jarz-Ullah' K., the grandson of S'aad
l 28th. 15 days after his father's death. M66~ir. III, 721. 2 It appears from 1,611 that he was ill Lahore in 1127, 1715, where he saw 1;Iamidu-d-din. He WIIB then 15. He left for the Deccan in that same year for he tells us at III. 722 that he left for the Deccan in the year that 1;Iuae.in 'Ali the Barha. Saiyid left for the Deccan, and this WIl8 in 1127,or 1715. He W8ll made diwan of Berar in 1145, or 1732. In the biography of his grandfather Muhammad Killlim the author indulges i~ much rhetoric

about himself. At III, 728 he Bays he spent about six years in retirement. At p. 740 of Vol. III in the biography of Mubiriz the author mentions that he was with the Nir,iimu-l-mulk in his campaign uf 1136, 1724, when Muba.riz was defeated and killed. From the way in wl1ich he describes the battle etc., it would seem that he would IJa.ve -preferred if Mubiriz had been

successful.
3 J.{aa,ir lIT, 722. 4 eee M_~ir II, 521, apparently he Vlall th. great-granQaon of Shah

a posthumous child.

16

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THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

17

Ullah K. Vizier-who had an acquaintance with Samsamu-d-daulah-said to him, " Ni~amu-d-daulah is going to his father'shouse, where are you going? You have fulfilled the conditions of loyalty as far as was proper, you should withdraw from this dangerous place." Samsamu-d-daulah got off the elephant and withdrew. J For a time he was under Nawab A~af .Iah's displeasure, and lived in retirement. During this period he engaged in drafting and writing the Maairu-I~Umara. He spent five years in this way. At last Nawab A~a.f .Jah at the close of his reign withdrew the ban in 1160, 1747, and made him diwan of Berar as formerly. Shortly afterwards A!?af 2 Jah died and Ni~amu-d-daulah sat on the ma8nad. He summoned Samsamu-d-daulah from Berar and made him his own diwan as formerly. He thoroughly discharged the duties of the entire diwani which consisted of the viziership of the six provinces of the Deccan. When Nil;amu-d-daulah at the summons of Al).mad Shah tpe ruler of India proceeded towards Shahjahanabad (Delhi) he left Samsamu-d-dauhth in the .Deccan, and at the time of departure gave him his own ring saying to him that it was Solomon's seal (indicating that, it was the seal of the prime minister). But when toe Nawab had come as far as the Narbadda he , in accordance with the orders of his sovereign, returned to the Deccan. When his army marched to Arcot, !tnd he was victoriaus over Mo~affar8 Jang, Samsamu-d-daulah represented to him that he should not remain there, but should leave Mu\:1ammad 'Ali K. Anwaru-d-din K. Shahamat Jang of Gopamau (in Oudh) there
Jahan'sVizier. Seewhat aeems to be a not a1together candid account of the affair in Me.a~ir III, 725-726. l He went to the houae of Mata.ha.war K., for an account of whum aee Maa~ir U. III, 108 in notice of Qu~bu d.din Khweshgi. Matahawar died in 1156. There is a long account of Matahawar K. in the third volume p. 776. It is stated at p. 793thatth.e author was enabled by the exertions of Matahawar to take up his abode tn the Deccan. Probably this means that he married iuto lIlatahawar's family, for he mentiolllI at p. 722 of the same article that he married and so became fixed in the Deccan. 2 He died in Il61, 22 May 1748 (Beale). Oolonel Wilks in his Rist. Sketches I, 258, gives 24 March 178'4 as the date. andsayfl it happened on the same day &8 the battle of Myconda. s His sister's son and th. grand.on of A~f Jill. Hill real name was Hidayat Moi);iu-ddin (Wilks). Burke's Nawab of Arcot.

,I
;:

I i

along.with the English in order that they might chastise the French ChristiansofPondicherry. Nawab Ni?amu-d-daulah did not, listen !Lnd some short-sighted men who wished, for their own selfish ends: to stay there, induced theNawab to remain in that country until there happened what happened. 1 After the martyrdom of Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah, the rule came to Mo?;affar ,Jang. lie turned away from the country and was kille9. 2 near the city of Kurpa (Cudappah). Then Nawab ~ala bat Jang .Amiru-I-Mamalik s. Afjlaf Jah became rUler,andproce~ded to Ka-rnul from Kurpa. Nawab Samsamu-d-daulah was with the army up to this point, but in Karnul he separated and went rapidly to Aurangabad. The writer of this notice accompanied him on this occasion. Samsamu-d-daulah remained 8 for some time in his house and on 9 Rajab 1165, ~2 May' 1752, went to Haidarabad in order to appear before Nfl,wab Amiru-J-Mamalik (~alabat Jang). He appeared before him and was appointed to the Suba\:1dari of Haidarabad. After some time he was dismissed from this appointment and went into retirement. At last Nawab .Amiru-I-Mamalik came to Aurangabad, and on 14 ~afr 1167 II December 1753, he gave him a robe of honour and madehimp:ime minister and gave him the rank of Hafthazari (7000) together with 7000 horse, and the title of Satnsamu-d-daulah. He filled th~ office for four years and discharged the duties in gross and in detail in an excellent manner. In spite of the want of materials he did wonders so that the wise were amazed. When he became prime minister, the affairs of Nawab Amirll-I-Mamalik were in an extraordinary condition so that from want of money his household furniture had to be sold. Samsamu-d-daulah put things to right in an admirable manner so that the waters which had departed returned to their channels (a phrase) and disorganization was succeeded by order. The refractory put the ring ef obedience in their ear, and the crooked in thought the saddle cloth of rectitude on their
l Nifir Jang's aBBassination which took place on 5 December 1750, Wilke id. I, 267, note, and Grant-Duff II, 45. 2 February 1751. He was kiUed 60t

Rajohouteeabout hAlf ofhiajourney to ('rlllconda, Wil!lII. I, 272. and Beale. s He was d~m~ for a time at Bussy's inlIt&noe and then res~red by the R80me intlMnce.

THl!l MAASrn-UIrUMARA.

19

18

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

shoulder. Peace quickly returned to the country, and the peasant- . ry, and subjects generally, enjoyed repose in the coolne88 of justice. In the space of four. years he equalised the income and expenditure, and he used to say that next year, Please God! the receipts would exceed the disbursements. To be brief, after he was established in the ministry he set the standards of Nawab Amlru-}.mamiHik in motion and proceeded towards Berar in order to chastise Raghu Bhonsla. He defeated him aud took five lacE! of rupees as tribute. From Berar he proceeded to Narma!.! Surya Rao, the zamindar of Narmal, had been in rebellion from the time of A~af Jah and had rep.eatedly defeated the government troops. Samsamu-d-daulah contrived to imprison him, and confiscated his ten-itory. He accomplished these two great things in the first year of his ministry. He spent the rainy season in Haidarabad and in the second year 1168, 1755, he brought Nawab' Amiru-I-mamaljk to Mysore and took fifty lacs of rupees from the Rajah of Mysore as tribute. In the beginning of the rainy season he returned to Haidarabad. At this time the Sultan of Delhi 'Alamgi:r the 2nd sent the insignia of 2 Mahi-u-Maratib to Samsamu,.d-daulah. Some one made this versified chronogram.
Ver8e.

From the Shah of Ind came mahi and also maratih 1168. (Az Shah Hind amid maki u ham maratib.) In the third year 1169, he assisted Rao Balaji. The circumst&nces are these. Ra.o BaIaji besieged the city of Savanur. 3 The Afghans strengthened the fort of Savanfir and defended it vig.orously. They made frequent sallies and smote the men in the batteries. Rao Balaji was in difficulties and asked help from Samsamu-ddaulah. Good God! Rao BalAji who took possession of the territories of the Deocan and of Hindustan, and who shook the emperor
In Telingiinah, Jarrett II, 237, Neermul of GJ'ant-Duff's map; it is E. Nandair. , "The fish and dignities. " SeEi Irvine. Army. of the MoghulA, 33.
l

~he

3 It 8eem8 al80 to be caIled Bankaptir. Wilk8. I. 19. Savlintir is in the .Dhiirwar district of the Bombay Presidl'ncy

of Delhi and the pillars of his throne, turned for assistance to Samsamu-d-daulah! He brought Nawab Amlru-I-mamalik to his help, a.nd conveyed an army to Savanur. He set up batteries and put artillery in position so that the Afghan'! changed their tone and proposed peace. After this Samsamu-d-daulah set about the overthrow of the Christians. Be it known that when Nawab Niiiii.mu-d-daulah Na~ir Jang went to Arcot in order to put down Mo~affar Jang, the latter with the help of the French Christians at Pondicherry showed fight and was defeated. The Christians slunk back to Pondicherry and Mo~affar Jang wa..'l made prisoner. The Christians again made adisturbanee with the help of the Mghans, .Ilnd they martyred Ni~amu-d-daulah, and raised Mo~affar Jang to power. As I have described at length in the Sarv Azad, the Christians before this were confined to the ports and did not stretch their feet beyond their limit. They became bold after the martyrdom of Ni~amu-d-daulah and perceived the sweets of conquest. Part of the Arcot territory came i.nto the possession of the French, and part was seized by the English. The also prevailed over Bengal and took the castle of Surat, et cetera. Such was the beginning of the Christian power. In short, af,ter the martyrdom of Nawab Ni~ii.mu-d-daulah, Mozaffar took the French Christians into service, and made them his su~~orters. After he waakilled, the Christiana became the servants of Nawab Amiru-i-mamalik, and took as their fiefa Sikakul (Chicaeole), Rajbandari (Ra.jahmahendri) and other places, and became powerful. M. Bussy, the head of the Christians, received the titles of Saifu-d-daulah (Sword of the State) and 'Umdatu-I-mulk (Pil1ar of the Kingdom) and acquired fame. ~ajdar Jang became the manager of his affairs. ~aidar l Jang's extraction and position were as follows. His real name was 'Abdu~r-Ral,1man, and his father Khwaja. Qalandar was of Balkh and eame in the time of Nawab Aaaf Jah from Balkh and obtained consideration. He became g~vernor(fauidar) of Machlibandar (Mal;lulipat.am), and the government accounts were in his charge. He had in Masulipatam become ac~uainted with some Christians and owing to this connection he
l

see Wilke. I. 390.

20

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

21

went to Pondicherry and liv ed u d tians. Haidar Jang n er the protection of the Chris, was young then a d h captain or Hi:ikim of Pond' h n t e governor,l i.e., the " ' IC erry took a t f Then Mo?;affar~ Jang became Chief grea ancy to him. a body of Christians under th ' the governor placed with him R h e command of M B a.man was sent along w'th M B . ussy. 'Abdu-r. Muhammadans and the Ch :t' . ussy to be a link between the rIS Ians. As he got great promotion and had f II was a man of ability he Feringhis and received th t'tl f u control of the affairs of the Jang. e l e o Asad Ullah (Lion of God) ~aidar Iii. -fine ,amsamu-d-daulah afte d' S ' . Afghans of Savaniir t d' r. ISpOSIng of the affair of the _ ' wan e to drIve out th Ch' . " e rIstlans, and Amlru-I-mamalik at his'ms t' " 19atlOn dIsmIssed the f m They went off to Haidara b a d , and got . poss . rom his service. f' . Amlru-I-mama.1ik folIo we d th em and b ' eSSlOn o lt. Nawab d h fi h _ eSIege t e city for nearly two months. There h was g tmg, but at last . , c ery of offi~ers peace was d' ' OWIng to the trea'd " ma e, and 'Umdatu l lk (B . . , ,- -mu ussy) and . Hal ar Jang came and had d' an mtervIew (with th N unng the siege the fiels of th Ch' t' e ,awab). As 'U d ~ rl,s lans had bec d' matu-I-mulk and H ' ..1, ' J . ome lsorganised ,aluar a.nO' took l d ' mahendriand Chicac l d l:> cave an went off to Rajao e an put the estat' d d~ulah spent the raill8 in H 'd es m or er. Samsamu-d. al arabad and left 't' th f hi o E mmistry 1170. 1756-57 _ l In e fourth year . Ram Candra 8 Mahratta held posText Kiirundiir ) ~.(" 'ani h- . ~ )r nam kapy ahm. Wilson l c 278 has Captain Graven ' Th ere d'oes not . a ppear to have been any h but if the word suc person, . was so writt . WI!son's MSS i t ' en lU K ' . might stand for erJean or De Kerjean, the Kir'ean of Orme, who was Dupleix's ne J and a noted soldier , though' h e neverphew W~ governor of Pondich"rry. Mr Irvme has suggested G . was th odeheu who e governor after Duple' b he only ea t IX, ut h .me o Pondicherry in 1754 w en I;Ialdar could hardly h bee ver~' ave n r dyoung (khurd sal) and t,he spell. Ing OtlIi not agree I h that t h " ave no doubu e word 18 the Po'" nugtJese
I

tan

Governador or Go bernador and that the first letter should be a G G-f not Kiif T ' a and " he fact of its coming from the Portuguese accounts for the d See Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 390 I' a. P . ' . n d" ersla.n petition of one Shl\h Alaud. lD Mu1}.ammad in the Marsden MSa RM. Add. 9585, the word Kiirund - . occu,rs, 88 applied to a Portugue: offiCial. . _2 Ghulam 'Ali saya lD, hi s Khazana _ 'A mra that Mor,affar was the first :an to employ Feringhi soldiers (in Deccan) and Orme says the same t h mg;

session, from the time of A~af Jah, of Bhalki l and "ther estates appertaining to the province of Bidar and which yielded lacs of rent al. From lj, bad disposition he did not perform the duties of a suoject, and Samsamu-d-daulah desired to take his estates from him. Ram Candra made preparations for war, but after some vain attempts he put the ring of submission in his ear, and his jagirs, e~oept Bhalki, were confiscated. In the beginning of the rains Sa.msamu-d-daulah came with Nawab Amiru-I-mamalik to Aurangabad. At this time a force was sent to besiege Daulatabad. The fort was taken from the Bokhara Saiyids who had held it from the time of 'Alamgir (Aurangzeb). After this, the juggling heavens began to turn the page and girded up their loins for the discomfiture of Samsa.mu-d-daulah. They took back from him all his wisdom and understanding. The brief account of these events is as follows~ The pay of the soldiers was much in arrear. Wicked men stirred them up and they made c~amorous demands. Samsamu-d-daulah could have quelled the disturbance by the expenditure of two lacs of rupees, but as the time of his downfall had come, he did not exert himself. On 6 Zi-I-q ada 1170, 23 July 1757, the soldiers brought Nawab Shuja.'-ul-muIk Basalat Jang, the son of Nawab A~af Jah, out of his house and produced him before Amiru-ul-mamalik. They made him dismiss Samsamu-d-daulah z and give the Khilat of the prime ministry to Basalat Jang. rhere was a general riot, and the rabble and the market people made a commotion and wanted to fall upon the house of Samsamu-d-daulah. But circumstances occurred which postponed the attack tilI evening. At night the leaders of the riot dispersed. Samsamu-d-daulah was apprehensive that if on the morrow they made a demonstration, he would not be able to contend with his master. It would. be better for him to withdraw. At midnight he put loads of necessary chattels on elephants and left property worth lacs, and various curiosities, and proceeded towards the fort of Daulatabad along with his household, male and female. Of his followers nearly 500, horse and foot, attended him. Torches were lighted, and he came out armed from his
---~~- -~----' ~-,----------

1> a Rlrn

Candra Jadow. GrantutI Hist. of Mahrattas, 11,,106.

The of Orant-Duff's ma.p. lt ill N. W. Bida.r a.nd Haidarab&d.

l

Ba~kee

~ Grant-DutYHist. of Mahrattir.s. II,

107.

22

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THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

23

house. He took the road to the ~afar gate of the city wall. The guards of the gate could not stand against him and fled. They (Samsamu-d-daulah's party) brake the bolt.s of the gate and came out. Near morning on the 8, Zi-I-q'ada 1170, 25 .luly 1757, they reached Daulatabad. After his departure some of his goods were plundered, but most of them were confiscated to the government. After some time an army was appointed by the Government and the fort of Daulatabad was besieged, and fighting went on. Samsamu-d-daulah was adorned with pleasing qualities and amiable dispoRitions, but it sometimes happens that the Almighty. casts his servantR out of public favour, and in order to adjust their final rank places them in the world's j udgment-hall , and exposes them to the evils of trial. This was exemplified in Samsamu-d-daulah'a case In spite of his qualities and merits, he was now abandoned by all, high and low, courtiers and costermongers (darbari-u bazari). No one uttered a word except "Seize him and kill him." If anyone stood firm on the path of fidelity and preserved his affection for him, where had he the courage to say anything or to set in motion the chain of investigation? This poor man was the only one who made an agitation, and disregarded the enmity of the whole world. I had interviews with Nawab Shuja'-ul-mulk and laid the foundations of a reconciliation. In order to bring about peace I repeatedly went to the fort, and by all sorts of stratagems and contrivances -protracted the siege of the fort. The terms of peace had not been fully settled, when Nawab Ni~amn-d-daulah the 2nd who was Na~im of the province of Berar came from Elch1piir to Aurangabad. The Nawab Amiru-I-mamalik made him his successor and gave him the title of Ni~amu-I-mulk A~af Jah. He sent for the writer of this notice, and charged him with conciliatary messages for Samsamu-d-daulah. He signed the list of his conditions in accordance with his (Samsamu-d-daulah's) request and made it over to the writer. I took the list and went to the fort, and made Samsamu-d-daulah eager to come into the Presence. The Nawab A~af Jah sent the chief officers to welcome him, and Samsamu-d-daulah came out of the fort on l Rabi' -al-awal 1171, 13 November 1'757, and had an interview, in the precincts of the fort, with the officers who had come to lueet him. On the

same day he waited upon Nawab .A~af Jah 2nd, and Nawiib Amiru-I-mamalik, and was the object of various favours. At this time BaJaj! Rao approached Aurangabad with hostile intentions, and made his son Biswas Rao his general. Rajah Ram Candra had come from his own country in order to interview Nawab Amiru-l-mamalik, and had reached I Sindkhair, 30 kos from Aurangabad. The Mahrattas besieged him there and put him into straits. Nawab .A~af Jah marched from Aurangabad to Sindkhair and delivered a Ram Candra from the whirlpool of danger. There were great fights on the way and Nawab .A~af Jah gave proof of heari and courage. A number of the enemy were slain by the sword. On this occasion Samsamu-d-daulah waited on his stirrup. Meanwhile news came that" Umdatu-I-mulk M. Bussy and ij aidar Jang had disposed of the affairs of the j agirs and intended to interview Amiru-I-mamalik. They arrived at Haidarabad, and ijaidar Jang wrote letter after letter to Samsamu-d-daulah. He showed such sincerity that Samsamu-d-daulah fully believed in his honesty. He became quite oblivious of his trickery. The victorious army had returned from Sindkhair and had encamped in Shahgarha when ijaidar Jang came to the Presence, and the whole camp came to Aurangabad, and settled down on the north side of the city. Samsamu-d-daulah completely surrendered into the hands of I:Jaidar Jang the bridle of control, and the latter moved along the path of deception, gathering up the nets of fraud and deceit. Though acquaintances who knew his trickery, openly, and by hints, told Samsamu-d-daulah about him, he did not believe them. He relied upon the honesty of foes and did not weigh in the balance of consideration the well-wishing offriends. At last on 26 Rajab 1171, 5 April 1758, Amir-ul-mamalik 3 went td visit the garden BaghBegam in Aurangabad. lJaidar Jang made ready his plot there, and when Samsamu-d-daulah and Yaminu-d-daulah-who has been mentioned -came, in obedience to a summons-to that garden, both of them

lt is ea.st of Aurangabad.

Grant-Duff speaks of the ret!lcue as a faroe, II, 1(l9.

8 "He went to pay his devotions at the tomb of hiB father Bome miles from Aurangabad. " Willl:s I. 390.

24

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

25

were put under arreflt. They were taken to the camp and put into tents. Mir' Abdu-I-I;layy K., Mir 'Abdu-s-Salam K. and Mir 'Abdu-n-nabi the sons of Samsamu-d-daulah were also sent for and confined in their father's tent which was surrounded by Christian sentinels. Samsamu-d-daulah's house was plundered of what had been a second time gathered together and the veiled ladies of the Saiyids were turned out of doors. Samsamu-d-daulah's connexioJis and those who were in his confidence and were possessed of abilities were put into strict confinement. Their money was ' taken from them, and Buch wa!'l the oppressions practised on the Saiyids that the catastrophe of the Karbala was renewed. Tn fact these proceedings did not turn out well for I;Iaidar Jang. The Nawab AlJaf Jah 2nd conceived the idea of wiping out his existence. One reason for this was that E;iaidar Jang had broken faith with Samsamu-d-daulah and that he could not be trusted. Another reason was that J:laidar Jang had first deprived Al!af Jah of his plumage, and then imprisoned Samsamu-d-daulah. The account of this is that Nawab A~af Jah brought a powerful army from Berar, and took the management of political and financial affairs into his hands. I.Iaidar Jang saw that this influence could not exist along with A~af Jah's, and set about overthrowing him. By various trieks he separated the troops from the Nawab, and distributed from his own purse eight lacs of rupees as the soldiers' pay. Thus/he reduced the Nawab to solitude. After that heimprisoned Samsamu-d-daulah, {md so made himself at ease on both sides. He wished to send A~af Jah to Haidarabad on the pretence of making him the ~ubal).dar thereof, but intended to confine him in the fort of Golconda. The field would then be open for his own evolutions. He did not know that fate (taqdir) laughed at plans (tadbir). On 3 Ram?,an 1I7l, II May 1758, at about midday l E;iaidar Jang came to the tent of X,af Jah who had already determined with his councillors to assassinate him. The household servants seized and killed him, and A~af Jah mounted a horse and came out alone from the camp. The whole park of artillery of the Feringhis rem{j,ined in empty bewilderment
~parate

and .A8af Jah displayed a courage I such as threw into the shade the feats ~f Rustum and Afrasyab. After the slaughter of I.Iaidar Jang, 'Umdatu-l-mulk M. Bussy and the other officers lost their senses. During the confusion, the waiters upon events martyred Samsa.mu-ddaulah, his young son Mir 'Abdu-l~@ani, and Yeminu-d-daulah. The good thing was that I:Iaidar Jang, the real murderer of these Saiyids, was kil1ed four hours before them! Sarnsamu~-daulah heard with his own ears of his death and said "Now our safety does not appear to me :' (does not look likely) and so he devoted himself to prayer (lit. sate fixed in contemplation of the qibla). At last Lachuianan, a Hindu, one of the fol1owers of the Christians, ~me and kiHed them. Father and son were buried in the grave of their a.ncestora on the south side of the city, near the shrine of Sha.h Nur" and Yeminu-d-daulah was buried in the grave of hia ancestors at the foot of Shah Nur's dome. The writer found the date of the martyrdom of all three Saiyids in the gloriaus verse. Wujilh (un) yaumaig (in) mus(irah. s "On that day the faces of some 8~1 be bright" 1171. He also put the death of Samsamu-d-daulahmto this verse.

Ver8e.
Samsamu-d-daulah went from the world, The third of the i11ustrious month of Ram~l1

l Qarib ba i8tawii.

IstIlow. is again used in the Bense of midday at p. 37.

I The courage consisted. in ordering an lIo8IIIIo8llination, and then flying! The Nawib fled to Burhanpur 150 N. of Aurangabad. l:laidar Ja~ WIlo8 stabbed to the heart, and notslain by having his throat cut 11.8 the translation oE tohe Biyar Mutikhirin has it. Orme ed., 1778, II, 349, says Ni~im Ali fled at lJlidnight to Bra.mpur (Burhanpur) and after he knew of the killing of Shah Nawaz and his son. It WIlo8 this circumstance whioh disconcerted his plans. BU88Y judged it better not to try to catch the Ni?!im and bring him to justice. Ghulim' Ali repeats his account of theee matters in the

m.

Khazina ,Xnira and gives the Barne details about Ibrahim K. Gir4i. Bee his account of !;lalibat Jang. ~ A saint who died 2 February, 1693, and is buried near Aurangabad (Beale 367). S This verse is in the 80th Sura, entitled" He frowned " , verse 38, and is translated by Sale .. On that day the faces of Bome shall be bright, laughing and joyful," etc. The ietters w, j, u, h, y, u, m, i, z, m. s, f, r, h' siv.U7l (1758) according to abjaa. The chronogram is a neat one.

26

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

,e

The Saiyid himself deolared the year Slain we by t Abdu-r-RaJ:1man" (1171).1

THE MAASIB-UIrUMARA.

27

The writer alElo oomposed this quatrain.

Quatrain.
Samsamu-d-daulah the great Amir, the sage, Wrongfully slain in treaohery's ambush, Alas for the oppresed, alas ! Izad presents the date. Hear, O friends! "\Vretches martyred the Saiyid" 1171, ,t We are God's.'" Be it known that Mir e Abdu-l-J.Iayy and Mir e Abdu-s-Salam remained safe on the day of their father's martyrdom. The reason was that Mir e Abdu-l-l;[ayy had been separated from his father one day before, and tbat Mir' Abdu-s-Salam had been sent from the tent to a house on acoount of sickness. Because the lives of both brothers were predestined, God put it into the hearts of their enemies to separate them from their father. In the safety of Mir 'Abdu-I-I,Iayy and Mir' Abdu-s-Salam, the writer of this notice reoeived the flash of inspiration that " Names deseend from heav,en." The names I,Iayy (God) and Salam 3 (safety) did their work and preserved both their namesakes. After I,Iaidar Jang was killed, Amiru-l-mamalik, Shuja' -al mulk, 'Umdatu-l-mulk M. Bussy, and Zii-l-fiqar Jang the brother of I,Iaidar Jang--who beoame his representative--went off to Haidarabad. After ooming there Zii-l-fiqar Jang went off to his fiefs of Rajamahendri md Chicacole, and 'Umdatu-l-mulk weni; to Pondicherry. War broke out between the Zamindar of Chicacole and Zii-l-fiqar Jang and the latter was shamefully defeated. His soldiers were routed andthe contents of his jewelroom and wardrobe as well as his elephants and artillery fell into the hands of the Zamindar.
l It would have been more correct to say that they were killed by A~af Jim the 2nd for it was Ipa _asination of 8aidar that caused their deaths. ~ Inni Allah .. We are God's, and unto Him shall we surely return"

He and a few others saved their lives. Lacmanan l the murderer of Samsamu-d-daulah was killed and allo MuJ:1ammad I,Iusain the Jam'adar of the Gardis.~ He had been put in charge of Samsa.mud-daulah and his friends and connexions, and had ill-treated them, a.nd both he and his men were killed. 'Umdatu-l-mulk M. Bussy who went towards Pondicherry, beseiged Cinapatan (Madras) the English port and made several fiery attempts (atish karzai). At last the English were victorious and , Umdatu-I-mu1k had to fly, completely broken, to Pondiche1TY In a few months retribution 8 for the blood of the Saiyids blos8omed out. Or rather, retribution in the case of I,Iaidar Jang's person was heard of by Samsamu-d-daulah with his own ears. N awab Samsamu-d-daulah was a congeries of perfections and was familiar with all the sciences. The questions of every science were present in the treasury of his memory and he was unique in the COJnprehension of poetry. He knew well the idioms of the Persian tongue and foreign Mil'zas (Persian literati) who met him were , " I l astonished at his idiomatic knowledge. He used to say ay claim to two things. One is justice, for in intricate questions I arrive at a right conclusion, and I distinguish between truth and falsehood. The other is a knowledge of poetry." One day he said to the writer" This opening stanza of Fai~i's is weU known.

Verse.'
Two griefs have befallen me in l{)ve's path I'm the doomed one, and the beloved is the slayer. According to the apparent meaning, one grlef is that the lover is slain, and the other is that the beloved is the slay.er;
He thinks he probably killed at Condore in the battle between Forde and Conflans in December 1758. 'l See Siyar Muti\Y)arin trans. III, 356 n. Gardi is frop1 the French garde. see Hobson-Jobson, newedition. S $alibat Jang Amiru-I-mamilik allKl had a violent death. He was
l Grant-Duff II, 114.

W&8

Koran, Sura II, v. liH. (Sale) The words, shahid nlkasanSaiyidri yield
1171.
S Salim is dne of the names of God and l;Iayy means .. The living" (God); see Redhouse R.A.S.J. for January 1880, on .. the most comely names."

imprisoned by his brother Ni~am 'AI1(the same man who killed l;Iai<:ar Jang) and after two years was murdered by N4am 'AH's orde1'll in 1763. See Beale, Wilks l, 479, and ~azina 'Amra 61. _ , The verse is quoted in the Ain, Blochmann 535, but the translation there given is wrong.

28

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

Therefore escape is impossible. But another meaning occurs to me. One ~rief is that the lover is the doomed one (khitngirifta , at the point of death ') I God forbid that another than the loved one should slay him! The second grief is that the beloved has become a murderer. God forbid that he should kill anyone but the lover! Both of these things are unendurable by the lover! " He was an unrivalled Secretary, and his letter,s have a special charm. Alas that they have not been collected! If they were, readers would have an exquisite l eye-salve. He was the unique of the age in historical knowledge, especially as regards the history of the Timuride kings of India and their ministers, This book, the Maairu-l-Umara, is a pmof of it which masters of the science will recognise. He had collected a large library of Arabic and Persian books, and he often compared and corrected them with his own hand. At this time his library is in confusion. His virtues were greater than can be described. He had a lofty nature and a firmness of mind such that Aristotle might have been his pupil. He had a sedate and majestic soul, and was alsoaffable, sympathetic, just and modest, faithful, pure, straightforward, truthful. He was very indignant againstfalsehood and never esteemed a liar. Whenever he got money, he spent a tenth of it on the needy and he had a separate tithe-treasury and disbursed from it to the deserving. He was an office-adorning officer. When he sate on the masMd he graced it without formality. Two days in the week, Tuesdaysand Fridays, were set apart for the administration of justice. He had plaintiff and defendant brought before him, and exerted himself to get at the real issue. He had at his finger-ends the regulatjons of the country, and in the matter of consultations about public matters he had no off-time either by day or by night. He had no privy counciHor. The wise of the day were mirrors of astonishment on beholding his lofty perception and hispowerlS of reasoning, After recitiJlg the morning prayer he set to business and was occupied tiH midday when he took a siesta. Then he recited the afternoon prayer and aga.in occupied himself with business. Up to midnight
l 'lhi~
F~l's.

T
!
I

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

29

r even later he was engaged in political and financial matters. o . t Ile examined all applicants face to face and had no one to ln roduce them. He presided with dignity on the bench, and he was humble and pleasant in privacy. Nawab Salar Jang Bahadur related that Samsamu-d-d.aulah after coming out of the fort of Daulatabad said to him" I have come to know that these external I circumstances (of prosperity) which have been gathered round me have no permanency." I (i.e. Salar Jang) asked him "how he knew" and he replied " God hatt informed me." The same N awab told that " On the day they took the ministry from him, and there was a great commotion I and many others spent the night in his house and coul.d not sle~p on account of anxiety. At dawn when I met hIm he saId 'This night I slept quietly.''' He also told that the Nawab Samsamu-d-daulah said to him "Before going into the fort, stock was taken of the carpet store-room and there were found 200 odd carpet and rugs; on the day l went to the fort not one carpet was found." Under these circumstances there was not the least change in his feelings. The writer of this notice tells that when N awab Nizamu-d-daulah came to Arcot and was victorious over Mo~affar Ja~g, the officers of the district were summoned to the presence. On account of the Diwiini a'tent had been pitched for them, at Nawah Samsamu-d-daulah's entrance. One day I came out of his tent, and a man came running up and said," J.Iaji 'Abdu-sh-Shakur, a former officer says, ' I'm in the hands of the sazawals (apparitors) and am not allowed to move l' Do you push severity to such an extent as t,his ~ " I had no acquaintance with the officer in question but I saw that it would be cruel not to visit him. I went, and he c~mplained about the calling for accounts, and his being confined by the sazawals. I imme<j.iately went back to Samsamu-d-daulah and said, "J.Iaji 'Abdu-sh-Shakiir an officer ('amil, a collector) who is reckoned among the officers is at the entrance, and you should send for him." The N awab replied " It is not according to rule that a collector whose accounts are under examination should
I The se~tence is obscure, but apparently "he meaning is that SaIDsimu-ddaulah felt that the present return to favour would ioot last.

is very doubtful if, as .tM wriMr' .Js, they were modelled on Abiil See I.O.M.S. EtM, 1484, p. 1431>, for Fai~i'scouplet.

30

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

:n

be bri:>Ught into the Presence." I said" I don't say that he should be excused his rendering accounts, but still I should like that he should be summoned to your presence." The Nawab was for 1'efusing, but I persisted. At last the Nawab sent for him, and saw his condition, and was very sympathetic. He said" To-morrow be present at the door of Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah'shouse." He also charged the ushers to let him know whenever he came. Next day I,Iaji 'Abdu-sh-Shakiir appeared at the door and the usher (chObdar) reported the fact. Nawab Samsamu-d-daulahtepresented to Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah. "I,Iaji 'Abdu-sh-Shakiir, a collector among the collectors whose accounts are under examination haR been summoned. Mir Ghulam 'Ali told mehe should be introduced, and I said that a collector under examination does not come into the Presence. Though I persisted in my refusal, the Mir would not let me off, so I was helpless and sent for him. Now I make the same petition to you, viz., that he may be once for all brought into the Presence." Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah ordered that he should be introduced. As soon as he came in at the door, the Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah looked at him, and what did he see ~ A bowed old man (pir) ninety years of age! He had his tunjc (pirahan) on his breast, a green turban on his head, and a staff and rosary in his hands. He was a saintly figure and an object of compassion. Nawab Ni~amu-d-daulah called him to his side and gave him a seat and asked after his health. He put the signature of acquittance on his accounts and assigned him a daily maintenance and gave him a carriage (sawari) from the government store, and then dismissed him. The description of the virtues of Nawab Samsamu-d-daulah which has been made is but a drop from the clouds, and a single ray from the sun. May God receive the deceased into special mercy and adorn the chief place of Paradise with his presence! Be it known that after the martyrdom of Samsamu-rl-daulah when the army went to Haidarabad, Mir 'Abdu-I-I,Iayy K. was iaken with them and imprisoned in the fort of Golconda. Mir 'Abdu-s-Salam K. remained in Aurangabad on account of sickness and was sent to the fort of Daulatabad. Nawa.b A,af Jah ani (the 2nd) after the killing of I,Iaidar J a.ng went off rapidly on horse

himself back towards Berar. H e prepared an army and addressed Th I to the chastisement L of Janoji, the son of Raghii Bhonsla. . ~ug.l he had a small force and the enemy was numerou~ he ~as VIC or~~ ous After that he went to Ha~darabaQ.. Nawab Amlru-I-mam~ lik,' who had gone to Masulipatam to ~rr~nge ~att6rs, turn;d ~lS . rem and t h e t wo b rothe rs hadan interVIew m HaIdarabad. Nawab d - h accord'mg to the former arrangement sate on the masna Asaf J a f h of' . apparency , and took the bridle of the managementI o t d e the hell' olitical and financial affairs into his hit-nds. On 15 Zii -q'a a i172 29 June 1759, Mir 'Abdu-l-I,Iayyi was brought out of the fort and fresh life granted to him. His old title was Shamsu-~-daula~ Dilawar Jang but after coming out of the fort he receIved hIS f ther's title , of Samsamu-cl-d auIa h S amsam Jang and the rank a . 5000 horse, and was an ob' t of favo ur . Mir' Abdu-s6000 with Jec Salam K. was also, in accordance with orders, brought out of the fort of Daulatabad, and met hil" family. May the Peace of God

had

. be upon them! sIn the name of God the merciful, the compasslOnate. Praise be to God and peace be upon true beiievers ! The poor man 'Abdu- r -Razzaq Alhusaini Alkhwarazimi Alaur. d' angabadi who from the beginning of the years of understan mg, etc.
Grant-Duff ll, Il8. Hhulam 'Ali has a _notice of 'Abdu-l-l;Iayy in the K. 'Amra lith. p. 296. There his pen-na~e seem~ to be given as Sinaram whiCh mIght mean' My plane tree." But though Sinaram seems to be the reading in the LO.M.S. of the K.A., No. 2979, p. 224b, it is probable that the tr~~ reading is Sarim .. a sharp sword. as given in 'Abdu-l-l;Iayy's conclUSIOn to the Maa~ir III, 974. He theresays that this pen-name was adopted on account of its associations with his other title, and as Samsam means a sharp sword, Sarim seems approfriate. Ghulam 'Ali says'Abdu.l-l;Iayy s pen;;me was ~t first Waqar. g This is the pious ejaculation
l

which ss-Ghulam 'Ali has said above,. he added~to 'Abdu-r-Razzaq's preface. This life by Ghulam 'Ali should be compared with Shah N ewaz' s account of himself and his ancestars in the biographies })f his great grandfather Amanat K. and his grandfather Muhammad Kar,im K. at Vol. l, p. 258, ~nd Vol. Ill, 715, of B~b. Ind. ed. of the Maa~ir. ~ee also EllIOt and Dowson VIII, 187. At Vol. III, p. Il7, the author, in his biography ~f Qil'adar K. informs us that hiS grandmother was one of the four daughters of Qil'adarK. by a daughter of 1\1. Jamshid Beg. At p. 680 of the Ma.asir, Vol. III, Shah Newaz mentions th~ interesting fact that he was

THE :MAASIR-UL-u:\rARA.

33

32

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. l PREFACE TO TABLE OF CONTENTS

(p. 42 of

VOL.

ABDU-L-' AzIz KHAN BAH.ADUR. Shaikh Maqbul-i-' Alam (a world-fa.vourite) was descended from S. Farldu-d-dln Ganjshakar-l\Iay his grave be holy. The abade of his ancestars was the village of Asiya l near Bilgram. His grandfatherwas called S. 'Alau-d-dIn, but was commonly known as S. Alhadiya. They say that Saiyid Abu-I-Qasim S. Saiyid K Mul).ammad S. Saiyid M:al~mud of Tatta 2 had three sons. Of them Saiyid 'Abdu-I-~akIm and Saiyid 'Abdu-I-Qadir were the offspring of a wife who was one of his kinsfolk. By another wHe he had Saiyid Badru-d-dln who married in the village of Asiya. As Saiyid Badru-d-dIn had no son, his wife adopted her brother or sister's child and he got the name of S. Alhadiya (the gift). When Saiyid Fa:{<il S. Saiyid 'Abdu-l-E:Iakim was acting as diwan of one of the AmIrs in Daulatabad, S. Alhadiya was with !tim. The AmIr perceived his capabilities and sent him to the royal camp as his agent. As S. Alhadiya behaved well iu business he gradually prospered. He had three sons, and the third of them was 'Abdu.r-Rasul K. who was the father of the subject of this notice. F'iruz Jang (Ghazlu-d-dln) Bahadur introduced him (' Abdu-l'AZIZ) to royal service in the time of Aurangzeb. Afterwards he obtained suitable rank and the name of ~..Q.idmat 'falab Khan, and was made governor of the fort of Naldrug in the province of Bijapur , and also of Ausa in the province of :Muhammadabad BIdar. Afterwards he was, in the time of Ni~amu-I-mulk A~af Jah, made governor of the fort of Junair, and became a favourite of his. When the Ni~amu-I-mulk left Na~ir Jang the martyred in the Deccan and went off to Mul).ammad Shah, and Baji Rao, the Mahratta leader, raised the head of sedition, and the carpet of strife was widespread, Na~ir Jang was concerned about collecting men and summoned 'Abdu-l-' AZi'7, from Junair , as he was farned for courage and was acquainted with the Mahratta tactics, and consulted with him. After the war with the
The Asiyiin of J. II, 178, and the Asiwan in tho Unao district of Oudh of the I.G. VI. 13. See also Beames A.S.B.J., for 1884, p. 227.
i
2 Text Bhata, but B.M.M.S. has Tatta and this is probBbly the correct

(BY TJlE SON OF THE ORIGINAJ, AUTHOR).

It should be know n th a t some of the blOgraphies written by . the ~ounder of ~his work were left as imperfect drafts owing t'o excess of matenals and. to postponements . I h ave d one my b est to compl~te and correct them, and I have supplied a list, of the biographles, and have added in red ink, the letter qaf to the supplementary ~a~es. so that the words of tha,t great man (his father) may be distmgUIshed from those of an mSigm'fi cant person lIke . . . . .
mysel~. ~he gionaus collection contains 730 biographies as the' follow mg hst shows.
very intimate with Khaf1 Khan the historian. , . For Ghul.iim 'Ali's own biography see his Yad Bal,?,a and his Maa~ir-ul-Ikram. He was born at Bilgram on Sundav 25 ~afr IU6, 18 June 1704, andw~~ t.he son of Mu!)ammad Niih. He went in 1143, 1730-31, to SCinde and returned in 1147. He went to Meeca in 1150. I This preface is by 'Abdu I-I:'ayy. He has marked his additions with Qui as an abbreviation for I1!)aq "supplement" See Rieu l, 341, col. 2, and Ethe I, O. Cat., pp. 253-55, 'Abdu-I~ayy'~ list ~qes not contain quite 130 blOgraphles", but perhaps the disnrepancy is the result of his mode of c:ounting. Occasionally two or more names are put under one head. His ~jst does not always tlly with those III the 13ib. Ind. ed. in the index vol In the latter there are one or tw~ ~mi"sions, the result of oversight. The total of the lists in the index volu1lJe is 720. The total in 'Abdu-I l:'ayy'E list according to the total numbers for each letter comes to 726. ~s a matter of fact the number of the blOgraphies contained in the three volumes is consiqerably more than 726 for most of the notices end with accounts of the sons and grandsons of the subject of the biography. At the end of the third volume of the Maair III, 973, 'Abdu-I-Hayy, the son of the orisinal compiler of the work, gives a short account of himself and some specimens of his verses. He says he was born in 1142 17291730, and that in 1162 h' .' ' e receIve l a mafl8ab and the title of Khan from the martyred Na~ir Jang and was made Diwan of the province 01 Berar, and superintel1dent of Nasir Jang'" fiefs there. In the time 'of Salabat Jang he was made governor of Aurangabad and governor of the fort of Daulatabad. Afterwards the Nawab Nir,amu-Imulk Nir,amu-ddaulah patronized hirn and he received his hereditary title and was made Diwan of the provinces of the Deccan and the Nawab's companion in th~ battle and the banquet. The title of Samsamu-I-mulk was conferred on him and he assumed the pen-name of Sarim_ (a sharp sword). 'AbdllI-~ayy Samsamu-Imulk died at the fort of Ka~las. 15th Jumada I, 1196, (28 Apni 1782) and was buried in his garden (cemetery?) at Haidarabad (Rieu I, 342). Kaulas, marked in some maps Kowlasg, is in Haidarabad State and N. N. W. of Haidarabad and N. of Bidar. There is an account of 'Abdu-l-~ayy in the Yad Baiza of ~lUlam 'Ali, and also in the Kh~zina 'Amra lithograph, p. 296. under the name of ~arim.

,I'

readlng.

34

THE MAASIR-UIrUMA.RA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

35

Mahrattas was ended, he made him Naib (Deputy) SiibaJ.tdar of Aurangabad. When after the return of Ni~amu-l-mu1k A,af Jah from Upper India there was a disagreement between father and son, and Na~ir Jang retired to the Khuldabad cemetery (Aurangzeb's cemetery) (Rau~a) which is two kos from the fort of Daulatabad, 'Abdu-l-'Aziz took leave and went off from the Rau~a to AlJaf Jah. He, on perceiving a want of favour, made a pretext to Come to Aurangabad, and by letter and message induced Ni~ir Jang to come out of the Rau~a, so that at last he hasted to Mulhair and collected a force and Came against his father in front of Aurangabad, and then there happened what happened. When the business failed, 'Abdu-l-'Aziz went off to Junair. After that, having contrived by various .means-the best of which was the clemency l and prudence of AlJaf Jah-to have his offences forgiven, he secretly wrote and sent verbal messages to the court of MuJ.tammad Shah and asked for a 8anad in his own name for the province of Gujarat, which was in the possession of the Mahrattas. When A~af Jah had his Camp near Trichinopoly, he (' Abdu-l-'Aziz) enlisted many IDon and proceeded towards the province. The Mahrattas stopped him on the way and a, battle took place, and as fate would have it, 'Abdu-l-'Aziz WaS martyred in 1I56,1743. He was a bold man and acquainted with the work of making collections ('amildari). He had no scruples a,bout getting in money with or without reason. One of his sonS was MaJ.tmiid 'A.lam K., who after his father was made governor of the fort of Junair and stayed there a long time. When the Mahrattas became very powerful, tt nd there was no hope of assistance, he received an estate from the Mahrattas and surrendered the fort to them. At the time of writing he is still alive. Anoi;her Son was KlIidmat 'ralab K. who Was at last made governor of the fort of Naldr.ug and died. (Q.) 'ABDUJL-'AZIZ KHAN, SHAIKH. A connection of S. 'Abdu-l-La.~if 2 of Burh9,npur. zeb had many associations with the latter, 01' rather
l CI. Il, 77, ~jlm u gu.z~8M.

to him on account of his virtues and piety, the Shaikh recommended 'Abdu-l-' Aziz, and he was enrolled as a servant. In t~e battle 'th Maharajah Jeswant Singh he showed zeal and receIved one Wl d t enty wounds, and was rewarded with a robe of honour and an w When Aurangzeb marched from Agra to D eIh' m pursUl 't l . h e a ars. . h 500 of Dara ~ikoh, 'Abdu-l-' Aziz received the rank of 1,500 wlt horse and the title of Khan, and was made governor of the fort of Raisin in Malwa. In the 7th year he was summoned t~ ~ourt, and in the same year he was made, on the death of Mir Baqlr K., f .dar of the Chakla of Sirhind. Afterwards he was made guveraU) . f A g nor of the fort of Asir, a dependency of the provmce o. uranabad, and in' the 20th year when Siva Bhonsla go~ lus men up to the top of the fort by mean'3 of lassoes, he was actIve and slew t h em, an d for a long time remained firm there..In the 29th year . _l correspond mg t o 1096 , 1685 , he died. After hIm, hIS son. Abu-, Kb aIr suceeede d hl'm , and in the 33rd year had charge of the fort ;;{Rajgarha. When the Mahratta army i sent him a message to , evacuat e th e fort , he became terrified and asked for quarter and came out wit,h his family and necessary effects. The Mahrattas cast aside the agreement and sei7;ed whatever property they could get. When this transaction was made kn~wn to_ the emperor, he dismissed Ahti-I-Khair and appointed a stnct 8azawal to see that he wen t t o Mecca. Though his mother made great efforts and . . obtained a revocation of the order, yet befor~ thIS came he had already embarked at the port of Surltt. O~ hIS ret,ur~ he . agam b ecame an o bl'ect of favour and received hIS father .8 tItle, . and was pu t m c h arge of the tomb of Shah' Abdu-l-Latif whICh was . of B urh anpur . His son was Muhammad NA~nr K. al~as in the CIty . Miyan MaeOti (the mad Miyan), who is serving other people. At IMt he too has gone to the final lodging. (Q.)
o o

'ABDfJ-L-HADI :&..lIWAJA.
As AurangWaS devoted Eldest son of ~afdar K. Khwaja Qasim. In t~e b~ginning ~f Shah Jahan's reign he was in the town of Saron] whICh was hlB
I Khiri K. II, 392. On the same page-mention ill made of 'Abdu-l 'Aziz as. slave who had been brought

nine lines from foot

I.Q1afi Ko Il, 553, ste.

I
II

up by the family of Bairam K. lf!JanKhanan and 8S having been in charge of the fort of the JglaiblU'.

36

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

father's fief. In -the 4th year when Khan Jahan Lodi in concert with Dariya K. Rohilla hastened from the Deccan to Malwa and came to that town, he took charge of its protection. Up to the 20th year he had a man8ah of 900 with 600 horse, and in the 21st year he rose to the rank of 1,500 with 800 horse, and in the 2:3rd year he had an increase of 200 horse. In the 26th year he went off with Prince Dara Shikoh who had been appointed to take Qandahar. At the time of departure his rank was 2000 with 1000 horse and he had the gift of a khilat, and a horse with a silvern saddle. In the 27th year he had the distinction of a flag. In the 30th year corresponding to 1066, 1656, he died. His son ~..bwaja Jiih had in the 30th year the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. 'ABDU-L-MAJID OF HERAT (.A~AF K. KHW.AJA). He was descende from Shaikh Abu Bakr Taibadi. 1 - When Ti~ur in 782, 1380-1381, conquered Herat which was held by MalIk Ghi:au-d-din, he came to Taibad and sent to the Shaikh and asked why he did not come to wait upon him. The Shaikh replied, "What have I to do with him 1" The Amir then went in person and said, "Why did you not advise Malik Ghiasu-d-din 1" He replied, "I did advise him, but he did not listen." God has sent you against him, I now advise you to be just. If you do not listen, He will send another against you." Th~ Amlr used to say, "During my Sultanate with whatever darvish I consorted, I perceived that each of them was in his heart thinking about himself, except the ~aikh whom I found separated i from himself." Khwaja Abdu-I-Majid was one of the servants of Humayun, and on account of his honesty and skill he was made Diwan at the time of the conquest of India. When the world renewed its youth by the accession of Akbar, the Khwaja was exalted from the diwani to the rank of commander (sirdari) and united the sword with the pen. When Akbar proceeded to the Panjab in connection with the affair of Bairam KhA.n, the Khwaja got the
lB. 366. As pointed out by BlochmaDD. the~ is an account of Ab6 Bakr in the NafhituI-Uns; but it does not tell the story about Tirom. see lith. ed. p. 326. 2 min Mudra tlar 1,Iaiiib.

THE MAASffi-UL-UMARA.

37

title of .A~af K. and acquired reputation as governor of Delhi. He received a .~rl1m ::.nd a flag and an office of 3000. When Fatu K., the slave of Adili, who had taken possession of Ohunar, showed a desire to surrender it, .Allaf K. in accordance with bhe king's orders went along with 8...baikh Mul,.ammad Ghau~, and obtained peaceable possession of the fortress. The charge of Sarkar Kara Manikpiir was made over to him. At that time Ghazi K. T&Jlfiri, who was one of the leading Afghan officers, and had for a time served. Akbar, absconded and went off with some men to the country of Panah, which was an independent kingdom. There he was in security and set about being seditious. A.~af K. in the 7th year conveyed to Rajah Ram Chand, the ruler there. the message that he should become tributary and deliver up the rebels. The Rajah in his presumptuousness joined with those wretches and prepared for war. .A~af K. behaved with energy and killed the refugees. The Rajah was defeated and took refuge in the fortress of Bi.ndhu which was the strongest fortress in that country. At last, by agreeing to make submission, and at the intercession of Rajahs who were near Akbar, an order was issued to .At!&f K. to abstain from attacking the Rajah. .A~af therefore withdrew , but as he ha.d acquired. reuch power by his victory he formed the idea of conquering Garha. It was an extensive territory south of Panah and was commo h, known as Gondwana. It was 150 k08 in length and 80 kos in breadth They say that in old times it contained 80,000 villages. The inhabita,ntsare Gonds, which is a low-eMte tribe, and one looked down upon by Hindus. Formerly many Rajahs ~uled it, but at this time the power was in the hands of Ranl Durgavati. She by her courage, dexterity, and justice had united the whole country. Garha was li great city in that country and Katanga was the name of a village which was subordinate to it. .A~af K. ascertained by means of spies the modes of access to the country, and in the 9th year invaded it with 10,OO(} cavalry. The Rani, who had not at that time collected her forces, came with a few troops to give 'battle. She said, .. How can l, who have ruled. this country so long, think of flying ~ lt is better to die with honour than to live with disgrace." Her officers

38

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~h~

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39

represented that it was a fine thing to resolve upon fighting b t that to cast aside the thread of counsel was not courage. should strengthen some places until they could collect their army. This was done. When A~af K. to~k Garha and did not retreiJ,t, the Rani called together her officers and said, "I want war. Whoever desires it ' let him come "'l'th me There IS no . ". . thIrd course. I t is a case of victory or death" ' e t urne d to Sh ' '. fight. When she waR told that her son Bir Sah had received wounds, she bade them remove him from the battie-field to a safl} place, and when shfJ herself was wounded she said' to a confid t "I h b an . av.e een eonquered in battle. God forbid that I be con q~ered m name, and fame; do your duty, and put an end to me WIth a dagger. ' _He had not the courage to do so; and she stabbed herself. Asaf K. set off to seize ehu-ragarh a, wh'IC h was . a fort and a capital, and had many buried treasures and which Bir Sah hadstrengthened. After a struggle in whi~h Bir Sah bravely fell, the fort was taken. After this victory, which was the greatest of A~af K.'s achievements, he became possessed of boundless treasures, and grew proud and arrogant. He went astray, and out of 1,000 elephants he sent (only) 200 to H.M. In the 10th ye~r Khan Zaman Sb.aibani, in conjunction with the UZbe~ officers I~ the eastern districts. raised the standard of h-l' rebel1l0n and besleged MaJ'nun K . Qa-qLa lD th e f ort of M- . amk_ pur. .A~af K. came to his assistance with 5,000 cavalry. When Akbar came to that country to put down the rebellion Asaf K ap~eared before him, and presented as peshkash the rarit~es ~f th~ spoila of . Garha, and held a review of his troops' He was agam . . treated WIth favour and sent to pursue th e re b els. B ut the Im. . penal clerks,1 who had had a taste of his bribes out of CUpI l Y 'd't d ' . o, an envy, hmted at hIS accumulation of wealth and hiB embezzlement~, and talebearers exaggerated these remarks and filled A.af K. WIth fears. On 20 !;l afI' 973, 16 September 1565 ' he outo valn f' . . S:I~plClOn .took to flight. In the llth year, when Mahdi Qasim K. ",,$ appomted to the government of Garha, A,af K. left, with many regrets, that country, and with his brother Wazir K.
j

accepted an invitation from the Khan Zaman and joined him m Jaunpur. On the first interview he perceived the Khan Zaman's tyranny and arrogance and repented of his coming, and when he saw that his cupidity was excited by his possessions he sought an opportunity of leaving him. At this time the Khan Zaman sent him and his (own) brother Bahadur K. against the Afghans, but kept Wazir K. with himself. Hence both the brothers resolved to fly and went off to Manikpur. Bahadur K. pursued them and fought with them. Allaf K.'s nien were defeated and fled, and he was captured. Suddenly Wazir K. arrivOO and learned what had happened. As Bahadur K.' men were engaged in plundering, Wazir K. attacked and Bahadur K. fled. He gave a sign to kill A,af K. who was fastened on an elephant. He was struck once or twice, his fingers were cut, and he was wounded on the nose, when Wazir K. arrived and relieved him. Both brothers in the year 973, 1565-66, came to Kara. ihaf K. sent Wazir K. to Agra to Mo*affar K. Tarbati in order to obtain pardon through his intervention. Mo~affar K., who in obedience to a summons went to the Punjab in 974, took Waz'ir K. with him and produced him before Akbar in the hunting-field, and interceded for him. An order was given that A.~af K. together with Majnun K. should gU:1rd the boundaries in Kara Manikpiir. In the same year Akbar mad.e a rapid expedition against Khan Zaman and Bahadur K., and slew them. In this battle A~af K. displayed zeal and showed perfect loyalty. In the year 975, 1567, he obtained the pargana of Biana l as his fief in supersession of 'l:Iaji Mul,I.ammad Sistani, in order that he might go there and make preparations and act as the advance-force in the matter of Rana. Udai Singh. When in the middle of Rabiu-l-awal of that year, September 1567, Akbar marched from Agra to punish the Rana, the latter left J aimalwho was formerly in Mirtha-in charge of ehitor , and retired to

Akbarnii:mah, II, 256.

Text pargana Biak. B. 368 has read t,l1is as Piyag, i.e. Allahabad. But the Maa~ir is here cO'Pying the T. Akbari, and that has (see Elliot V. au) Biana, which is on the way from Agra to Chitor. B:aji Mul}ammad
1

apparently got a fief in Malwa in exchange, A.N. II, 313. A~af and hill brother's going on in advance of Akbar's ,army is referred to in A.N. II, 313.

40

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the corners of the hills.

th~t fort.

A.l(laf K. did excellent service in the siege of

Chi~or .lie~ o.n the top of a hill which is nearly ako8 l in

heIght: and this hIll IS m the midst of an open plain which has no
~le.vatlOn. Its circuit is at the foot six k08, and three kos where

lt IS walled in. Besides large stone tanks which are filled by rainwater, there are springs high up in it. After 4 months and 7 days the fort was taken on 25 Shaban of the 12th vear '>4 Feb ruary 1568 , and the whole Sarkar of Chitor was assigned, . _ 2. to A~af K. as his fi ef. 'ABDU-L-MATLIB KRilN.8 Son of Shah Budagh K., and one of Akbar's Amirs of the At first, he was appointed along with M. Sharafu-d1If~ l,Iusam to take Mirtha , and did good service on that occasion. erwards he became one of Akbar's personal attendants. In the lOth year he went with Mir M'uzzu-I-mulk to punish Sikandar K. Uzbeg, and Bahadur K. fibaibani d f ' When the kI'na' s army was . -o e eated and scattered he too took his own road. After that he was sent off with :'fu~ammad Quli K. Barlas against Sikandar K. ~ho had made a dIsturbance in Oudh. After that he for a while hved on his fiei in Malwa. When in the 17th year the Malwa officers were ordered to assist the Khan A' . . Kok, h e came t o zim a G " uJarat .an~ m the battle with MuJ:lammad l,Iusain Mirza bravely engaged m smgle combats. By orders he camB with the IThA" K k . ..Lan ?;Im o a and dId homage at the time when the k' b . . S mg was eSleglIt..g urat, and then was allowed to go back to his fief. In
r~nk of 2~OO.

the 23rd year when Qutbu-d-din K. 's men arrested Mo~aftar gusa.in M and were bringing him to cQurt from the Deccan, he as ~ precaution joined them with some Malwa troop8. In the 25th year he was appointed along with Ism'all Quli K. toch&8tiseNiyabat K. 'Arab, l and displayed zeal and devotion. In the 26th year he was accused' of having killed Fatl,1 Dost, the son of 'Ali Dost Barbegi, but after some time was received into fav~ur. In the expedition to Kabul he had command of the left wing. In the 27th year when Akbar went to the eastern districta and came near I{alpi-where 'Abdu-I-Ma~lib had his fief-'-he at 'Abdu-l-Matlib's request visited his residence. In the 30th year he went to the south as one of the auxiliaries of the Khan 'A?;im Koka, and in the 32nd year 3 he went with a large force to punish J alaIa Tariki. One day, when Jalala Tariki attacked the men ofthe rear-guard, though 'Abdu-I-Matlib did not mount his horse, the other officers rushed forward and defeated the enemy and slew many of them. But 'Abu-I-Matlib from excessive anxiety and mental disturbance became mad and came to court in a helpless oondition. At last he died at his appointed time. Sherzad his son attained to the rank of 500 with 200 horse during Jahangir's time. 'ABDU-N-NABl ~ADR. (SHAIKH). Grandson of S. 'Abdu-I-Quddus + of Gangoh, who was a descendant of Imam Abu l,Ianifa of Kufa, and one of the later celebrities of India. He died in the year 944, 1537-38. S.' Abdu-n~Nabi was the first of his time in literary (naqli:ya) sciences, and had a
A.N. III. 328. A.N. III, 354, and also Iqbiilnama. which tells us that the father of the murdered man declined to prosecute. Fati'). Dost had just been made a member of the Divine Faith. 3 See A.N. III, 520521. B. wrongly says it was the son that was attacked. A. F. mentions that the general could not mouni his horse, but does not give the reason. Perhaps all that is mea.nt is that he could not get back to the owene of battle.
j

This is .taken from the Ta.baqat see Elliot V, 325; but Ni~amu-d-di~ must mean that the height, balandi, extended for a kOB, i.e., the ridgew8S so long, not that theelevation was a koB. See account of Chitor in Rajputana Gazetter lU, al. "The fort stands on a long narrow hill .. extreme length of fort from wall tu wall 6,736 yards." "The hill aver... aboat 450 ft. above the surrounding country." 2 A.N. II, 324. The _'icle ends
l

The text of the A. N. ,spells 'Ahdul-Ma~lib's name as 'Abdu-l-Mullli&lib.

.rather abruptly, and, as B. has pointed out, does not mention when' Abdul-Majid died. B. adds tnat he must have been dead~in (J81, 1573-74, as in that yee.r the title of Asaf K. was bestowed on anothe.r noble.' A. F. places him among the holders of 3000. The T.A. adds to its notice of him that he entertained 20,000 horse. B B. '03. 'Abdu-l Matallib was the name ofMui).ammad's gr~ndfather.

A.F. says he was sent in as he was insane. He does not say why he became mad. The battle is also described by Nir,lmu-d-din. See Elliot V,456. + J. III. 374, where the date of death given iR 950, 1543. The JS!!azina At6yi has 945. Apparently 945 is the correct date. Rieu n, 8300. XV. For 'Abdullah, 467.

_B.

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high place in the science of I;Iadi (tradition). In pite of his great acquirements, he was assiduous in following the practices of the noble order of Chisht. He could so hold his breath that he for the space of a watch (pahar) could without breathing occupy himself in mental utterance (~ikrqalbi).l In the lOthyear of Akbar'sreign he attained through the influence of Mo~afiar K. the chief diwan the office of principal $a.dr ~ of ~ndia. In the course of time th; chief transactions of State were carried on in accrordance with his recommendations. His intimacy with the king became so great that Akbar used to go to his house to hear the Traditions. As at that time Akbar, at the instigation of the Shaikh, showed great zeal in the performance of exemplary acts and the non-performance of what was prohi bited , he personally recited the ~an (call to prayer) and actf'd as Ima.m (leader of the prayen), he even went so far as to sweep the mosque in order to acquire merit. Onf' dayan the occaaion of the anniversary of the accession,8 the colour of saffron had been put on the king's clothes. The Sbaikh was angry and in open diwan so wielded his staff that it reached the king's skirt and tore it. The king was displeased and went to his mother and complained, saying that the Shai kh 3hould have made his remonstrance in private. Miriam-Makani said, " My son, don't be vexed. This \vill be a cause of salvation to you on the last day. '(ill the day of the Resurrection they will tell how a poor Mulladealtwith the king of the Age, and how the king of happy augury submitt,ed. " As the Shaikh and Makhdl1mu-I-mulk every day displeased the king by their censures and bigotry, his heart became alienated from them. ShailQl Fai'i and Shaikh AbI1-l-fa~1 perceived this and represented th/l.t their science was greater than that of those hypocritical Shaikhs ,vho under the screen of religion (din) hadgathered things of the world (daniyii). "If Your Majestv will support us we'll silence them by convincing proofs." Accordingly one day there was food containing saffron oh the tablej See account of Zikr in Hughes' Diet. of Islam. 'Jahangir read the Forty Traditions with' Abdu-nnabi. " Badayiini II. 71.

3 Siilgirih. It may have been the anniversary of the birthday. Dishes containing saffron are described in the Ain. B. 59, OO.

cloth. When 'Abdu-n-nabI partook of it, Abii-I-fa~ said, "Oh Fie, Sha~kh, if saffron be Hcit, why did you make all those strictures on H.M. the Vicar of God, and if it be illicit, why have you partaken of it so that for three days the effects will remain?" .Therewere repeated altereations between them. At last in the 22nd year there was an inquiry into aigftrgbal and other tenures, and it appeared that the SbailQl in spite of his devotion and austerity did not observe the due degrees of moderation and regard to merit. In every province a separate ~adr was appointed. And when in the 24th year Akbar had an assembly of 'Ulamlt and sages, it was agreed by them that the reigning king " Padishah-i.Zaman " was the Imam of the time, and Mujtahid (Doctor) of the world. Whiohever of the conflicting opinions of former Doctors lie adopted was to 8e received by mankind; that is to say, in matters of Faith, .as to which Mujtahids differed, whatever side His Majestyadopted, for the soothment of the world,and the tranquillity of the' men of Islam, was binding upon miinkind, and whatever order he might issue which was not contrary to the L~w and the Snnnat, and was for the good of the people, could not be opposed without incurring loss in this world and in the next. For the rank of a just king was above that of a Mujtahid. A document was drawn up to this effect and it \Vas attested by the seals of 'Abdu-n-nabi, the Malilidiimu-I-mulk Sultanpl1ri, QMzi K. Badakshi I;Iakimu-I-mulk and other 'Ularna. This l took place in the month of Rajab 987, August 1579. When different statemeht,g were made by 'Abdu-n-nabi and MaJmdumu-l-mulk, and it appeared that they were saying that they had been made to attest the document by force and against their will, Akbar, in the same year, made the Shailili the leadet of the carav.a.n and sent him off with a sum of money for the chief men of Mecca, and for the indigent there, and he also dismissed Malilidl1mu-l-mulk. In this way he exiled them from his territories, a.nd gave the order that they should always remain there in the practice of devotion and. not return unless they were 8ummoned. When the coming of M. I;Ia,kim and the rebellion of the officers of Bihar and Bengal caused confusion in india, ' Abdu-nl

B. 186,

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nabi and Makhdumu-I-mulk-who were watching for such an opportunity-heard exaggerated accounts and resolved to return. In spite of the admonishment ofthe 6b,a.rifof Mecca, and in opposition to the king's command, they made the voyage, and in the 27th year arrived at Al).madabad. Though the Begams of the Harem interceded for them, yet as the rebela renewed their i~ proper language, the ~aikh was sent for, and was imprisoned I with great severity on the pretext of his having to render accounts. He was put into the charge of S. Abu-I-fa?;l, and he knowing that the king would not question about his murder, secretly had the Sbaikh strangled,2 in consequence of the old enmity, in the year 992, 1584. Or perhaps he die.d a natural death. 'ABDU-L-QAWI (I'TIMAD K. ~AIKH). He is famed for his excellency, laudable qualities, piety and orthodoxy. He was long in the service of prince Aurangzeb and was his pemonal attendant. He II was highly honoured and trusted on account of his honesty in speech and act. When Aurangzeb left the Deccan for Agra for the purpose of assuming the sovereignty, he was raised from 900. to a man8ab of.1500, and was in attendance on Aurangzeb's stirrup at aU the batties. After the Accession he attained high office and became an Amir. In the 4th year he received the title of I'timad K!J,an, and became a favourite above all his contemporaries. As he advanced in the service and was in the king's confidence and was distinguished for tact, he became more intimate with the king than the other pillars of the empire. They say that he used to sit with the king in private and that his suggestions were listened to and approved of But he never recommended anybody and kept the gate df libera1ity closed. On account of his connection with sovereignty and the pride ofbeing the king's teacher he did not pay attention to men, and was very pompous. He was also very bigoted.
------l

Sa'idai 1 Sarmad was a Jew by origin and was regarded as a Rabbi. When he became a Muhamma.dan he studied under Mir Abu-I-Q'asim Qandarsakl. He came from Kashan to Tatta (Scinde) for purp@ses of trade and there fell in love with a Hindu 's son and threw away everything that he had. He did not even cover his private parts. When he came to DeIM, he associated with Dara ~ikoh who had much faith in distracted persons. Afterwards, when the Fates put the reins of power into Aurangzeb's hands, he, who was very strict in religious matters, ordered MuHa 'Abdu-l-Qawi to send for Sarmad , and make him wear clothes. When he was brought, the MuHa said, "Why are. you naked?" Sarmad replied , "Satan is powerful," 'l and he recited this quatrain.

Badayiini.

Lowe 321, and also

244.
'2 Th.ere is il full account of Abdun-nabi in the Darbiir Akbari, and in a note at p. 327 it is pointed out that 11'iitamad K. in his Iqbiilniima (Part

II) distinctly says thJ!j; A.F. killed 'Abdu~nabi. See also the account in Badayuni III, 79, where 9\H is given ss the date of death, but in II. 312 the date is given as 9~2. 3 Cj. 'Alamgirniima, pp. 982-83.

l Rien II, 547a, and III, 1089b, 'Allah Yitr'R ~diqatul-Aqiilim lith. ed., 109, Bernier II, 124 of ed. 1699, Manueci, translation I, 223 and S84; but the best a(,count, of him is in the Dabistin. Cal. lith., p. 298, etc. The author of that work saw him at Haidarabad (in the Deccan) in 1057, 1647. I think the statement that Sarmad was an Armenian is a mistake for Rabiiniail, and the meaning is that he was a Rabbi. See Dabistiin I (which seems to be the Maa~ir's authority). The word Qanduz in text seems a mistake for Qandarsaki. This is ene of the variants, and it is supported by the Dabi stan. Sarmad's name was MUl,\ammad S'aid, but presumably this lll~me was assumed after he becamc a Muhammadan. Ho was put to death in 1071, 1660-61. I have altered the statement in text that Sarmad was reported to be an Armenian. It is Qandarsagi in the Dabistan and in the variant to the text of the Maa~ir, but q~f and fa only differ by a dot. According to the Burha.., Qati and Vullers II, 693b, where Abu-l Qiisim Fandarsagi ;s mentioned, Fandars&g is a village in the district of Astrabad, on the S.E. coast

of the Caspian. But for the st,atement of Burhiin Qti' one would be inclined to read the word as qanda.zsagi and to connect it with Abul-Qasim o.f Nishii:piir and Nal?fabii:d. about whom a story is told of his giving up the benefit of his forty-five pilgrimages in order to feed !t dog. Qa.ndazsag might mean a fox or a dog. See the ij:adiqa-ul-Iqilim, p. 398, and the Ig1azina A~fiyii's notice of Abu-IQ&sim II, p. 207. It is true that this saint died in 367 A.H., 977-78, but perhaps the passage in the Da.bistan only means that Sarmad studied his writings. There is a notice of Sarmad in the Khazina A. II, p. 352. An Abu-I Qasim of Andijan in Ferghana is mentioned as a leading ~ailil' and as having come to India in the time of Shah Jahan. See biography of ~hwajah Abdu r-Rahim Maa,ir l, 792. Perhaps it was this Abii-I.Qasim who was SarmRd's teacher. Apparently Sarn,ad was stiH a .Jew when the author of the Dabistiin met him. "Is there an allusion here to Abdu-l-Qawi's name? The words are Shai~iin Qawiest.

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He is pleased with so debasing me (1), His evil eye has ta'en the cup from my hand (?J, He lies in wait, and I'm at his beck. A strange robber l has made me naked. The MuHa. and the other lawyers decided that he should be put to dea.th, and the MuHa made this quatrain which denied the Ascension of Mul:tammad a reason for this.

Verse.
He who was aided by the Prince of Truth Was himself wider than the wide heavens. The MuHa says, "Al:tmad ascended to heaven." Sarmad says, " Heaven descended to Al:tmad." The truth is that the main reason for putting him to death was hiscompanionship with Dara Shikoh, otherwise there were many thousand naked enthusiasts like him in every lane and street.. i In short, Mulla 'Abdu-I-Qawl was a very strict censor. In the ninth year, 1077, 1666-67, an unknown Turkoman Calendar killed him with a sword. This event was of a surprising nature. The details are as follows:-When Tarbiyat K. had gone off as ambassador to Shah' Abbas the second, he did not perform the duties of the etiquette of an embassy in a proper manner, and made the Shah, who was of a lunatic disposition, more irritated than ever. The old friendship became clouded over and it came to the lea<!ing of armies against one another. At this time Saiyid Aniir !QJ.an, the governor of Kabul arrested some Jfoghul Turkomans as spies and sent them to court. I'timad was bidden to examine them. He sent for one of these men-who'was a Turkoman soldier-and had him brought in to his private room unbound and unchained, and proceeded to examine him. At this time, he, whose daring mind was suffused with ignorance, suddenly moved from his place, and approached a servant, who was keepl

ing charge of his weapons outside, and, taking a sword from him, struck the Khan a blow which killed him. The att.endants slew him. The deceased Khali K. has told the story in a different manner in his history. Although the reliance (tahaqiq) which that author-between whom and the writer there was great intimacy-placed upon the Miratu-l-' .AJam and the' Alamgirnama l is well known, yet as his account 2 was derived by him from the Calendar's co_mpanions , and is still more extraordinary (than the current story), it is here set down. It is that the Calendar was one of the professional athletes, pahlwanan, and conjurors of Persia: These men by impudenee and swagger 8 force money from gentlemen, and then fling it away. This man too had performed wonderful feats in Surat and Burhanpiir. When he came to Delhi in the course of his travels he was received with honour by the Persian Amirs, and collected together some qalandars. Every day he spent in gardens with music and singing. This became notorious, and some charged him with alchemy and some with thieving and robbery. At last it was represented (to Aurangzeb) that he was a spy of the Shah. As all knew his coura/l:e,the Kotwal caught him while he was asleep. and conveyed him- in chains to the king's presence. I'timad K. was directed to examine bim. After examination, although he said that he was a wandering beggar by profession, it was of no avail, and the Mulla used threatening language to him. The doorned man saw that there was no release for him, and said, "If you will assure my safety, I shall tell the truth to the ear of the Nawab." When he approached, he bent down as if to speak, and though both his hands were bound he quickly seized with his
'Alamgirnama 982, M.aa~ir A., 57. Khiifi K. II, 203, ete. The text is rather curiously worded. The expression dar fanab" on the side " or " with regard to " is to me somewha.t obscure and some of the MSS. have a different reading, mz. finnat or perhaps famba/. I do not think that lihe writer can mean tha.t IS!lifi K. was less trustworthy than the other two writers.
l
2

Text dard but the MSS. have

diJzd .. a thief or robber" and I have

adopted this reading.

Ohulam 'Ali Azid says in the Bai~ that Sannad's tomb is near the Jama' Masjid of Delhi.
'2

Yad

Sargala zadan, which might mean and liter'ally is " acting as head of the herd." The Bib. Ind. ed. .of Khiifi K. II, 203. has airkalima., but the true reading seems to be 8irkala-zadan, which means to butt, or fight with the head and homs like rams or deer. see Bahir-i"Ajam s.v. Here it seems to mean to extort by threats, to blackmail,

<, striving-for pre-eminence,"

48

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

. _ . I pany Prince Aurangzeb to Qandahar. From thence he went with fingertips a short sword (lllmCha@amSher)WhIChhadbeen'left'QUlijK.toBust,and did good servicl' in the battle with the on I'timiid's dai a (masnad), and so smote him.on the head .with the Pe1'f!ians. Consequently, in the 23rd year he attained the rank of l scabbard thereof that he was at once slam. The kmg was 2500 with 1000 horse. In the 24th year he went to Bihar along much grieved at his death and showed favour to his family and with J'aafar K. the governor of that province. In the 26th year promoted his sons and other relatives to man~ab8 and showed them he went with Dara Shikoh to Qandahar, and from there he went other kindnesses. with Rustum K. to take Bust.
'ABDU-R-RAI.!'fM BEG UZB:EG. Brother of 'Abdu-r-Ral).man Beg the guardian of 'Abdu-l.Aziz K. the (eidest) son of Na~r Mul).ammad K. the ruler of Balkh. In the llth year of Shah Jahan's reign he came i from Balkh and did homage. The king gave him a robe of honour, a decorated dagger , and a sword with golden accoutrements and enamelled work, and the rank of 1000 with 600 horse, and a sum of Rs. 25,000 in cash. Afterwards 8 he received an increase of 500 with 200 horse and a fief in the province of Bihar, and went off there. After he came there, as owing to the harsh measures of 'Abdullah K. Bahadur, the governor of the province, there was disagreement between him and the governor, he, considering this to be an injury to himself, feigned illness for some days and represented himself aE'- dumb. For a year he entirely refrained from speech, so that even his women did not know what was the matter. When the king heard of this, an order was passed for Ris coming to court. In the thirteenth year he came 6 and used his tongue. When hl' mentioned the cause of his dumbness the audience were astonished. As the king was going to Kashmir this year, he conferred on him the rank of 2000 with 1000 horse and directed him to remain in the capital. In the 22nd year he was appointed to accom~
J baklldu Miyara gardU "made him like a cucamber"(?) 'The vari. ant is nedu janQT.\ gardid. LO.M.S., No. 628, has tka jrmaza gardU" he became the same &8 acorpse. ' , I think there can be no doubt this is tohe correct reading aud that the phrase is an allusion to the inscription on Prince J)aniel's gun bar har ka 1S!Jurda tir-i tl( ika" janaza, Ttizuk

TIlE

MAASIR-~L-UMARA.

49

'ABDU-R-RA~IM I OF LUCKNOW.

(SHAIKH)

Jahlingiri, p. 15. ., Who 'er receives thy ball becomes acorpse. ' Compare Maa~ir III, 13, laat line, where the phrase ill repeated. There is an ac count of 'AbulIQliwi's death in Manucci II, 147. i Pidshahnlima t, Part II, 243. 8 id. 275. ~ifi K. I, 57l. 6 id. 169.

One of the noble Shaikhzadas of Lucknow city. That is a large city in the province of Oudh on the bank of the Gumti; the tract is called Baiswara. i The Sbai/Ql had the good fortune to enter Akbar's service and by good conduct attained to the rank of 700, which was a high rank in those days. As he was very intimate S with Jamai Bal!.btiyar-whose sister was one of Akbar's favourite wives-he was led into drinking habits. He became maly addicted to wine-bibbing, and as intoxicants injure the soul and reason, his intellect became clouded, and he shewed signs of follv . In the 30th year, at the time of returning from Kabul, when the camp was at Sialkot , the Shaikh became deranged in I:Iakim Abfi-I-fatl)'s quarters and wounded himself with the I:Iakim' s dagger. People took it out of his hand, and they sewed up the wound in Akbar's presence. They say the emperor did so with his own hand. Though experienced physicians considered that the wound was incurable, and it became so bad that after two months he was given up, yet the king always gave him hopes, and when he was yet at the point of death he recovered in a short space of time. Afterwards he died in his native land at the appointed time. They say he had a Brahman wife who was called Kishna. That clever woman after the Shai/Ql's death built houses and
I. B. 470.

The country of the Bais trih" of Rajputs. SeeElliot.Supp.G1oss. 1,13. S A. N. III, 371. Blochmani' . .. Z5,
;z

calls the sister the Akbar's harem. 4 A.N. III, 470. 359.

superin~endent

of

Badayiini, Lowe.

50

THE MAASIR-UL-Ul\IARA.

made a garden, a serai, and a tank. She also took villages \n far~, and looked after the adornment of the garden in which the Sba~k_h was buried. Whoever passed by that way-from a panjkazan to a common soldier-was entertained by her suitablv to his rank.. And though she became old and blind she did not ~ive up her kInd.lY ways, and for about sixty years she kept her husband'a name alIve. Verse.
Not every woman is womaniRh, or every man manly.

'tHE l\'lAASIR-UL-UMARA.

51

(MIRZA) 'ABDU-R-RAJ:fIM T):~AN-KIJANAN son an~ heir of Bairam K. His mother was of the family of II - the Khans of Mewat. When l in 961 , 1554 ,umayun b ecame f~r a second time seated on the th rone of India and had established hImself at Delhi, he, in order to give assurance and encouragement to the_ zamindars, i~stituted marriages with their daughters. h When Jamal K. the COUS1l1 of Husain K . of Mewat-wowas one . . of the influential zamindars of India-waited upon Humayun, he possessed two daughters. Humayun married the eidest, and gave the second to Bairam. On 14 Safr 964, 17 December 1556, in the end of the first year of Akbar's reign ,M 'Abdu-r -R a. lm was b orn h. . In Lahore: When his father fell a martyr at the hands of the Afgha~s In Pattan-Guj arat , 'Abdu-r-Ral!im was four years old. The _ rIoters attacked the Khan' s camp Mu h amm ad Amm . _ _. . Dlwana, Baba Zambur, and his mother rescued the Mirza from that tumult and set off for ~madabad. They fought with the Afghans who followed in the rear and arrived' at the city. After four months Mul!ammad Amin Diwana and some other servants proceeded towards the court w.ith the M-r za. I n J alaur an order l reached them, summoning the child. In the beginning of the si th year, 969, . 1562, he did homage , ' , In SpI e of Xh e and Akbar' 't . . t . Importumtles of evil-speaker.s and evil-thInk.ers, perceived' hIm In . the marks of nobleness and nourished and cherished him.
l A. N. II, 48. Humiiyun did not reach Delhi tili Ram,?iin 962,

When he came to years of discretion he received the title of Mirza Khan and was married to Mah Banu, the sister of the Khan-A'~am. In the 21st year he was nominally appointed to the government of Gu]arat, while the management of affairs was entrusted to Wazir K. In the 25th year he was made Mir 'Ar~i (inspector of petitions). In the 28th year he was made guardian of Prince Sultan Selim, and in the same year he gained a victory over Sultan Mo?;affar of Gujarat. The details of this are as follows :-Sultan Mo~affar, in the first Gujarat expedition fell into the hands of the royal servants .and was imprisoned. He was sent l to Mun'im K. the Khan-Khanan. When Mun'im died, Mo~affar was sent back to court and was made over to Shah Man!}ftr. Tn the 23rd year he made his escape and came to Gujarat. He reposed there in the neighbourhood of Junagarh and under the protection of the Kathis. The officers regarded him as unimportant and paid no attention to him. When I'timad K. got the government of Gujarat in succession to Shihabu-d-din Al!mad, some servants of the late governor became disloyal and raised the head of disturbance. Mo~affar joined them and became a leader and took possession of Al!madabad. Akbar appointed Mirza K. with a good force. As there were 40,000 horse with Mo~affar and the whole of the royal troops was only 10,000, the officers did not advise a battle, and the king also wrote that till Qulij K. and the other auxiliary officers from Malwa joined, he should not engage. Daulat K. Lodi who was his companion and chief swordsman (Mir shamsher) said, " At that time you will have partners in victory ; if you want to be Khan-Khanan (Lord of Lorda), you must win vietory alone. 'Tis better to be killed than. to live with an unknown name." Mirza K .. encouraged his companions and made them all keen to fight. A severe engagement took place at Sarkej three kos from Al!madabad. On evory side the heroes contended with one another. Mirza Khan was stationed with 300 braves, and 100 elephants, when Mo~affar came to meet him wit,h 6 or 7000 horse. Some wel1-wishers seized his rein and wanted to turn him back. Mirza K. advanced the foot of boldness, and some of the enemy were slahl and many took to

July. 155$, wrong.

80

that the date 961

ill

52

THE M:AASIR-UL-UMARA.

53

'1'HE MAASi1t-uL-UMA1tA.

/light. MOi':affar, who had been exulting in his arrogance, becamf confused and fled. He went to Cambay and took goods from th m.erch~nts and again raised the hl?ad of sedition. Mirza K. too; wIth. him the Malwa, officers who had now arrived, and marche( (aga.mst MOi':affar), and several times chastised him (Mozaffar) Mo~affar went off to Nadot and there again caused strife:' Tht brave men o~ both sides fought on foot (i.e., disrnounted) and die wondrous thIngs. At last Mo?affar turned his face from battl, . and went off to Rajpipla. Mirza K. received from court th rank of Panjhazari and the high title of Khan-Khanan. They say that on the day of the Gujarat victory ne gave away all that he had. At last, a man ca e to him and said he had got nothing. A standish had remained over and he gave him that. After he had put the distracted country of Gujarat into order he left QulIj K. there, and came to court. In the 34th year he presented to Akbar the Memoirs of Babar-which he had t,ranslated from Turki into J;>ersian-and was much praised. Iri the same year 998, 1590, he was made Vakil and received Jaunpl1r in fief. In the 36th year Multan was gi~en him as his fie~ and he u~dertoo.k_ the conquest of Tattah and the territory of SCInde. Shalkh Fal~1 found the chronogram, Qa~d-i-Tatta (999). "Tatta was the object,." When the Khan-Khanan had h k'II d 'd' Y s I an rapl Ity. passed by the foot of the fort of Sihwan which th call Sivistan , and got possession of Lakhi-wh' h' th e gate ey . 10 IS of th~t country,-like Garhi of Bengal , and Barahml1la of Kashmir,Mirza Jani the ruler of Tatta-who had come to war--suffered defeat after severe fightings ' and in the 37th year proposed terms. 'fh " I e conditIOns were that he should surrender the fort of S-h wan. l . l wh IC liS on the river Indl1"-and accept M-rza -IrtJ th e son of the _ _. ~ l Kban-Khanan as a son-inciaw , and after th e raIns go to court . As on account of paucity of provisions the i mpena'I army wab . . . _ a lso In distress, the Khan-Khanan yielded , nd h ' mad e over a -aVIng the fort to J:I~san 'Ali 'Arab encamped twenty kOB from Sihwan. When the raInS came to an end, Mirza Jani made excu"es for not
oo

proceeding further. The Khan-Khanan was obliged to go to Ta.ttah. The Mirza (Jani) came l out from the city (Tattah) as far as three kos, and tried manceuvres,but all at. once the imperial forces were victorious, and Mirza. Jani became a suppliant and made over the whole country to the imperialists, and went off with all his family in company of the Khii.n- Khanan to court. He was received with favour. Mulla Shikebi --who was a servant of the Khan-Khanan-wrote a rnanavi about this victory. This verse is from it.
Verse.

A Huma which was moving over the heavens You seized and freed from delusion. (dam) The Khan-Khanan gave him a thousand ashrafis as. a present, and M. Jani also gave the MuHa a thousand ashrafis, and said, "It is by God's mercy that you called me a huma. Rads you called me a jackal, who'd have checked your tongue? " When Sultan Murad at the king's orders set out from Gujarat to conquer the Deccan, he halted in Broach in expectation of the arrival of the auxiliaries. The Khan-Khanan,-who had been appointed to accompany the prince,-made some stay in Bhilsah, which was his jagir, and then proceeded to Vjjain. The prince was displeased at this and sent him an angry' message. He wrote in reply that he was engaged in conciliating Raj ah ,Ali K. the ruler of Khandes, and that he was going to bring him with him. The prince became indignant and set off for the Deccan with the troops rlhe had. The Khan- Khanan made over the camp and the park of ~artil1ery to M. Shahrukh and went on rapidly along with Rajah 1'Ali K. He joined the prince at Candaur thirty kos from Ahma.dabad. After some time he was 9.dmftted to an interview, but no graciousness was shown towards him. The Khan-iQlanan became annoyed and withdrew his hand from the work. Though in the
I A. N. III, 634. B. 335n, and 576. Badayiini III, 253, who styles him Ispahiini.
9.

I A. N. III, '615.

In the 'l'irilQ.l Tahiri the poem of Mulla hikebi is called the Siqinama,

and he is said to have beeu rewarded with a present of Rs. 12,000. 3 One MS. hM giTi/m instead of gu!m in the first c1autle. dam in the versa aJ.O means .. allnare...

54

1'HE MAASlk-ut-UMA1U.

THE l\IAASffi-UIrUMARA.

55

end ~f Rabi'-ul-akhir 1004 end of December 1595, Ahma<fuagar was Invested, and arrangements were made for ereeting batteries and driving mines, yet owing to the prudence and courage of Cand Bibi ~ultan, the sister of Burhan Ni~am Shah and widow of 'Ali 'Adil Shah of Bijapur, who was defending the fortress in concert with Abhang K. the Abyssinian, and also owing to the treachery of the officers, and their spoiling one another's work, the conquest of the fortress wa,s not one to be easily made. When the besieged became aware of the discord among the leaders, they proposed a peace to the effect that Bahadur the grandson of Burhan Ni~am Shah should be brought out of prison and that to this boy should be given the title of Ni~amu-I-mulk, and that he should be made a servant of the empire. Also that the prosperotls temtory of A~madnagar s~ould be given to him in ~ef, and that the territory of Berar should' revert to the imperialIstS: Though men of experience represented the want of food of the besieged and their distress and duplicity ,they ~ere not listened to on account of the diBBensions. Also at this time it was believed that Syhail K. the cunuch, M'atmadu-d-daula of Bijapur, was approachmg to assist the Ni~am Shah troops, and so peace was made by the intervention of Mir Murta~aj and the army turned away to Balapur in Berar. When Sl)hail K. with the Bijapur army ~n the right wing, Qutbu-l-mulki troops on the left wing, and the NI~amu-I-mulk army in the centre became presumptuous and drew up inba.ttle-array, the prince wished to engage them, but the officers disloyally refused to do so. The Khan-Khanan M. Sbahrukh and Rajah 'Ali K. set out from Shahpfi~ against th~ enemy. In the end I of Jumada-al-akhiri 1005, February 1597, a battle took place near the town of Ashti, twelve kOB from Pathri. There was a severe engagement, and the ruler of Khandes with five i Sardars and 500 lllen. who there opposed the 'Adilkhanis, bravely lost their lives. The enemy thought they were the centre and that M. Sbahrukh or the Khan-Khanan was kil1ed, and set about plundering. The Khan- Khanan also routed the force opposed to his own, and in the darkness of the night the hostile forces got
2

separated, and halted. Each thought it had gained l the victory and spent the night on horseback. At dawn the 'imperial army, which consisted of 7000 men, as it had spent the whole night with thirst, proceeded hastily to the river. The enemy came forward to meet them with 25,000 horse. Many leaders of the three armies of the enemy were kil1ed. i They say that Daulat K. Lodi-who was in the Khan-Khanan's vanguard at the time when SI.lhail K. had put the elephants and artillery in motion and wasadvancing-!I aid to the Khan-l{hanan "We are 600 horse in all. To advance , in front (of such a force) is to lose ourselves, (yet) I'11 3 attack the 4 enemy's centre." The Khan-Khanan said, e, You're losing Delhi." Daulat K. replied, " If we defeat the foe, we shall have made a hundred Delhis, and if we die the work is with God." When he desired to urge on the horse Qasim Barha and the Saiyids were beside him. He (Qasim) said, " We and you are Hindustanis. There is no resource but to die. You should ask the Khan as to what his wish is." Daulat turned round and said to the l(J;ianKhanan e' There is a I:> ureat forIle in front of us, and victory _ . depends on heaven. Tell us where we shall find you if you are defeated." The Khan-Khanan said, " Under the corpses." Daulat K. and the Saiyids penetrated by the centre (kamargah) and drove off the enemy. In a short time Suhail took to flight. They say that on that day the Khan- Khanan had with him 75 lacs of rupees. He gave fi them all away, and only two camel-loads remained. In spite of so great a victory affairs did not go on well. The Khan-Khanan was summoned to court, and he did homage in the 43rd year. His wife Mah Banfi 6 died in this year.
I B. 336. "Each party believing itself victorious. ' , The original is l1 umiin . jiruzi ba!s!Jud barcW, and it would seem better sense if the meaning were oo each party doubting if i' ha.d gained the victory." But see account in Ferishta. ') Akbarnama III, 719. 3 A. The meaning seems to be, " We shall aU be kilJed but yet I'1l attack the centre." See Darbiir Akbari. 618, line ll,

4 The Darbiir Akbari, p. 613, says that the ~hiin Ig1iiniin was much attached to Delhi and used to remark, "If T am tu die, I'1l die in Delhi." . 6 Lit. He gave them all away to be scrambled for. Hamara ighmiii Bakht. See Darbiiri Akbari, 619. 6 She died at Umba\)a in 1007, December 1598.

Thirty.five.

A.N. III, 719.

56

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

57

When Akbar consulted the Khan-Khanan about the affairs of the Deccan , he recommended the recall of the princ and the giving the. control of matters to himself. The king not _appr~ve of thIS and was displeased with him. Whe. Prince Murad dIed and Sultan Daniel was sent to the Deccan in the 44th year and Akbar resolved to go there himself the Kb - _ Khanan was again received into favour and 'sent to' th.e prmce. ~an In. the. end of Shawa! of the 45th year, 1008, May 1600, the prmce In company with the lillanlQlanan besieged the fort of A1.lmadnagar. On every side great efforts were made. Oand Bib~ proposed an agreement, and OUa l K. the eunuch rebelled agamst this view, and in concert with some wicked people put that noble lady to death. Guns were discharged from the fort and hostilities were renewed. After thirty yards of th~ wall been. blown up by a mine, the besiegers entered by the Laili t bastIOn and put many to the sword. Bahadur the son of Ibrahim -whom they had made the Nii?am Shah-was made prisoner. The for~ was _t~ken after ~. siege of four months and four days. The K.p~n-Khanan took NIi?am Shah and presented himself before Ak~ar In Burhanpur. At the time of the king's return to the caplta~ he gave Khandes the name of Dandes and made it over to PrInce Daniel, and gave Jana Begam the Khan-Khanan's daughter in marriage to that prince. He sent thel{han-Khanan to chastise R'aju Mana who had set up the son of Shah 'Ali, the uncle of Murta~a Nii?am Shah, as ruler and was stin-ing up strife. Mter the death of Akbar a great breach occurred in the Decca.n. In the third year of J ahangir 1017 , 1609 , the Kb a-n-Kh- - came anan _ to ~ourt and ~ndertook 8 that if in addition to the troops already assIgned to hIm 12,000 cavalry were given him, he would finish the affairs of the Deccan in two years. Accordingly, he hnmediately was given leave to go to the Deccan. Princ~ Parvez under the guardianship of Af;laf K. J'afar, the Amiru-I-umara Sharif Khan, Rajah Man Singh Kachwaha and Khan Jahan Lodi were appointed one after the other to assist hi;. Whe; it ap~ared

d~

had

that the Khan-Khanan had in the height of the rains taken the prince from Burhanpur to the Balaghat (the Highlands), and that on account of the discard among the chiefs plans had been neglected, and that the army had been reduced to great straits by the scarcity of corn and the deaths of the quadrupeds, and that the Kha.n-Khanan had been compelled to make a dishonourable peace, and such as was unworthy of the empire, with the enemy, and then had returned, the affairR of the Deccan were made over to Khan Jahan, and Mahabat K. was sent to recall the veteran general. When he came to court in the 5th year, he obtained leave to to go to his fiefs in Kalpi and Qanauj in order that he might put down disturber8 in that quarter. In the 7th year when a severe defeat happened in the Deccan to 'Abdullah K. (.FirUz Jang), and the work did not make progress under Khan Jahan, it was perceived to bfl necessary to send the Khan- Khanan, and so he was despatched there with Khwaja AbU-l-~asan. As on this occasion also, in spite of the presence of Prince Parvez and of leading officers, the work did not take proper form, Jahangir in the l1th year, 1025, 1616, sent off Sultan Kharram (Shah Jahan) to the Deccan, and gave him the title of Shah-which no prince had had since the days of !;ial,1ib Qiran (Timur),-and himself in Mul:tarram 1026, January 1617, came to Malwa, and took up his abode in Mandu. The prince made Burhanpur his headquarters, and sent capable menta the rulers of the Deccan, and at the same time took in marriage, by Jahangir's orders, the daughter of Shah Newaz K. the son of the Khan-Khanan. After the arrival of Shah Jahan's envoys, 'Adil Shah sent as a present 50 elephants as well as cash and jewels to the value of 15 lacs of rupees, and shewed marks of servitude and obedience. Accordingly, at the request of the prince, he was distinguished by the title of tarzand (son), and Jahangir with his own hand wrote l this impromptu verse at the beginning of the firman.
Verse.

l Or J iti. A. F. III, 774, h88 :F;[absha 19Ian. See B. 336. The Lucknow edition of A. F. hu Jita.

Text Balbali, but

see

A. N. III,

775.

At Shah Kharram'R instance thou'rt become Famous the world o' er aR our son.
I ~Iafi K. l, 704.

s Elliot VI, 318, a'ld TiiZuk J. 71.

8

58

THE MAASIR-UL-Ul\lARA.

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

59

Qutbu-l-mulk also sent presents of the same value and was treated with favour. Malik' Ambar also placed the head of service within the cord of obedience, and made over the keys of the fort of Al).madnagar and of other forts, as well as the parganas of the Ralaghat, of which he had taken possession. When the prince was satisfied about the arrangements for the Deccan, he made over the government of Khandes, Berar and Al).madnagarto the Sipahasalar (the Khan-Khanan), and appointed Shah Newaz K., the eldest son of the latter, to manage the conquered parts of the Balaghat, and assigned every estate in fief to the officers of the contingents and left 30,000 horse and 7,000 musketeers. 1 and in the 12th yeaT waited on his father in l\landu. At the time of the interview Jahangir involuntarily rose up and went two or three steps to welcome the prince. He gave him the rank of 30,OOOwith 20,000 horse and the title of Shah Jahan and the right of sItting on a chair near the throne, which was a special favour and was not the custom of the dyna"ty from the time of Amir Timur.Jahangir himself came down from the jhal'Oka and poured a small trayof jewels and a trayful of gold on his son's head. When in the 15th year Malik' A mbar brake his agreement, and the oppression of his banditti (bargiiin," perhaps ~rahrattas) made the imperial tha.nadars quit their posts, so that Dara M. returned from the Balaghat and came to Balapur, and then too could not maintain himself but came to Burhanpur and was besieged there along with his father, Prince Shah Jahan received a kral' of l'upees for expenses of the expedition and a present of ten krors of dams from the conquered territories and was hastily sent off a second time. They say that when petition after petition from him (the Kba~- Khanan) were produced before the king to the effect that he was In a difficult position and he had determined to follow the custom. of jahaT (immolation of self and family, literally "lifeI topoi. The word is clearly used in Iqbiilnama 271, line 2, for MUSketeers. They represooted the infantry. II Bargi is the name often applied

abandonment "), Jahangir said to the Prince that as Akbar l had by a hllrried march rescued the Khan 'A~am when besieged by the Gujaratis, he should now rescue the Khan-Khanan from his dangerous position. When the Deccanis heard of the coming of Shah (Shah Jahan) they dispersed. The Prince reached Burhanpur and again undertook the administration of the Deccan. When in the 17th year Shah 'Abbas ~afavI advanced to besiege Qandahar, the Prince was recalled as quickly as possible. He brought the K.1tan- Khanan with him. Meantime things took another turn, and by the machinations of foolish persons a household quarrel of such a grave character arose that no thought was given to the commation of foreigners. The Prince was obliged to return with the Khan-Khanan and to take up his abode at Mandu. Jahangir, at the instigation of Nul' Jahan Begam, appointed Sultan Parvez with Mahabat K. as commander-in-chief. After the treachery of Rustum K. ,-whom the prince had sent to encounter the imperial army,-Shah Jahan crossed the N arbada with"the Khan-Khanan, and after leaving Bairam Beg Bakhshl to watch the river, proceeded to Burhanpur. At this time a letter of the J5"]lan- Khana.n's which he had secretly written to Mahabat K., and which had this verse on the margin, came under the prince's observationVerse.

A hundred persons are watching me Otherwise T'd fly from discomfort. He sent for the Khan- Khanan and showed it to him. He had no excuse that could be listened to. Accordingly, he and his son Darab K. were put under surveillance. When the prince was passing" by ASIr he made father and son over to Saiyid Mozaffar K. Barha and sent them to the fort. Inasmuch as the imprisonment of the innocent Darab K. was unjust, and he did not approve of letting him go and keeping the father, he sent for them both and let them go after taking promises from them. When Mahabat K. came with Sultan Parvez to the bank of the
I

to a Mahratta, and in Captain James Kerr's History of the Mahrattas London, 1783, it is stated that Malik <Ambar was at one time in league with the Mahrattas.

Khiifi K L 305.

60

THE M.AASIR-U:L-UC\fARA.

THE M.AASIB-UIrUMAR.A.

61

Narbada and saw t.hat Bairam Beg had taken off the boats to the other side and blocked the ferries with guns and muskets, he had recourse t.o fraud, and secretly sent a letter to the Khan-Khanan and led away that old and experienced man. The Khan-Khanan wrote to the prince that the heavens were unpropitious.- If he made a truce for some days the servants would certainly obtain repose. The prince, who was always desirous to composedisputes, regarded this occurrence as a great gain, and called the KhanKhanan to a private interview. Again he took an oath from-him on the holy book, and when satisfied about this, let. him go, in order that he might stay on this side of the Narbada and do what was right for both parties. As by the arrival of the Khan-Khanan and the rumours of peace there had come to be slacknes0n the guarding of the ferriea, Mahabat K.-who was awaiting his opportunity-caused a number of active young men to cross over the river at night. The Khan-Khanan was deceived by the false letters of Sultan Parvez and Mahabat Khan, and from love of the world behaved disloyally and forgot his recent oaths and joined' Mahabat K. The prince was helpless and did not think it right to remain in Burhanpur and went off to Bengal by the route of Telingana. Mahabat K. came to Burhanpur, and having joined with Khan-Khanan crossed the Tapti and pursued Shah Jahan for some way. The Khan-Khanan wrote to Rajah Bhim (son of the Rana of Udaipur), who was one of Shah Jahan's officers, that if the prince would release his sons he would contrive to turn back the imperial troops. Otherwise affairs would become difficult. Rajah Bhim _wrote in reply that they had still five or six thousand devoted followers, and that whenever he approached. his sons would be put to death, and he himself would be attacked After the Prince had settled the affairs of Bengal he pr()~ ceeded to Bihar and released Darab K. and made him governor of the province (Bengal). Mahabat K., at the time when he proceeded to Allahabad to oppose the Prince, kept the Khan-Khanan under su~v.eillance, as he doubted him on account of his trickery and duphClty. In the 20th year Jahangir summoned him to the Pt~sence from being with (i.e., from being under the charge of Mahii.bat) Mahabat K., and forgave him. He himself apologised,

saying, " All this has been the result of fate. It was not in your or our power, and i feel more ashamed than you." He gave bim a lac of rupees and confirmed him in his rank and title, and the jagir of Malkusah. l The old man who, from love to the world had given name and fame to the winda, engraved this verse on his ring-

By the help of God, the kindness of J ahangir

Has ~ twice given me life and twice the Khan-Khananl. Mahabat K. apologised when he was summoned to court, and did not fail to provide him with equipages and strove to remove the cloud from his mind. As it happened, the ~han-~hananhad taken leave to go to his jagir and had halted in Lahore, when Mahabat K. turned back and came to Lahore to see the king. The Khan-Khanan made no inquiries after his health, and Mahabat K. was disgusted at his want of courtesy, and when he was dominant at the bank of the Jhelam he appointed men to make him go back (from Lahore). The Khan-Khanan cast anchor in Delhi. At the same time the juggling heavens played another trick. At the time of the king's returning from Kabul, Mahabat K. became a vagabond. Nur Jahan Begam summoned the Khan-Khanan and appointed him to follow Mahabat with an army. She presented him from her own stores with twelve lacs of rllpees, with elephant,s, horses and camels. She also assigned t,o him Mahabat Khan's fief. But life did not give him time. He fell ill in Lahore, and came to Delhi and died there at the age of 72 in 1036, 1627, at the end of the 21st year of .Jahangir. The chronogram is lQ;!an Sipahsalar ko, " Where's the Khan Commander-in-chief? II (1036). He was buried near Hnmayun's tomb.
Malkouaah of Supp. Glossary. n. 90. It was in Qanauj, J. H. 184. There is lm a.ccount of the Khiin!iliinin's interview with Jahangir in Kimgir Husiini. B.M.M.S.-Or. 171, p. 1870.. It occurred in the 20th year. See also Tiizuk J.,p. 398. But the expression of J ahangir that he
l

felt more shame t,han did the Khi\uKhinin occurs in the annals of the lOth year Tiizuk, 141. Apparently the author of the Maa~ir has mixed up the two incidents. ~ lteferring to his having been twice forgiven. Tiizuk 141 and 398.

THE MAASIR-Ur;.Ul\L\,RA.

H3

62

THE

,MAASIR-UL-U~lARA.

The Khan- lQlanan was in respect of ability the unique of th age. He was versed in Arabic, Persian, TurkI and HindI. understood poetry well , and wrote it . R a h- was h'IS takhalla.s. .lm ~hey say ~ha~ he could converse in most of the languages of th'e "orId. HIS hb~rality and magnanimity are proverbiai in India. Some extraordmary stories are told of h' d h .. lm. Th ey say that one ay e was slgnmg bariits (orders on the Treasury) On th rant l (bariit) for a foot-soldier (piiida) he had' h e war. ' slgne'd' for a tousand ~upees mstead of ~or a thousand tankas (pice), and he did not alter lt. He several times weighed poets against gold when givinO' a "'. present. One day MuHa N a~IrI 2 (B. 579) said'. " H ow b', a h eap IS l ' 19 a ac of rupees 1 I have never seen it." The Khan-Khanan ordered the a~ount to be brought from the treasury.- When they had brought lt together, the MuIla said: "Thank God that by means o~ my Nawab I have seen so much coin." He ordered all to be gIven to the MuHa, so that he might now give thanks to God. ~e continuaHy, both openly and secretly, gave large sums to der~lshes and to learned men, and yearly sent money to people a~ a ~lstance. T.he gatherings of men eminent in every science in hIS, tIme were hke the time of Sultan H usam. and MIr . K 'AH ShIr. In fine, he was in courage, generosity, and political skill the g:eatest ~an of the age. But he was malevolent, worldlyand tlme-servmg to a very great extent. His favourite saying (bar kalamaw, " The burden of his song") was ' "EnmitY t o an enemy gIf _ . IS s h ould come out under the guise of friendship . " Th' S t anza was composed abou t himVerse. A span in height and a hundred twists in the heart A tiny handful of bones, and a hundred frauds. '
l For ,barat see Irvine A. of M. 56. It was an order on the Treasury for payment. A tanka here probaJ:>ly means the same thing as a dam viz .'" th of a rupee. ., ~ See Khazana 'Amira, page 437. ~here it is said that the story is told In the Za"hira-ulKhwanin. Na2iri died in A!,Imadadad in 1021.1612. "
g It would appear fr~m this couplet that the Khan-Khanan was small of stature. There is a play on the word girih in the first line.~s it means both a knot or twist, and a cubit. There is also a play ,on the word ishkil in the second line which means frauds. and a.lso m9.Y mean' figtlres ' (iskhiill

H:

He served in the Deccan at intervals for thirty years. \Vhenever any of the princes or officers came as his auxiliaries they saw the obedience and loyalty of the Deccan princes to him, and ascribed to him hypocrisy and sedition. So much was this the case that S. Abii-I-fa~l frequently gave judgment (fatwa) against him as a rebel. In the reign of Jahangir he was suspected of friendship for Malik' Ambar, and so was dismissed. Muhammad M' a~iim l a confidential servant of his became unfaithful to him and denounced him to the king, saying that the correspondence of Malik' Ambar was with S1taikh 'Abdu-s-Salam, of Lucknow , who was a.. servant of the Khan-Khanan. Mahabat K. was ordered to inquit"e into the matter. He tortured the poor man, who died without opening his lips. The Khan-Kl!.anan was one of the great officers of t~e Sultanate. His name is perpetuated in the writings of the period. In Akbar's time he did great deeds. Among them there are three conspicuous ones,-the victory of Gujarat, the conquest of Scinde, a.nd the defeat of Suhail K., of Bijapur. These have been described at length in their place. With all his wisdom and ability he had to endure mortifications. He did not withhold hishand from the love of splendour. They say that he had a great avidity for court-news, so that every day two or three persons sent him journals by relays of couriers. There were spies appointed in the court-houses , and offices and terraces (cabiitra), and even in the market,..places and streets, who wrote every popular rumour. In the evening he read them aH and then burnt them. They say that many things were in those days peculiar to his family,--for instance, the feathers of the huma which nO one wore except princes. Though his father was an ImamIya in rel;~ion he professed to be a Sunni:. But people suspected him of reserve (taG.Iya). But his sops were bigoted SunnIs. He had other sons besides Shah Newaz K. and Darab K. One was M. Ral;1man Dad, whose mother belonged to the Saudha tribe of .' Amarkot. In his youth
l M'a~iim is mentioned in the Tiizuk J. 81 as being 'Abdu-r-Ral].im'li vaki! and as having brought to J ahangir on his behalf a valuable copy of the Y68t1f and ZulaiJilla.

64

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65

he was adorned with splendid qualities, and his father loved him much. He died in :.\lahkar l about the same time as Shah Newaz K. (i.e., M. Irij) passed away. No one had the courage to report it to the father. At the request of the ladies, J:la~rat Shah 'Isa, of Scinde-may his grave be holy-came to the house of the KhanKbanan a.nd condoled with him and comforted him. Another son was M:irza 'Amr Vllah. who was the offspring of a slave-girl. He remained without education and died young. The best of the ~1lan-~pan'8 Bervants was M:iyan Fah:im. Though it was reported that he was a slave he was really a Rajput by descent. He was brought up like his son and pO'3sessed great ability and steadfastness. To his last breath he never failed in the night prayer. the forenoon prayer, and the prayer at sunrise. He loved dervishes. He ate with the soldiers like a brother, but he IVas of a hot disposition. The sound of the whip was ever loud. They say that one day he saw that Rajah Bikramajit 2 ShahJahan:i was reclining beside Darab K. on the same sofa. He abw:.:ed him and said: " Does a brahman like you sit alongside of the grandson of Bairam K. Would that this one (Darab) had died instead of }<!. Irij." Both of them made excuses. When at last the ~han-~.I1anan's disposition had became alienated from him, he was brought to account about the faujdari of Sarkii,r Bijagarh. He behaved very rudely to the Nawab and slapped the face of J:lafi~ Nasr VIla who was the Diwan, and then left the city. They say that the Khan-~"hanan went himself at midnight and brought him back. He was proverbial for cOUI'age and rash daring. When Mahabat K. was planning the imprisonment of the !i1lan-!i.l1anan, he in the first place wanted to seduce Fah:im by the bribe of high rank <1l1(l other pmmises. He did not agree. .Mahabat K. said: "How long will you plume yourself upon your soldiering 1" Though Fah:im said to the Khan-~panan that fraud and deceit

wert' beina practised, and that he should be on his guard against falling in:o disgrace and contempt; he should arm himself and be ready to go to the Presence; the ~jlAn-~hanan did not agree. When he was put under arrest, MahAbat K. previously sent the king's men against Fahlm. Fahim said to his son F:irfiz K.: , Watch the men for some time until I have performed my ablutions and said two prayers in peace." After finishing them he with his son and forty of his servants gave up their lives for hono\lr. ' 'ABDU-R-RAl:iJM KHAN.

"Fifth son of {slam K. of lIashhad. After his father's death he received a suitable rank, and in the 30th year of Shah Jahan was made superintendent of the pages (da1'Ogha-i-khwiil!~iin). In the second year of Aurangzeb he had the title of !ipan, and in succession to Himma K. BadakhshI was made darog:ha of the gkusalkhana. In the 23rd year he was made Master of the Horse in ;~cce8sion to Bahramand K., and in the 24th year he was removed from this post and made third bakhshi and received a jade inkstand In the 25th year corresponding to 1092, 1681, he died. 'ABDU-R-RAJ:IIM KHAN (KHWAJA). His ancestors belonged to Andljai'i in the country of Ferghafia (Kokhand). His father Abu-l-J:lasim was one of the leading Sha.ikhs of that country, and in the reign of Shah Jahan came to ~dia-:- 'Abdu-r-RaJ:1Im was in his youth a favourite of Dara Shikoh. After the accession of Aurangzeb he obtained service with him. and as he was observant of the Law he acquired consideration and received a suitable rank and the title of ~1lan. In the 26th year he ,vas appointed to the chamberlainship (~ajiibat) j of Bijap~r, and on returning from there he received the present of an elephant. ln the 32nd year he was appointed, in succession to
l B. 338-339. See Darbiiri A 646. TM Darbari A. says his name is still proverbiai in India for courage. 2 Ma.a~ir A. 228 and 255. Apparent.ly hajabat here and in other pJ&Ces means being sent as an envoy_
Bijapur had not been conquered then. lu the 20th year' we find 'A bdu-rRal;dm taking part in the conversion of two Hindu boys. Ma~ir A., p. 273. For other notices of 'Abdu-r-Re.l:J.im see also pp." ? :l35 and 349.

I Sarkiir Mahkar in Berar. J. II. 230. 237. The Tuzuk 315 says he died Jn Biiliipiir. I do not know why B. "a~-s (339) he was dissolute. Can h, have rARd khabi8at for hai~iyat' Th,. T,lzuk gives hirn a hi~h character

and describes him as dying under heroic circumstances. He died at Biiliipiir. 2 &jah Rai Rayiin Sunar Das. He was !l. brahman. See Maa~ir II. 183.

\-I

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Mul:isin K., to the charge of the Biyfitat (household matters). When in the 33rd year the fort of Rahiri was taken he was appointed to take possession of the effects there. Afterwards, on the death of M'utamid K., he was appointed also superintendent of the branding and the verification l (diigh 1l ta.~~i~a). In the 36th year corresponding to 1103, 1692, he died. He had several sons. The second son was Mir N'a.aman K., and his son Mir 'Abdu-l-Mannan came to the Deccan and was. for a time a servaut in the household of Ni~amu-l-mulk Af?af Jah. At last he confined himself to his house. He composed poetry, and his pen-name was 'Itrat (a ball of &c~nt). This verse is his: Verse. How shall I tame thy wild-deer eyes, Haply I may make the knots of my heart a net for thee. The eldest of his ('Abdu-l-l\Iannan' s) sons was M'utamidu-ddaula Bahadur Sil'dar .Jang. He was ~alabat Jang's diwan, and died in 1188, 1774-75. His second son Mir N'aaman K. was killed in a Mahratta battle in the time of Salabat Jang. The third Mir 'Abdu-I-Qadir died of disease in his youth. The fourth, Al:isanu-ddaula Bahadur SharzaJang, and fifth, Mafawwa~ UUah K. Bahadur .Jang Ikataz , are still alive, and are friends of the writer. 'ABDU-R-RAHlVIAN, AF~AL KHAN. He is the son of Allami Fahami (the very learncd) Shaikh He was brought up in his father's service. In the 35th year of Akbar's reign the brother's daughter of S'aadat Yar Koka was given to him in marriage. When a son was born, the king gave him the name of Bishotan, which was the name of Isfandy~r's . brother who was one of the heroes of Persia. At the time when S. Abii-l-fa~l was commander-in-chief in the Deccan, Abdu-r-Ral:iman was the ''''arrow at, the mouth of the Shaikh's quiver." Whe.never there was any' 'work to be done, and wherever .there was an urgency, the Shai~h sent off 'Abdu-r-Rahman there, 'tnd he by courage and smartness accomplished the task. In the 46th year
Abii-l-fa~.
l

THE MAA8IR-UL-UMARA.

67

when Malik' Ambar the Abyssinian captured' Ali Mardan Bahadur the governor of Telingana in battle, and took possession of that coumry, the Shaikh sent I him from the bank of the Godavery with a brave army in that direction. He also sent Sher ~hw&ja, who was in P&thri/ to help him S.'Abdu-r-Ra1:J.man in conjunction with Sher ~jlw&ja crossed the Godavery near Kander, (Nandair of I. G.) and engaged Malik' Ambar near the river Manjara and obtained a victory.~ Certainly S. 'Abdu-r-Rahmiin was by skill and bravery the fortune (rozgar) of the Sbaikh (A. F.). In spite of the feelings which he on account of his father entertained towards Jahangir he served the latter well and was favoured by him. He received the title of Af~al K. and the rank of 2000. In the third year he was promoted by an increase of rank and' by being appointed to the charge of Bihar and Patna in the room of Islam K. (A. F.'s brother-in-Iaw). As Gorakhpur, which is 60 kos from Patna, was given to him in fief, he left S. Husain Banarasi . and Q1liya!! Beg, who were the balf.-hshi and the diwiin of the provmce, "in charge along with a number of other officers, and went off to Gorakhp~r. By chance ap~nkn,own man by name Qutb' from Uchcame to the country oi Ujaina (Bhojpfir), which'is near Patna, in the disguise of a dervish and gave himself out as Sultan ~jlusrau and enticed the seditious.there by various devices, and got them to join him. In a short tim,e he collected a force and proceeded on the wings of swiftness to Patna and entered the fort. S. Banarasi was too bewildered to make the fort secure. Together with Ghiya!! Beg he got out by a window on to a boat and fled. The rebela . took possession of the Af~al K.'s goods and of the royal treasure, and after proclaiming the administration of justice set about collecting men. As soon as Af~al K. heard the news he
A.N, Ill. 789. Patri of the maps, W. Nandair. S A.N. Ill. 791, but the fruits of the viet-ory were. soon 10!lt. See l. c 796. , See Elliot VI, 321, and Tuzuk J. 83, 84, and B. XXXV, XXXVI. The affair occurred on 4 ~a.fr 1018, 18 April 1610. Bishotan the son of
I
2

Abdu-r-Ral~m6n died in 15th year of Shah Jahan'sreign. B. XXXVI. 'Abdu-r-Ra:I~ll1itn died in 1613. Though Gorakhpiir is tile name given here and in the Tiizuk as the fief of 'Abdu.r-Rahman. I belie"e that it should be !(harakpiir, for it was that place which~vas given him as fief.

H. 250, n. 3. who says it is ,. life-certificate" : see Irvine 46 and 53.

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hastened to punish the rioters. The impostor strengthened the fort and prepared for battle on the banks of the Pun-Pun. After a short struggle his troops were dispersed, and he came to the fort Bo second time. Af~l K. followed close at his hools and entered the fort. The impostor after causing the deaths of some people was captured and executed. When Jahangir heard of the affair. he issued l an order that the bakhshi and diwan and the other officers who had shown slackness in protecting the city should have their heads and beards shaved, be dothed in women's headdress (m'ijar) and be placed on donkeys with their faces to the tail and sent off to court Also that they should be pilloried in the cities and towns on the road, so that they might be a warning to other cowards and short-sighted men. At the same time Af~al K. was attacked by a sudden illness and was summoned to court. After he had paid his respects he suffered from an abs('{'ss for a, long time and died in the sth year.
'ABDU-R-RA~MAN SULTAN.

Sixth son of N a~r Mul;1ammad K. In the 19th year of Shah Jahan Prince Murad Bakhsh went with a large army and-after Na~r Mul;1amm~d K. with his two sons Subl;1anQuli: and Qutlaq ~Iul;1ammad had fled-took possession of Balkh; he summoned Bahram and 'Abdu-r-Ral;1man the sons of Na~r Mul;1ammad. and his gran&on Rustum , who was the son of ~llUsrau, and made il them over to Lohrasp K. In the 20th year S'aid Ullah K., who, after the resignation of the Prince, had been appointed to settle the country, sent in accordance with orders all three to court along with Rajah Bethai Das and others. On their arrival the ~adru-s ~adiir Saiyid .Jalal received them at the Khiyubo.n (avenue) and brought them into the Presence. The king presented Bahra.m- with a robe of honour, a carqab sewn with gold, a ji:gba (turban-ornament), and a decorated dagger, a phill katara, and conferred 011 him the rank of 5000 with 1000 horse, and two horses with golden t>addles, ten 8 taqftz (nine pieces) of cloth and a lac of shiih'i8, which
l I~h;;;fi K. I. 261. This punishment was witnessed by Hawkins. Hawkins' Voyages, Haklllyt Soeiety, 1878, p. 434.
!l Piid~ahniima II.

541. B. 364, not.. 2. qu. !lO pieces

amount to Rs. 25,000. To 'Abdu-r-Ral;1man he gave a robe, a jigha, a decorated dagger . a horse with golden trappings. and five taquz (nine pieces) (451) of cloth. To Rustum he gave a robe of honour and a horse. 'Abdu-r-Ral.Iman. who was the youngest of the brothers, had a daily allowance of Rs. 100 and was made over to Dara Shikoh. I he Begam Sal;1ib (Shah Jahan's eldest daughter) sent for the ~1tan's (Na~r Mul;1ammad) wives and soothed and comforted them in various ways. Afterwards, at various times he received pre"ents ~f horses, elephant,s, and cash. When Balkh was given back to N~r Mul;1ammad, he, after various disturbances \"ith the Uzhegs and Almanan, and after putting them down and acquiring a sett,led power, moved the king for the return of his sons and their connections (wives, etc.). Inasmuch as IQlU&au had Leen on bad termi' with his father before the taking of Balkh and Badakhshan and had come to the Presence, he was neither sent for by his father nor was he willing to go to him. Bahram, too, would not turn away fro lU the pleasures of India. In the 23rd year 'Abdu-r-Ral;1man received a robe of honour, a decorated jig-ha, a sword and dagger ,and a shield with omamented armour, and two horses with gilded saddles and Rs. 30,000 in cash, and went off with his father's ambassa.dor Yadgar Chiilaq. When he came to his father, the latter gave him the territory of @ori. Subl;1an Quli the fourth son was displeased and came to Balkh . with 1000 cavalry and put the lilIan into difficulty, so that he was obliged to recall 'Abdu-r-Ral;1man. 'Abdur-Ral;1man was going back when the Qalmaqs-who were on good terms with Subl)an Quli-blocked the road, made him prisoner and took him before Subl;1an Quli. He imprisoned him, but' Abdu-rRahman won over his guards and in the 24th year arrived at court. and was given a robe of honour, adecorated jIg:Qa, a phul kaHi.m. and the rank 4000 with 500 horse, a horse with gilded saddie, an elephant, and Rs. 20,000 in cash. In the 25th year, when news came of the death of Na~r Mul;1ammad K., Khiisrau, Bahram "and 'Abdu-r-Ral,1man his sons received mourning dresses. In the 26th year, when he showed improper conduct, the king grew displeased with him and sent him to Bengal. After Aurangzeb sate on the throne, he was in the army-centre in the battle with Shuju,'

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(and on his side). When Shuja' fled, he joined the king. Up to 13th year he and Bahrim were alive and occasionallv received presents in cash and horses and elephants from the kin~. 'ABDU-R-R.AZZAQ K. LAR.I. At first he was servant of Abu-I-J:lasan K. ruler of Haidarabad and had the title of MUlnafa K. When Aurangzeb in the 29th year of his reign invested the fort of Golconda where Abu-I-Hasan had taken refuge, most of the servants of the latter owing to the neces~ity of the time turned to Aurangzeb and received high posts a~d tItles. But 'Abdu-r-Razzaq was faithful to his salt, and contIllually sallied from the fort and attacked tb.e batte' nes, an d ne~er spared himself. A royal firman holding out hopes to him. which was s~nt in order to conoiliate him,' was rejected by him on a~count of hIS loyalty, .and he tore l it in pieces with expressions of dIsgust. One night when the king's officers, in concert with some of. the garriso~, entered the fort, and there was a great uproar, he ~vIthout stoppmg to gird up his loins, got upon a horse with a charjama(a saddle-cloth, a saddIe without a tree) and a sword and shield and with some 10 or 12 followers rushed 9. to the gate. When th~ royal troops had ~egotiated the gate of the city-wall a.nd were advancing to the citadellike a flood of evil, 'Abdu-r-Razzaq met them and smote with his sword everyone who approached. He was w~u~ded by the imperial troops and had twelve wounds on his face, tIlI at last the skin of his forehead covered his eyes, and his horse carried him off to under a (cocoanut) 8 tree near the citadeL Someone recognised him and had compassion on him and t k him to his house. When the occurrence became known to officers, and by them was told to the king, he approved of his loyalty and sent surgeons 4 to him. They say that when a hope of his recovery was reported to Aurangzeb, he sent him a message that he should send his sons for servICe and that. he himself too would obtain service. He after

returning thanks said l that though his tough existence had not come to an end, yet he was wounded hand and foot a.nd could not serve. Even if he could serve, one ",hose flesh and skin (g09ht u post) had been nourished by Abu-l-J:lasan's salt could not serve King 'Alamgit. The king's countenance showed di.~pleasure at this reply, but from a feeling of justice he ordered that when he had quite recovered, his condition should he reported. When he had recovered, an order was sent to the governor of Haidarabad that he should comfort him and send him to the Presence. As he again refused, an order was given to send him as a prisoner. Jihan Firuz i Jang intereeded for him and summoned him before himself. He kept him for some time with him and brought him round. In the 38th year he received the rank of 4000 with 3000 hOi'se and was enrolled among the servants, and received the title of lijlan, and the gift of a horse and an elephant, and was made faujdar of Rahiri. In the 40th year he acquired renown a8 fauidar 8 of the Konkan 'Adi! Shahi', which is on the sea-shore and near the port of Goa. Afterwards, he by urgency obtained leave to go to Mecca, and set off. After coming to his home in Lar (Persia) he went into retirement there. The king, on hearing of him, sent his (' Abdu-r-Razzaq's) son 'Abdu-l-Karim with a firman, summoning him and a thousand young men of Lar. Meanwhi!e news came that he, at the summons of the king of Persia, had left his home and died on the road. Two sons, one Razzaq Quli K., and the second, Muhammad lipaIII, were in Aurangabad and lived and died on their jagirs. The writer was acquainted with the second one. (SAIFU-D-DAULA) 'ABDU-~-~AMAD KHAN BAHADUR DILER JANG. A descendant of Khwaja Ahrar. His uncle Khwaia Zechariah had two daughters, one of whom he gave to him in marriage, and
I "Two Indian and European surgeons," Ii!Jifi 367.
~

~~e

l
~

Ig:tfi K. II. 360.

Do. 362.

~I
Stanley. LUle-

DD.

363.

and

Poole'a Aurang:l:eb, pp. 18ii-87. 4 .. Two Indian and European sur geons," Ii!lfi K. 3116.

S ~Ias!pr.
4

Do. 373. A. 387.

for Rs. 50,000 was also sent. There is a good account of 'Abdu-r-Ra:l::l:aq inMajor Haig's Historic Landma.rks of the Dat-can.

Do. 459.

A cheque on Surat

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the other was the wife of I'tmadu-d-daula Mui.lammad Amin K.

Bahadur. Saifu-d-daula came to India in the time of Aurangzeb. and at first had the rank of 400. In the reign of Bahadur Shah his rank rose to 700. ln the battle of the four 'princes, the sons of Bahadur Shah, he joined with ~u-l-fiqar K. and distinguished himself in the slaying of Sultan Jahan Shah. In reward he got high rank. Jn the reign of li"arrukh Siyar his rank was 5000 with 5000 horse and he had the title of Diler K. and was made governor of Lahore. He was appointed to finish the campaign against the Sikh Gurel who from the time of Bahadur Shah had practised various kinds of oppression in that country over both MuJ:1ammadans and Hindus. The Khan-Khaniin NIun'im K. had been sent with 30,000 cavalry to chastise him and had besieged him in Lohgarha, and the emperor had himself gone in that direction, but the Gtiru had escaped from the fort. Afterwards Mui.lammad Amin was sent in pursuit of him with a large force. but was not suocessful. The history of the Sikh tribe is this. Formerly Nanak Ram, a. faquir, became notorious in that country. He attracted lllany followers, especially from among the Khettris of the Panjab. His followers were called Sikhs. A large number collected, and they proceeded to oppress the country-side. They laid hands on and plundered everyone whom theyf.ound from the city (Delhi) up to near Lahore. Some faujdars left their pargana.s and came to court, and some who remained lost their property and their lives At the timc of writing also the province of Lahore and part of the province of Mu1tan are in possession of this tribe. The Shah Durrani a.rmies which are in possession up to Kabul have once or twice suffered defeat at their hands and have withdrawn from attacking their country. Diler Ja.ng ahowed courage and akill in this affair and established himself with a large force near Garhi (Gfirdaspffi'), which is the residence of the Guru. The Sik~s came out several times and had hand-ta-hand fights. The Khan remained firm and stopped the coming in of supplies. After a long time, when they were in straits from want of grain, and many had been reduced to misery, they sent a message asking that their lives should be spared and

. brought I their leader, with hIS young son, the diwan andh those .' d who 'had escaped the sword. He put a number to deat :~. brought the Gurf1 (Banda) and some others to court. For IS horse, f good service he was rewarded by t h e ran k of 7000 with 7000 d and the title of Saifu-d-daula (Sword of the State). O~ the a! o f the pl'l~oners lUtO arrival at the capital he by orders put some o . . collars (takhta-u-kalah) and caps and brought them mto the clt y k . 5 This affair- occurred lU 1127, 171. I n the 5th 2 year of Farru_ . bh S'f . Slyar an d wh'l e , a1u- d~daulah was governor (of the Panjath) J l f .'-Is" K Mabin was put to death. He had gradually come rom e . '" . d become position of a zamindar to that of a royal servantan d h a f " I a leader and behaved with haughtiness (ex:haled the breath ~ , . . and no. other)." An account of him has been gl\len lU h'IS blOgra. . h ~ When Husain K. l\b.weshgI, the taliiqdar of Qasf1r, Wh1C.h IS P Y. 18 kos from Lahore and on the way to M u ltan, became _ rebelhous .d . and indtl1ged in presumptuous l eas, li1 the t' me of Rahu-d-daula, l h . Saifu-d-daula took the field against him, and after much fi~ tl~g Put an end to him. In the 3rd year of Mul,1ammad Shahh e . . came to court and was graClousI y reeelve d . In the 7th year . w en . L a hore was given to hIS son the government of the provmce of rTechariah who was the brother-in-Iaw of I'tma.du-d-daula Qama" -d-d- K, he was made governor of Multan. He died in 1150. . ru ln . , l' . d ch the 1737-38. He was a valiant commander, and cu tIvat-e mu . men of his own country. 'ABDU-L-WAHAB AQ~IU-L-QAZA- T . QA- Z.1,5

. grandson of S. MuJ:1ammad Ta h ir ~ B oh fa Wh ~ lived in Pattan, . GuJara t ' Muhammad Tahir was a dorned Wl th excellences and .
oo

Siyar~Mlltii~harln, translation I. 8fi l,

etc.
2

Kh1ifl K. II. 761, etc., and the

Elliot, VII. 45(;. The exe'~utions took place in Muharram 1127, January 1715. Itwas the '4tl'1 year of Farrukll'Siyar's reign. R Maasit, II, 825. Beai~ saye he died in 1739. 115152, during the illvMion of Niidir Shah.

5 "Most remote, i.e., highest or best of Q1i~is." _ ti See biography in Mirat AI}m~dl lith. ed., Part II, 77, and in IS!'azma Asfi it, 1. 436. S.' Ali Mllttaqi is ~en. y tioned in Rieu, L 3 56,a. Th e re lS B . ._ no t lce of h'm l'n the Saflnau-l-Auhya.. l _ i There is a notice of 'Ali Muttaq Chishti in the K. A~fiy1i, I, 429.

10

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perfectioM and went to the holy places (Mecca), and (there) met in with Shailill ' Ali Muttaqi---May God have mercy on him! He became his disciple, and succeeded in becoming the unique of the age for piety, asceticism and the science of Tradition. When he returned to his native country, he did away with the heresies in belief and practice which had become prevalent in his tribe, a.nd laboured to put down the Ma.hdavi sect of the followers of Saiyid Mul).ammad of Jaunpiir. For the u~e of students of theology he drew up a Rule (Midad) in accordance with the last precepts of his Shaikh, and gave expository lectures thereon. He used to say why should one man be hindered l by another (1). The Mujma'-al-bal).ar l4!ariba-I-Iagl!litu-I-I:Iadi t.l}, "The gathering of the seas of the rare words of Tradition", is a well-known work of his. In 986, 1578, a number of men attacked him on the road between Vjjain and Sarangpiir and killed' him. They say he had made a. vow that until the blackness of Shiism 3 and other heresies had been cleansed from the hearts of his tribe he would not bind his turban on his head. When in 980, 1572-73, Akbar entered Gujarat, he had an interview with the Shaikh and with his own hand fastened on his turban, and said, "The satisfaction of your vow is in my charge." He appointed M. 'Aziz Koka to the government of that country, and the Sbaikh, with the help of the Mirza, abolished many of the custom~ of his tribe. After some time, when the government fell to one of the Persian Amirs, that set with his (the new governor's) help became perverted again, and the Sbaikh took the turban off his head, and set off towards Agra. In spite of the warning of Saiyid Waji-u-d-din ~ Gujrati, he would not he dissuaded , and then there ha,ppened what happened (i.e., his murder). His body was taken from Malwa to

I Perhaps the meaning iR, ,. Why should one not. be benetlted bv t,he knowledge of an~ther ? "

~ The Mirat A~madi II. 77 gives date as Shawal 986, 6 December, 157il. The same work also states that the name of the son of 'Abdu-l-Wahab who is known as ~ai~lJ-ul-Islim was

Ikrim. taahiya'. PerhapR it means here sectarianism or heresy, and not the speciai doctrines of the Shias.
S

Mu~ammad

Nahrwala, which is another name for Patta.n, and was buried in the tomb of his ancestors. Qa~i 'Abdu-I-Wal).ah had great skill in the science of theology, and in the time of Shah .Jahan was for a long period Qa,i of Pattan, which waR his birth-place. When Prince Aurangzeb was appointed to the government of tne Deccan the Qa,i hastened to serve him and was received with honour. From the time that Aurangzeb sl\,te upon the throne of India' Abdu-I-Wa.hab acted as Qa,i of the army and was highly considered. None of his predecessors held such a dignified posit.ion as he, for the king was disposed to uphold religious- principles, considering that the maintenance of so wide a country depended upon the penal laws (for heresy). The qazis of the cities and towns used in concert with the governors and magistrates to sell the right of retaliation l for gold. The Qa,i of the Presence-who shewed himself as an ascetic and a stickler for religion-reformed matters in every particular and spread out the banner of" I and no other." The high officers were afraid of him and burnt with envy. Yet with all this (piety, etc.) th'ey say that the Qa~I had a long arm for hauling and snatching, and collected large sums of money. Mahahat 2 Luhrasp was famous for his audacity, and once when he was l'ent off to the Deccan campaign and had halted for some days in the vicinity of the capital to get adva.nces 3 for the troops he found out that three or four lacs of rupis worth of Kashmlr and Agra goods. which had been purchased by the Qa~i, were being sent along with the goods of merchants to Ahmadabad. He was on bad terms with the Qa,i and he laid hold of all the things and gave them to the soldiers as maintenance. When this was reported to the king, Mahabat replied that out of necessity he had borrowed the goods from the merchants and that he would return them with the profit thereon. The Qa~I saw that he could do nothing but wink at the transaction. ln the 17th 6 year on account of continued illness
I (~'a,. ba zar mi !a1'okl!tawl "sold blood for bullion." But there at'e various readings. 2~h1ifi K., II. 216. H" was the seeand son of the Mah~j. of Jahangir's reign.

It appears from the 1'abaqii:t Akbari. lith. ed., pp. 393. 395, that there were two saints of thiR name.

'S"} nuJsa'ada. See Blochmann, 265. 4 li!lfi K. adds that l\1ahibat proposed that the Qa~i shonld esti mate the profit! b Maa~ir '.A.lam~iri, 14:~.

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he was obliged to go from J.Iasan Abdal to the capital. Saiyid 'Ati Akbar Qa?-I of Lahore was appointed as his deputy. ln the beginning of the 19th year, 18 Ram?-an 1086, 26 November 1675 o.s., he died in Shahjahanabad (Delhi). He had four sons. The eIdest was Sbail.illu-I-Islam who was made Qa?-i: of the capital. He came to the king in obedience to a summons on the death of his father and was made Qa?-I of the camp. There was no hypocrisy in his piety. He did not take a single dam of the property left by his father and which amounted to a lac of ashraj'is9. and five lacs of rupees, besides jewels, etc., but distributed his share to the other heirs. He led a good life. He perceived the turhulence of the age in which men were prone to lying and violence, and did not decide disputes upon evidence and witnesses but exerted 8 himself in order to bring plaintiff and defendant to an agreement. They' say that the king asked his advice about the lawfulness of the expeditions against Bija-pur and Haidarabad, and that he gave a reply contrary to the king's wishes. ln the 27th year he had a divine call 6 and withdrew from service and shook out worldly affairs from his 8kirt. In spite of royal favours, and instigations, he would not turn back or withdraw from his abandonment of service. At his recommendation, the office of Qa?-I of the camp (Urdu) waM bestowed on Saivid Abli S'ai:d, the son-in-law of Qa?-l 'Abdu-I-Wahab, who was in the capital. In the 28th year he took leave to go to Mecca, and on his return to Surat, Aurangzeb sent for him and lavished favours on him. For instance 6 he several timeB with his own blessed hand:-; smeared 'atr on his garments, and pressed him to accept the Qa~iship and the offiCE" of ~adr. He refused, and begged to be allowed to go for a while to his home, in order that he might visit the tOlllbs of his ance:-;tors and see hi~ family, and then come back. After that he used to pray to God that he might not again be defiled by the king's business. In the 42nd year an affectionate order was sent along with his brother
I id. ]4k.
~

Nflru-I-I).aqq to the effect that on coming to the Presence he would get the office of ~adr if he would take it. As he was helpless he unwiHingly set out from Ahmadabad, for he was always eager to be with the real Lord and anxious not to mix in state-matters. At the same time he was taken dangerously iH and he died in the vear ll09, 1698 (lit., he hastened to the quarter to which he had been attracted). The king grieved for his death and said, "Happy he in that after pilgrimage he has not defiled himself with worldlv affairs." In this Timuride dynasty of 200 years there has been n~ Qa?;I like him for honesty and piety. \Vhile he was Qa~i he was always seeking to retire. The king did not let him go tiH on the occasion of the affair of Bi:japiir, which was a war against Muhammadans, he wlthdrew himself. J Those who sell religion for worldliness .(d'in ba danyii, " faith for fortune"), regard this noble office as a very easy one and spend money in bribes (to obtain it) in order that by doing away with the rights of men they mayextort a hundred times more. They regard nikMana (fees on marriage) and mahrana (fees on dowers) as more their due than their mother's milk. What shall be said of the hereditary Qa~Is of the townships, for to be in touch with science is the lot of enemies (i.e., is a misfortune), and the registers of the despandya (viHage-accountants) and the words of zamindars are their law and holy books. Though in honour of Qa~is there is the" tradition" with reference to knowledge and practice that out of every three Qa~Is one is paradisaical, Iihwajah Mul).ammad Parsa-may his tomb be holy-has said in the Fasl-ul-Khitab . --_..., " Yes, that paradisaical Qa?-l is there, but he is a Qa?-l of paradise" (i.e., not an earthly Qa?-I). Who can estimate the irregularities and darkness of thi:-; tribe who are worse than ignorant? That deceased (tlw Shaikhu-I-islam) had four children. Among them was Shai~h Siraju-d-di:n who was the diwan of Berar. He renounced .3 the imperial pay (?) and at last assumed the doak of
See ~hiifi K. 's eulogiuIU II, 438-39. Rieu Cat. II. 862, R64. The book is on ae('Ol1nt of the twelve Imams. He <lied in Medina 822 A. H .. 141 l) ..\.D.
J

Khafi K. IL :Ha.

Khafi K . J I. :!4 i. \\ h" were t~vo lac,; oI Rshrafh.. 3 Khafi K .. l L :li!l.

i

sa~'

there

1.\'laa~ir 'Ilarngiri, 23V. 5 ~lafi K.. II. 414.

3 Zirhiii padshahl ba wrf aW(/i'da. "He turnsd away from' ;he royal moneys. (~)

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a dervish, and became the disciple of ~ltwaja 'Abdu-r-Ral;lman who for a lon~ time had said goodbye to rank and income and had knocked at -the door of reliance upon God and become a master of ecstacy and vision. After the death of Aurangzeb he came with his Sbai\ID to the capital and died at his appointed time. Another son was Muhammad Ikram who was long the Sadr of Ahmadabad. He got the t,it1e of Sbai\ID-al-lslam and at last became blind and retired to Surat. He died in the time of the present sovereign (Khusrau-i:'Zaman).J Among the sons of Qa~'i 'Abdu-l-Wahab w~~'e Niiru-I-J:Iaqq and' Abdu-l-J:Iaqq who were extremely like one another in appearance. One day the king was in doubt as to which was which. The cIder was Provost-marshal (i~ti8ab) of the army, and the other was darogha of the Presence. The son of , Abdu-I-J:Iaqq Mul,1ammad, Mul,1ammad M'uall ~pan was addicted to drink and enamaured of music. He himself used to perform without any shame. He was very fond of hunting. He was for a long time during the present reign jdnjdar of Malkapur in Bera.r, which is 18 kos from Burhanpur. Eighteen years ago, more or less, he died. It should bc known that bokara means a merchant in the Indian language. As many of this tribe are merchants they have become known by this name. They say that about 45'0 year,,; before this, at the exhortations of a learned man named MuHa ~ 'All, and whose tomb is in Cambay, a number of the people of Gujarat, who at that time were for the most part idolaters, embraced the Mul,1ammadan religion. As that person belonged to the Imam'iya seet they all joined it. After that when Sultan Ahmad, who was a confidential officer of F'iruz Shah; the king of D~lhi, came to the country and spread the Mti!:J.ammadan religion, some of the people aforesaid became Sunn'i'! at the teaching of the 'Ulama of the time who were all of that religion. As between the two parties there have prevaile<\, from of old strife and contention the dust of dispute has arisen between them.

l Those who have remained Shlas always ~dhere to a pious and learned man of their own tribe and hring before him the questions of the Law. They send one-fifth of their property to the Raiyids of Medina, and they give aIms to the leamed headman above spoken of, and he distributeR them amcng the poor of the tribe

(SAIYfD) 'ABDULLAH K. B.ARHA, also called Saiyid Miyan. At first he was Stll'vant of Shah 'Alam Bahadur. He was appointed along with R,-t!:J. Ullah K. in the affair of the Kankan, and in the 26th yeal' of Aurangzeb he received the rank of 1000 with 600 horse and entered the royal . service. Tn the 2Rth year he went with the ahovementioned prince to chastise Abu-I-J:Iasan, ruler of Haidarabad, and in that campaign did good Rervice, and was wounded. zOne day when he had charge of the rear-guard, and there was a h?t engagement, he dJ'ove off the enemy and came to the assistance of his own right and left wings. When on that day the enemy had wounded Bindraban 3 the prince's diwl1n and were driving off his elephant, Abdullah attacked them and after a struggle released the diwan and brought him with him. As dnring the siege of Bijapur the prince became an object of suspicion to his father, and some of his compallions were ordered to be dismissed, an order was also issued ahout' Abdullah, and he was ~ imprisoned. Afterwards, by the intercession of Rii!:J. Ullah K., he was made over to him to be kept undeJ:' surveillance; gradually by Rul.l Ullah's influence his, fauits were forgiven. When during the siege of Golconda, RU!:J. "Ullah K. came to court., upon summons, from Bijapur , 'Abdullah was left there aS his deputy. After some time he was made substantive governor there. In the 32nd year, when news came that ~ Rama, the brother of Sambha Bhonsla, had fled from the fort of Rij,hlrlgarha which Ziilfiqar K.
I Compare this with t.he Mfrat Lc., p. 87, which saems to ascribe these oustoms both to the Sunnis and the Shias of the Borah tribe. Manucci refers to 'Abdu-lWa~ib, l. 381, II. 5, 188, and, there is a portrait of him at III. 210.
AI~madi

I Mr. hvine observe~ that !.Q!,UStlJ,/Ii.Zaman me ...n~ reigning sovereign, and therefore mellons here Mui).amlllad Sha.ll.

II Mil'itt AI.Ulll\<ti, II. KG, where t,here is lt long account ff the Borah.

Khali K., II. 303. Author of the Lubbu-t-tawarikj). Elliot, VIT. 168, and Rie~. L 228b. Khali K., II. 321. 6 &jah Ram M. 'Alamgiri, 327.
\1

...iII_

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was bcsieging, and of his having taken refuge in the territory of the ruler ahove mentioned (Ahu-I-J:lasan), an order was sent to , Abdullah t.o search for him and to arrest him. He marched three days and three nights and came upon him. Many influential leaders were 8P,ized, but Rama himself escaped. On this account, in spite of Ruch great senrices, the king was not pleased. Besides "this, as an order had heen given for confining the prisoners in the citadel of Bijapur, <tnd several of these escaped from such a place, , Abdullah was in that yea,r removed from Bijapur. In the 33rd year he w~ made faujdar of Nandair in succession to Sirdar K. He died at his appointed time. He had many sons, l two of whom were highly distinguished, mz., Qu~bu-I-mulk 'Abdullah K. and the AmIru-I-Umara J:lusain 'All K. Of the others there was Saiyid Najmu-d-dln 'All K. Accounts of all three have been given. (SAIYID) 'ABDULLAH KH AN ,'J. son of MIr ~hwananda. From his early years he waS cherished and employed by Akbar, and attained to the rank of 700. In the 9th year he was appointed, along with other officers, to pursue 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, who had fled from Malwa to Gujarat. ln the 17th year when there was an intention to conquel' Gujarat, and the ~han Kalan was sent on in advance, he was chosen as one to accompany him. In the 18th year he was sent off with Mo~ffar K. who had been appointed to Malwa. In the 19th year, when the king went in person to the eastern districts, he was one of his attendants. Afterwards when the ~han-~hanan was appointed to conquel' Bengal, he accompanied him. On the day of the battle with Daud the son of Sulaiman Kararanl, he was in the van-guard with the ~han 'A.lam. From there he for some reason came to court. In the 2lst year he was sent off by relays of horses to the eastern districts to convey to the officers the news of the king's approach. In the middle of that year he brought the news of victory and travelled a great distance in eleven days and arrived at court and was received with favour. So much gold and sil ',er was poured into his skirt that he could not carry it off.
l The famous Slliyids of Barha. '}, B.465.

They say that when the king had sent him off, he said to him, " You'll bring news of a victory." In the 25th year, when ~han A'~im Koka was appointed to Bengal to put down the rebellion, the ~han in question was sent off along with him. He was in the left wing at the battle between Shahbaz K. and M'a~um K. FaranlQ:J.udI. As things did not go right in the province,' he was, in the end of the 31st year (995), sent off to Qasim K. who had been appointed to the government of Kashmir. 'One day, when it was his turn to be on duty, he cleared a small hill of the enemy, but as he was returning without proper arrangements, when he came to the defile, the rebels assailed him on every side with arrows and bullets, and nearly 300'J. men lost their lives. The ~llan died in the same province of fever in the 34th year, 997, 1589. 'ABDULLAH KHAN S'AID KHAN. Fourth son of S'ald K. Bahadur ~afar Jang. 8 As by good fortune and good servioe his father was continually being advanced, he attained a suitable rank. In the 13th year of Shah Jahan he wa8 made the protector of Lower Bangash. In the 17th year his rank, was 1000 with 400 horse and he was given leave to join his father in Qandahar. When his father died in the 25th year, < Abdullah 's rank was 2000 with 1500 horse, and in the end of the same year he had 'the title of Khan and the gift of a horse with a silvern saddle. He was sent off with Prince Aurangzeb who had been appointed for the second time to the Qandahar campaign. Afterwards he was for a long time in charge of the city of Kabul. In the 31st year his rank was 2000 with 2000 hor~ and he had the gift of a flag and drum, and afterwards he had an increase of 500 and the gift of a drum. He was attached to Sultan Sulaiman Shikoh who had been appointed to act against Sultan Shuja'. Afterwards, when the heavens assumed a new aspect, and Dara
l the eaetem districta. See A.N. III. 51fl. ~ A.N. III. 522. According to B. 465 he was killed on this occ.as;on. The circumstlIDC6 is not mention",d by A. F. The statement in the M!lI\~ir

.nz.

is derived from Badayiini, Lowe 380, who says that Saiyid 'Abdun" h, whom he calls Chlwganbegi, dicd nf t' fever II year after the enge.gcc,,,nc with Ye.qub. 3 Blochmann 46l1.

II

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! '

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Shikoh after tht' battle of Samogarh fled to Lahore, he separated from the above-mentioned prince and entered the service of Aurangzeb. He received a robe of honour, and the title of S'ajd K. and his rank became 3000 with 2500 horse. No further account of hi~ appears. 'ABDULLAH K. UZBRG.l One of the officers of Humaytin, and he was among those who were magnanimous aud jeoparded their lives, In Akbar's time, after the victory over Hemu he received the title of Shuja'at K., and was made fief-holder of Kalpi. As in the conquest of Malwa he had assisted Adham K. and had become acquainted with the country, in the 7th year, when PIr Muv.ammad K. ShirwanI, the governor there, was drowned in the Narbada, and Baz Bahadur laid. hold of Malwa as his hereditary property, Akbar raised' Abdullah Uzbeg to the rank of 500(} and appointed him to chastise Baz Bahadur and to settle the country. He was given full powers there. When' Abdullah went properly equipped to conquel' Malwa, Baz Bahadur was unable to resist him and fled, and the country came again into the imperial possession. 'Abdullah K. came to Mandu-which was .the capital of the rulers of :\Ialwa-and distributed the cities and townships among the officers. As powel' soon corrupts those deficient in loyalty' Abdullah K. quickly became haughty and rebellious. In the 9th year, 971, 1563-64, in the height of the rains, Akbar came to Narwar and SiprI on th~ occasion of elephant-hunt.ing-which were then plentiful there-and thereafter went on rapidly to Mandu. The thunder and lightning and the rain, the floods and the mud, and the holes, and hollows which exist in Malwa made the march difficult, 'fhe horses had to swirn like sea-horses, and the camels had to traverse tem-pestuous seas like ships. The animals' feet sank in the mud up to their chests, and many of the porters of the camp stuck in the ground. But Akbar hurried on from Gagriin, as the object of this teITific journey was to come suddenlyon 4.Abdullah K., who did not think it possible that troops could come to Malwa
l

at such a tnne. Ashraf K. and I'timad K. were sent ahead to give him-who was apprehensive on account of his evil actionsthe good news of the royal grace and to bring him into doing homa.ge,so that he should not become a vagabond in the fields Qf misfortnne. Akbar in one stage travelled 25 Malwa kos which are equal to 40 of the ordinary Delhi kos, in all the mud and water, and reached Sarangpur. When he came to Ohar he learnt frQm his envoys that though they had urged him (to come in) they had not succeeded on account of his fears. He had made some wild suggestions, and had then fled with his family arid belongings. Akbar tUl'ned hilJ rein from Mandu and sent on a number of his officers as van-guard that they might block 'Abdullah's path. He himself pressed on still more. When the van-guard came up with 'Abdullah, he thought that, as they had come a long march, there would be few men present and so turned round and fought. When the engagement grew hot andth!3 arrows of the enemy passed over the king's head; Akbar ordered the drum.s of victory to be beaten, and said to Mun'im K. ~han-~hanan that there was now no time for delay ,and that the enemy must be attacked. The IQlan-~hanan said, "It is good, but it is not the time for combating singly; when I have collected the men, I shall attack." Akbar got angry and was on the point ot attacking. I'timad K. in the excess of his zeal seized his rein, and the king got angry with him and pressed on. As the Divine protection wat,ched over him, the enemy fled; though 'Abdullah K. had more than one thousand cavalry and Akbar had not more than 300, yet he suffered his chief men to be killed, and quitted the field, and went by the way of Ali l Mohan to Gujarat. Akbar sent a body of troops under Qasim K. of Nishapur after him. The land-owners of the neighbourhood joined the force out of loyalty and fell upon 'Abdullah' s camp near the defile ~ of CampiiniI'. He got bewildered and turned 8 off his women into the desert, and taking his Ron with

l Text

wrongly

haB

Abi.

Ali

Mohan or 'Ali: Riijpi"ir iB a native state in B.W. corner oi Central India. See also J. II. 251 and A.N. Il. 228.
II A hill or defile, from which Cam-

pii:nir is visible. A. N. II. 228. The troOpB did not enter Gujarat. 3 Left them in the desert. A. N II. 229.

B. 320.

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him went off. The officers seized all his belongings-especially his women and elephants-and halted there. The king traversed 'Ali l and came there and after returning thanks to God returned with much ~poil. 'Abdullah K.-who hltd escaped half-alive from the battle-field-went off' to Gujarat and joined Chingez K. who Wl,ts powerful there. Akbar sent l,Iakim Ainu-I-mulk to Chingez lC to request that he would either send the wretch to court, or expel him from his country. He petitioned to the effect that he was not averse to submitting to the royal command, and that he would send him to court if Akbar would forgive him. If Akbar did not agree to this, he would expel him. When the message was repeated. Chingez' K. turned him off and he came to Malwa and raised a disturbance. Shihabu-d-din Al;I.mad K.-who had been previously sent to manage Malwa-Ieda well-eqnippedarmy against him in the llth year. 'Abdullah was nearly being captured. After a thousand difficulties he joined 2 'Ali Quli K. I5:han Zaman and Sikandar K. Uzbeg, and died there (i.e., in Bengal or Bihar) a natural death. (KHWA.JA) 'ABDULLAH KHAN. His family was from Turan. At first he and his brother lihwaja Ra1.J.mat Ullah K. were in attendance on 'Imadu-I-mulk. ~ubariz K., and both held the collectorships of Sikakul (Chicacole) lnd Rajendri. When, after Mubariz K.'s being kiUed, Ni?:amu-lmulk A~af .J1\.h came to Haidarabad , both brothers appeared before him. 'Abdullah was made ~hansaman together with the management of the Rajendri estates, and his brother was made diwan of A~af Jah's establishment. ~hwaja Ral;I.mat Ullah soon died. After his death ~hwaja 'Abdullah became diwan, and when A~af .Jah went to the capital (Delhi) for the second time he left Khwaja 'Abdullah in the Deccan as guardian of his son the mar-o tyred Na~ir .Jang. When A~af Jah returned to the Deccan he was always a confidential courtier. When S'aadat Ullah K, the t'aluqdar of theCarnatic Haidarabad died, and Dost 'Ali K. his brother's son and ~afdar 'Ali K. (Dost' Ali's son) came to their end' 3 in the man~

ner described at length in the account of Scaadat Ullah K., and the fort of Trichinopoly-which is a famous fort in that cvuntry--came into the possession of Mural' l Rao Ghorpura, A~af Jah appointed I5:llwaja 'Abdullah to the said t'alfiq of the Carnatic and addressed himself to the taking of the fort of Trichinopoly. When he returned I after taking it, he conferred a drum upon 'Abdullah and sent him off to the t'aluq. On the' same night, 1157, 1744, he was relieved from the troubles of this world by a sudden death. N aqqara-i-akhir, "The last drum," is the chronogram. He was of a saintly family (wilayat zai) and a man of a quiet disposition, and famed for his charities, hut he was of an iracund nature. If he were angry with anybody , and another person chanced to come in, he treated him with harshness and severity. The best of his Bons was I5:hwaja N'iamat ffilah K. who after his father's death was for some time collector of 3 Rajbandari. In the time of Salabat .Jang he was made deputy-governor of Bijapur and had' the title of Tahawwur .Jang Bahadur. After a while he became mad and rolled up the carpet of life. Other sons were l~hwajQ 'Abad Ullah K., and Khwaja Sa'd Ullah K. who were in the service of Shuja-ul-mulk Amiru-I-umara. The second had relations with learning Q 'ABDULLAH KHAN (SHAIKH). A worthy son of the great Shaikh of the Sha.~~arI order S. Mul;I.ammad au~ of Gwalior. Of the sons of that saint S. 'Abdullah and S. Ziy~ lJIlah were the most distinguished. The first was known by the name of S Badri. In the science of incantations (d'awat) and takir & (increasing?) he was his father's pupil and in the guiding and directing of men he took his father's place. By fate's decree though he was a faquir and a dervish he entered into the king's service and became one of the great Amira. In the campaigns he continually did good service, andj'e6parded his life.
~~--------~-------

l Text abi, " a stream." B. A.N. II. 271.

3 They were killed in battle with the Mahrattas, vol. 11,513

) The Merari Row of Orme. ~ .. to I;'al].an Buniyad. " ls this Arcot. or a..other name for Aurangabad ? Mill mentions a report that Abdullah was poisoned.

There is the variant Rajendri.

B. 457. & Apparently this is a mista~e for taahir. enchantment. See B&dayUni. Ranking. 459.

86
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In the 40th year of Akbar's reign he attained the rank of 1000. They say he attIlined to the rank of 3000 and died in the prime of his age. 'J'he second son was ~iya U11a.h; he did not serve, but lived as a der'\" isho In his fa.ther's life-time he went to Gujarat, and waited uppn Wajlu-d-din} 'Alawl who was very learned in exoteric sciences and had written valuable commentaries upon many books, and was a disciple of his .(?,iya U11ah's) fath~r. Under him he acquired sci~lJue, and in the town of Pattan he obtainerl from S. Mu\1ammad ,!,ahir ~ Mul;1addi (traditionist) Bohra a know ledge of J:ladi (traditions). At that time he received from his father a certificate and the grant of the khirqa (robe) of succession. On the death of his father, wnich took place in 970, 1562-63, he took up his abode in Agra, and made a house and a khanqa there. For a long time he apylied himself to the attainment of final re ward;'and professed -Sufism in a pleasing manner. On 3Ram~an liJ05, 10 April 1597, he died. 3 They say that in the year when Akbar was wounded at Lahore in the testicles by a deer's horn, when he was watching their fight, and he was in great pain, many leading men came from various quarters to visit him (and prescribe for him). One day the king said, rt S. Ziya Ullah has not remembered me." S. Abii-I-fa~l informed ~iya Ullah of this remark and he came to Llthore. By chance, after some time, one of Prince Daniel's WIVes 6 became pregnant, and the king ordered that she should be taken for her confinement to the Shaikh's house. The latter remonstrated, but in vain, and the lady was brought. As the Sb.a.ikh was disgusted with life, he died a week afterwards. As the opportunity has occurred, some account will now be given of the honoured father 6 of those two brothers. S. Mul;1a.m~
----_._-~~--~~-_._--~--

mad Q!la.u and his. elder brother S. Bahliii} were descended from S. Farld' AWir, and they were among the noted saints of the thne. Both of them were of perfect skill in incantations by the Names (of God) and could hold their breath. S. Bahlul was a disciple of Shah Qamifil i who is buried in Sadhaurah (in Sarkar Sirhind). Humayun became his follower, and though he had been the pupil of ~hwaja ~hawand Maf)mud the grandson of ~hwii.ja N afiliru-ddIn A\1rar he broke off the connexion, and beoame a pupil of the S..bailQ~. The ~hwaja was indignant, and a.bandoned Humayun's companionship and went off from India to his own country. And he recited this verse. 8 Verse. Say, O Huma, ne'er cast thy shadow In a land where the parrot is lefls accounted tha.n the kite. When in tbe year 945, 1538-39, Bengal was conquered, the climate suited Humayun and he opened out the carpet of enjoyment, and became absorbed in sensual pleasures. M. HindaI the you~ger brother of the king had received Tirhut as his jagir. By the com panionship of some intriguers he became irribued with evil thoughts and went off, in the height of the rains, to the capital without obtaining leave. Mir Faqlr 'Ali the governor of Delhi-who W8.<i one of the pillars of the empire-came to Agra and by good advice brought the Mirza back to IQyalty, so that he soon went to Jaunpur to chastise the Afghans. Meallwhi1e some officers fled from Bengal and joined the Mirza in Jaunpur.' They suggested the reading of the KJlU,tba in his name, and his ascending the throne.
I PhUl in text but the variant BahIiiI is preferable. ~ The Igla"ina Al?fiya mentions I, p. 135, Shah Qami~ Gilani who died in Bangsl in 992,1584, and i" bUl'ied in Siihira li.hi"'l'abad. 'Abdu r Razzaq commonly called S. BahIiiI was his disciple. Siiliirs seerns a. mistake for Siidhaumh. He died in Bengal7 but his body was brought away and but-ied in Sidhaura. The I.G. XXI, 347 n,entions Shih Qumais' shrine in Sadhaura in the Ambala division. a T. Rashidi, Ney Elias and R08ll

} ~azina AflIfiya II. 336. His shrine lS in Alnna.dabad. i ~azina A~yi I. 436. He was a Bohra by caste and was killed in 984. The." irit AJpnadi says WIIB killed in 986, .1578. J There ill II I'&ference to ~y~ UlIab in Bad8,}'l1ni, Lowe, 204. Akbar gave

he

him a lodging in his Ibaatkhana. See Persian text, p. 202. See also BadayiiniIII. 121. See also A:N. III. 723. A.N. III. 712. 6 One of his wives gave birth tQa 8Qn in 1006. A.N. III. 729. II Ba<iB,yiJni, III. 4.

399, and Badayiini, Lowe 45. The Huma here stands for Humayi1n; -M. ~aidar generally calls IQlwaja li!lawand, Ig.waja Niira. 4 It does Dot appear that Hindal went to Jaunpiir. The officers joined him in Agra. See A.N. I, p. 336, etc. This Nuru-d-din is the father ot Salima Sultan Begam who became the wife of Ball'am and oft!'rwards of Akbar. She was born in this very year of 945, 1538-39, as the chrollograrn, /s!.IuBh lial, preserved by M. Muhamrnadi, shQws.

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and the Mirza resumed his evil thoughts. When Humayun heard of this, he sent S. Bahlul to give the Mirza advice. The Mirza went out to receive him and brought him to his quarters, and treated him with respect. The officers were perplexed and annoyed by the Sbaikh's arrival, but at last they united on condition that he should be put to death, for until the veil wa~ removed from their actions there would be no harmony. M. Nuru-d-din Mul:tammad seized the Sbai~ in his tent on the charge of his being in concert with the Afghans, and beheaded him in a sandy place near the royal garden. S. Mul:tammad Ghau!! found the chronogram, Fa. gad mata shahida, 945, 1538-39. "Verily he was martyred." His tomb is in the vicinity of the fort of Biana, on the top of a hill. Humayun was much grieved at t.he slaying of the Shaikh, and condoIed with his brother Mu\:lammad Ghau. The latter was a pupil of l.Iaji l.Iamid of GwalioI' and Ghazni, who, again, was the pupil of S. Qa~anl Bangali:, who was the pupi! of S. 'Abdullah Shat~arj. His proper name was Abiil-miii:d Mul:tammad, and he had the title of Qllau from his father's side He lived 2 in the hill-country of Chunar in Bihar as a hermit (pir), and in the year 929, 1523, wrote in that retirement the famous book called the Jawahar 8 ~hamsa (The five jewels). At that time he was 22 years of age. \Vhen Sher Shah in the year 947, ] 540. conqtrered Upper India, the Shaikh became alarmed on account of his connexions with Humayiin and fled to Gujarat. There he builta Iofty khanqa (monastery) and communicated spiritual advantage& to many men of that country. When in the year 961, 1554, the standards of Humayiin were unfurled in India, the Sbailgt resolved to return there and in 963 '-which was the commencement of Akbar's reign-he came to Agra VUL Gwalior.
Qii:zan in Ii!tazina A~fiyii: II. 332. Badayiini, Lowe 28, who says he saw in Chuoar the cave where the %hai.ltl' had lived for twelve years. Perhaps the cave is the one described in Fuhrer's Inscriptions oftheN.W.P., etc., Vol. II of Archooological serills, p 260. 3 See account of this book in
l
2

The king welcomed him, and showed him much respeot. S. Gadai Kambii the $adru-s-$udftr, on account of his old enmity with the Sbailill, again girded up the loins of animosity and brought to the notice of Bairam K. the treatise (risala) I which the Sbaikh had written in Gujarat, called M'i'rajiyya, and which gave an account of his own M'irA.j (ascent), and whWh the learned men of Gujarat had denounced. Gadai made the ~han averse to the Shaikh and so he did not give the SDaili-h the royal reception ;hich he had expected. So he took hia- leave and returned in di.spleasure to his residence at Gwalior. On Monday, 17 Ram~an 970, 10 May 1563, he left this dustbin of a world The chronogram '. is Banda-i-Khuda shud. "He became a servant of God." (970). They say that he ~ received from Akbar a pension of a kror of dama. In the Zakhira-ul-khwanin it is stated that the S.haikh had ajagir of nine' la~s of rupees, and that he had forty elephants. It appears even from the Akbarnama that it is true, as is rep~rted, that Akbar was his pupil, though S. Abu-I-fa~l, from the rlvalry of Shaikhs, or from prejudice, or from consideration of the king's disposition, has represented the matter differently. He has stated that in the 4th year, 966-which some have mentioned as the date of the Sbai1dJ.'s return from Gujarat-Akbar came out of Agra to hunt and arrived at Gwalior. It appeared' that Qibciiq B (Tartary) cattle had come irom Gujarat along with S. Mul,1ammad @au!!, and an order was given that they should be pll-rchased from the merchants at a proper price. It was represented that the Shaikh and his people had better cattle than these, and that if Akbar at the time of returning from hunting should pass by the Sbaikh's quarters, he would certainly present them as an offering (peshkash). When Akbar visited him, the Shaikh regarded his coming as a great honour, and as an amulet against his ill-treatment by Bairam
that Gujarat cattle have anything to do with Ta.rta.ry. The MSS. in RM. have a word which I can't read, but which certainly does not begin with a Q. The A.N. which is the MaRir's source has be-badl " uneqnalled.' "

Hughes' Di('t. of Islam, art. D'awa. As stated in text, AbiiI-Miiid or Muwayyid is another nJlrne fo.- M. Ghau~. The date of the book given in H ughes is 956. If M. Ghau~ was 80 when he died, as Badayiini says, he must have been about 40 in 929. 'Badayiini, Lowe 28, . says he Came to Agra ill 966.

See Badayiini, Lowe, 28 and 62. Be.dayiini says in his hist.ory a kror without specifying the ('oins, but doubtless it waS tankaa or dama and not rupees. Badayuni III. 5 says it was a kror of tankaa. 8 So in text, but I think there must be some mistake, for I am not aware
l
~

12

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K. He presented all the cattle his men had, and other curiosities and rarities of Gujarat. He also produced sweetmeats and perf~mes. At the end of the interview he asked the king if he had glv~n the hand of fealty to anyone. H. M. replied "No." The ~alkh stretched I out his own arm and laid hold of the king's, and said, " . have taken your hand" The k' sml'1ed and departed We I' . . mg t 18 reported that the king said, " On that same night we returned to our tents and had a wine-party aud enjoyed ourselves and laughed over the way to catch bullocks, and the Shaikh' ~od of stretching out his arm." - s ge Verse. 'Neath their varied robes they hold nooses See the long arms of those short-sleeved gentry. Afterwards this self-pleasing simpleton exultt'd in public over what ~e had done. He (A. F.) also added some 2 words to the narratI~e, but to copy them out here would be improper. . Abul-Fa~l has written still more (strangely) about S. Bahini mz., that as Humaynn was interested in incantations the Shaikh ,,:,as hono.ured by being allowed to practise them, and that he' sometImes claimed Humayun as his disciple and s~metimes boasted of bein~ hisloyal servant. In fact (says A. F.) the two brothers were destI~ute of .excellencies or learning, but at one time had sate iu herD11tages m the hills, and practised inca;ntationsby the Divine names; and made this the means of their own renown, and influ~ ~nce. . By companionship with princes and no.bles they succeeded In theu craft by the help of simpletons and put up the th' f . h' mgs o samts lp to sale and by specious pretences acquired villages and hamI~ts. In fact all this talk 8 is S. Abu-I-fa~l's abuse such as he pract18ed towards the great ShailQls of the time because of a secret gr~d~e and the envy of a rival, for his father was also one of the relIgIOUS leaders of the time, and claimed to be equal to M. @au, though he was not accepted as such. Or it was the result of the
I See the story in Akbarnima II. translation, p. 133. 2 Referring to A.F.'s reflections on the occurrence and on the 8haikh' s conduct. 8 M. Ghau~ ill included in the Ain among those who undel'8tand the mysteries of the heart. B. 539. Badayiini ITI. 5 saye that Akbar became M. Q!.1au~s disciple,

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eccentrioity and unbridled speech which is opposed to good-will and rejects the common opmlOns. Whatever may be the case with regard to the saintship and the ghauf!iyat (Aid) whioh see hidden things, it is perfectly clear that Humayiin believed in those two brothers. The letter which Humayiin wrote to S. Mul;1ammad @au after Sher Shah's victory , and whioh has been oopied into the Gulzar-i-Abrar l (the r08arium of the pious) , and the reply of the Sbaikh, will show this, and they are therefore set down hel'e.
THE KING' S LETTER.

" After respects and kissing of hands I beg to represent that the favour of the Almighty together with the. guidance of your Reverenee and of all the dervishes have brought me out from the defiles of difficulty into ease. What has occurred from intriguing fate has not grieved me further than that it has excluded me from serving your Reverenee. At every breath and at every step my thought was how will those demon-natured men (Sher Shah and the other Afghans) behave to that angelic personage. When I heard that your Reverenee had at about the same time departed to Gujarat my heart was somewhat relieved from this anxiety. My hope in God is that as He has brought you out from the trouble of that worthless one, He will also free me from the pain of seeming separation. Good God! How shall I render thanks 'for His goodness in guiding me 1 In spite of many calamities which to outward appearance have involved me, in the core of my heart, the abode of worship of Onenesa, there has not been a tittle of rift or failure .. May the path of coming and going always be trodden and be wide enough for the transit of the caravan of my good wishes!"
REPLY.

The arrival of the distinguished letter of the sovereign, and the perusal of the honoured writing of Humayiin have brought the blessing of life to the faithful in this country. It conveyed also the intelligence of the health and wealth of the servants of the stirrup. What has been written is in accordance with the eBsence of things. There is no grlef for what has occurred.
cc

Rieu III. l041b.

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!

93

Verse. The word which comes from the heart assuredly setties in the heart (of the recipient). My prayer is, May my lord's crowned head be not disturbed by the sad events! Verse. To the traveller in the right path whatever happens is for his good. Whenever God designs to lead Hb servant to perfection He cherishes him both by His beautiful and His terrible attributes. The heautiful attributes have had their cycle; now, for some days, is the time of the terrible ones. As has been said, cc With pleasures come pains, with pains come pleasures." The time of the beautiful attributes will soon come again, for according to the Arabian l Canon, One pain comes between two pleasures. And because the extent of the enclosed is less than the extent of the .enclosing, the bride of success will soon take her seat on the. marriage-dais. May God grant this, and praise be to God both noW and hereafter." In short S. Mul.lammad Ghau was one of the later leaders among the Sha&~iiwr~ in India. He had many distinguished successors and .disciples. Saiyid Wajlu-d-dln of Gujarat.. who wrote commentaries on didactic books, and was very learned in exoteric sciences, was his disciple. One said to the Saiyid, " Why have you, with all your learning and wisdom, given the hand of adherence (iniibat) to the Sbaikh (who does not possess so much learning)." He replied, " It is a thing to be thankful for that my Prophet (Mul.lammad) was ignorant (umi) and that my PIr is so ~ (alsb)." The ShaHarI order goes back to the Sultanu-lo' .ArifIn Bayazid Bis.~ami. Accordingly in Turkey this order is called the Bis.~ami. As one of the links of this order was S. Abu-l-l.lasan 'Ishqi-May his

grave be holy-the order is called the I~qiya in Persillo and TUran. They call the Pirs of this order Shat.~a.ri l because they say tha.t they are keener and more enthusiastic than the leading 6haikhs of other orders. The great men of this order in the Arabian and 'Persian 'Iraq continually light the lamp of guidance for tr.avellers on the Path. The first person who came to India from Persia was S. 'Abdullah Shapjari, who by five descents was connected with the Sbaikh of Shaikhs, 6haikh Shihabu-d-din Sahrawardi, and by seven descent8 with Bayazid Bis~a.mi-May his grave be holy! He took up his abode in Mandu in Malwa and died in 890 ,s ~ 1485 , and is buried there. His successors are occupied in various parts of India in instructing pupils. (MULL.A) s 'ABDULLAH AN~ARI MAKHDUMu-L-MULK. Son of S. Shamsu-ddin of Sultanpur. His ancestors came from Multan to Sultanpur and adopted it as their home. MulI. 'Abd_ullah studied under Maulana 'Abdu-I-Qadir of Sirhind, and acquired a complete knowledge of the sciences of I..aw and TheoIogy. The renown of his learning spread over the world. He wrote scholia (~ii8hiya) on the Mulla's' commentary , and the Minhaju-ddin (Highway of Faith) On the life of the Prophet. The Peace of God be upon him and on his family! The princes of the age paid great respect to him, and Humayfm was devoted to him. When Sher Shah's turn came, he ga.ve him the title of ~adru-I-Islam. They say 6 that one day Selitn Shah saw him in the distance and said, " Babar Padishah had five sons, four went away and one
meaDS fearlessness, and me&ns acourier. t Beale says he died in 809 or 1406, and refers for an account of the Sha~~ii:ri8 to J.A.S.B. for 1874. p. 216. There is an account of Abdullah Sha~~ii:ri in the ~azina A~fiya, U. 306, and it is stated there that ho died in
832( 1429).
8 fl. VII. 172 and 044. The family originally came from Herat. For other notices see Badayiini III. 70. De.rbiri Akbari 311, J:Q1azina A~fiyii: I. 448-49 of ed. of 1894, and Tabaqiit
l Sha~ii:rat

~ii:~ir

-'---------------By the llxpression Atabi&n Canon, " QanUn Arabillya the Shaikh means the Koran. The reference is to Sura 94, vv. 5 and 6. .. Veri1y a difficulty shall be attended with _ . "
l

The repetition is taken to mean that for every difficulty there are two pIe llsures. ~ "lee Iqbilnima. 109.

Akbari, end of accQunt of Akba.r's reign. B. 544, copying Badaylini, says his works were the'Asmatu-l-Anbiyi and a commentary on the Shamailu-n~ nabi. The MuHa referred to in text is perhaps the Tirmi~i referred to by D' Herbelot under the heading of Scharoail-Al-Nabi. But possibly the work of Jamalu-d-din A~a UlIah is referred to, as 'Abdullah said he had written scholia on it; BadayGni IJI. 71. 5 BadayUni. Ranking 534.

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remained." Sarmast K. said, "Why keep such an intriguer ~" He replied, " I can't find a better man." When the Mulla came near him, Selim Shah placed him on his throne (takht,) and gave him a rosary of pearls worth Rs. 20 ,000 which he had just received. As the Mulla was a great bigot-which people called being a defender of the faith-he under the guise of holding the Faith displayed great animositv. For instance, the putting to death of l S. 'Alai was brought' about by the exertions of the Mulla. S.'Alai was the son of Shaikh Hasan who was one of the great shaikhs of Bengal. He acquireiex~teric and esoteric knowledge from his father, and after visiting Mecca he settled in BIana, and undertook the practice of what was right and the rejection of what was wrong. At this time S. 'Abdullah 'I. Niyaz! settled in Biana. He was one of the followers of Selim Ohisti, and after returning from Mecca joined himself to Saiyid Mu~ammad of Jaunpiir who claimed to be the Mahdi. S.'Alai approved of his methods and took from him the practice of holding the breath, which is it rule among the Mah daViS, and acquired the ~ame of working miracles. He spent hh days, with a great number of followerB, in trusting in God. At night he would leave the household vessels-even the water-jugsempty, and in the morning there was a new supply.. Mullii. 'Abdullah accused him of innovations in religion and heresy, and induced Selim Shah to summon him from Biana and to ordet' him to hold a conference with the U1ama. S.' Alai was victoriaus. As in that conference S. Mubarak (Abu-l-fa~l's father) took his part, he too was accused of Mahdiism. Selim Shah was impressed by 'Alai and wl)ispered to him to deny Mahdiism, and then he would make him religious. censor in his kingdom; otherwise he must leave the country, as the Ulama had given judgment for putting him to death. The 6.baikh went off to the Deccan. When Selim Shah went towards the Panjab to put down the Niyazis, Mulla 'Abdullah represented that S. 'Abdullah was the Niyazi's Pir. Selim Shah sent for mm in 955,

1548. and had him so scourged l and kicked and cuffed that he fainted. They say that as long as his senses remained, he kept saying. "Lord, forgive us our offences.'" When his senses were restored, he renounced Mahdiism, and in the year 993, 1585, entered the service of Akbar who was proceeding towards Attock. He received some land in Sirhind for his maintenance in the nll/mes of his sons, and he died at the age of ninety in the year 1000,8 1592. When Selim Shah had disposed of the Niyazi Il.ffair, Mulla 'Abdullah again instigated him, and he summoned S. ~ Alai from Hindia. Selim Shah repeated what he had formerly said, but the Shaikh would not agree. Selim Shah said to the MuHa., .. You and he know (what to do)." The Mulli ordered him to be scourged. At the third stroke of the whip he died, and his body was tied to the leg of an elephant and publicly exposed. They say so strong a wind blew that day that men thought it was the Judgment-day. SO many flowers were scattered on the Sbaikh's body that it beca.me as it were entombp.d. After this Selim Shah's reign did not la.'Jt two years. When Huma.yiin came again to India and took Qandahar he gave the Mullil. the title of 6.baikhu-lIslam. Afterwards, when the sovereignty of India came to Akbar the MuHa received the title of Makhdiimu-I-mulk, and Bairam K~ gave him a rich pargana fi as tankwah with a rental of a lac of rupces and ra.ised his honour above all the great notahles. He became one of the chief pillars of the State. After the lapse of some months and years the disposition of the sovereign became alienated by sundry occurrences from the learned men of the age, and in the 24th year, 987, he sent off him and S. 'Abdu-n-Nabi the ~adr-be tween whom there had long been strife and enmity-to the J:Iijaz as if they were to be companions to one another. In spite of that, there never was concord between them, either on the journey, or in the exalted stations (at Mecea), nor was the dislike removed. As the Malfbdtimu-I-mu1k had been honoured from the time of
l B. VIII. The Darbiri Akbari has a notice of him at p. JU. See also Badayiini I. Ranking, 508, etc. l Qoran III. 141. 8 Badavilni I. Ranking 520.

l B. VIII. 1. 'I. He was of Sirhind. See Be.dayiini III. .5. It 1IV811 on the-.ite of bia cell

that Akbar made his IbidatJU1.ina. see also Be.dayiini I. Ranking. p. 608.

Be.dayiini J. 408. Ranking, 524. fi pargana-i-tankwala. The D. Akbari says it was nelll' Minkot, It seems to be tiinkwiila in all the M8S.

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the Afghans to that of Akbar, and was lamed for his good judgment and experience of affairs, and the report of his wisdom had spread everywhere , the ~ai~h Ibn I.Iajar I known as the Mufti of Mecca came out to welcome him and showed him much respect, and opened the door of the K'aaba for him, out of season. Whel1 the a!ritation of M. Muhammad Hakim the (half) brother of Akbar ,." .. was heard of, 'Abdullah believed that the untrue account of t.he confusion in India was correct, and from a desire of pre-eminence and a love of glory he returned with 'Abdu-n-Nabi, the ~adr, to ~madabad. When the king learnt that they had spoken improperly about him jn assemblies, owing to secret malice, he privately appointed some persDns (to arrest them) as the Begams of the Harem were sidina with them and intereeding for them. oMakhdiimu-I-mulk died of fright in 991. 2 They say he was poisoned at Akbar's instigation. - His body was secretly brought to Jalandhar and buried there. Qa~i' Ali was appointed to confiscate his effects. Much buried t,reasure was found in Lahore. Among it some chests containing bricks of gold were taken out 01 his tomb whih had been buried on the pretence that they contained corpses. On this acoount his sons suffered severities for some time in the search for property. Three krors of rupees were found. 8. 'Abd~-l-Qadir Badaytini writes a in his history that Makhdtimu-I-mulk gave an opinion (fatwa) to the effect that at this time the pi1grimage was not lawful for- the people of India, '1.S security was a condition thereof, and the journey had either to be made by sea-and this could not be effected without Feringhi passports, which bore t,he figures of Mary and Jesus, which was an infringement of the law and a sort of idol-worship,-or it was by the route of Persia, where there was unsuitable society (the Shias of Persia). They say that Makhdtimu-I-mulk, on account of h'is bigotry, burot the third volume of the ' Rau~at-al-Al.ibab, as it

contained some deficiencies and mistakes in the account of early times, and that on this account this volume is scarce. 'ABDULLAH K. FJRUZ .JANG. His name was ~llwaja 'Abdullah, and he was a descendant of Obed Ullah Nal?lru-d-dln Al,lrar, May his grave be holy!and a sister's son of ~llwaja I:Iasan Naqshbandl. In the latter part of Akbar's reign he came from a foreign country (Wilayat) l to India, and for some time served with Sher Khwaja (a relation of his) in the Deccan. Wherever there was fighting he distinguished himself. Afterwards he left the ~llwaja and joined prince 8ultan Selim in Lahore and was made one of the A\:ladis _ When the prince was in Allahabad, and from independence and presumption began to distribute man~ab8 and titles, aDd to give fiefs to his servants, he received a malll1ab of 1~00 and the title of .Khan But as he could not; get on with Sharif K., who was the prince's manager, he in the 48th year (of Akbar) proceeded i to court, and the king (Akbar) petceiving his good qualities, gave him the rank of 1000, and the title of ~afdar Jang. His brothers ~pwajas Yadgar and Barkhurdar also received suitable posts, and after Jahangir's accession he got a drum and a flag. As the matter of the Rana (of Udaipiir) did not make progress under Mahabat K., 'Abdullah was in the 4th year appointed to the command of-the army, and in that affair he acquired 3 a name.
~hwaja
third volume was not by J amalu-ddin. J He came from ~i~ir in Transoxi,ana in 1000 A.H. along with his two brothers Yiidgiir and Bar lil.111rdar. Najibu-niei. daughter of M. ~akim, was married to his uncle Khwaja ~88an Naqshbandi. See M. Hiidi's preface to Tiizuk J., p. 6, and A. N. 111.823. ~ l.Q1ifi K.. 220. 227. Tiizuk J., ll. where Jahangir comments on the impropriety of his leaving his l;ervice 8 The account here given does not agree with Jahangir's account in the Tiizuk J. According to him 'Abdullah was for a long time unsuccessful, and though the Rini was ultimately obliged to submit, this was not tili the 8th year and then it was Prince Kharram. i.e., Shah Jahan, who was the chief Commander. The elephant 'A.lam Gumin, or 'Alam Kaman, waB not sent in tili the beginning of the 9th year: see Tiizuk J. 127. Tod callE the Rana Umra Singh. See Elliot VI. 336 for the statement that 'Abdullah was unsucceBsful until Jahangir left A'mere. Mihrpiir is not mentioned in lQJafi K. lI08 the Rana's seat. Udaipiir is mentioned tlll're,

WaR a title of the of Mecca. i8hould be 990, 1582. The etatement that he WaR poisoned is also made in t~e ~zinaul.~fiyi. ' 3 B. 172 and Badayiini, Lowe. 206.

J Apparently this

~arif

Badayiini does not say that he heard 'Abdullah Eay tllis. , .. The Gardim of Lovers' by Jamilu-d-din 'Ati Ul\ah. Rieu I. 147a. See Badayffni III. 71. Badayiini expreB86s the opinion that the

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He attacked Mihrpiir, which was the place of refuge <:Jf Rana Amar Singh, and got pos8ession of the elephant 'Alam Guman which had no equal. In Kombalmir he established a station and routed and plundered Bairam Deo Solankhi who was a leader among the Rajputs. In the 6th year, 1020, 1611, he was made governor of Gujarat and an auxili/l>ry force was also given him from the court. The arrangement wade was that he should march to the Deccan with the Gujarat army oy the route of Nasik and Trimbak, and that the .Khan Jahan along with Rajah Man Singh, the Amiru-I-Umara and M. Rustum should go by the Berar route, and that the two armies should keep in touch with one another, and on a fixed day should surround the enemy. It was probable that in this way the enemy would be annihilated. 'Abdullah l K. had with him 10 ,000 well-mounted cavalry, ,arid in his pride and presumption he entered the enemy's territory without having any tidings of the second army. Malik' Ambar, who was much afraid of him, chose out men and sent them to extirpate him. Every day they skirmished (barg"igari rn'ikardand) round his camp, and they did thiil from night till morning. As he approached nell.rer to Daulatahad the numbers of the enemy increased. When he got there no sign could be seen of the second army. He thought it proper to retreat, and marched tpwards A}:lmadabadvia Baglana. On the march the enemy pressed upon him, and there was a battle every day. 'Ali ~ Mardan Bahadur did not approve of having the stain of flight put upon him and fought manfuUy and was made prisoner. As to the report 3 that Malik 'Ambar colluded with the 15:.}lan-~}J.ii,nan and detained him by wiles, it is not true, for at that time th~ Ii}J.an-.K}lanan had left
I. 278. as his capital. For the account of the Rana's submission see Elliot VI. 339. 'Abdllllah's appointment in the 4th year is mentioned in Tiizuk J. 74. and it is stated there that he got the title of F'iriiz Jang. ) Khafi K., l. 273, etc. 2 496. IgIifi K.. I. 275. S Apparently the author has conhlsed two events. and he has repeated this at I 71 R in the account uf

the Deccan and gone to court. When the Ii..han-Ii.hanan heard the sad news he returned and in 'AdilAbad joined Prince Parvez. They say that Jahangir had portraits taken of 'Abdullah K. and the other officers, and that he took them into his hand, one by one, and made comments on them. Referring to 'Abdullah's portrait he said, "To-day no one equals you for ability and lineage, with such a figure and such abilities, and lineage, and rank and treasure, and army you should not have run away. Your title is Garez Jang (the fugitive from battle)." When in the l1th year (of Jahangir), 'Abdullah) sent for 'Abid K., the son of ~hwaja Ni~amu-d-din Al).mad Ba~b@i (the author), and who was Waqa' Niga.r (repurter) of Al).madabad, and insu1ted him on acount of his reports, D:ianat K. was sent from the court to bring' Abdullah on foot to court. He, before the order reached him, went off on that way (on foot) and by the intercession of Prince Sultan Ii}J.arram was pardoned his offences. When the heir-apparent Prince Shah Jahan went to the Deccan for the second time, 'Abdullah was sent' with him, but he left the Deccan without permission and went to his fiefs. On this account he was censured and deprived of his jagir and I'timad Rai was made the 8ezawal to carry him to the Prince. 'When the Prince was summoned from the Deccan to the court for the affair of Qandahar and, on account of the rains, stopped in Mandii, and the king, on account of the instigations of make-strife people, became alienated from such ason, and the matter came to fighting, 'Abdullah came from his jagir and waited on the king in Lab.ore. When the Princu retired from opposing his father and left his army under Rajah Plkramajit facing the royal army, so that he might check a force if it was sent after him, it was contrived by~]lwajah Abii-l-.lLasan that
l See Masir J. 663 in account of Ni~mll-d-din's son, where he is called the bakhshi of Gujarat. The Btory seems to be wrongly told there. See my note 3. PerhapB the apparent mistake is only due to the author's confused style, or to the omission of a clauBe by a copyist. See IgIafi K.. L 286. The story of Abdullah' B coming to sue for pardon

J5.11iin JahiinLodi. The charge against the IgIiin-IgIiinn waB not that he had colluded with Malik 'Ambar at the time of 'A bdullah 'B disaster. On the contrary .Tahangir Bent him to retrieve affairs. The charge :Was that he colluded with Malik 'Ambar in the 4th year when IgIIl Jahan waB sent. Jahangir believed this and recalled the Jgliin-~hiiniin. 'Abdllllah's affair was later

and his walkiqg 60 mi:"s 011 foot is told by Sir Thomas Koe, There is also a referen~ to 'Abullab's acts of tyrnnny ih the Tlizuk .J. 208. There it is said that he cut down the trees of a garden that Ni~amtl-d-dln had planted at A!).madaba<l in order to spite the son 'Abid For this his allowances for horses were reduced.

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'Abdullah should be appointed to the vanguard of the royal army. As soon as the two sides met, 'Abdullah l galloped off and joined the Prince's army By chance, at that time a buUet from an unknown hand killed Rajah Bikramajit. .Both armies fell out of order and went off to their own places. As the Rajah had held the government of Gujarat, the Prince gave it to 'Abdullah, and he appointed a eunuch named Wafa ~ as his deputy with a small force there. M. ~afi Saif K. assumed the part of a well-wisher of the king and with the nelp of people appointed there arrested the eunuch and took possession of the city. 'Abdullah took leave from the Prince in Mandu and without looking for auxiliaiies went off there in hot haste. When an encounter took plaee between the parties, 'Abdullah was defeated ,'~ and he had to come to Baroda and then to Surat. He collected a force and joined the Prince at Burhanpur. After that he was always in the van in that time of struggle and contest. WhflU in the 20th year t he prince returned from Bengal to the Deccan, and taking Yaqiit K. Abyssinian and other Ni~am Shahi servants with him attacked Burhanpur , 'Abdullah vowed that whenever he got possession of that city he would make a general massacre. When the prince, without attaining his object, withdrew from the siege, 'Abdullah perceived that the prince was not favourably inclined towards him, and shut his eyes to e,}l the kindnesses he had received and wentoff, and joined Malik 'Ambar. As the latter did not patronise him as he had expected, he, by means of ~llan Jahan, entered the king's service. They say that when he came to Burhanpur, ~llan Jahan went as far as the garden of Zainabd to welcome him, and received him with respect. He adopted a fawning and humble attitude, wore a farji 6 like the Uzbeg darvishes, had a beard hanging down to his navel and came unarmed, and when an hour of the night was remaining, to the JiP.an Jahan's diwankhana and sate down. When the Khan .Jahan went, according to orders, to .Junair he accompanied him (?) and wrote to Malik' Ambar chat if he now fell upon the
l
2

Jahan he would get the better of him. By chance they intercept.ed the letter. 'Ihe ~llan Jahan put. it into his hand anci he confessed. According to orders he was imprisoned in ASir. Ikram K. of Fat~pur, the governor ,Jf the .fort, treated him badly and at the instigation of Mahabat K., who was then in power, repeated orders ame to blind him. The ~llan Jahan would not consent. He wrote in reply that he had come in upon his word and that he would bring him to court. When the sovereignty came to Shah Jahan, he was pardoned at the intercession of that distinguished member of the Naqshbandi order, 'Abdu-r-Ra~lm ~hwaja,l who was the successor of :K,hwaja Kilan ~llwaja Jiilbarl, who wall thirty removes from Saiyid' AiI 'Arl~'s, the Great Imam (Imam Hamam) J'aafar ~adiq,'l.--Peacebe upon him,-and was one of the glorious Saiyids of Turan, and an object of faith and reverenc~ with the Uzbeg ~hans who are entirely devoted to this family. 'Abdullah K. then wore i~ his men tal ear the ring of discipleship to ~hwajaKilan. Jn the time oi Jahangir he ('Abdu-r-Ral;l1m) came from Imam Qull K. theruhlr of Tiiran as an !tmbassador J and was received with great honour. He was allowed to sit by the side of the throne and was treated with great respeot by all the nobles and grandees of Persia Turan and India. In the beginning of Shah Jahan's reign he' came from Lahore to Agra and received more honour than ever. It was because' Abdullah was connected with the Naqshbandi order that he was pardoned 3 and raised to the high rank of 5000 with 5000 horse, and had the gift of a flag and a drum, and had Sarkar Qanauj given to him in fief. When, in the same first yea,r Jujhar Singh Bandila fled from court to his home in Undcha (Orcha), a force under the command of Mahabat K. was .appointed. The ~han Jahan Lodi from Malwa and' Abdullah K. from his jag;ir with the officers of various quarters entered his country and opened the hand of VIO lence. . When Jujhar was hard pressed he approached Mahabat and expressed a wish to kiss the threshold. 'Abdullah and Bahadur K. and a number of other officers with 9000 cavaIry came to the
I 2

~han

'S!'iiflK. L 335-36. Wafa-dar, Khiifi K., I. 337 Do. 339. There is a fuller account

Qf 'Ahdul1ah'g defeat in the Tiizuk J. 364, etc. See B.89.

'1

~hiifi

K .. !. 400. Jarrett Ill., 369n.

The 6th Tmam. Re died at Medina in A. R. 148,765. Jg1iifi K., I. 400.

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fort of Irij which is thirteenkos from Undcha, and was in the eastern part of -the country and in the possession of .Tujhar. By alacrity and energy they took the for~. When Shah Jahan came to Burhanpiir in ordeJ' to extirpate ~han Jahan Lodi, 'Abdullah went to the Deccan from his fief of Ka.lp:i and joined with the army which had been put under the command of Shaista K. When he had recovered from a swelling which he had in his abdomen he came to the Presence and was appointed to chastise Darya. K. Rohilla who was making a dis~t1rbance in the neighbourhood of Chalisgaon. An order was given that he should stay in Khandes and pursue without delay Khan Jahan and Dariya K. whichever way they had gone. When in the 4th year lQlan .Tahan and Dariya K. went off to Malwa from Daulatabad, he followed close after them and gave them no rest anywhere. At last, on the bank of the Sehonda J (tank) li...han Jahan stood firm and was killed. In reward of this great service he received the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse, and the title of F'iriiz .Tang. In the 5th year he was made governor of Bihar.? 'Abdullah resolven to chastise the zamindar of Ratnpiir 3 and went tQ that quarter. Babii Lachm'i the za.mind.ar there got frightened and was admitted to quarter through the mediation of Amar Singh, the ruler of Bandhii. In the 8th year he brought tribute and did homage in company with' Abdullah. When 'Abdullah went off to his lands, Jujhar Band:ila again rebelJed. In accordance with orders f Abdullah turned back on his road and proceeded to chastise him. li...han Dauran joined from Malwa, and Saiyid Khan Jahan Barha did so also. When they were encamped one kos from Undcha, that miserable wretch got frightened, and went out of the fort with his family and his servltnts and some silver and gold, and went off to the fort of Dhamiini which his father had made very strong. The royal troops, after taking Undcha, pursued him and when they came to within three kos of Dhamiini they learnt that he had
l Text Sindhiya, but see B. 5.05, and Maa~ir, I 729, in sc~ount of.JS!>.iW. .J ahnn Lodi. . lt would appear fraU! an inscrip-

gone off with his goods and chattels to Ciiragarh, and was waiting for a letter from the zamindar of Deogarh. If t:he latter would give him a passage through hi~ territory he would go to the Deccan. The royal forces took Dhamiini, and Saiyid li...hanJahan chose to remain there to settle the conquered country. 'Abdullah went on with the vanguard of ~]J.an Dauran Bahadm. Jujbar fled by the route of Lanji, which belongs to the territory of the zamindar of Deogarh. 'Abdullah march-ed every day ten GOI'dah kos and sometimes twenty, which are abfmt double the ordinary /rOs, and came up with him on the borders of eanda and 1 fought with him. The wretch took the roltd to Golconda. After much marching 'Abdullah came up with him (again), and the father and son in fear of their lives fled to the jungle. There they gave up their lives at the hands of some Gonds. Firiiz Jang cut off their heads and sent them to court. When in the IOth year Rajah Pratap ~ Ujjainya-who had received the rank of 1500 with 1000 horses-got leave to go to his own country-as had long been his desire~he withdrew from obedience and took the path of ruin. 'Abdullah K., in accordance with orders, went off from Bihar to punish him. He first besieged the fort of Bhojpiir which was the zamindar's seat, and where Pratap had taken refuge. He, after struggies, became terrified and had recourse to supplications. He put on a lungi (waist-cloth) and took his wife in his hand, and through the mediation of one of the eunuchs of F'iruz Jang made his appearance. The li-]J.an imprisoned him and his wife and reported the matter to the Presence. An order came to put the scoundrel to death and to take possession for himself of the wife and the property. F'iriiz J ang ~ave some of the spoil to his brave men, and made the wife a Muhamma~an and ma.rried her to his grandson. In the 13th year he was appomted to chastise Prithiraj , the son of Jujhar Singh, and Campat Bandila, who were making a disturbance near Undcha. Though b the efforts of Baqi K.-whom Abdullah hadsent-Prithiraj was :ade prisoner, yet sCampat-who was the originator of the commol A mistake for Gondwana. See Piidishiihniima L, Part II., p. 262, and Khafi I{., 512, etc The name of the son was Bikra~iij.it._ _ i B. 513 note. Ji!1iifi I{., 1. 544-45. 8 Padlshahnama, 11.136.

tion mentioned by Buchansn that Abdullah built or repaired the Patna fort in 1042, 1633. 8 In Sarkiir Rohtiis J., II. 157.

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th:m-managed to escape. This was ascribed to Firiiz Jang's negligenee and love of comfort, and so he was deprived of his fief of Islamabad and censured. In the 16th year he was made governor of the province of Allahaba.d in succession to Saiyid Shuja' at K. After some time Shah Jahan removed him from his rank, and gave him a lac l of rupees by way of support. At the same period, he again became favourable to him and restored him to his rank. He was nearly 70 years of age when he died on 17 Shawal of the 18th year, 1054, 7 December 1644. In spite of his cruelty and tyranny men believAd that he could work miracles, and used to make offerings to him. He spent 50 years as an Amir. He was often removed from office and t,hen restored and had the same magnifieenceand power as before. To serve him had something lucky about it. In his lif&-time many of his servants became panjhazaris and carhazaris (5000 and 4000). They say he looked well after his soldiers but that they did not get more than three or four months' pay in the year. But compared with other places this three months' pay was equal to a year's. No one was able to represent his case to him personally ; he had to speak to the diwan and the bakshi. If the latter delayed to report the matter, he cut il off their beards (1). His .regular practice was that when engaged in a difficult 8 expedition he marched 60 or 70 kos a day. He kept a trustworthy real'tguard. If anyone lagged behind, his head was cut off. and brought to him. Fifty Moghuls-who were yesawals (lietars) of the Mir Tuzuk (Provost-Marshal)-were dressed in uniform and had adorned staves and kept order. They say that in the affair olthe Rana he ha.d with him 300 troopers with gold-embroidered dresses and decorated armo~r, and 200 footmen consisting of khidmatga~s, jilaw1ars (runners) , and cobdars dressed in the same style. He was very pleased to see anyone who had a wounded face. He was very dignified in manner. At the end of his life he used to begin his diwan in the last watch of the night. He also had...hy this time ceased to be cruel.
l lt Wll,S an annual allowance. Piidishiihniima n. 348. ~ $a/ai rem mi ba!f!!.shid. The phra!le is not given in the dictionaries.

S. Farid I Bhakari says in the Zalillira-ul-Iiliwanin that, (, At the time when 'Abdullah was kept under surveillance by ~han Jahan Ladi the latter sent through me 10,000 Rs. for his expenses. I said to 'Abdullah, 'The Nawab has done much as a holy warrior in the path of God. How many infidels' heads have you caused to be cut off?' He said, ' There would be 200,000 heads so that there might be two rows of minarets of heads from Agra to Patna. I said, 'Certainly ~ there wo~l1d be an innocent MUh~mmadan among these men.' He got angry and said, 'I made prisoners of five lacs of women and men and sold them. They all became Muhammadans. From their progeny there will be krors by the judgment day. God's apostle used to go to the house of the cotton-carder 3 (naddaf) and beg him to become lt Masaiman. I at once made five lacs of people Masaimans. If justice were done, there would be even more followers of Islam." When I reported this conversation to ~.han Jahan he said, "It is strange in this man that he boasts of his evil deeds and h IS non-repent ' " ance. His sons did not do well. M.' Abdu-r-Rasul was appointed to the Deccan. (MIR) ABU-L-BAQA AMIR KHAN. The best son of Qasim 6 K. Namakin. By knowledge of his duties and of affairs he was superior to all his brothers. He distinguished himself during his father's life-time and attained ~he rank of 500. After his death he attained high rank. In the time of Jahangir he rose to the rank of 2500 with 1500 horse and was appointed governor of Multan as deputy for Yemenu-d-daulah. In the 2nd year of Shah .J ahan when Murta~a K. Anju the ~ub ahdar of Tatta died, he got an increase of 500 horse and was raised to the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse, and made governor of
J If this is the author of the book he must be ident.jcal with the S. M'ariif mentioned in Shah Newiiz's preface. Perhaps it is to this man that Stewart refers in his history of Bengal, p. 177, as Fereed Addeen Bokhary. ~ One MS. haA ' O God' (AHah) instead of albatta, and nekniimi .. respectable," instead of begunah.

8 Text dar yiiram u 8Qwari, "In expeditions and ridings. " But 1.0. MS. 628 has yiira1ill du!!l!wiiri, which seems preferable.

3 Naddii/. I do no-t. know what convert is referred to here. Perhaps " If a correct calculation were made." 'Abdullil.h's remark reminds us of the boasts Gf the Portuguese pirates about the number of Christians they had made. fi B. 470 and 472.

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that province. In the 9th year at the time of the return of the prince (Shah Jahan the king) from Daulatabad to the capital he was appointed to the fief of the Sarkar of Bir in the Deccan and for some time was among the auxiliaries (kamakian) in that territory. In the 14th year he was sent off to Sivistan in succession to Qazaq t K. In the 15th year he was for the second time put in charge of the province of Tatta in succession to Shad ~han. He died there in the 20th year of the reign, 1907, 1647. and was buried in his father's tomb called the ~afa-i-~afa (ais of purity) on the hill whieh is opposite to Rhakar fort and on the south side. He was more than one hundred years old and there was no decline in his intellect or strength. In the time of Jahangir he was known by the name of Mir ~_}lan. Shah Jahan, by the addition of an alif to his title, took one lac of rupis from him as peshka8h, and gave him the title of Amir 2 ~}lan. He like his father had many children. His eldest son 'Abdu-r-Razzaq was of the 900 class under Shah Jahan. [n the 26th year he died. Another was ~iyau-d~din Yusuf who at the close of Shah .Jahan 's teign held the rank of 1000 with 600 horse, and afterwards had the title of ~iyau-d-din K. His grandson Mir Abu-I-Wafa in the close of the reign of Aurangzeb held 3 the office of darogha of the oratory along with other offices, and was known to the appreciative monarch for his intelligence and honesty. Another son who per- haps was the ablest of them all was Mir' Abnu-I-KarIm Multafat K., who was an intimate associate of Aurangzeb and had his father's title. His biography is given separately. The daughter of the deceased ~}lan was married to Prince Murad Bakhsh, but this connection took place long after the ~}lan's death. On acC<1Unt of the prince's having no child by the dftughter of Shah Newaz K. ~afavi, Shah Jahan in the 30th year gave this chaste lady, who was warthy to be married to a prince, a lac of rupees in jewels, etc., as a marriagb present, and sent her to Al,tmadabad to be married to the prince who was then the governor of the province (Gujarat).
t
'2

ABU-L-FATI.I.
l Hakim Masih-u-d-din Abu-I-fath s. Maulana. 'Abdu-r-Razzaq of Gllan, who had great insight in ~atters of contemplation and devotion. For years the ~adarat (\}hief ecclesiastical authority) of that country was in his charge. When Gllan came into the pos session of Shah 1'ahmasp ~afavi in 974, 1566-67, and ~han Al,tmad the ruler of that country fell into prison all account of his want of tact, the Maulana from his truthfulness and orthodoxy ended his life. in imprisonment and torture. The l:IakIm and his two bI'\Jthers l:IakIm Hamam and I.Iakim Nuru-d-din-each of whom was distinguished for quickness of apprehension and ability in the current sciences and for external perfections-chose departure from their natIve land and came to India. ln the 20th year they entered into Akbar's service, and all three brothers received suitable promotion. As Abu-I-fatl,t possessed unusual excellence and had tact and knowledge of the world he obtained promotion at court and in the 24th year was made ~adr and Amin of Benga!. Afterwards, when the seditious officers of BenO'al and Bihar united, and got rid of o Mo?affar K. the governor, ~akim and many others of the loyalists fell into prison. One day he saw his opportunity, and threw himself down from the top of the fort and reached safety w~th difficulty and blistered feet, and went on pilgrimage to the Presence. When he kissed the threshold, he surpassed all his equals in influence and intimacy. Though his rank was not higher than 1000 yet in degree he was more than a vizier or vaki!. When in the 30th year Rajah Birbar left to reinforce Zain K. Koka, who had been appointed to chastise the tribe of the Yusufzai, l:Iakim was also made leader of a separate auxiliary force. But they did not take account of one another and did not act with caneard. The result of conceit and duplici1;y was that the Rajah was killed and that the I.Iakim and the Kokaltash escaped with great difficulty and presented themselves at court.. For some time they remained under censure. In the 34th year, '997, 15.89, at the time when Akbar was marching from Kashmir to Kabul, I.Iakim died a natural death in the neigh-

B. 472. Qarii:q. See the stot'y in the life of his son Abdul-Karim. :Maa,ir. A. 459.

I A.N. Ill., 144.

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bourh00d of Damtiir. In accordance with orders, Khwaja Shamsud-din ~hwafi carried his body to ~a8an Abdal and committed it to the dust under a dome which he had built for himself. As some days before this, the very learned Amir A~du-d-daula of Shiraz had died, Sarfi l Savaji found this chronogram.

Verse.
This year two scholars departed from the world, One went before and the other went after Until both agreed (i.e., met) together. The chronogram " both went together" did not arise. Akbar, who was exceedingly gracious to him, visited him during his illness, and after his df'!ath expressed his sorrow by saying the fati~ta for him at ~asan Abda!' The ~akim was an acute, wise and active-hel;trted man. Fai~i says about him in his elegy :

Mulla 'Urti of Shiraz write many brilliant odes in his praise. The following lines are from one of them. (Here follow eight lines of poetry.) His (youngest) brother ~akim Nl1ru-d-din with the takhalla~ of Qarari was an eloquent man and a good poet. This verse is his Ve1'se.' What reck l of death? me A shaft from thine eyes hath pierced

And shah aye torture me though

r die not for another century.

Verse. 2
His writings were an exposition of fate's decrees, His thoughts an exposition of fortune's records. In studying and managing the dispositions of men he did not spare himself. Whatever came from him was found of weight in wisdom's balance. He was generous, and the beauty of the age, and for perfections he was the unique of the world. He was the subject of panegyric by the poets of the day. Especially did
l The :!:V0rds of the chronogram are, Hardobahamra/tand, which make 997, 1589. The Darbii:ri Akbari quotes the lines with some differences of read. ing (apparently improvements) at p. 679. The text has F.Iarfi. hut !;'arfi is the right name and mel;lns grammatical. See Badayiini III.- 260, where he is called SarH Savaji and is stated to have been for a time with Nir,ii:mu-ddin A~mad in Gujarat. He lived fora' time in Laho~f" and was a man of derv6sh manners. He went with Fai?-i to tha De('can and died there. According to Ni~iiml1-ddin. Lucknow

ed. 400, his name was :ij:llrfi Savahji and he went on pilgrimage to Mecca. See also B. 586 and note. Savahji means that he came from Savah (in Peraia). See Sprenger, (:la.t. 382, who 'Jalls him Salau-d-din ~arfi, an'd re, fers to the Maa~ir Ral)imi about him. There was also a. :ij:arfi of Sawah, do. 30. Perhllps t.he second line of l;larfi's quatrain means that one scholar was higher in rank or abIer than the ot,her, but that now they have met together. Abiil Fati)'s tomb still exists at I1asan Abda!. ;l See A.N., III., 563, line 14

An extraordinary 'lo perturbation seized him, and by Akbar's orders he was sent to Bengal where he died without obtaining advancement. The following are among his sayings: 3 To show off your ability before another man is to shew off your ambition (?)." " To watch over a rude servant is to make yourself ill-mannered.' , "Whomever you trust, he is trustworthy " (i.e., none is really trustworthy). He called ~-Iakim Abl1-l-fatl,1 a man of the world, and Hakim Hamam a man of the other' world and kept aloof from' them both. A separate account has been given of Hakim Hamam. Another brother, named .l:,fakim La.~f Ullah, who had come from Pet'sia (afterwards) was, by the influence of Hakim Abl1-l-fatl,1, enrolled among t.he royal servants and attained t'he rank of 200. He soon died. Ahl1-l-fatl,1's son Fatl,1 Ullah was an able man. As Jahangir was unfavourable fi to him, one day Dianat 6 K. Lang charged hini with disloyalty and said that
I B. 587 who translates: "I doubt Death's power;, but an arrow from thine eye ilas pierced me, and it is this arrow alone that will kill me, even if I were to live another hundred years." The lines and their context occur in Badayuni, III., 313. They are more vigorous than most of his quotatjQHS.

< This is taken fr'om the Ain, l. 2;\2 but the Maa"ir has separated the f"Xpreasion from its context. See B. 586 and note 4. Badayiini seems to say, l.e., that Qarii:ri was sent- off to Ben-

gal as a punishment because he would not conform to the rules about mili tary service. See Darbii:l'i A., 671, etc. o The sayings are obscure. See Darbii:ri A.. 666 and 672. mard-i akhirat. A man oi th, end of t,hings. See B., l.e., line 2. o Iqbalniima 211. 6 Tiizuk J. 58 where it is stated that his former name was Qii:sim 'Ali. B. 465 (?). but B., l.c., note says Qiisim 'Ali should according to the Maa~ir be Qiisim Beg. See Ma8sir, II. 8. The Iqbii:lnama J. 30 calls him Qii:sim K.

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at the time of the rebellion of Sultan ~JlUsrau, Fatl). UUal had said .to him that the proper thing was to give Khusrau the Panjab and so stop the contention. Fatl). Ullah denied he had said BO, and the parties were put to their oaths. Fifteen days had not elapsed when he reaped the result of his false' oath, for he had joined Nuru-d-din l-the cousin of AljafK Ja'afirwho had arranged with ~JlUsrau that he would bring him out of prison on a fitt.ing opportunity. By chance, in the second year when J ahangir was returning from Kabul to Lahore the plot was revealed to the emperor. After enquiries, Nuru-d-din and others were cltpitaUy punished and J:lakim Fatl). Ullah was pilloried, being made to ride on an ass backwards and so conveyed from stage to stage. After that he was blinded.' ABU-IrMAKARAM JAN NJf;?AR KH.AN.8 He was Khwaja Abii-I-makaram. At first he was one of the confidential servants of Prince Sultan Mul).ammad M'uagam. When Sultan Mul).ammad Akbar had prepared the materials of rehellion, and was, in conjunction with ignorant Rajputs, about to march with a large force against his father, as information about his army had not fully reached the emperor, ~p'waja, Abu-I-makaram went as a scout on the part of the prince (M'ua~~am) and fell in with the scouts of Prince Akbar. A fight ensued and the -K-hwaja escared with wounds. ln this way he became known to the emperor and afterwards obtained the rank of 900 and the title of Jan Niar K. In the campaign of Ramdara he was apo pointed to accompany the said prince (M. M'ua~~am afterwards Bahadur Shah), and in the siege of Sampgaon fi he distinguished himself, 'tnd stamped the diploma ofbravery with the inscription
l Iqbilnama.. J. 27. " B. 425 says he wa.s put to death, and refers to the Tuzuk 58, but it is not ssid there that he wail kll!ed. Jahangir soys he intended to do so, but refraine<;i and contented himself with imprisaning Fath U1lah and pu.tting to death some others. The Iqbllniima 21), last line, saya that Fat~ Ullah was pilloried, etc. He does not say he was blinded. From Khlfi K., I.

233, line 7. where mention is made of a plot to ma1c~Ul u ma~bii8 (blind and imprisan) Jahangir, it is clear makMii does not mean to kill. 3 Apparently he was sun of Ifti\illir K. 'Alamgimame, 247. Iglafi K., II. 280, 291. fi Text Satgon, variant Sapgaon. The real name appears to 'be Sa~p gion.. See Igl~afi K., II. ZlU. It is described there aa a strong fort and

of wounds! When the prince returned from there; he was appointed to attack Abii-l-l).asan Qu~b Shah, and Jan Nilar accompanied him. In accordance with directions from the prince he pl'Oceeded to take the fort of Saram I and established a thana. He repulsed a sally of Abii-l-l).asan's troops, and he distinguished himse-lf in the siege of Golconda and was wounded. In the 33rd year he was presented II with a dagger with a hilt, etc. (u saz) of jade and. sent off to chastise the vile foe. Next year he received a robe of honour and an elephant. As he had repeatedly distinguished himself the emperor used to show him favour. Afterwards when there was a battle between Santa Ghorpura and' the imperialists in a village of the Carnatic, the latter were defeated by the evil assistance of fate. The Khan was wounded but managed to escape. After that he became faujdar and qil'adar of Gwaliyar and chose the corner of contentment. When Aurangzeb went. to paradise, though the ~han was an old servant of Bahadur Shah and was hopefu! of promotion from him, yet as he saw that A'~im Shah was at hand he, from inconsideration,3 wrote petitions to A'fiim Shah and Sultan Muhammad'Afiim (Bahadur Shah's son) to the effect that he wished 'to join, but that the opposite party had appointed a force to carry him off, and that he would come in as soon as he had got carriage, etc. Meanwhile he learnt that Bahadur Shah had arrived at Agra, .and went off posthaste to join him. As the emperor had previously expected that Jan Niar K. would have gone over to Muhammad 'Af!im .. with 4 or 5000 horse, he was displeased. But after Muhammad A'~im Shah was killed, he, on perceiving signs of penit~nce in Jan Niar, after some delay admitted him into his service. He received the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse and the gift of drums. After Bahadur Shah had gone to paradise, the ~]lan served on the right wing of Jahandar Shah in the battle with Farrukh Siyar. Afterwards he served Farru.\gl Siyar. When J:Iusain 'Ali
Jin Ni~ar was wounded at the taking of it. See Elliot, VII. 314. 1 Sairam in Iglafi K., II. 302. II M. Aalamgiri, S31. 8 Text beparwagi but the variant bepardagi .. effrontery" lleems more likely to be correct. He wrotEl to both sidefl. There is the variantA'r,im, but apparently the text is right. Babidur Shah thol1ght that Jin Nislir should have joined bis son earlier.

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K. the governor of the Deccan came to the taluqs l and made peace with the enemy on the-agreement to grant one-fourth of the revenue and ten per cent. desmulchi, and this arrangement was not approved of by the sovereign, Jan Niar-who was vexed (mizaj giri!ta, quo "tactful "1) and was a man of the world (8a~batdida), and the adopted brother of 'Abdullah i. K. Saiyid Miyan took leave in the 6th year to go as governor of Burhanpur , in order that he might make !:Iusain '41i K. listen to reason and bring him into the right way. Aft.e~ coming to the ferry of Akbarpiir (on the Narbada), !:Iusain 'Ali after perceiving that he would not be of his party (1), sent a body of troops and sUQ1moned him to his presence ll,t Aurangabad..Though in appearance there was much cordiality, and food was sent every day and he was always treated with respect, and he was addressed a."l 'Ammu ~ahib " Sir Uncle, " yethe put off admitting him to Burhanpur. After the harvest of the cold-weather crop he was admitted on condition that he should send his eldest son Dii.ri1b K. to Burhanpur, and himself accompany him (I.Iusain 'Ali). When I.Iusain 'Ali K. showed a design to go to the capital, as he was not confident about Jan Niar, and the people of Burhi1npur complained about Darab K., he appointed Saifu-d-d-din 3 'Ali K. in his room, and took him (Darab with him. It is not known what finally became of Jan Niar. He had two sons. One was Darab K. and the other was Kamyab K. Both were with Ni~amu-I-mulk .At;laf .Tah in the battle with '.Alam 'Ali K. The second son was wounded, and the eldest-who was son-in-Iaw of li1J.an Jahan Bahadur Kokaltash '.Alamgiri, and whose sister (Jan Niar's daughter) was married to I'timadu-d-daula Qamaru-d-din K.-wa."l addressed by his father's title and in Mul).ammad Shah's time became !aujda1' of Sarkar Karra .Tahanabad in the Allahabad province. He remained there for seven years and in the 14th year was killed by the hand of Bhagwant Singh the zemindar of that place.

'ABU-L-FATH K. DECCANI AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE MAHDAVI RELIGION. He was descended from Mir Saiyid Mul).ammad ,of Jaunptir. On account of his being connected by marriage with JamM Kthe Abyssinian (he waa Itis son-in-Iaw), he rose to high rank in the W'orld. He was distinguished for courage and generosity; ,They say that when in the reign of M:urta~a Ni~am Shah, Sultan !:I~n. B. Sultan !:Iusa.in of Sabzawar, who was a native of Al).madnagar, received the title of Mirza ~jlan and became the Peshwah of the dyna.sty, lie, from wickedness and folly, brought Miran Husain the son of Murta~a Ni~am Shah aforesaid from Daulatabad to A\1madnagar and made him king. He also put l Murta~ Ni~li.m Shih to death by torture and became more pow!"rful than ever.' After some time intriguing persons alienated Mirza K. and Miran Husain from one anothet~ As !:Iusain Ni~im Shah (i.t., the MIran Husain aforesaid) from carelessness and inexperience uttered menacing words, Mirza.llhan observed the maxim of "remedy a fact before the fact occurs ," and so he imprisoned J.Iusain Ni~am Shih in the fort and raised to the throne Ismail, the son of Burhan Shah, who (Burhan) at that time had fled from his brother Murt"l~a :~n~am Shih and had become a servant of Akbar. On the day of the accession Mirza K. summoned the 'other Moghul officel'S to the fort and held rejoicings. Suddenly J amal K. the Abyssinian, who was the centurion il ($ada) man~abdar, joined with the Deccanis an:d the Abyssini8ns and made a tumult at the gates of the Al).madnagar fort. They sa.id that for some daY8 they had not seen !:Iusain Ni~am Shah, and that he should be shown to them. Mirzi Khan from exceeding arrogance replied by engaging inbatt1e. When this did not answer, he, being desperate , had the head of J:!usain Ni~am put on a spear andstuck above the fort. He then proclaimed, "Here is the head of the man for
l The history of thlllle occurrences ia fully given by Ferishta who was an eye-witneas. It was Mirin ij:usain who put his own father to death. See also A.N., III. 639 and 687.
t !,lada means" one hundred", and it wo~ld seem from Ferishtll. that there were a number of officers so styled. Originally perhaps it meant the captain of a hundred men.

l bo taalll4qa rasida. Apparently this means the territories of Rajah Siihii the Mahratta. See l.\la~jr, I. 330, line nine from foot. i. The father of the two SAiyids. See ll. 392. He is also called Tihan-

purI. Perhaps the meaning of mizaj giNfta is that Jin Ni~ar had understood the feelings of Farru~l Siyar about the convention. s A younger brother of ~uaa.in'Ali, B,392.

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whom you are clamouring, our king is Ismail Ni?:am Shah." Some on seeing this wished to turn back, but Jamal K. said that now he would exact retribution from this man (Mirza ~han) and put the reins into the king's own hands, otherwise their fortunes and their honour would be ruined. By his endeavours there. was a general riot, and fire was set to the gate of the fort. Mirza K. became helpless and fled to Junair. fhe rioters entered the fort and proceeded to slay the foreigners. M. Mu~ammad Taqi, Naziri .Mirza, ~adiq Urdubadi,' Amin A'zzu-d-din Astrabadi-every one of whom had acquired court office and rank, an'd had not their equals in the seven climes in that .age for the customary excellencies-and many of the .Moghuis, high and low, servants as well as merchants, were slain. Mirza K. too was brought from Junair , cut to pieces, and his limbs hung up in the bazaar. Jamal ~han was a follower of the .Mahdavi religion. When he arrived at power, he made Ismail Shah-who was young ~-a member of the same faith, and abolished the prodamation in the name of the twelve Imams and exerted himself to promote the Mahdavi 3 sect. He gathered together nearly 10,000 horses of this party, and at this time the latter flocked from every quarter to Ahmadnagar. Saiyid Ilahdad-whu was a descendant of the Mir Saiyid Mul:J.ammad of Jaunpur who had proclaimed .Mahdavismcame to the Deccan with his son Saiyid Abf1-I-fatl:J.. As Saiyid Ilahdad was renowned for his austerities, and the purity of his life, Jamal ~pan gave his daughter in marriage to his son Saiyid AbuI-Fatl:J.. That son of a Saiyid at once attained to great fortune and became master of goods and of undertakings. When Burhan Shah heard of the confusion in the Deccan, and of the accession of his son, he took leave of Akbar and came to his hereditary country. With the help of Rajah 'Ali ~panFarfiqi and of Ibrahim' .Adil Shah he fought a battle with Jamal K. in the neighbourhood of Rohankhira,~ and gained the victory. It happened by fate that
I Urdii15ad is a town in A~arbaijan and is on the Aras, a tribu tary of the Kur. The province is now known RS Erivan. l, Ferishta says he was only lG. t For an account of the Mahdavi

Jamal K. was wounded by a bullet and ki1led. Ismail Ni?:am Shah was made prisoner. The verse "The currency of religion seized the head of J amal" enigmaticallyl gives the date of the event, Burhan Ni?:am Shah revived the Imamiyareligion and put to death the Mahdivies and plundered their property. In a short time no trace of them remained. Saiyid Abu-I-Fatl:J. together with his' wife'lil brother, who was Jamal K.'s son, was seized and for a long time kept in prison. Afterwards he escaped and collected JamM K.'s scattered troops and took possession of the territory of Bijapur. Ibrahim t '.Adil Shah sent' Ali .Aqa Turkoman against him. It chanced t.hat 'Ali .Aqa was ki1led and that AbiH Fatl:J. got possession of his horses and elephantB and became mlliSter. Adil Shah was helpless and conciliated him by besto~ing high office on him and assigning to him the revenues of pargana Gokak. 8 After some time' .Adi1 Shah meditated treachery against him, so he put his wife and mother on horseback and fled to Burhanpur. The Khan-~hanan (' Abdu-r-Ral:J.im) regarded his arrival as an honour. and procured him the rank of 5000 and the gift of drums: After that he was given Manikpfir in fief and the government of Allahabad ,and acquired a name there for courage. In the 8th year of Jahangir he was appointed to march with Sultan ~harram (Shah Jahan) against the Rana, and in 1023, 1614, he fell ill
route to attack Burhn. See also A.N. III. 587 where the scene of the battle is called Fardapiir. It is near the Ajanta caves. The battle was fought on 13 Rajab 999, 27 April, 159!. It is described in Major Haig's Historic Landmarks of the Dec(,8dl, p. 167. The place is there called Rohankhed, and the date given is May 18, 1591. l The two words ,":"",,.M [Jr 21J urawwai mazhab yield the date 996, and they" take the head' , , that is. add the fil'st letter 1[ of Jamal which gives 3, and so the whole becomes 999, 1591. Apparently there are several puns in the line. Ma~hab means religion, and tnuzhab means gilded. i.e., f!owery. and murui is the plural of mari. a meadow. Mu,awwai also means ft dealer, and so Murawwai ma~'hab might mean dealer in the current religion. Further Sir-iJ amal may ~e8dl both "the head of J amal" and "a beautiful head." The line thereforc might be translated "The golden mendows put on a beautiful appearance." The chronogram is given by Feri!!hta at the end of his account of Ism'aH of AJ:unadnagar's reign, and he says it was composed by MuI:tammad Sharif Karbalai. 2 Cand Bibi's nephew. S ln the Belgaum district I.G. xii, 306.

religion see Blochmann, Ain, Preface. p. iii, etc. Ferishta calls the place Ghat Rohangir and says that when JBllliil K. found that pass closed against him he went by another and more difficult

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at the 'kana of Kombhalmir ,I and died in the city of Piir' Manda!." Mir Saiyid Mu1;lammad of Jaunpiir was the fountain of the Mahdavi movement. He was an Avis,8 and from his 'abundant spirituality became possessed ofesoteric and exoteric learning. Jiall1 ~.garci him a disciple and successor of Sbajkh Daniel, who ... the successor of Raji I;Iamid Shah of ManikpQr. He was a I;Ianafi in religion. In the end of 906:' 1501, he, owing to confused brain and the intl.uences of the age, proclaimed Mahdism. Many persons became his adherents and displayed their eccentricities. They say that when he became convalescent he repudiated his doctrines, but many who did not attain to sanity remained in tlle same ideas. Some maintain that his statement ' , I am the Mahdi" meant that he was theforerunnerof the Mahdi and not that he was the Mahdi promised in the Law. 6 Some say that in fact God made a revelation to the Saiyid by a secret voice, which said, "Thou art the Mahdi," and that consequently he knew that he was the promised MahdI. He held this belief for a long time, and then went from Jaunpftr to Gujarat. Sultan Ma1;lmiid the eIder (Sultan Ma1;lmi1d Biga.rha) received ~ him gr~ ciously. On account ofenvious people he cot1l~ not go to India, and set out for Persia, in order that he might go by that route to the I,Iijaz. On the way it was made plain to him that his idea of being the Ma.hdi was a complete delusion, and he said to his

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as

disciples, ,. Almighty God hath wiped the drops of Mahdism from my heart. If I return in safety, I shall retract all I have said." When he came to Farah 1 he died, and was buried there. Ignoram people, especially of the Afghan Pani tribe, and some of other tribes, regard him aS the promised Mahdi, and have adopted this fictitiou8 religion. The writer of these sheets (ajza) chanced to be in company with one of these believers, and it was cleal:. that besides matters il which were disputable (1) they had extracted some rules and principles from the traditions which were contrary to the tenets of the four religions. 8
ABU-L-FA~L 'ALLAMI FAHAMI (SHAIKH).

Second son of Mubarak of Nago... He was born in 958 (6 Mu1;larram = 14 January 1551), and by his quickness, ability, lofty genius, and fluency of speech soon became the unique and unequalled one of the age. By his fifteenth year he had aequired the philosophie sciences, and traditionary learning. They say'
J Farah or F.arrah is in Afghanistan on one of the main routes from Her~t to Qandahar. It is 164 m. S. Herat, I. G. I. 36, and is in Slstan ~ Siwai Masna-I-Ma Nalpl Fili, an Arabic phrase which I do not fully understand. Perhaps it means. some questions which we do not discuss or describe. S Meaning the four orthodox sects of the Sunnis described by Sale in his Preliminary Discours.e. Blochmann gives 911 as the date of Se,iyid Mu~am mad's death. Bayley and Badayiini have 9lO, and the Mirat Sikandari Lith. has 917. According to one account he was killed, and according to another he died a natural death. This biography is by Shah Newa~, and the remark at t he end would seem to imply that he was a Sunni. But pOll8ibly he really was a Shia. He .certainly was 110t a bigoted Sunni or Shia. The four seets of the SUlUlis . al'8 also described ill Hughes Did. .of Islam. ApparenUy the author did not know that the account was A. F. '..

1 J. II. 258. Kumalgarh of Rajputana Gazetteer, Ill. 52. ~ PUr Manda!. In bhe Rajputana Gazetteer, Pur and Mandal are described as two separate towns, about .10 miles apart. They lie N.E. Udaipur. There is also a Mandalgarh, loc., 53. Ree al80 J. II. 27". Abu-I-FatI) is mentioned in the Tuzuk ;J. III as having become loyal to Jahangir two years before the 7th year. 3 That is, apparently, a follower of the order of Avis, the Aweis Qarani of Baale, and the Ghiya~u-l-lold!at.and Avis Alkouni of D'Herbelot, a saint of Yemen, who was killed in A.D, 557.

See also l.Q1azina A~fiya II p. 118, and Nicholson's ed. of the Taz1ra AUl.iya, r. 15. Text 960, but this must be a mistake, for he died in 910. Probably 8ha81 has been written by mistake for 'hcuk. See Blochmann V., Bayley's Gujrat 240 et seq., Mirat Sikandari Iith. 136 and Badayiini I., Ranking 420, 21. Ferishta however has 960. ti B. III. 6 According to the Mirit Sikan dari the Sultan wished to .see him, but was dissuaded by his officers on the ground that the Saiyid's eloquence might ml\ke him f()I'!lake seoular bU8i~ ness.

own. See J arrett, III. 444. and Persian text of Ain. II. 278. By the Ispahini seerna to be meant ~amsu.d-din Mu~ammad Al Ashri who wrote a gl088 on the COmmentary of Bai~avi on the. Koran. He died in Egypt in 149, 1348-1349. See D'Herbelot., art. Espahani. also B. XI, where by mistake the manuscript is said to have been damaged by fire. The passage in the toxt is a copy, though apparently not at fi\ost haud, of A. F.; and in the 5th line of p. 609 the word 8ih has been omitted after du. Col. Jarrett's translation is, ",When both were compared, in two or three places only were there found differences of words, though synonymous in meaning, and in three or four othera (differing) eitations but approximate in sense." B. e1<plains that the folios had beeu destroyed from top to bott.om. half of each having been esten a.way. 'fhi.. would affect the last half of each line on one side qf the folio and the first half on the otl1p.r. The lItory sooms apocryphaL

see

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that in the eatly days of his instruction and when he was not yet twenty the glass of ,Sifahani (or Ispahani) i:e., an inhbitant of Ispahan) came into his hands, but with more than half of it eaten by white-ants so that it could not be understood. He removed the worm-eaten portion and joined on blank paper. Then after a little meditation he understood the beginning and ending of each line, and by conjecture filled up the blanks. Afterwards when another copy was procured, and the two were compa.red, it was found that they agreed, except in two or three places where there were synonymous expressions, and three or four places where there were (differing) citations (irad) but approximate in sense. All were aBtonished. As his dispositiqn was retiring, and loved solitude, he shook' off societya.nd sought to lead an independent life. He did not try to open the door of a profession. At the 'instance of friends, he in the nineteenth year of the reign of Akbar presented himself before the sovereign at the time when the latter was about to proceed to the eastern districts, and tendered a commentary which he had written on the Ayatu-I-kursi, "Th' Throne-verse" (v. 256 of the second chapter of the Koran, p. 45 of Sale ed. 1825). Afterwards, when Akbar returned to Fatl,1piir, he presented himself a second time, and as the fame of his ability and learning had on several occasions reached Akbar, he became the object of his boundless favour. When Akbar became alif)nated from the bigoted Ulama, the two brothers, who, along with their eminent knowledge and ability, were, not devoid of tact and servility, again and agaiu disputed vehemently with Shaikh Abdun-Nabi and Makhdiimu-I-mulk,-who from their science and possession of the current learning were pillars of the emp;re,and assisted Akbar in putting them to silence. Day by day their influence and intimacy with the king increai'led, and as the Sb.a.ikh 's disp()sition and that of his elder brother Shaikh Faizi harmonised with Akbar's, Abu-I-fazI c~me,to be an AmIr. In the 39th year he ecame an officer of 1000, and in the- :l,tth, when the Shaikh's mother died, Akbar came to his house and condoled with him and comfortedhim. He said. " If men were immortaland did not die one by one, there would be no need for sympa.thetic hearts practising resignation. As no' one long abides in this camvanserai,
T "

why-should we bring upon ourselves the reproach of impatience." In the 37th year he was raised to the rank of 2000. When the Sha.ilID had acquired such sway over the king that the princes were jealous of him, not to speak of the officers, and was always in contiguity, like the setting to a jewel, and that nothing was concluded without his approval, several of the discontented induced Akbar to send thp. SltailID to the Deccan. It is also notorious that Sultan Selim one day went to the Shaikh's house and found forty clerka employed in copying the Koran, and a commentary thereupon. He took them all, tog~ther with the chapters of the books, to the king, who became suspicious and thought,1 "He incites us to other kinds of things, and then when he goes to the privacy of his home he acts differently." From that day there was a breach in their intimacy and companionship ! , In the 43rd year he wa9 dispatched to the Deccan to bring away Prince Murad. The order to him was that if the officers who had been appointed there to gual'd the country were doing their duty, he was to return with the prince. Otherwise he was to send off the prince, and to conduct the administration with the assistance of Mirza Shahrukh. When he arrived at Burhanpur, Bahadur K:}lan the ruler of Khandes, whose brother was married to Abii-lfa~l's sister, wished to take him to his house and entertain him. The S.baikh said, ce If you will go along with me in the king's business, I shall be able to accept (your invitation)." When this road was stopped he sent some clothes and other presents. The Shaikh rejoined, I have made a covenant with Almighty God that until four conditions be fulfilled, I shall take nothing from anyone. "The first condition is Love; the second is that I shall not overestimate the gift; the third that I did not ask for it; the fourth, that' I was in want of it." Here, the first three conditions are fulfilled, but how can the fourth be got over for the graciousness of t he Shahinshah has obliterated desire? " Prince Murad, who had fallen into ohronic melancholy owing to his having returned un~uccessful from Al,1madnagar, and to this
(e

8S

See B. XVI who takes the words having been spoken by Selim. But A. F. never Wll.B Selim's teacher,
I

ilnd I think the words are intended ll.B iln expression of Akbar's probable thouihts.

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cause had been superadded the death of his son Rustum Mirza ,_ . had with the connivance of sycophants, taken to' drinking, and become epileptic. When he heard of his being summoned, he went off to Al,lmadIl&gar in order that he might make this expedition a.n exouse for not repairing to the presence. He reached Dihari on the banks of the Puma and died in the year 1007, 1599. On the same day the 8haiJID arrived after a rapid journey at the camp. There was an extraordinary commotion. High and low wanted to go back. The ShaiJID considered that to retum at this time when the enemy was close by, and they were in a foreign country, was to play into their oWn loss. Though many got angry and went off, he addressed himself with a strong heart and true courage to soothe the leaders and to keep together the army, and marched on to subdue the Deccan. In a short time he collected the wanderers, and guarded in an excellent manner the whole territory. Nasik, which was far off, was not retaken. But many places such as the forts of Batiala, Taltum , and Sitfmda were added to the empire. .He encamped on the bank of the Godavery and ap~ointed fit armies in everydirection. On receiving a message he made proper agreements and promiseswith Chand Bibi to the effect that when Ahang ~]lan the Abyfisinian, with whom she was at feud, should bechastised, she would take Junair as .her fief and surrender Al).madnagar. The Shaikh moved from Shahgarha in that dir~c tion. At this time Akbar came to Vjjain and found that Bahadur Khan the ruler of .Asir had not paid his respects to Prince Daniel. The prince resolved to punish him. As the king intended to come to Burhanpur he wrote to the prince to address himself to the capture of Al).madnagar. Accordingly, letter after letter came from the prince to the 8baikh telling him that his energy was known to everyone far and near, but that Akbar wished that he (the prince) should conquel' Al).madnagar. Abu-I-fa~l therefore should refrain from the enterprise. When the prince moved frorr Burhanpur, the Sbaikh, in accordance with orders, left Mirza Shahrukh with Mir Murta~a and Khwaja Abu-l-l).asan in the catnp and went off to kiss the threshold. On 14 Ram~an, 1008 A.H.;IO March UIOO, land in the beginning of the 45th year, he paid his

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respects to the king at Kal'gf.on in the Bijapur territory. There came On Akbar'slips the verseA fine night and a glorioue moon I fit well . For my talk with thee on every topic. The Shaikh was appointed, along with Mirza' Aziz Koka, A"af . KJ;!in J' afar. and Shaikh Farid Bakhshi to besiege the fort of A,sil', and the government of the Khandes was assigned to him. He sent his own men with his son and nis brother and established lhaM8 in twenty-two places, and exerted himself to put down the contqmacious. At the same time he displayed the flag of a man~ab of 4000. One day the Shaikh went to inspect the batteries. One of the besieged, who had joined the men ina battery; pointed out a path by which they could get upon the wall of Maligarha. For in the waist of Asir on the west by north side there were two . noted forts called Mili and Antarmili. Whoever wished to enter the strong fortress (.Asir) had first to get through these two forts. Separate from them and in the north and north-east side there was another fon called Junamali. Its wall was not completed. From east to south-west there were smaller hills, and in the south there was a high hill called Kortha. On the South-west was a lofty hill called Sapan.As this last had come into the hands of the imperialists, the 8haikh arranged with the officers of the battery that when they heard the sound of the drums and trumpets every one should come out with ladders and should beat loudly the great drum. He himself in a dark &nd cloudy night came with his men to the top of Sapan and sent off the men. They broke open the gate of Mali and when they had entered the fort they sounded' the drums and trumpeta. The garrison rQsisted, and the 8bafkh followed and arrived when it was near morning. The garrison were confused and entered Asir. When it was day the besiegers pOllred in from every side, some by Kortha and some by Junamili. A great victory was gained. Bahadur Khan asked for quarter, and through the intervention of Khan A'~im Koka he was permitted to dohomage. When Prince Daniel
I

The l4th would be " full moon.

16

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arrived at the Presence during the congratulations for the victory of Asir there arose a disturbance caused by Raju l Mana and the attempt to raise to the throne the son of Shah 'Ali the paternai uncle of Ni?;am Shah. The Khan-I~banan ca,me to Ahmadnagar, and the Shaikh got leaye to go and subdue lIiii-sik. But as many men were making a disturbance about the son of Shah'Ali, the Sbaikh, in accordance with orders, returned from that quarter and went to Al).madnagar along with the ~lIan-~.hi1nan. When in the 46th year Akbar 'returned to Upper India from Burhallpur, Prince Daniel remained in the latter place. The I~ban-~MIian took up his abode in Ahmadnagar so that the ':lom mander-in-chiefship and the prosecution of the war fell to tine Shaikh. After fightings and struggies the Sbaikh m~de a treaty with the son of Shah 'Ali and then proceeded to chastise Raju Mana. After takmg Jalnapur and its neighbourhood-which had been held by the enemy-he hastened to Ghati Daulatabad (i.e., the approaches to DaulatabaCl.) and the Rau~a 2 and marched down from Katak 8 Catwara and repeatedly fought with Rajii and was always victorious. Raju took shelter for a time in Daulatabad and again made it disturbance. After a short engagement he fled and was nearly captured. He flung himself into the moat of the forti. His baggage was plundered. In the 47th year when Akbar became displeased with Prince Sultan Selim on account of certain occurrences, he; because of his servants' having sided with the prince, and because there was no one who was equal to Abii-I-fa~l in truthfulness and reliability, summoned him to court. He ordered him to leave his establishment and to come unattended, and with haste. Abii-I-fa~lleft . his son' Abdu-r-Ral).man with his establishment and with the auxiliary officers in the Deccan, and came on rapidly. Jahangir, who suspected him on account of his loyalty and devotiop to his master, regarded his coming at this. time as an interruption to his

plans, and considered his coming unattended as a gaiu. Rather, from inappreciation, he considered that the getting rid of the Sbaikh would be the first step to the sovereignty, and by various promises instigated Bir Singh Deo Bandila-through whose territory the Sbaikh must necessarily paBB-to kill him. He waited in ambush. When this news came to the Shaikh in Ujjain, men said that he ought to go by the route of Ghati Canda (by Malwa). The Sbaikh said, " What power have robbers to block my path 1" On Friday 4 Rabi-al-awal 10 II , 12 August 1602, half a kos from the serai of Blr I which is six kos from Narwar, Bir Singh Deo assembled with numerous horse and foot. The Shaikh's wellwishers tried to bring away the Shaikh from the. field of battle, and Gadai Afghan, one of his old servants, said that in the township of Anki which was near at hand there were the Rai Rayan and Rajah Suraj Singh with three thousand horse. He should take them with him and put down the foe. The Shaikh did not approve of incurring the disgrace of flight and manfully played away the coin of life. Jahangir himself writes that Sbailill Abu-I-fa?;l had persuaded his (Jahangir's ") father that because His Excellency, the seal and asylum (of prophecy)-the peace of God be upon him and his family-was pOl;lsessed of perfect eloqu~nce, he composed the Koran (i.e., it was not a Divine revelation). Consequently he, at the time of the Sbaikh's coming from the Deccan, told Bir Singh to kill him , and after this his father's views changed. In accordance with the customs of the Cag1:}.atai family t.hat the deaths of princes are not openly announced to the king, but that the prince's vakil binds a blue handkerchief on his arm and makes his reverence, and that in this way the fact becomes known; so as none of the att.endants had the courage toannounce the death of the Shaikh the above custom was followed. Akbar was -, more grieved tha.n for the deaths of his sons, and after hearing the details he said that if the prince aimed at the kingship he should
l Called Bar by Blochmann XXV. It seems to be the Barquisera (Barke Serai) of Tavernier ll. 39, ed. 1676. lt was between Narwar and Antri and abont 6 miles S. of the latter. The Trie of Tavernier is Antri. 2 Price's Mem. of .Jahangir, p. 33. lt does not occur in the genuine Memoirs

j Akbarnama III. 784. Raju is also called Raju Deccani. He wa~ a rival of Malik' Ambar. 2 Rau~a is ano.ther name for Ji!lUldibad where Aurangzeb is buried.

8 A.N: III. 795. Katak means an army, and also a fort, and perhaps here a camp. The A.N. merely has Catwara. 40 A.N. III. 797.

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have knIed him, and guarded the Sbaikh. verse extempore.' Verse.

He also uttered this

When our Shailill came towards us with eager longing A desire of kissing our feet lost him, head and foot. The ~han 'A ,~im enigmatically gave the date of the Sbaikh 's death thu8Verse. The wondrous aword of God's Prophet severed the rebel's head. l (lOlI) (i.e., 1602 A.D.) They say the Sbailill appeared in a dream (to him) and said, The date of my death is ' Banda Abu-l-Ia~l ' , e The slave (servant of God) AbU-I-fa~1 " " for in God's workshop, His bounty is extensive to the erring. No one should despair." It is related of Shah Abu-l~m'aali Q~diri,i who was one of the leading Sbaikhs of Lahore, that he said, "I objected 8 to the doings of Abu-I-fa~l. One night I saw in a dream that Abu-I-fa~l was produced in the assembly of the Apostle. His Majesty cast his blessed glance upon him and gave him a place in the assembly. He condescended to observe, "This man during part of his life did evil things, but this prayer of his of which the beginning is 'O God, reward the good for the sake of their goodness, and comfort the evil for the sake of Thy graciousness' became the cause of his salvation." The assertion that the Shailill was il.n.infidel is upon the lips of high and low. Some reproach him with being a Hindu in religion, and some call him a. fire-worshipper, and entitle him a secularist. Some even carry their disgust so far as to call him impiousand an a.theist. Others in whom justice prevails and who, like the followers of m1sticism, give good names to those who have a bad name, rank him among the followers of "Pea~e with
ee

all~". and with those who are of a wide disposition, and accept all religIOns, and are relaxers of the llaw, and are free-thinkers. The author of the eA.lam A.rai eAbbasi I says that Sbaikh Abul-f~l was a Nuqtavi (Blochmann 452), as is shown by an edicli (man8hiir) which was put into the form of a. letter and sent (~y Abu-l-fa~) to Mir Saiyid Al;1mad Kashi..,.....who was one of the leaders of this sect, and the author of treatises on the Nuqta doctrine, and who, in the year 1002, 1594, when there was a slaying of heretics in Persia, was killed II in Kasha.fi. by Shah 'Abbas with his own hand. The Nuqta doctrines are impiety and infidelity, and license and broad churchism, and the Nuqtavis, like the philosophers, consider the universe to be etema!. 1'hey deny the Resurrection, and the Last Day, and the retribution for good and evil, and make Paradise and Hell to consist in prosperity and adversity in this world! May God preserve' us (from such doctrines.) With aU this, the Shaikh was an able man, and had a great intellect and critical disposition, and an acute glance which overlooked nothing, however minute, in worldly affairs, and current questions. How was it that he did not enter into agreement with the wise, and that he aba,ndoned the excellent way 1 Man in the affairs of this world-which is unenduring-does not devise his own evil and does not approve of injnring himself! In the affairs of the final world, which is stable and enduring, why does he knowingly and intentionally choose destruction 1 ,e Those 3 whom God permits to go astray are without a guide." What appears upon investigation is that Akbar, from the beginning of his years of understanding, had a great love for the manners and customs of India. Af~rwards, he observed the precepts of his honoured father wha had accepted the advice of Ahah l'~hmasp the king of Persia. The latter, in conversation with Humayufi, discussed the question of Indilt, and the loss of jovereignty. He said, " It appears that there are in India two
l 'AJam Arai, Tehran ed., p. 325. 8ikandar Munehi says this on the faith of statements of people who had come from India, and of a letter or rescript which was found in Al}mad Klahi's houee. i 'Alam Arii 325. A,bbas cut him to pieces in Na,riblid Kiiehiin. 3 Sw-a 7, v. IRS," He whom God shall cause to err, shall have no Direc. tor " (Sale l.

Th~ removal of the first letter of baUi, "a rebel", yields lOll, i.e., Sari, b1i!/l!i burill minus b = 10 ll. iSafilla u"-Auliyi and ~azina A,fiyi I. 149. He was born in 960. 1553, ~nd died in 1024, 1615. 3 Or perhaps. "I refused to have antything to do with him, i.e. I refueed to say praiyers for him. ' ,
I

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parties who are distinguished for military qualities and leadership, the Afghans and the Rajpiits. At present you cannot get the Afghans on your side for there is no mutual confidence. Make them traderS instead of servants, and arrange with the Rajpiits and cherish them." Akbar recognised that the winning over of this body of men would be one of the great political achievements, and strove for it to the uttermost. So much BO that he adopted their cust.oms, such as the prohibition of cow-killing, shaving the beard, wearing pearl earrings, Dussarah and Diwali festivals, etc. Though the Shai1ill had influence over the king, yet perhaps from love of glory he could fiat hold the reins in this matter. All these connexions recoiled upon himself. It is stated in the Zak.hira-al-Kllwanin that the 5baikh used to go to the houses of dervishes at night-time and distribute a,shra/i8 (gold coins) and beg them to pray for the preservation of Abii-I-fa~l's faith. The burden of his plaint was, "Alas! What is to be done ~" And then he would place I his hands on his knees and heave a deep sigh. He never used bad language, nor was there fining t for absence, or the confiscation 3 or stoppage of wages in his establishment. Whomsoever he once employed he never, if possible, discharged him even if he did his work badly. He would say, "Men will impute it to my want of intelligence and will say, 'Why did he take him on without knowing what
I Lit. ., strike his hands upon his knees.' , It is an attitude in prayer. See Bahari-'Ajam and Hughe15' Dict.. art. Prayer. See also B. XVI, XVII. The phrase " to strike one's hands on one'S knees " is also used in M8a~ir 1. 74'5, line 6. Apparently it is agestul':' of emotion. 'J. ghair (la..,ir'i See Irvine A. of M.25. 3 biizyiijt ufaroghi. Farogh means splendour or a star, and furugh means bringing to an end. But l think there ia a. miareading and' that the word IS qu.rughi. See VuUers B.V. q'Ul' u 9. Stein~iss gives ql/ruq as a Mongolian word I:lIe-.ning eonfisca.tion. lt has been adopted into Bengali as a

legal term meRning attachmllI1t of propert,y, e.g.. Kiiriik Amin, an attaching officer." The juxta-position of the word bazyaft seems to she,. that a word meaning stoppage of wages was intended. The MSS. might. be read as gi vin g qurughi as well as faruqhi, for there is only tl. dot ot diherence between them. Blochmann however has al'eepted the word as. furu,gh, for his rendering at p. xxviii iS .. absence on the part ot his ervants. " Perhaps the word means simply dismissal. The expraRsion occurs again at p. 408 of vol. III in the notice of Mahiibat, and i! made with reference to 19lan Jahan Lodi's esto.blishmen t.
.0

he was 1'" On the day that the Sun entered Aries, he had all his household goods brought before him and he wrote down the details and kept the list. He burnt his account-books (dafatir) and gave all the clothes he had worn to ,his servants on New Year's Day. except the trousers (pajama) which were burnt in his presence. He had a wonderful appetite. They say that, exclusive of fuel and water, his daily ration weighed two and twenty 8ir8. His son S. ' Ahdu-r-Ra1:lman was his table-attendant (sa/arCi, "waiter "), and sate as such. The superintendent of the kitchen (mashrij-1:-bawarchild1ana) was a Muhammadan and stood by and looked on. Whatever dish the Sbaikh put his hand into twice, was prepared again next day. If anything was taste)eI';5, he gave it to his son to eat, and he went and admonished the cooks, but the 5baikh himself said nothing. They say that his arrangements and establishment~ during the Deccan campaigns were beyond anything that could be imagined. In a cahal rawati (a large tent) a divan (masnad) was spread for the Shaikh, and every day one thousand plates of food were prepared and distributed among all the officers. Outside a n uhga~t l ('" a nme-yard canopy " '! ) was set up, and cooked kiehiri was distributed all day long to whoever wanted it-high or low. They say that when the Shaikh was Prime Minister (vakil matlaq) , the ~p.an-~hanan one day came to see him, in company with M. Jani Beg, the (former) ruler of Scinde. The Shaikh was lying at fulJ length on a bed and looking at the Akbarnama. He did not rise up at. all, but, just as he was, said, "Come in, Mirzas, and be seated.'" Mirza Jani Beg, who had princely ideas, wa.s disgusted and' departed. On another occasion the Khan-Khanan prevailed by entreaties on the Mirza to go to the Sl.laikh~s quarters. The SlIai~h came to the gate to welcome him and paid him great attention, and said, " We 2 are your fellow-citizens and your servants." The Mirza was astonished and said to the KhanKhanan, What is the meaning of the wh;lome hauteu;and
(j

I Possibly gazi is the same as gazinah mentioned in B. 95 and in Vullers 8ll a coarse cotton cloth.

2 Alluding to the fact that his ancestors settled in Seinde when they first came from Arabia to India.

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of the present humility?" The ~p.an-~p.anan replied , "On that day he had the canons l of viziership in view, he confo~~ed the shadow to the substance. To-day he adopted fratermsmg manners." . To leave aside all such matters, the Shaikh had an enchantmg literary style. He was free from se~retar.ial pomposity ~nd epistolary trieks of style, and the forc.e of hIS ~ords J the colhgation of his expressions, the applicatIOn of smgle words, the beautiful compounds, and wonderful splendours of his diction were such as would be hard for another to imitate. 2 As h~ strove to make special use of Persian words, it has been said of h~m that hc put into prose the Quintet of Ni~ami. It is owing to. hIS .consu~te skill in this art that he has written many thmgs m praJse :ahis sovereign, and in preambles which seem strange and which cannot be understood without close attention. 8 (KHWAJA) ABU~L-I.IASAN OF TURBAT,
WHO HAD THE TITLE OF

J toragi. Perhaps the ~iin-~iinn was referring to A.F. 's having been then reading the Akbarnma and so been imagining himself at court. Perhaps we should read tuzagi. See II. 851 eight lines from foot. I The part of this eulogium which refers to A.F.'s freedom fl10m .. the technicalities and flimsy prettinesses of munshis (FI. XXVIII)" is taken from the Haft Iqlim, the author of which says in his account of Agra and its writers. that Abul-fa~ considered it right to refrain from such trieks of style. The passage is guoted in the Darbri A, p. 494.

3 According to Ghuliim 'AlPs pre-.; face the life of A.F. had not been written by the author of t,he Ma8ir. But probably he made this statement because he had not found it. Presumably 'Abdn-l-Ifayy afterwards found it. Turbat Haidari, Reclus IX. 226. Eighty-eight miles N.W. ~f (ConolIy) and S. W. Mashad. Perhaps the Haidarians are the Haidar Zai of ConoIly. D'Herbelot mentions Haidhari as the name of a doctor called Qu~bu-d-din, but he was a native of Syria.

the Deccan. When Jahangir aseended the throne, the Khwaja was summonedfrom the Deccan to court. In the second year when A~af K.M. J'afar became Vaki1, he requested (Tuzuk 50) that he might have him as an associate for the purpose of regulating the establishment. After that, when .A.~af K. engaged in the affairs of the Deccan, and the Diwani fell into the hands of I'timMu-d-daula, the ~hwaja acquired influence and intimacy in attendance on the king, and in the 8th year, 1022, 1613, attained the high office of Mir Bakhsh'i. When I'timadu-d-daulah died, the Khwaja was made Chief Diwan and had the rank of 5000 with 5000 horse. In the affair of Mahabat K., the ~p.waja along with .A.~af Jahi and Iradat K. were in front of Nur Jahan Begam's elephant-litter, and with a small force they swam their horses and opposed Mahabat , with their arms wet. Suddenly the enemy drove off the Begam's men with a shower of arrows, and every one of the officers went aside. At this crisis the Khwaja got separated from his horse, but with the help of a Kashmiri boatman l escaped with his life. In the 19th 2 year he was made governor of Kabul, and his son ~afar K. was sent off from court to be his deputy. In the reign of Shah Jahan he attained the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse. When on the night of Sunday 26 8 ~afr 1039, 4 October 1629, Khan Jahan Lodi fled from Agra, Shah Jahan appointed the ~llwaja and other officers to pursue him. Though some officers pressed on and fought, and ~han Jahan I~odI crossed the Cambal and went off, the ~hwaja arrived at the bank at the close of the day. As without boats he could not cross, he had to stay there till noon of next day. Khan Jahan thereby got a start of seven watches and entered the Bandila country. Jagraj the son of Jujhar gave him protection and passed him out of his country. He intrigued with the guides of the imperial army so that they directed it wrongly, and took it by wrong roads. Accordingly, the Khwaja and the other leaders uselessly traversed the jungles, and gained nothing but giddiness,
l

Iqbi1nima 264. and Elliot VI.

427.
~ Mahiibat's rebeUion we.a lat~ than this, ~iz. in the 21st year.

3 The Maa~ir has 27th at p. 725 in account of ~in Jahin Lodi. ~fi K. 1. 418.

17

T
130
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ABUL KHAIR K. BAHADUR IMAM JANG. He was descended from the Faruqi Sb.ailills, and his lineage ascends to Shaikh Faridu-d-din Sbakrganj. The native place of his ancestars was MITpur in the Sarkar of ~hairabad, Oudh. As he lived for some time in Shikohabad (in the Mainpuri district), he became known as Shikohabadi. His father, S. Bahau-d-din, was in the time of Aurangzeb an officer of 2000 and was !;ladr and I~ti8ab (supervisor of market) of Shikohabad. Abul-lQl.air held first. a man~ah of 300 and for a while was assistant to Mar}:1mat K. in the city of Mandu in Malwa. In the year that Ni~amu-l-mulk A~af .Jah proceeded from Malwa to the Deccan he accompanied l him. As he was an experienced soldier, and had good judgment in such matters he was approved of and consulted. He obtained the rank of 2500, the title of ~M,n, and the gift f a suitable jagir, and was appointed taujdar of Nabi Nagar, otherwise Utnur (Uttur or Otur in Poona district). When in the year 1136, 1724, that unequalled Amir (A~af Jah) returned from the capital to the Deccan , he took with him ~hwajam Quli K., the governor of the fort. of Dhar and tav.idar of Mandu, along with him, and left the Khan there. Afterwards, when Qu.~bu-d-din .Ali K. PanchkaurI was apo pointed to these offices by the court, the ~han .went to A~af Jah and was attached to J:Iafi~u-d-din K., who had been made governor of Khandes. He did good servicb against the Mahrattas, and gradually rose to the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse, the title of Bahadur, and the gift of a flag and drum. He was also for a. time faujdar of Gulshanabad,2 and for a time Naib of Khandes and also for a time faujdar of Sirkar Baglana. In the time of Na~ir Jang he: had the title of Shamsher Bahadur and became Naib of Aurangabad. ln the time of Mo~affar Jang he became governor bf Khandes, and in the time of ~alabat Jang he held the rank of 5000 with 4000 horse and had the gift of a fringed palanquin and the title of Imam Jan~. He commanded the van-guard in the battle with the Mahrattas , which took place during the diwanship of Rajah Roghanath Das. They say that in the battle he sought
, ~afi K. Il. 848. ~ "In Baglina near Junir."

When Shah Jahan arrived at Burhanpur in order to put an end to ~ltan Jahan, the ~ltwaja and the other auxiliaries waited upon him, and were sent off to free the country of Nasik and Trimbak.' After settling that country and the jagir of Sahu Bhon81a the 1{j1waja, according to the king's orders, went to help Na!lliri K. who was besieging the fort of Qandhar. While on the way he heard of a victory II and returned. He came to the town of Patur Shaikh BabU s-which is a pargana of the payinghat (Lowlands) of Berar-and to the bank of a stream which had little water in it. He intended to spend the rains there when suddenly a great flood from the hills came down upon the camp. The men got confused on account of the darkness of the night and the force of the water , and ran off on every side. The ~hwaja and other officers got upon unsaddled horse~ and extricated themselves from that dangerous position. Nearly 2,000 persons, and all the ~ltwaja's property, including a lac of rupees in cash, were carried off by the water. In the 5th year he was made governor of Kashmir, but as he was a grey-beard of the State, Shah Jahan did not think it proper that he should go far off, and sent off his son Zafar K. to manage the business of that country as his deputy. ~ltwaja died in the 6th year, 1042, 1632-33, at the age of seventy. Talib Kalim found the date of death. "May he rise with the Amiru-l-muminin ('Ali)." (1042.) The li-hwajah was a straight-forward and able man , but he was of a sour countenanee and harsh 6 manners. His heir was ?afar K. of whom a special account has been given. Another son was M. ~hurshed Na~r.

The

, West of Nasik. It is a hill fort and place of pilgrimage. Elliot VII. 10. Text has ~C; as in Khim K. r. 426. ~ That is, the fort was taken. Padshahnama J. 396. See account in Padshiihniima r. 396 and 1S!1ifi K. I. 461. The occurrence was in the first month of 1041 .July-August. 1631. Patiir is
8

the Piitar of Jarrett II. 23!. but is Piitiir in I. G. XX. 76. It is in the Akola diRtrict of Berar.
4 Shah Jahan's poetlaureate. Rieu I, 686a. He was a native of Hamadan and died in K a9hmir in 1062, 1652. 6 See a specimen of his harshnes in his remarks about aaur Dhan and Harkarn, II. 159.

Elliot VII. 337.

132

THl!J MA ASIR-UL-'O'MAltA.

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t
/

:~;t from a desire for martyrdom, but by the decree of fate he

l after the battle of a slight aiIment in 1166 1753 H rt ' . e was a va lan man and bold of speech. He also had learning In th when B-b- N ik . e year th a u li. ,a Mahratta leader, had collected a large force for . e purpose of levying the chaut in the Haidarabad Carnatic and had COme there, he was appointed with a force from the Sarka-r l' order that h e mIg ht ,10 concert with Anwaru-d-din K t I d n . . of the 'd C t' ., auq ar sal arna IC, and 'Abdu-n-Nabi K., faujdar of Cudd h and Bah-d K f 'dapa, a ur ., au] ar of KarniiI oppose Ba.bu N--k H' attack' th . . . ' al. IS mg . e enemy, selzmg hIS baggage and inflicting a dist k graceful defeat upon him so that Sardar dI'd d' ' no ma e any more Jsturbances, are known to high and low H I ft t . . e e wo sons. The eide t Ab- I b ks, u- - a.r at K. Bahadur TmamJang, possessed the jewel of cour~ge and dIed young. The second is Shamsu-d-daula Abu-l~halr Kha~ Ba~adur Tegh Jang who, at the time of this writing, JS a favounte WIth Ni~amu-d-daula Asaf Jah (s N' . ' Izamu-I-mulk) d h olds the rank of 5000 with 5000 h an d . orse, an d h as a flag and a ru~ and the fiet of IIgharab in the province of Bidar H h . 6 as praIseworthy qualities and a good reputation. l ABU-L-M' AALI (MIR SHAH). One of the Saiyids of Tarmi?;. He was introduced in h' early youth to Humayun in Kabul through Kh -' M h JS -, SamI . As h. e was h andsome and had external --r wa1a h u ammad . b' f 't d g aces e ecame a avourl e an arrived at the dignity of b . A ' . elOg an mIr and receIved. ~he tItle of farzand (son). He distinguished hims~lf in the expeditIOn to India ' and after th e VIC t ory was sent with some . _ other Arom to the Panjab.
If Sikandar K. ~ur, the ruler of India
May God have mercy upon him t ' (.This note must have been inserted by a reader or copyist, for' Abdu .l-Ha died in 1782.) . YY Pl'obably Piilakollu or Palcole in the Kistna district, Madras Presiden~y. It is an old Dutch settlement. It 18 on the Narasapiir canal See Cotton 's Inscriptions of the Madr Presidency, p. 222, and I. G. XIX. 33':.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

133

l I. O. M. S. 628 adds to this notice the following statement :_ .. On the 25th day of the month of Rab~u--iini 1205, I January 1791, he died ot dysentery in the camp at the fort of Pankul (?)* and after three months his bier was conveyed in the month of Rajab to Haidarabad and he was buried in the sepulchre of Shah ij:asan Barhiina - May his grave be holy - to the east (Jf Haidarabad.

-who had escaped from the battle and withdrawn to the hillsshould come out and make a disturbance, he was to chastise him. But his imDWderation and his haughty demeanour to the Amirs were the cause that Prince Akbar a.nd his guardian BairA.m K. were sent there, and that he W8$ appointed to the Sarkli.r of J:Ii~ar. When he waited on the prince at the bank of the Be8$, the latter had regard to the favour shown him by Huma.yun and invited him to sit in the assembly, and behaved with much kindness towards him. He, who did not understand positions, went to his quarters and sent a message to the prince to the effect that everyone knew how he stood with Humayun, and especially was the prince aware of this, for on a certain day he had eaten along with the king at one table, while the prince had had his food sent to him. Why then, when I came liO your house, were a separate divan and pillowassigned to me." The 'prince, in spite of his youth, replied : " The laws of sovereignty are one thing and the laws of love another. You have not the connection with me that you had with the king. It is strange that you have not understood the difference and have made a disturbance." Afterwards when Akbar mounted the throne, Bairam K. perceived in him ~he marks of rebellion and arrested him in the assembly on the third day after the Accession and sent him to Lahore. He ma,de him over to the Pahlwan Gulgaz, the {Mas (police-officer). One day he, owing to the negligence of his guards, escaped and went to the country of the Gakhars. Kamal K. Gakhar confined him. From there too he escaped and wanted to go to Kabul. When Mun' im K., the governor there, heard of his flight, he by stratagem got his brother, Mir Hasham, who was jagirdar of Ghorband, etc., into confinement, and Abu-I-M'MU did not go there, but in Naushahra joined the Kashmiris who had been oppressed by their ruler, Ghazi K. He won them over by oraft and flattery and fought with the ruler of Kashmir. He was defeated. Some have written l that when he joined Kamal K. the (Gakha.r) country was then in the hands of Adam Gakhar the uncle of Kamal. and that KamA.I K. showed belief in Abii-l-M' aAH and raised an army, and they two
(C

J Ferishta says that he settled matters with KazaiL

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went together to Kashmir. After the defeat he apologised. Abu-I-M'aali went secretly to pargana Dipii.lpur, which was in the fief of Bahadur Shaibani, and hid himself in the house of M. Tulak who was a servant of Bahad'ur, but who had formerly been a servant of Abu-I-'M'aaIi. It chanced that one day Tiilak had a quarrel with his wife and severely punished her. She went to Bahadur and revealed the facts, and said, "They have resolved to kill you." Bahadur immediately went off on horseback and put Tulak to death" and imprisoned Abu-I-M' aali and sent him to Bairam K. He put him in charge of Wali Beg to take him to Bhakar. He went off to Gujarat in order that h~ might go from there to Mecca. In Gujarat he committed an unjust slaughter and fled to ~han Zaman. He, in accordance with a summons, sent him hack to Bairam. This time Bairam detained him with honour for some da.vs and then imprisoned him in the fort of Biana. At the time of his own downfall he frum Alwar 2. released Abii-I-M' aMi, and sent him to court with other Amirs. All the Amirs did homage in the town of Jajhar (in the district of Rohtak). The Shah (Abu-IM'aali) too came and paid his respec1is on horseback, which displeased the king. He was again p1lt into chains and JlliI,de over to Shihabu-d-din Al;1mad in order that he might send him to Mecca. Two years afterwards, he in the 8th year returned from the holy places, and with evil intent came to Jalaur and had an interview with Sharifu-d-din J;[usain Al;1rari-who had become a rebel. He gave him a body of troop"! and he. went to the territory of Agra and Delhi and raised the dust of strife. He first went to Narnol and took possession of the king' s treasure. He came to Jhanjhanun and from there went to J;[i~~ar Firuza. He saw that things were not succeeding and that the royal al'mies were pursuing him on all sides. So he went to Kabul. He wrote an account of himself to Mah Ciica.k Begam the mother of M. Mul;1ammad I;Iakim-who had the management of affairs in Kabul. Abu-I-M'aali put this verse into his letter.

Ver8t. We've not come to this door in quest of honour and glory. We've come here for protection against the hand of fate.

People told the Begam that Shah Abu-I-M'aali was a young man of distinguished rank and COUl'age and that Humayun had betrothed her eldest daughter to him. If she cherished him, it would be an advantage to her. She was deceived and wrote in replyVer8e. 1

" Show kindness, and alight, for the house is thy house." She brought him with honour into Kabul and gave Fakhrunisa Begam (her daughter), the sister oiMo Mul;1ammad I;Iakim, in marriage to him. When by this connection he became master of the situation, he, from his wicked nature, and the evil suggestions of some persons bo the effect that while the Begam lived his position would not be secure, in the middle of Sha'ban 971, April 1564, entered the Begam's chamber with two ruffians and killed her. He also killed many leading men, and among them I;Iaidar QasiIil Kohbar , whose ancestors had held high office in the family, and who was then Vakil. M. Sulaiman, who always was wanting to get Kabul, came there from Badakh~.hman at the secret request of M. . Muhammad Hakim and some Kabul officers. Shah Abu-l. M'aali took M. I;Iakim with him and came out to fight. An engagement took place near the Ghorband river. When the conflict was beginning (lit. was in the balance), the well-wishers of M. Rakim carried him over to M. Sulaiman, and all the Kabulis. dispersed. Shah Abu-I-M'aali became confused and fled. The Badakhshis pursued him and seized him in thtl village of Charikaran (Charikar). In Kabul on the day of the <Idu-I-fitI' in this year, 13 May 1564, he was ha.nged by orders of M. I;Iakim and received the retrihution of his deeds.
Verse. 2 With my own eyes I saw in a thoroughf&re (gazaf'gah) A bird take the life of an ant.
The Darbiir A. gives another line besides this one. See p. 746. I do not know where the Maa~ir got the statement that the Begam's advisers told her that Humiyiin had oetrothed
l

Appa.rent1y to AbuIM'aili. This is a mistake. Bairam was proceeding towards Alwar, but it
l
~

W8.8 from Biina that he released Abul M'aili. Sell A. N. II. translation, p. 152.

her eldest dallghter to him. ~ Taken from Akbarnima II. 207. The lines come from Ni~lmi J:Q:msru and ~irin, near the end.

----------

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His beak was not withdrawn from the prey Before another bird came and finished him. Be not secure when you have done wrong, For retribution is according to nature. Shah Abii-I-M'aali had a pleasant wit and wrote His takhallalj was Shahidi. (MIRZA) ABU-L-MAALI. Son of the well-known I M. Wali who was married to BoIaqi Begam the daughter of Prince Daniel. After his father's death he received the rank of 1000 with 400 horse, and in the 6th year of Shah Jahan his rank was 2000 with 1500 horse and he had the jagirdari and faujdari of Siwistan. Afterwal'ds he had an increase of 500 horse, and in the 31st year, on the death of Sazawar K. Mashhadi, he was made faujdar of Tirhut 'in Bihar. Afterwards, when the wondrou8 workings of fortune disorganized Shah Jahan's sovereignty, and the intrigues of his sons produced confusion in affairs, and things ended in civil war, and Dara Sbikoh, who had the management of affairs, was defeated by Aurangzeb and took to flight, and the capital was brightened by the arrival of Aurangzeb's army, it appeared to Aurangzeb II that the most important thing was to secure for Sb.uja' from his father the inclusion of the township of Monghyr and the province of Bihar and Patna in the wide country of Bengal. Prince Shuja' had always been desirous 'of this, and now Aurangzeb took his part. Consequently the other jagirdars and faujdars, willingly or unwillingly submitted to him (Shuja') , and M. Abu-I-M' aali also was obliged to join. Shuja, who had previously been defeated near Benares, and whose affairs had fallen into disorder,was pleased at the defeat of Dara Shikoh and the conveyance to him of Bihar, and expressed his gratitude very warmly. But when Aurangzeb proceeded towards
l Badayiini III. 248. There is a notice of Abu-l-M'aili in the Darbar A. 743. The M. WiiU who married Boliqi B. was a son of ~wij\loh :ij:asan Naq~bal]-di and FalYJ.ranisi B. the half.Bi.ter of Akbar B. 310. Hil I

poetry

the Panjab in pursuit of Dara Sb.ikoh, and it seemed likely that the enterprise would take a long while, Shuja' formed greater desires and advanced into the province of AUahabad. On receiving this news Aurangzeb withdrew from following Dara Shikoh and turned his rein in order to fight with Shuja'. Before lt battle took place, Mir Abu-l M' aali by the gUidance of auspiciousness left Sbuja's camp and joined l Aurangzeb. He was rewarded by the present of an elephant, etc., and the title of Mirza K., a present of Rs. 30,000 and an increase of 1000 with 500 horlre so that his rank became 3000 with 2000 horse. After Shuja' fled, and Prince Sultan Mul).ammad was appointed to pursue him, Abu-l-M'aali was made his auxiliary. Afterwards, he received the faujdari of Darbhanga. In the 6th year he was ordered to proceed with Ilahvardi K., the faujdar of Gorakhpur, to punish the zamindar of the Morang. In that quarter he died a natural death in 1074, 166:3-64. His son 'Abdu.lWal).id K. in the 22nd year receivedthe title of .fi-han. He did good service at the siege of Haidarabad. The pargana of Anha.l ll in Malwa-which had been assigned to this family from the time of M. Wall-was made his jagir and descended to his sons When the Mahrattas took possession of Malwa, they dispossessed them. His grandson is .fi-hwaja 'Abdul-Wal).id K. .fi-hwaja Himmat Bahadur, who in the time of the Ni~amu-l-mulk Aljaf Jah came to the Deccan. When the rule came to ~alabat K., he got his grandfather's title, and gradually attained high rank and the title of Aminud-daulah Bahadur Saif Jang and the diwani: of the establishment of 'All Jah,a the heir of Ni~amu-d-daula Aljaf Jah, and died in 1189, 1775. He was unequallerl as a faithful friend.

ABU-L-MAN~UR K. BAHADUR ~AFDAR JANG.

His name was M. Muqi:m and he was the sister's son and son-in-law 6 of Burhanu-l-Mulk. His father had the title of Siyadat K. After the death of his father-in-law he (~afdar)
I 'Alamgirnirna UO. 2 J. II. 198. a 'Ali Jiih was the eldest son of Nir,im 'Ali K. and died in 1795, before his father. (Beale). dar paa aahnii be mi:!Ql bUd. The

is also mentioned in the Tiizuk J. 272. ~ After Dirii'a first defeat Aurangzeb endeavoured to propitiate Shuja. IgIiifi K. II. 42. 43.

18

author of the Maa~ir llaYs somewhere that th~ Deccanis are unequalIed for the constancy of their friendships. 6 See Siyaru-I-M. III. 303 note. for a reference to ~afdar's widow.

13H

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was appointed governor of Oudh by Mul)ammad Shah, and he, after chastising the rebels there, brought them into subjection In 1155,1742, he, at the emperor 's ~rder, wentto Patna to assist 'Ali Verdi K., the governor of Bengal, where the Mahrattas were making. a disturbance. As a reward he received charge of the forts of Rohtas and ehunar , but af! 'Ali Verdi suspected some thing, he procured an order from the emperor directing him to desist from helping him, and he returned to his own province. In 1156 he came to court in obedience lio a summons and was made superintendent of the artillery. In 1159, 1746, the province of A11ahabad was made over to him on the death of 'Umdatu-lmulk Amir K, In 1161 when the Durrani Shah (A1).mad) marched from Qandahar to attack India, and pflssed beyond Lahore, he, to support the emperor's orders, proceeded to Sirhind along with Sultan A1).mad Shah, and after I'timadu-d-daula Qamaru-d-din was killed, hestood firm and displayed vigour until the Durrani Shah retreated. When, one month afterwards, Mul)ammad Shah died on 27 Rabiu-!j-!jani of that year, 16 April 1748, and Al)~ad Shah sate on the throne, and shortly afterwards news came of the death of A/?afJah, ~afdar Jang put on the Vizier's robes. As he was displeased with' Ali Mul)ammad K. Rohilla he stirred l up Qaim K. Bangash against S, aad U11ah K., the son of the said l~ohilla. When Qaim K. and his brothers were killed, as has been detl1iled ~ in the biography of his father, Mu1).ammad K. Bangash, ~afdar .Jang stirred up the emperor against A1).mad K. Bangash, the brot,her of Qaim K., and demanded the latter' s property. The emperor halted in Aligarh (Kol), and $afdar Jang marched to the Ganges from which Faralillabad was twenty kos distant. The mother of Al)mad K. came and settled the mnUN for sixty lacs of rupces, and the emperor returned to tIl(' cilpital. $afdar Jang in order to collect the promised money stayed for :,;ome time and set about confiscating the properties of Al)mad K. He placed in Qanauj Newal 3 Rai of the Kayath caste, who had formerly held
See Siyaru-l-M. Ill. 287. 2 Mallo8ir Ill. 772. B Siya~u-l-M. III: 290. Irvine 's lhmgllo8h Nawaba. J. A. S. B. for 1879,
l

a low office on his establishment, but had been gradually promoted, and was now Naib of Oudh, and went himself to court. Newal Rai was kille~ in a battle with the Afghans, and ~afdar Jang set about collectmg an army, and in concert with Suraj Mal the Jat marched against Al).mad K. Bangash. A battle ensued in which he ~as disgracefully defeated,1 and in 1163, 1750, he went to the capital. Meanwhile Al).mad K. Bangash stirred up strife in Allahabad and Oudh and failed not to plunder and burn every~here. Next; yea.r Safdar .Jang joined with MulhaI' Holkar and Jai :Apa (Jyapa) Scindiah--who were two influentia.l Mahratta leadersand addressed himself to confronting Al).mad K. This time the Afghans were defeated/and they went off and took refuge on the RIopes of the Madarih hills, which are a branch of those of Kumaon. At last they were reduced to make supplications, and to make a peace on terms satisfactory to ~afdar Jang. Meanwhile news came of the approach of Al).mad Shah Durrani from Lahore to Delhi, and ~afdar Jang in accordance with the emperor's order took H~l~ar with him by the promise of a large subsidy and came to Delhi III 1165. As Javid K. Bahadur the eunuch, who was the centre of affairs, had made an agreement with Qalandar K. the ambassador of Shah Durrani , and then lient him back Safdar J who did not like the eunuch, invited him one day lio his'h~use an~ put 3 him to death, and took charge of the business of the s~ver eignty. Afterwards, the emperor, at the instigation of Intizamu d-daula, the ~han-~hanan, son of Qamaru-d-din K., sent him a message that he should give 4 up the superintendentship of the ghusilr1!:~na and the artillery. He understood the object, and stayed lU his house for some days and then applied for his dismissa!. As it wa.<; not granted he went off without leave and halted at two kos from the city. Every day there was an increase of disturbance tiH at last !Safdar Jang raised up a fictitious prince. Al).mad Shah appointed Inti~amu-ddaula vizier in his room.
1 In September 1750. Irvine Lc. 74. Siyaru-l-l\I. III. 306. Ir,vine Lc. 98. The defeat was in April-May 1751. The Madarih range is mentioned in the Siyar M. Persian text.
2

pp. 50 and 64. Nawal or Neval Rai was killed in the battle of I~lUdiigaon in August 1750.

3 Siyar M. 328, Elliot VIII. 133 alld 317. The murder was on 28 August, 1702. 4 Siya.ru-l-M. III.- 330.

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'Imli.du-l-mulk engaged in fighting with ~afdar .Jang, and the contest went on for six months. At last by the mediation of Intizli.mu-d daula peace was made on the agreement that ~afdar sho~ld retain the provinces of Allahabad and Oudh. ~afdar Jang set out for his government and died Ion 17 Z'ilhajja 1167, 5 October 1754. A separa,t.e account has been given of his son Shuja'- u-ddaulah. ABU NA~R KHAN, SON OF SHAISTA KHAN. In the 23rd year of the reign of Aurangzeb he was appointed 2 to the service of 'Ar~ Mukarrar (Revision of petitions) in the place of Latif' Ullah K. In the 24th year when Sultan Mul,1ammad Akbar showed signs of rebellion, and there was only a small force in attendance on the king, Asad K. was sent in advance to the tank Pushkar,8 and Abu NlUl\r was sent along with him. Afterwards he became Qurbegi, and in the 25th year was removed from office. Afterwards he was made governor of Kashmir, and in the 41st year he was removed from there and appointed to the government of Lahore in the room of Mukarram K. For some cause he lost his man~ab and in the 45th year he was again received into favour and made governor of Malwa in the room of Mulilltar K. and had a man~ab of 3000 with 1500 horse. After that he was for a time attached to BengaJ. In the 49th year he was made governor of Oudh and held a commisl'lion of 3000 with 2500 horse. Nothing is known of him after that.
l He died at PipOorghit (Beale). The Sivar M. III. 339 has, Mahdighit. 2 M~a~ir 'Alamgiri, 188. 3 Text tiilb-i- Bh.kar; but the place meant is really the famous "aC'red tank PUl!lhkar, described in the RajputOona Gazetteer Il. 67. and which according to the Khula~at Tawlirillll and the Araish Mahfi! is three ko~ from Ajmere. In the Bib. Ind. edition of the Aln the place is also wrongly spelt Bhakar, and hence wc have in Jarreet II. 267 Bhakar wiLh variants, none of which is right. Aurangzeb wa.:> then in the city of

(MIRZA) ABU S'AID. GrandsOll of I'timadu-d-daulah and brother's son of Nur Jahan Begam. He was famous for his beauty and princeliness, and he had great taste both in dress and food. He looked after carpets, etc., and in ornamentation and style and in all worldly ma,tters he was distinguished, so that in those respects none of his equals or rather of his superiors could come up to him. He had such nicety and such lofty ideas that sometimes he was still arranging his turban when news came that the darbar was broken up, and sometimes when he was not contented with tile arrangement of his turban he put off his riding. By the favour of hif! grandfather he arrived at high dignities and held his head high. He was so haughty and mighty that he regarded neither the earth nor the hea;vens (fulk-u-mulk). As his handwriting resembled that of I'timli.du~d-daula , he , in the time of the viziership (of the latter), signed most of the grants and cheques. After I'timadu-d-daula's death he from jnexperience and youthquarrelled with his (paternai) uncle Asaf Jli.hi and made a league with Mahabat K. He also became i~ti mate with Prince Sultan Parvez and attained to a high position. He went to the Deccan in company with the prince, and after hif! death came to court. In the 22nd year of Jahangir he was made governor of Tatta (Sind), and when Shah Jahan came to the throne he, on account of disagreement with Yemenu-d-daula Asaf K., was degraded from his office and influence and was allowed 'an annual pension of Rs. 30,000. For a long time he lived in retirement with comfort and tranquillity. [n the 23rd year, at the request of the Begam l$al,1ib he was made faujdar of Ajmere and had the rank of 2000 with 800 horse. As he had the dau-s-s'alab (the fox's disease) he could not attend to business. In the" 26th year he received an allowance of Rs. 40,000 and again lived in retirement in Agra and spent the rest of his life in careless ease. He died in the beginning of Aurangzeb's reign. He had a poetical vein and earnestly desired to compose eloquent divans. He made a selection of many poems and called it the Khulasai-Kunin (the cream of two worlds). His son I:Iamidu-d~difi K. was successful by being the companion of Prince .Aurangzeb.

Ajmere and preparing to encounter his son Mul).arnmad Akbar who had joined the Rajputs and was meditating rebellion. He afterwards fled to the l\labrattas and eventually went to Persia and died there. He left his wives and children behind him. In the l\1aa~ir 'Alamgiri the Pi'iJilikal' tank is apparently called the Rana's tank Talab-i-Ranli. Here too, p, 200, Pushkar is mi88pelt as Bhakar. Apparent ly Asad K. and Abu Na~r were_sent to Pii:shkar to interview Shah 'Alam (afterwards Bahii:dul' Shah),

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After the battle with Rajah Jeswant Singh-which was the first crowning victory-he had the title of ~!tanazad K. After that his name became ~}lani. In the 26th year, on the death of Kurram Ullah, he was made faujda.r of MiingI Pattan which is 20 ktJs from Aurangabad, and on the banks of the Godavery. In the 29th year he was governor of the fort of Qandhar in the Deccan. (MIR) ABU TURA.B
I

GUJRATI.

He belonged to the SalamI Saiyids of Shiraz. His grandfather MIr 'lnayatu-d-din Sar U11ah-who was also called Hibhat Ullah, and was commonly known aS Saiyid Shah Mir-had attained great proficiency in the a.cquired sciences, and was a school-fellow of AmIr Sadru-d-dln. ~ He came to Gujarat in the time of Sultan Qu~bu~d-dlnthe grandson of Sultan A~mad-fromwhom A~mada bad derives its name. After some time he returned to his home, and again at the time of the disturbance of Shah Ism'all ~afavi (tbe first) came to Gujarat during the reign of Sultan Ma~mud Bi:garah, with his son MIr Kamalu-d-din, who was the father of Abu Turab. Hetook up his abode in Campanir-Mahmiidabad, the former capital of the Sultans. He set up as a teacher, and he also wrote useful books. He left good sons. The best of them was Mir Kamalu-d-din, who was distinguished for outward and inward pedections. When he died, leaving a good name behind him, Abu Turab remained as the eidest of the brothers and causins. The family of these Saiyids is connected with the Mag1!rabih order, the lamp of which order was S. Al).mad 8 KhattfJ. They are called Salami because apparently it happened that one of their ancestors had heard the sound of a reply to his greeting when he visited the tomb of the Prophet; Peace be upon him and his family! Mir Abu-Turab acquired influence in that country by his uprightness and skill. In the year when Akbar unfurled his standards there, the Mir appeared before him sooner than the other Amirs
B. 50li. The grandfather's name is there given as Ghiii~u-d-din as in A.N. III. 217. 2 One of Sultan ~l\sain Baiqra's
l

of G1JjarAt.. At the 8t(1.tionof JotAna, ~llwaja Mul).ammad Haravl &Dd KhAn 'Malll..reeeivecihlm and introduced him, and he was exalt6d b-y perfonti1ng the prostration. When, before the royal dan.~Md8 halted at Al;lmadabad, an order W&8 givep. that every Ofie of the GujarAt officers who had gathered together in ther.oyal a.1'Qly, should I give baH ,80 that there might be no mista.kernade in cautiousness, I'timM K., who had held 8upreme sway in that country, became 8eeurityfor all except the Abyssinians, and Mir Abu TUrAhwent baH for I' timid. Afterwards when nearly half of the country had been assigned to I'timid and the other officers of Gujari.t, the royal retinue proceeded toward8 Cambay to see the ocean, and Ikhtiyaru-l-mulk Gujarati from ~hort-sightednes8 and turbulenoe fled from Al;lmadabad. I'timad and all the others who had taken the oath were on the point of going off when MIr Abu Turab arrived and engaged them in talk. They were near imprisoninghim aJJd carrying him off with them when Shahbaz K. came from the king, and so their evil intentions did not result in acti~n. The loyalty of Abu Turab was again conspicuous, and he receIved royal favoq.rs. From that time he was 8ilways in favour, In the 22nd year, 985,' 1577, he was appointed to the high POIlt of leader of the pilgrirns'. caravan, and6ve lac8 of rupees and 10,000 robes' of honour wel"egiven to him for distribution to the need, at M\!Qca. In the 2.th year (987) news came that h~ had accomplished the joumeyand that he was bringing w:ith hini an impres.'lion of the Prophet'8 foot. On him be the benediction of purity l He reported that this was the fellow of the one that Saiyid Jalal Bokhari had brought to Delhi in the time of Fi:riiz /Shah. Akbar ordered that the MIr should halt with the caravan at the distance of four kos from Agra. There, in accordance with command8, the court - officers prepared a pleasure - house, and the king with the great officers and learned men came and placed that piece of stone-which was dearer than life-on 4is shoU1ders and walked some paces. The nobles, by relays, respectfully carried
l A.N. IlI. 7. Text 989, .but both this and the variant 982 are wrong. 985. See A.N. III. 217. . 3 lehil'al, but probably in this case ordinary suits of clothes,

officers. See ~abibl\-s-siyar. . The account of A.T. is taken from A.N. III. 217. 8 Bayley's Gujrat, 90.

The 22nd year

W&ll

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't to the city and by the king's direction it was placed in the . h Mir's lodging. 1i..hair alqadarn, Hail to the footsteps, IS t e chronogram (98i). The explanation given by inquirers is that a report was current at the time that the king claimed the gift of prophecy and asserted that he was an apostle, and that he had a low opinion of the Muhammadan religion-which.will~ndureto the end of the world-and that he was trying to set lt aSIde; God preserve us! Accordingly in order to muzzle men's mouths, this respect and honour took place out of artificiality. And the words of Abu-I-fa?>l support this view, for he says that although ~.M. knew that the relic was not genuine, and though cognoscentl had pronounced it to be spurious, yet he, in order to retain the veil and to preserve the respect (for the Prophet) and not to disgrace .the simple-minded Saiyid, and to prevent the sarcastic from .sneenng , showed such reverenee to the relic. Many who from w1Ckedness had indulged in slanders were put to shame by this behaviour! l In the 29th year when the government of Gujal'at came to I't'imad K.-who for years had ruled it-Mir Abu Turab was made Amin and went off to Gujarat with his two brothers' sons Mir Muhibb Ullah and Mir Sharafu-d-din. Up to the year 1005,2 1596-9i the lamp of his life remained burning. He is buried in Ahmad~bad. His son Mir Gadai had a place among Akbar 's officers, and under the guise of service he did not abandon the character of Saiyidship and 6baikhship.
l The paB8age purports t.o be a quotation from the A.N., but it is not, exact. See Vol. III. A.N. 281. 2 As pointed out by :Rieu III. 968a, the Mirt-i.Alunadi states that Abu Turb died in '1003. At p.41 of Part II. of that work, Iith. ed., it is stated that the date of death is 13 J amida alawwal 1003 (14 January, 1595).

P AR T

l l.

ADHAM KHAN KOKA. Younger I son of Maham Anaga, who by the abundance of her understanding and the straightness of her loyalty had much influence over Akbar. From the cradIe to the throne she was a favourite, from her length of service and her reliability. She took a leading part in the overthrow of Bairam ~han, and conducted the political and financial affairs.. Though Mun'im Khan was the Vaki! of the State, she managed everything. Adham ~han was a Panj-hazari. He first acquired a name by his heroism during the siege of Mankot when he was in attendance on His Majesty. That fortress was in the Siwaliks on the summit of a lofty hill, and consisted of four forts bui1t in a wonderful way on the top of small hills, so that the whole seemed to be one fortress. Selim Shah laid the foundations of it at the time he returned from the Ghakar campaign, in order that it might be a protection to the Panjab. He wished to depopulate Lahore and to develop lVIankot. For the former was a great city and the habitation of divers traders, and men of various classes. It could easily produce a large and well-equipped army. As it was on the route of the Mughul army (from Kabul) the latter might come . there and get much assistance, and things might pass beyond the power of remedies. While occupied with those thoughts he died. In the second year Sikandar Sur took refuge there, but at last was admitted to quarter, and delivered over the fortress. In the third year Bairam K., who was always suspicious of Adham Khan~ gave him as his jagir Hatkantha near Agra, which was inhabited by Bhaduriy..as, who were notorious for their rebelliouaness and turbulent opposition to kings; 80 that both might the rebellious be punished and also Adham be kept away from the Presence. He was sent there along with some other officers, and he by his energy reduced the district into order. After Bajram's fall Akbar sent him along with Pil' Mu\1ammad K. Shirwani and others, in the end of the fifth year and beginning of the sixth
l Bloclunann 323.

Abu Turb is. the author of a history of Gujarit B.M. MS. Or. 1818. According to Rieu, his gra.ndfather's name was Ghiyii~u-ddin, and his father's Qu~buddin. His son Mir Gadai is mentioned in Blochmann, 606. The text of Ahii Turab's history was pub1ishedby Dr. Denison Ross in the Bib. Ind. in 1909.

19

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(968, 1561), to c6nquer Malwa, as the injustice and folly of Baz BahA-dur had been repeatedly reported to H.M. When Adham reached SA.rangpiir, which was :Baz Bahadur's capital, the latter came a little to his senses and prepared to fight. There were gallant contests on both siaes, but at last BA.z BahA.dur was defeated and fled toKhandes. Adham rapidly marched to Sa.rangpiir and took possession of all Baz Bahadur's property, including his dancing girls and songtresses ,who were famous throughout the world. These successes made him presumptuous, in spite ~f Pir Mul.lammad Shirw'ani's oounsels. He divided the territory of MA.lwa 8.Jllong the officers and sent a fell' elephants by ~adiq Khan to H.M. He himself indulged in pleasure. Akbar was displeased. He regarded -his correction as the most important matter, and made a rapid journey from Agra and arrived in sixteen days, viz., on 27th Shaban of the sixth year, 13th May 1561. When Adham had marched out two leos from Sarangpiir in order to take the fort of Gagraun, H.M. suddenly appeared. On learning this Adham paid his respectS. H.M. proceeded to Adham's quarters and alighted there. They say that Adham had. evil designs, and sought for a pretext (for killing Akbar). Next day Maham Anaga arrived with the ladies. She roused her son from his slumher of neglect and caused him to pay the respects of offering presents and holding feasts, and to produce for H.M. 's inspection whatever of Baz Bll-hadur's had come into his possession, whether animate or inanimate, as well as all the dancing girls. H.M. returned some of the tMngs to him, and after a halt of four days, set. out again for Agra. They say that when he was returning, Adham ~}lan induced his mother........who was in charge of the harem-at the first stage aecretly to make over to him two beautiful dancing girls of Baz BahA.dur. He .thought that no one would notice this, but by chance H.M. came u.t once to know of it, and ordered them to be searched for. Adham ~han became alarmed and let the girls loose to wander in the fields. When they were caught and brought back, Maham Anaga put those innocent women to death. Akbar winked at this, but in the same year committed Malwa to the charge of Pir Mul.lammad K. and recalled Adl.lam K. to court.

Adham K. was tilled with envy w,b.en 8bamau-d~n Muhammad K. Atka obtained thfl chief control of &1fail'8and Mun'- . K . , l m '0 h h d "1 w o a sImI ar feelings, W808 always stirring him up to WTa.th. At last on 12th RamzA.n of the 7th year, 16th May 1562, when. the Atgah Khan and Muneim K. and other officers were I~ the Hall of State, engaged in public business Adh K came 'th ' am. h' m WI a number of ruffians. The Atga.h Khan raised I self h~lf .up, and all the others stood up 1;(;> dOWm honour. A: _am laId hIS hand on his dagger and want towards the Atgah ~han, and made a signal to his companions. They wounded and sl.ew the A tgah, and then Adhall1 audaciously took his sword in . hIS hand and. went towards the female apartments and got up on the rauled verandah which went round the harem A great uproar ensued, and Akbar awoke and putting his head out ~ver the wall inq uired what had happened. Then he came o~t m wrath, sword in hand. As soon as he saw Adham K h b'teh .. . e saId e, Son f , " . o a l ,why have you slain my Atgah '? (fosterAdham ran forward and selzed Akb ar ' s hands and said . . father). . " Your .Ma]esty ,0nSl er t h there has b . ( l c 'd e matter little scri " l . . ' een on y) a The kmg wIthdrew his hand. from his clasp mmage. and struck him in the face Wl'th . h' fi st WIth such force that he f II . IS' to_ thek ground. .To Far};1at Khan Khasa Khail and Sangra:n H usna . ' who were s tan ding there, he .said, "What are ou gaztng at, bind this madman. , They obeyed aDd bound'; Akbar bade them fl' h" lm. mg lm down from the terrace head fbrem08t They did this twice, and his neck was broken I'n ths .. th' . . I. manner . e ImplOus shedder of blood received the' retribution of his deed m the year 969, 1562. In accordance with orders both bodie: were conveyed to Delh' an d th ecronogram Du kkun skud h r l, (There were two murders), 970, was composed. They say Mahan: Anaga, wh~ was then pn a bed of sickness, heard that Adham K . had kin commItted such an ou t and had been imprisoned by the rage,
i

g.Maternallove made her get up and come to .he king, think. ug. that perhaps he would release her son. The kin on seemg her said, "Adham killed our Atgah, and we have ked
I

andaki talailh.

Cl : the phrase 1(llii.8h-u purkli.8h in Bwhihnima

n. Itl.

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him." That prudent lady said, " Your Majesty has done '~ell," But she did not know that her son had been capitally pun~shed. When she came to be certain of this, she out of respect did not utter any laments, but the oolour left her oheeks and her heart received a thousand wounds. H. M. out of rega.rd for her long service spoke oomfortably to her and dismissed her to her home. There she sate in sorrow, and her illness grew worse. Forty days after the occurrence she departed to the other world. H.M. s~ow ed his pity by esoorting' the body for some dista~c~ and sent lt off to Delhi with all reverence, where a grand bUlldmg was erected over the tombs of Maham Anaga and Adham Ii..han. 1 AFZAL KHAN. His name is I.\.lIwaja Sultan 'Ali. His first employment was ashra!-.... khaziina (accountant) in the establishment of Humayun. as h .. t f On account of his straightness and ability he was t e reClpI~n_ o, 'n d l 956 (1549) f aVOul1l a n . he was made the head of the D~wan-$ . kharch (-the office disbursements, i.e., he was made mashraf"'buyfttat). When in the year 957 Mirza Karnran the younger br~ther of Humayun became opposed to his elder brother, who was kmder to him than a father, and established himself in Kabul, he treat~d the royal clerks and servants with severity and put the Khw~Ja " ln prison , and extorted money and goods. When the. kmg . d (Humayun) resolved to march to India, the Khwaja was r~18~ to the rank of Mir Bakhshi (chief paymaster)~ When Humayun died, Tardi Beg Ii..Mn, who claimed to be Amiru-I-Umara, unde~ took, in conjunction with the Khwaja, the management of DelhI. The Khwaja in the battle with the notorious Hemu had the charge of the centre assigned to him, along with other officers, and when
l lt seeDlS probable that Adham was the eon of Nadim Koka, or @,t 1ea.st that the latter wa.s Miham Anaga's husband. See RoA.S.J. for January 1889, p. 99, and Addendum 50, and second Addenda No. 67 to my translation of the Akb&mama. Adham's eldet brother wa.s Blqi K. See B. 323. In the original- edition of

Hemd attacked the oentre, the Khwii.ja gave way together with Ashraf Khan Mir Munshi and Maulii.nii. Pir Mul,1ammad Shirwaniwho were seeking an opportunity for ruining Tardi Beg the commander-in-ohief-and took to Hight. When the officers arrived, ashamed and disgraced, at the camp of Akbar-who had come from the Panjab to Sirhind with the intention of giving battle to Hemu-Bairam Khan at once put Tardi Beg to death, and kept the 1i1Iwa.ja and the Mir Munshi-who were suspected of treachery and bribery-under surveillance. After tl,I.at the 1i1Iwaja and the Mir Muns:Qi took to flight and went off to the I,Iijil.z. In the fifth year of Akbar's reign they had the felicity of paying their respects, and the ~hwiija was received graciously and raised to the rank .of 3000. The compileI' l (stitcher) of the 'soattered pages has not ascertained what fina,lly became of the ~hwaja or when he died.
AF~AL II KHAN' ALL..AMI MULL..A SHUKRULLAH SHIRAZI.

the Maasir Adham's was the first life. As rega~ds Adham's psrsntage, reference may be made to the similar case of liangtosh whom Ma.nucci supposes to have been an illegitimate son of Aurangzeb, Manucci, Irvine II. 43. The account of Adham's murder of the Atgah K., etc., is taken from Akbarnimah II, 175.

After acquiring learning in Shiraz, the abode of knowledge, he for a time ocoupied himself with teaching the ordinary &ciences. When he came by sea to Suratand thence proceeded to Burhanpur, the Ii..han-Ii..hanan, who was a magnet for the attraction of hearts, captured him and took care of him, and chose him for a companion. After that he attached himself to Prince Shah Jahan, and became the law-officer (Mir 'AdU) of his army. In the affair of the Rana (of Udaiptir) he was his secretary and confidant. When by his good counsels peace was made with the Rana, his reputation increased and he became the prince's diwan. After the campaign was over he received at the request of Shah .Jahan the title of Afzal ~han. In the Deccan he went on behalf of the. Prince to Bijapur in company with the '.AdU Shahi vakils and brought' ..Adil Shah to the highway of sincerity and obedience, and conveyed to the. prince as tribute 50 elephants, rare curiosities, adorned weapons, and money. In the 17th year the prince
l It would appear from this sentence that this biography, or at least this remark, was made by Abdu-l~ay'y, but it is not signed Q. There of Af~ in B. 376. He i~ bati- by A. F., which meanS

either that he came from Turbat, or that he was of the Turbat clan. Blochmann, 348, No. 37. The last mention of Af~l seems to be at p. III of A.N. II. ~ Piidshiihniimllo II. 339-40.

see

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obtained pargana Dholpur as his fief and Bent paryA. K.. to take charge of it. Before this a request had made that the pargana should be assigned to .Sultan Shahriyal', and Sharifu-l-mulk took pOEl$ession oi it on his behalf. It (lame to .aftgh1P between the . two , and it chanced that a gun-shot, entered the eyes of Shalifu-I-mulk'and blinded him. This supplied the~ven for a disturbance. Nul' Jahan Begam, who espouse the cause of Shahriyal', became angry, arid J ahangir, who had handed the bridle of his power to her, became alienated from. his heir. The prince who had been summoned to the pl'esence from the Deocan for the affair of Qandahar stayed his progress and Shahriya.r was appointed to the campaign under the guardianship of M. Rustum. An order was gi:ven to the Prince that in lieu of his old jagii.'s he should take from the Deccan, Gujarat, or Malwa, whatever plaoe he wished and should settle there, and that he should send 011 the auxiliary officers for the purpose of the Qandahar campaign. The object was that if the prince submitted' to yield up the jagirs and to part with the mEm, there would then occur another rift in his consideration and establishment, and that if he made' a disturbance, and became disrespectful, there would be a pretext for punishing him. After that what other strange things might not happen 1 The prince sent Afzal K. to court in order that he might corivince Jahangir by arguments that the plan was all wrong, and that to take a light view of such an important business could only bear the fruit of evil to the State. He ought not to make over everything to women, i. but apply his own far-seeing mind to affa.irs. It would be a sad thing if there should be any breach in the devotion of this faithful follower (Shah Jahan). If Jahangir ordered, at the word of the Begam, that his jagir should be taken away, how could he live among enemies 1 He requested that the fiefs of Mii.lwa and Gujarat should also be taken from him and that the port of Surat, which was the gate of Mecca, might be granted to him in order that he might go there and became an anchorite.
l

The sole desire of the prince was that perhaps the dust of disturbance which had been raised might be laid by the sprinkling of soothmentand moderation, and that the veil of respect and reverenee might not be rent. But the intriguers and ill-wishers had not prepared the materials of strife in order that things might be put right by Ahal I},}lan. Though Jahangir was touched and made suggestions to the Begam, she only became more insistent, and her enmity increased, and Af~l was dismissed without gaining his ob1ect. l When the prince became convinoed that whatever submissions he might make would be imputed to weakness, and would encourage his eneroies to go further, he perceived that it was necessary to hurry off before the royal army was gathered together; possibly the veil (between himself and his father) might hereafter be removed. As this story has been told elsewhere in these pages, we shall notrepeat it, but proceed with the biography of Af~l. After the prince turned his rein and, Without visiting his father, went to Ma.ndti and then established himself at Burhii.npur, Af~al K. was sent off to Rijapur to dispose of some business. When the prince did not, on account of the 81pproach of the imperial troops, think it li;dv~able to remain in BurhA.~pur, he decided to go to Bengal by the route of Telinga.na. Many of his servants became unfaithful and M. Mul;tam.mad the son of Af~al K. a.lso fled with his family, and chose separation. The prince sent Saiyid J'aa.far' known as Shuja.'at K. with KhanQuli Uzbeg, the eIder brother of Qullj K. ShahjaMni, after him with orders to bring him back if possible. Otherwise they were to bring his head. He was bold, and stood and fired his arrows. Though they used soothing words it was of no avail. He got rid 'of Khan Quli and wounded Saiyid J'aafar. He b,imself bravelygave up his life. As the prince was always trying to amend the past, and sought to please his august father, ne after retuming from Bengal sent Af~l K. with suitable presents in 1035, 1626, the 20th year of Jahangir's

l
Cf. Elliot VI. 383.
i

~lfiK.

I.33L

K. I. 3'3 who oal1s him Muhammad Jaafar.. He killed

see

~ifi

K. J. 332.

~Ifi

~aiyid J'war and was ki1led himself. He was. the son of the Af~ who is the subject of this biography.

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to court, but Jahangir unkindly detained l Af~l K. and exalted him by making him his Kha.nsamafi (steward). In the 22nd year when .Jahangir proceeded to Kashmir Af~al remainedin Lahore 011 account of the difficulties of the journey and the work connected with the household. On the way back the inevitable event (the death of Jahangir) occurred. Shahriya.r made himself be nominated to the sovereignty in Lahore and made M~l his vaki! and the centre of all his affairs. As he in his sec'ret heart was a well-wisher of Shah .Jahan, on the day when Shahriyar drew up an army and appointed it under command of Sultan Baisanghar to oppose A~af Kha.n, and himself mounted and went after it, Af~al represented that Shahriyar's going was not advisable, and that he should wait tilI news came from the army (lashkar, perhaps it means oamp here). By his arguments he delayed him tilI men without substance (lit. without hands or feet) who had been ga,thered merely by a waste of money and. were without a leader, dispersed without any real contest, and Shahriyar crept helplessly into the citadel. When in 1037, 1628, Shah Jahan ascended the throne of India, Af~al came from Lahore on 26 Jumada "-al-akhir of the first year, 22 February 1628, and did homage. He waR promoted to the office of Mir- Siman (major-domo) and had an increase of 500 with 500 horse, and so had the rank of 4000 ziit (personality) with 2000 horse In the second year he was made Chief Diwan 8 (Diwii1lri-kull) in the room of Iradat M. Sawaji, and had an mcrease of 1000 with 1000 horse. The chronogram 4 is Skud FlMitn wazir-i-Iskandar , r'Plato became the vizier of Alexander" (1038, 1628-29). In the 6th year he begged that Shah Jahan' would honour him by visiting his house which was called and dated Manzal A/zal's ,r House of exaltation" or" House of Af~aI" (1038,1628-29). From the place of mounting to the house itself-a distance of twe~tywhen Bb.a.1l Jahan submitted to his father and W88 received into favour and made steward. t Padshahnama l. 176 says 23rd. 8 do. 257. do. 495.

five jarib8, l varieties of carpets, were laid down. In the II th year his head was raised as high as Saturn by his obtaining the man~b of 7000. In the 12th year, when his age was 70, bodily illness prevailed over him, 'aDd the appearance of departure were visible on the cheek of his condition. Shah Jahan visited him and shewed him the kindness of inquiries. On 12 Ram,an 1048, 7th January 1639, in Lahore, he departed froni. this sad world. The date of his death was found to be Z khitbi bard goi n~kniimi, 1048. "He carried off the ball of a good name for excellence " (that is, he surpassed all in the goodness of his reputation). The excellent man was irreproachable in conduct. Shah Jahan frequently said that in eight and twenty years of service he had never heard from Af~l Khan a bad word against anyone. He was the admirable of the age for eloquence, and he was skilful in astronomy and mathematics and in accounts, What they say, mz., that with all his science and learning he never put anything on paper, and that he did not know figures, is probably based upon his dignity and indifference. Indeed he put everything upon his peshkar, Dianat Rai Nagar 2 Gujarati. It was he who conducted all the examinations. So that a wit said in an elegy after his death that when the angel put the question in the tomb,S" the Khan replied , " Ask Dianat Hai, he will answer you." His tomb is oli the other side of the J amna at Agra. He left no children His brother's son 'lnayat Ullah K. who had the title of 'Aqil K. was brought up by him &s a son. AGHR (AG!IUZ) KHAN pIR MU~AMMAD. One of Aurangzeb's officers. His tribe was connected with the A!dJ,uz (Oghuz, who was one of the descendantsof J.aphet, the son
l A jarib. is about 55 yarda in length. and so the distance would be nearly 1400 yds., about three quarters of a mile. 2 A tribe, Piidshiilinama I. 365. They are brahmana, 8 ~~al'stomb is the famous Chini k~ Rau~ on the left bank of the J \Unna between I 'timiidu-d-daulah 's tomb and the Taj. It is the subject of

l The Iqbilnama 248 says tht.t in the 20th year the rank of 1500 with 1500 horse, &0., and sent him baoJ(. lt looks 88 if the two occasions of Af~'s coming to Labore had been mixed up. Perht.pe. Ile came again

a notice in the Ar/lhlllological reports. See Beale. Af~ was a poet and wrote under the name of ' Allam-i His coming to Jahangir in the 17th' year. 1030, 1621, with the spoiJa obtained from the Rana is mentioned in Ig1afi K. 1. 322. The Chini 1c8 Rau~ is noticed in Keene'. Guide to Agra, 4 Text Aghar. See A,N. I. 171 trans-

20

T
154
THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

IM wrote about this to his Bon Mul.lmmad Amin A. Mir Bakhshi, and Aghuzwas for a time in disgrac~ and without an office and excluded from court, yet afterwards he was restored and received into favour, and appoin~ed to the Kabul auxiliaries. There he exerted l himself to punish the Khyber Afghans who are always turbulent, and did not fail to attack and kill them, and to destroy their dwellings. In the 13th year he was summoned to court and named for the expedition to the Deccan where Siva Bhonsla was giving trouble. There too he distinguished himself, and repeatedly attacke l and defeated the Mahrattas. Afterwards in accordance with a summons, he went to court, and in the 17th year again went to Kabul. On this occasion too he behaved with couraO'e' O In the 18th year he was thanadar of JaO'dalak , and. in . the 24th-he o had charge of the roads in Afghanistan' and was given a kettledrum. For years also he carried on the work of the State in the ca{>ital (Kabul?). In the 35th year, when the king summoned him to the Deccan, and when he arrived near Agra, the Jats~who at that time were turbulent and practised highway robbery, attacked a caravan, and plunderedsome carts which had fallen behind and made the men prisoners. When Aghuz heard of this he attacked t~eir fort and rescued the prisoners. He rashlyproceeded to attack another fort, and abullet struck and killed him in 1102, 1691. Aghuz K. 2nd was his son. He gradualiy got his -father's title and was living in the time of Firdiis Aramgah, Mul,1a.mmad Shah. He rose to great fame and died at the appointed time AI.IMAD BEG KR AN. Nephew(brother's son) of Ibrahim K. Fatl.l Jang. When his uncle was governor of Bengal he was governor of Orissa. In the 19th year of Jahangit he was sent against the Zamindar of Kokra t who had beCome rebellious. Suddenly news came that t:;hah Jahan was coming to Bengal vid Telingana. Al.lmad Beg waf:l'forced _ to abandon his expedition and to go to Pipli which was the capital
'Xlamgimama 1059, and K. 11.237, etc. It appears from Iglafi K. II. 232, ote., that a poem was composed about Aghuz 0(' Aghar which was called the A!rl!Il.1'nama.
~ifi

of Noah ,-Peace be upon him! Hence they are called by this name. Many of them have been renowned f9r courage and have devoted their lives in every country. ln the time of Shah Jahan one of them, by name l:Iusain Qul,i, who joined the king's service with his troop (tuman) attained the rank of 11')00, with 800 horse, and the title of ~han, and died in the 25th year. Aghuz K. in the first year {)f 'Alamgir Aurangzeb} became the head of his tribe andwent in company with princea Mul.lammad Sultan and M'ua?!?!am K. in pursuit of Shuja' towards Bengal. In the battIes there he gave proof of courage. They say that one day the army had to cross the Ganges while on the other side Mul.lammad Shuja's men were ready to offer opposition. Ail!uz, who was the scou.t, and w.as in front. of Diler A., the head of the vanguard, put his horse into the. river and, on arriving at the other side, engaged in a hand-to-hand combat. A warlike (mast) elephant which was in the enemy's van lifted him and his horse with his trunk and flung them to a distance. Agkuz' immediately killed the driver with his sword and took his place on the elephant. .Just then Diler K. came up after having seen with his own eyes what had happened. Re praised him and went round and round .him. Aghur. said: " I have taken the elephant for your lordship, be good enough to give me a horse out of the spare (kota.!) ODeS. Diler said: "Be the elephant also blessed to you," and sent him two good horses. l In that year Aghuz received the title of Khan and went with the~han-~hanan on the Assam campaign and did great deeds. The ~han-Khana.n (Mir Jumla) was pleased with him, but as his MoghuIs oppressed thevillagers and were wanting in discipline, nor was prohibition effectual, the Kha.n-Khanan came to pass him over. On this account' Aghuz bec~me disgusted and in the 5th year he got hie 2 discharge from the ~han-Khanan, .nolens volens, and set off to court-Though' the Khan-Kha:ilan
ation. The Oghuziin are referred

to in tIre 'A.1amgimimah.52I, top line.'

Soe also note to account of Ekatiz K in Maa~ir. l The story is toId in Khifi K. II. 95. Diler was on an elephant at the

itl

tin:le. The rh'er was the :Mahananda the M:aldah district. See the biography of Diler K. Daiidzai II. 46. 2 the details in J;Q1ifiK. II. 157-

I 8ee

see

160.

2 Text Khurda, but see notice of Ibrahim Fati). ,Tang. This notice repeats a good deal of what hllB been !laid in the biography of Ahmad's uncle Ibrahim.

'!'HE MAA.SIlVUL-UMARA.

THE 1lUASIR-UL-UMARA.

lIS7

of the province. As he had no power to resist, he carried off his property to Cuttaek, which was twelve kos distant in the direction of Benga!. There too he could not protect himself and went off to Burdwan to ~all). Beg the faujdar of that place. From there too he came away and joined his. uncle. On the day of the battle which Ibrahim K. waged against Shah Jahan's troops, Al.imad formed the reserve with 700 horse. When the engagement became hot, Ibrahim's vanguard gave way and became mingled with Al).mad's force. He fought manfuUy and was wounded. After Ibrahim had been ki1led on the field, Al).mad in spite of his wounds went bravely off to Dacca where were the family and possessions of his uncle. But the army of Shah Jahan followed at his heels, going by the river, -and Al).mad had no resource but to submit. By the intervention of the prince's courtiers he entered into service. When Shah Jahan became ruler of India he conferred on Al).mad the rank of 2000, with 1500 horse, and made him faujdar and tuyuldar (fief-holder). of Siwistan (Sehwan). Afterwards he was made deputy of Yemenu-daulah and made governor of Multan. When that connection came to an end, he waited on the king and was appointed jagirdar of parganas Amethi and Jais appertaining to Lucknow. In the 25th year he was made faujdar of Baiswara (in Oudh) in succession to Mukarram Khan ~afavi with an increase of 500, and 500 horse. In the 28th yeal' he was Bet aside, and on account of some acts was for some time without a 'man.ab or a jagir. In the 30th year he was reinstated.)
A~MED BEG KHAN KABUL!.

He was a Ca~atai, and hisa.ncestor$, generation f,l.fter generation, had served the family of Timur. His aIlcestor Mir Ghiyafil u d-dinTarkhan was one of Timur's amirs. He- himself spent a long time in Kabul in the service of M. Mul).ammad I;Iakim, and he was classed among the Ikata.z I of the Mirza. For the young men who were distinguished for bravery and were. near companions of the Mirza were known by this name. After the Mirza's death he
) B. 6111 SUppOBeS that Al].mad was the son of Mul].ammad Sharif whom Jahangir executed for high t reason.
Lit. riding or attacking Bingly, and applied to men who singly charged the enemy (cavaliers Bev1), (manama chi). Irvine, Army of the MoghuIs 43.
~

came to the court of Akbar l'nd obtained the rank of 700. In the year 1002, 15"94, when Kashmir was taken from M. Yusuf K. Re~vi and distributed I among various fief-holders, he was at theIr head. Afterwards when M. J'afar A-saf K . marne d hi s . . . SIster, AQ.mad Beg'a importance and influence increased. In the time of Jahangir he became one of the great officers and had the rank of 3000, the title of ~han, and the right to a flag. He was also made governor of Kashmir. In the 13th year he was removed and came to court and died some time afterwards. He was full of courage, and was also able, and maintained 700 chosen troopel's. His sons were all soldiers and brave me The foremost of them was sr aid K Bahadur Zafar J ang w h o rose n. . ' ~ to. the hIghest rank and became the glory of his famI'1y. H e k ept ah~e the name of his ancestors. Up to the present day many thmgs are connected with his name in India. High and l k f hi . ow spea o m. A separate account of him has been given. His eldest . son Mul).ammad Mas'aud was killed ~ in the Tirah campaign again~t the. A~ghans. Another son Muli.bla~ Ullah K. Iftikhar K. in the begmmng of Shah Jahan's reign by increase of rank by 500 with 2,50 horse rose to the rank of 2000, with 1000 horse, and had the tItle above men_tioned. In the 2nd year he had the increase of IOQO horse and was made faujda.r of Jamu. He afterwards had another increase of 500 and died in the 4th year. Another son Abu-I-Baqa kept company with his eIder full brother S'aid K Bahadur. In the 5th year he w.a.s thanaar of lower Bangash . and . in the 15th year when Qandahar fell into th e. Imperial pos. . J sesSI~n, S' aid~. as a reward for the oattle he waged against the Perslans, obtamed the title of Bahadur ~afar jang and got the rank of 1500, with 1000 horse, and the title of Iftikhar K.

(MIR) AI;IMAD 3 KR AN.

Son-in-Iaw of Khwaja 'Abdu-r-Rabim ~han~i-biyutat. He was an honest man of military tastes. In the time of Aurangzeb he was made bakhshi and waq'anavis oI the army of Shah 'Ali Jah
I A.N. III. 664.

Bakar amida B. 466 has, He was killed in the war with the Tiirikis " and this is the meaning of the phr~

though not given in the dictionaries. Cf. Iglafi K. l. 345, line 13, and B. 466. a Khafi K. II. 381 uses the phrase li.han-i-Biyutat and speaks of Mir

158

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'MB

M.A.ASm~U1rU14ARA.

159

Mul;J.amma.d A'~im Shah who had the charge of Gujarat. Though he had a name for harshness and severity which are fit ooncomitants of truth and honesty, yet in this duty the prince was pleased with him and favoured him, though he disliked most writing men. After this, he was made diwan of the army of Mul;J.ammad Bidar Balglt, and in the 48th year he was made the prince's deputy in the provinoe of Khandes. At the time when Shah 'A.lamreturned after the battle with Kam Bakhsh and encamped at Bnrhanpfir, he wished to visit and hunt in the park (ramna) of Karara, which is a delightful place and a hunting ground. It I is three k08 from Burhanpfir and has a stream of unparalleled purity. ln former times a dam had been placed in the stream opposite Karara. It was one hundred yarda broad and two yaI'd.s high and formed a cascade. By the orders of Shah Jahan who, when he was a prince, had charge of the Deccan and had beautified the spot, another dam was made in front of (above the former one and at a distance of eighty yards. Between the two dams there was so lake 100 yards by 80, and there was another cascade from the second dam. Rows of buildings were erected on the two sides of the lake, and a small garden was made near it. But when the disturbance of the Rajpfits and the sedition of the Sikhs came to the hearing (of Bahadur Shah) he without delay .marched off in the beginning of Sh'aban of the third year 112], September 1709, and left the ~han to protect the city. By chance, in the 4th year Tulsi Bai, the wife of one of the Mahratta Sirdars, made an attack with a large army, and after pIundering the town of Ranwir --which is seven kOB from Burhanpfir-besieged the governor of the fort, who had not power to fight in the field, and had shut himself up. As the fort was not strong he was nearly being made prisoner. The ~jlan in his pride and excessive sense of honour did not approve of preserving his life in preference to martyrdom, or of withdrawing from opposing a female il, foe.

Verae.

What is thel manliness that is l less than womanlm.ess ? Heabsolutely cast aside the reins of self-contrOl and without gathering an army or making arrangements for attack and retreat (karr u tarr) came to Bahadurpfira and sallied forth. He sent yesawals and messengers (naqba) to summon the man;sahadiira and servants. The men, wh~ had had a taste of the' Khan's intensity and impetuosity preferred their honour to thai; selfpreservation and collected their followers-most of whom were piadas (footmen) or carriage people il (Jardftn-suwar). Next day the ~han-whose force was not more than 700 s troopers-formed ' his right and left wings and set off. On the way an encounter took place, and the Hames of combat blazed forth. Though the lea~er's grandehildren and other kinsfolk set their hearts upon dymg and slew many of the foe, yet the banditti wounded and killed many of the heroes with their long lances. 'fhe leader too was twice wounded in the leg by bullets. Meanwhile S. Ism' all ~afrmand K. the faujdar of Jamfid '-who oommanded the 'reserve-came to assist and quenched the victorious Hames of the iQ.fidels by the water of the sword. The army of Islam reached the precincts of the fort of Ranwir.The battle of a r rows . ' " and muskets went on for two days and nights. When the robbers perceived that the firmness of the combatants could not be shaken, they went off to the city. Though the Qa'i' and the headmen of the cityexerted themselves to protect the oity, yet the suburbs were swept clean by the broom of plunder, and were consumed by the Hames of injnstice. On the night o al the 10th
I

A1}mad as being the brother of (Abdur-Ral].im. l Copied frornPiidshihnama L 331332. It is said there that the

stream was as clear ll.S an Aleppo mirror. and that its breadth in places was 100 yards (booshihi, i.e., royal). il zan /tarMya. l'erhaps" a war1ike

Two 'B.M. MSS. have za" single wom6Il." But ~arbiya isprobably right' for it corresponds to the zanjangi of Khifi K. II. 6, where alsQ l;Iarbi occd;;. I Perhaps ke should be gar "if". ~ From the mention of matsadilin i.e., clerks, in Khifi K. I.C. '1 con: jecture that thephrase gardu" 'lruwar means here people 8Ccustomed' o~ly to ride in carte or carriages. s l.Q1ifi K. II. speaks, p. 666, of woman."
jal'ida . "a

800 or 900 troopers besides Mir Al].msd's own men. But the Mahratt.as far outnumbered them. The battle was fought on 9 Muharram 1122 27 February 1710 Elliot VII. 422. A pargsna in Sarkir Dandes. J. II, 224, 225. 6 l.Q1ifi K. says nothing of this second attack. Sure1y ~afr is' a mistake for Mul].arram;

see'

160

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161

~a.fr the Khan went off at night to inake a night-attack, and

moved off from the foot (jf the fort of Ranwir. Though some experienced men said from well-wi>lhing tha~ it was not advisable to go by night, he did not listen to them. When he came near the city, the wicked enemy became aware and stopped his path. The Hames of war burst forth. The brave on both sides shewed their courage. Mir Al).mad K. with most of his sons and relatives, and two-thirds of his army, drank the goblet of martyrdom in the field , Zafrmand K. surpassed the wind in swiftness, and in a ., situation in which the dust could not by the path of the wind reach the city, arrived at the city with one SOIl of the martyred Kha.n and a few others. Of the remainder some were wounded and some were made prisoners. Two sons survived the Khan. One was Mir Saiyid Mul).ammad who lived like a darvesh, and was much respected in that character. The other was Mir Mul).amid who received his father's title. A separate account of him has been given. (Maair III, 760.) (MIR) A~MAD K. THE SECOND. Son of the martyred Mir Al;1mad K. who bravely lost his life while governor cf Burhanpiir in fighting with the Mahratta infidels. At first he had the title of Mul).amid K. and afterwards he had his father's title. For some time he was faujdar of Chakla Eminabad l in the Panjab. By decree of fate, his wife, of whom he was exceedingly fond, died there, ~,nd he gave himself up to weeping and lamentation. This heart-rending wound was like the scal' I)f thf\ tulip on his mind. He applied himself to building and adorning her tomb and laid out a garden. Afterwards as deputy of 'Inayat Ullah K. Kashmiri, he became governor of Kashmir. lt did not answer, and his life ended'in disgrace. The account of this is as follows.: Mal).tavi K. MuIla 'Abdu-n-nabi 2 . -who was one of the learned of the age and was one of the officers-was always waiting, under cover of protecting the Islam, to gratify his own selfish desires. From bigotry
____ -----r-------------

and a quarrelsome dieposition he occasionaJly made investigations among the Hindus of that country in the way of censor9hip. _ As misfortunes and the disorganized state of the sovereignty give rise to outbreaks of presumption and dis6fder, that mischiefmaker in the second year. of Mul).ammad Shah's reign (1720) led away the base and foolish of the city by theological questions and made them his adherents. Gradually he attacked the Naib ~ubal).dii.r and the Qa~i and urged that the rules of the Law about Zimmis ,l such as forbidding tliem to ride on horst's or to wear armour, etc., should be put into force, and that they should be restrained from publicly. practising their !;luperstitions. They answered that the practice in the capital and other cities of India must be followed. How could new rules be introduced wjthout the order of the reigning sovereign! That turbulent fellow turned aside from urging the rulers, and came out with the help of his Iollowers and insulted the Hindus whenever he saw them. By'chance at this time Majlis 9. Rai, who was one of the leading men in the city, came with brahmans to visit a garden and was occupied in holding a feast. That light-headed fellow came there and raised the cry of "Seize and lay hold" and immediately began to smite and to bind them. Majlis Rai Hedand came to Mir Al).mad's house thinking that he would be safe there. The unjust fellow turned back and set fire to the Hindu quarter 8 and destroyed the Hindus. Not s tisfied with that he surrounded the I~han's house. Whomever he caught he dishonoured. The ~han on that day by stratagem preserved himself from his violence. Next day he having collected a body of men went with the royal 4 bakhshi and the man,~abadiir8 to put :matters to rights. The turbulent fellow gathered together his men and took to discharging arrows and smiting with the sword. And at his. instigation the Mul).ammadans of the city also rose up. A number set fire from behind to the bridge which the ~han had crossed. From both sides of the road and market
l NonMuslim 8ubjects. Hughes' Dict. s.v. See also B. 237 n. 2. ~iil;lih Rai in Siyar M. But. it is Majli8 in Khiifi K. 8 Lawren~ in his Valley of

J A town in Gujranwala.

352.

LG. IV. The Umilliibid of J. ll. 319.

2. Siyar M.I. 57, IlS!J.lfi K. II. 867, .,J80 calls him Mal).biib lS!J.in.

Kashmir 195 says it was tire Ka1A8hpiira quarter that WIUl burnt. He <'&118 the fanatic 'Abdu-J-Ghani. 4 Bii1ch,i PlidiBhlihi 1S!lifi K. has Mir Shiihwal' K. Bakshi.

2t

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MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

163

162

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

there W(j,S a discharge of arrows and muskets and stone.s, and bricks were thrown. The women and children threw whatever they could find from the roofs arid doors. During this dreadful uproar Saiyid Wali, the I~han's sister's son, and many others were killed. The ~hanwas brought into dejection and supplication by these waves of slaughter, for he could neither advance nor return, and deemed it an advantage to save his life, though with contempt. After that, the turbulent fellow (' Abdu-n-nabI) plundered and destroyed the remaining homes of the Hindus and _brought out Majlis Raj and II number more from their place of safety and mutHated l them. At the time of circumcising, men had their privatp, parts cut off. Next day Ma~tavi K. went to the chief mosque, and a-ssembling the Muhammadans and deposing Mir A~mad K. made himself govdrnor of the Masalmans and took the title of Dindar K. For five months-during whi~h no other governor c.a,me from the court--he i>lsued decrees and orders. He sate in the mosque and tran~acted financial and administrative business. When Miimin' K. Najm ~ani aS deputy of 'Inayat' Ullah K., who was appointed tOlluiet the uproar and to make new arrangements, at:rived in ,the end of Shawwal ~ within three kos of Kashmir (i.e., Srinagar), :\1al,1tavi K.-who was ashamed of his own evil deeds-came 3 out with a number of learned men, and the chief persons of the .city, together with ~hwaja'Abdullah, a tnanabdiir (officer) who was one of the notabies there, to welcome the deputy and brought him with honour into the city. The ~lnvajah, either from friendship or from mischievollsness, which is the leaven in the composition of that country, ;tdvised him first to go to the house of Mir Shahwar K the Bakhshi, and apologise for what had occurred. After doing that he would be accepted (be forgiven). As the time of retribution for his deeds had arrived, hega-ve ear to the messenger of death, and at once went off there.
l Their ears and noses were cut off and they were circumcised or rather' had thejr male organs cut off. lS!liif1 K. II, 869. ~ Shaww1i1 1132, equal to end of August 1720. 3 This seema to be incorrectly stated Mal)tavi alias Mal)bfib did

The owner of the house, who had posted' some of the Ghakkar l manahdiirs and others and some men of the Judi ~ Mali' ward in corners of the house, went out after a while on pretence of business. The ~en suddenly fell upon the doomed man, and first of all kil1ed his two young sons who always went before him, chanting the birth of Mul,1ammad, and then put h~m to death with many tortures. Next day his followers girt up their loins for battle to revenge the death of their leader and fell upon the J udi )lali (or Carbili) ward, whose inhabitants were said to be Shias , and the I:IasanaQad ward. For two days fighting went on between the two parties. As there was a general riot on this side (the foUowers vf Mal,1htavi), they were at last victnrious and kil1ed 2 or 3000 of the people of the two wards together with many Moghul travellers. They also dishonoured the women and for two or three days plundered much money and goods. Afterwards they went to the house of the Bakhshj' :Lnd the Qa~i. The first got into a, corner where '~hey could not follow him. The second came out and escaped. a They did not leave a single brick of their ho uses. When MUll).in K. entered the city, he acted on the principle of "Hold aslant and dont pour" and' sent ofI Mir Al,1mad K. with an escort. The ~han arrived at the capital. Afterwards he got from Qamaru-d-din K. Bahadur I'timadu-d-daula the faujdari of Moradabad. There he !!uffer:ed much anguish. The date of his death does not appear. 6 (SAIYID) AHMAD 6 K. B.ARHA. Younger brother of Saiyid Ma~miid K. Barha. In the 17th year of Akbar's reign he, as also his brother, was appointed 7 /'tlong with the ~han KUan to the advanceforc,e !!~nt to Gujarat.
~-~---- -----,----------,---'----------,-------,----J Perhaps thi~ ~liould be Kikar-an Afghan tribe: ~ Siyo.r 161. Judi Bal. It igChar~ bili in ~ifi K. II. 870. a "By changing his clothes," Khan K. 4 liban K. says he sent him off to Eminabad where his ilon was buriod. 6 The author makes no mention of his own grandfo.ther Mu4_mmad

not go out to bring in the Naib. He proposed to do so: but his friend the lS!lwaja advised him first togo to the house of t.he Ba1illshi. See ~hafi K. .870. The' text calls the Bakhshi Mir Shiihpu,. See also Siyar M.I. 160.

Kar,im K, in connection with the Srinl\gar riots, but it appears from ~ii:fi K. that ~e was then DiwBn of Kashmir and that he was dismissed on account of these, disturbances. Set Khafi K. II. 869, and also Maa.sir III. 721, where the dismissal is ~d. mitted. 6 L B. 407
7

".N. II. 372

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'J;HE" . MAASm-UL-UMARA.

T
I
I ,

'1'HE MAASIR-lJLUMARA.

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After the Al}.madabad viptory, the king sent him in pursuit of the sons of Sher K. FiiladI who had taken their families and goods with them, and gone off to Idar.' Though they moved swiftly, and entered the mountain defiles, yet many of their goods fell intQ ,the hands of the king's soldier!!. The Khan returned, and :lid homage. Afterwards when Pattan became the royal camp: it was made over to MIrza ~han (' Abdu-r.Ra1.lIm, S. Bairam) and the government of it was entrusted to Saiyid A1.lmad (on account of M, ~.han's youth). In the same year Mu1.lammlldHusain M. and Shah MIrza raised the standard of rebellion and 'came and' besieged Pattan along with Sher K. The ~han looked after the fortifications and defended the place. At last the Khan A'zim Koka approached with a large force, and the Mirza-; withd~ew from the siege. In the 20th year of the reign, he was sent off with his brother's sons Saiyid Q.asim and Saiyid Hashim to chastise the rebels connected with the Rana-who after the killing of JalaI K. QurcI, had stirred up the dust of strife. On account of his good service he was encompassed with favours. In the year 980/ 1572-1573, he died. He had attained to the rank of 2000. His son JamMu-d-din was one who was known to the emperor. At the siege of Chitor , when two mines were charged with gunpowder and set fire to, one hung fire, and at that time a number of men were killed. He too consumed the flo'wer of his youth.
A~MAD NAJTRA (MULL.A).

The NavaIt tribe was a newly arrived one and 'belonged to the nobles of Arabia. The word" newly ax:rived," has become by frequent use N aV~it. The author of the Qamus says : "NavatI are ocean sailors and Nutiyy is the singular." But it is evident that Navait is according to the rules of grammar the plural of NaIt or Naita. And Navati is not connected with Navait.~ Therefore the generality who call the Navait boatmen and rely upon the Qamiis have fallen into error. They say that the tyrant,
J This is a mistake. Jalal K. Qiirei. was killed in 91'l3, 1575-1!i76, and in 984 Saiyid AI~mad took part in the expedition against Fliwina, A.N. III.

166, 167. Probably 980 is a copyist's error for 985. See B. 408. ~ But see Lane 2863c. The word seems to be Greek. See I. G. XIV, 345.

Hajaj the son of Yiisuf set himself to root out the nobi1ity and put to death many pious and learned. people. Consequently men went into exile wherever they could find security. A number of the Qoresh tribe left Medina in 152 A.H. (769 A.D.}and embarked on ships. They landed on the shores of the Indian Ocean in the Deccan country known as the Konkan and made it their home. In course of time they spread out and established villages, and in order,to distinguish each set of them, they took titles from anything with which they had a slight connection. Strange titles have become usual among them. MuHa A1.lmad Wll8 possessed Qf learning and oilher perfections , and was one of the erudite. By good fortune he became a favourite wIth' Ali' .Adil Shah, the ruler of Bijapllr, and in a short time became, by his wisdom and judgment, the strong pillar of his dominion. After a time he for some reason fell out of favour with' .Adil Shah, or perhaps he thought in his haughtiness that he could have something higher than Bijapiiri service, and came to have a desire for the service of Aurangzib. He waited for an opportunity" and at last in the 8th year Mirza. Rajah J ai Singh after settling the matter of Siva (ji) came with a large army to attack Bijapiir. '.Adil Shah became conscious of his offences and awoke from the heavy sleep of neglect and sent the MuHa-who surpassed the other officers in ability-to the Rajah to make an arrangement. The MuHa-whose long-cherished desire now attain ed fulfilment-tbought this a. great opportunity and joined the Rajah at the foot of the fort Df Piirandhar in 1076, ] 665-66, and revealed his secret thought. When this was reported to the king, an order was sent for summoning him and he was granted the rank of 6000, with 6000 horse.. Tbey say that a hint was given to the MIrza Rajah that after the MuHa came to court his title would be S' aad Ullah K. anq that he would be promoted to a suitable appointment. In fine the Rajah, in accordance with orders, gave him from the Government two lacs of rupees, and Rs. 50,000 to his son, and sent him to court. The :MuHa in accordance with fatefrom which no one is exempt-feH ill on the way and died at Al}.madnagar ; and it appears that as he did not recognize the claim

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of his old salt, sodid he not profit by his new fortune. His son Mul;lammad Asad in accordance with the royal order came to court and in the beginning of the' 9th year did homage. He received favoUl'S and obtained the rank of 1500, with 1000 horse and the title of Ikram K. Mulla. Yal;lia the younger brother of Mulla Al;lmaq-who had, before his brother, come in the 6th year from Bijapu.r to cour~receivedtherank of 2000, with 1000 horse and waS a.ppointed to the Deccan. He did good service aJong with the Mirza Rajah in dev~stating the Bijapii.r territory. Afterwards he received the title of Mukh~ K. and lived in A1Jrangabad. His son Zainu-d-din 'Ali K.' and his son-in-law 'Abdu-l-Qadir M'atbar K. each received a suitable rnanljab. When the faujdari of the Konkan became held by M'atbar K. he did so well in settling the country-which was the hOLle of the vile Mahratta trib~-that he established his' reput~tion at court. He acquired such influencetha.t everything he did was approved of. The king, when he beoame at ease about that troublesome country, often declared that it was good toha,ve such a servant as M'atbar K. He left no son,-:-though Abu. Mul;lamm:ad the son of one of his relativeswas adopted by him as a son,-and his t'aluq came to Zainu-d-din 'Ali K.his wife's brother. The latter held it for a long time, and, afterwards in the time of , Mul;lammad Shah he obtained, it for the second time. In the beginning of Farrukh ,Siyar's reig Il , I.Iaidar Quli K. ~hurasani was invested wnh tlle Diwani of the Decc.an and came to Auran:gabad. As his power and influence were a thousand l and one times greater than that of. a (an ordinary) diwan he attacked the ~hii.n before mentioned .(Zainu-d-din) about the money of the ~]lal~a lands, which had been in his keeping (or, perhaps, which had been embezzled). In the beginning of the government of I.Iusain' Ali K. Amil1l-1-Umara.(the younger of the Barha Saiyids) he went to Arcot to Sfaadat UUah K. Ni.itha. He , on account of being of the same tribe and of the respect for an old family, regarded his arrival as an honour. By the assistance of that nobleminded man he spent the rest of bis days in peace. His son too
I

'tle and is in the Carnatic. The dwelling got his father's tl ,... . ab d f M 11- Yahia was one of the famous old houses of Aurang a . o . u a l . t the residence of the governors, 'Afll af .Jah proAs lt was c ose o , d t UlIah K to purchase it, and t h e lIItter, Wl'th the' , f 't posed to s aa a ' 'S of hl heir , sent him a deedof gtft o l . concurrence AHMAD KHAN NIYAZf. . d K Niyazi and famous for his bravery son o Mu h ' Thef . a m m a , h d agreeable ._ and bounty (shuja'at u sakhawat). He a ~any . . . the rei n of Jahangir when Ral;l1D,l K. Decc~m, quaht;e:~e ~~cers of ~zam Shah, came with a large force against ~I~:pofir (Elichpur) and {'orcibly took possession of it, though. theh~e Ah d K who wlts ln IS was no larg.e imperial army there, yet . ma ., nd drove him arly vouth engaged hi!D with buta few troops a h t t' e .' . If d From t a Ime he city and made .hlmse renowne. . ou t o f t . D inpatg ns he continually distinguished himself m the eccan c~a Z _ t ff with Khan ",aman and in the siege of Daulatabad h e wen o . . . d d 11 plies whIch had arnve B hadm to bring the treasure an s P. , Th a _ _ . at the ass of Rohankra I (Rohankhed). e p II . Zafarnagar from Burhanpur han Zaman left Ahmad K., who wall unwe , m, . . ~th Bahar~ Singh Bandila. lt chanced that these two leade~

::ter coming near (nazdik qasba) the town_ WithS:d~::lY~:~ii.:e~. ff their troops along with the lQlan Zaman. " .. h h d ., d' AdU Shah who waS marchmg WIth a o Ab sSlman, w o a l o m e , h Y , t the Khan Zaman, came upon them when t ey large force agams ,-- 'th il. few men and at once a tt ack ed 3 ere in the open Pl am Wl h W Ah ad K and Bahar Singh Band.ila stood so firmt at them m ' .h t and . . f . h d :to bite the finger of astoms men ' the mah~nabntckoe A~mad also distinguished himse,If. on the day to turn h IS a . .. . b t ere k' of 'Ambarkot and many of hIS es men w ~lI:~~ ~:::bat K, used to S~y that Al;1mad was t~e predomin;nt . th' Vl'CtOry In the Parenda campaign on the ay partner f i ,IS .
l

pdshiihnlima. l, 517. l. G. XXr.

t

302.
'l

L.t. " ) 001 times."

Bahiidur Singh in i6.. but a p. 32l Pahir Singh as itl V'a.ria.nt. 3 PiidshiUlniima l. 518.

This preceded the affair of Rohan khed.. See PiidshBhnlilD a l.' 502. 'Ambarkot was 'the outer fort of Daulatabad, and w8ll named after Malik

'Ambar.

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that Mahabat K. prevailed over the marauding l foe, AQmad K obtained renown for his. fighting The ~1Jan commander-inchief laboured to honour and advance him, and so he took no other title than that of ~hanzada(the Khan's son). When in the ninth year Daulatabad was vi"lited by Shah Jahan, AQmad K. had an increase of 500 and 500 horse and was promoted to the rank of 2500, with 2000, and went off with Shaista K. who had been deputed to take Sangamnir9. and Nasik. He in his zeal proceeded with the permission of his leader to attack the fort of Ram Saj ,8 and took it from the hands of Sahfi's men. After that he was honoured by the gift of a drum, and attached to the royal stirrup. Aftflrwards he was made faujdar of Gulshanaqad.' As he had been brought up in that country he went with joy. In the 2;Jrdyear ha was raised to the rank of 3000, z/it and horse, and made governor of the fort of AQmadnagar. In the year 1061, 1651, and beginning of the 25thyear, he died. He inherited courage and generosity, and he also had other qualities in perfection. In his office there were never any dismissals, and if anyone got an assignment (tankhwah) for his sub. sistence it was like his own property. :8ven if it doubled in ~alue his clerks did not interfere with it. In spite of his grande~r he was gentle to everyone and spent his days in humility and piety. He was an excellent governor of man:v children and relatives. As his father had made A.shti in Berar his residence and his place of burial, AQmad K. laboured to improve the place and made a ga.l'den there. He also saw to the building of a lofty mosque and of a tomb for his father. For a long time it W8.$ a place of prayers and a shrine for the public. At present, except for some old tombs, there isno trace b remaining either of famous in,habitants or of homes.
Bar Bir kaki gkanim. Kahi, apparently from kah straw, means a marIlouding or foraging party. 9. Sungamnereof Grant:Duff's msp, S.E. Niisik, 3 Rim Sij in variant, and ~afi K. J.. 521. 'Apparently AnOU\er name for
l

A~MAD

(SHAI~lI).

,
i

Second son of S. Salim Cisti of FatQpur-May his grave be holy-whose family was of Delhi.9. His (S. Selim's) father was S. B8thau-d-din, a descendant of Farid Shakr Ganj. The Shai~h lived lon'g in Arabia and often made the pilgrimage and became known in that country as the Sbaililiu-I-Hind. After he returned to India he settled in the village of Sikri, twelve kos from Agra, and which was a dependency of Bia.na. Because in that delightful spot Ba.bur had won a victory over Rana. Sanga, he or~ered it to be called Shukri. On the top of a hill near that vIlla.ge . S. Selim built a mo8qu.e and a ~hanqah (monastery) and there practised asceticism. A wonderful circumstance it was that Akbar, who had come to the throne at. the age of fourteen, for fourteen ot,her years-when he came to be eight and twenty-had no ohild who lived. When he heard of the Sbai~~ he had a kee.n desire at that age that he should ask help from him: The Sbaikhgave him the good news that he would have three sons. At the same time, there appeared signs of pregnancy in the mother of Jahangir. As on such occasions a change of residence is a good omen, that chaste lady was brought from Agra to the Shaikh's house, and on Wednesday 17th Rabi'-al..;awwal 977, 31st August 1569, Jahangir was horn. He was called Prince Sultan Muhammad Selim after the name of the, Shailffi. The chronogra~ is Dur Sflahwiir lajh-i-Akbar (977): "A royal pearl from a great (akbar) OMan." Afterwards, when the births of Sultan Murad and Sultan Daniel also took place, and the Shaikh's influence was recognized, Sikri became a city, and a lofty khankah and a madrasa were bunt. at a cost of five lacs. The ,on BaniM' "And eh ronogram was 1I/W la- 'tara fi'l-biliJd o o vou'll not see in 't' ano er sueh" " .. - 1574-75.) Delightful pa.laces, large, 'th (9R'l cl les .
qutJ.an and T,O.,-MS. 628, ha'!! ma~n nami. It. sppears from the note tn Blochmann 484, anli also from the I.G; artiele Ashti, that the tombs have been r9l'tored. The Maa~ir has in the third volume,p. 376, s life of Al].IDad K.'s fs.ther MnhammBd 1.Q1li:n. The
suthor of the Maa~ir knew the Berars well. It was at Ashti th9.t a great battle was fought in Akbar's reign. I II 475. 2 Salim's father was first at LudianI' and afterwsrda Cf\me to Delhi, I.Q1azinsA.I. 432.

Wardha in the Central Provinces, for Al].mad' s father mllode Ashti his home. See :Blochmann 484 and note 2, and biography of MUQammad K. Niyizi Ma.a!!ir II~, 376. 6 The MSS. differ. The text has na az qutJlin nami' au na az masakin niskan. Blochmann's Msa. hM au,(an for

22

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stone bazaars and beautiful gardens were made. As while the city was being m'ade, the rich country of Gujarat was {)onquered, Akbar wished to call i,t Fatl,1abad, but it became known as Fatl,1piir, and this name wa~ approved of by the emperor. The Sbaikh died in 979, 1571-72. The chronogram is .yjpai1dl Hindi: "The Indian 6haikh." . 979. In consequence of the sincerity and respect that existed between the Sbailili a.nd Akbar, his sons, sons-in-law. and grandehildren obtained high office, and as the wife A,nd daughter of the Sbaikh were connected by rasterage with Prince Sultan Selim, the Shaikh's descendants became his foster-brothers, and during his ruk many of them rose to the rank of 5,000, and beca~e owners of drums and flags. In fine Shailili Al,1mad showed many choice qualities in his relations with the world. He did not abuse p~ople and did not become overcome with sorrow on beholding many improprieties. By his loyalty and his connection by fosterage with the prince he became famous and was enrolled amQng the great officers. ~hough I as yet he had not reached the rank of 500, he had great influence. In the 22nd year during the expedition to Malwa he got a ohiU (perhaps a stroke) (hawazadagi). When he came to the capital, his illness. on account of carelessness, became para.lysis. In th.e samo year he died, on a day when Akbar was marching to Ajmere and had sent for him. He took his last leave, and died after reaohing his home in the year !!85, 1577. AJ:ISAN KHAN SULTAN I:IASAN. other name was l\fi:r malang (malang means enthusiast) and he was the sister's son o.f Mul,1ammad Murad K. He was one of the di'ltinguished men of Aurangzeb's time, and held duitable appointments. In the Mst year when the king !laW marks of weakness in himself, and 'perceived that Muhammad A'zim Shah-who had a name for courage and had won o~er the leading officers-Iooked upon Kam Ba!fbw with severe eyes, he, because he always regarded this prill(,~e wi~h affection, appointed Al,1san
I He had reached the rank of 500 when he died. c\1iefly taken from A.N. lIT. 212,

K. to be his' bakhshi and straitly charged him to take care

,:

Hrs

of him. AcnordingJy, he continually looked after him in his coming and going. Mul,1a.mmad A'?iim Shah repeatedly accused I Kam Balillw to his father, but it was of no avai!. At last he wrote to his full sister Zina.tu-nisa' Begam a letter in which he said, "Though it wopld be no great task (kare-nisi) to chastise the impudenee of that insolent one, yet respect for H.M. restrains me." After the king had read this letter he wrote & in reply: rr "Do not disturb yourself about all this. We are sendino awav Mul,1ammad KAm Ba,khsh." AftE'r that he presented that prince with the insignia ~ of sovereignty and sent, hirn off to Bijapiir. After he arrived at the fort of Parenda , news eame of the death of Aurangz.eb, and most of the officers went off~ithout warning, Sultan J:Iasan endeavoured' to secure the affections of the remainder, and made excellent endeavours,. after reaching Bijapiir so that SaiyidNiyaz K. the governor made over the keys and joined the prince. The prince promoted Sultan J:Iasan to a commission of 5000 and gave him the title of A9san !,Ia.san and mSl.de him Mir Bakhshi. When the prince ,marched from Bijapiir and took possession of Gulbarga, he cam~ to Wakinkera-which had again come into the p088ession of Pirma 6 Na.ik zamindar; Al,1san .I:lasan laboured to get possession of this also. Afterwards he took the prince's son with him, as a matter,6 of c\Ultom, and marohed against Ka,miiI. He took money from there and went ' on to Arcot where Daud K.Patni was taujdar." He neglected not the smaHest particular which could be of use to the prince, and in spite of little money 'and other difficulties he devoted himself to the carrying on of aftairs. He again joined the prince. When they were-within four stages of Haidarabad he soothed Rustum Dil K. of Sabzawar, who was the governor there, and
l lS!'iifi K, II. 547-~, , JS!1iifi ~iill has Zibu-nisa, but she was already dead. a It would appear from lillafi lf!lall 6~8 that Aurangzt'b. after., the letter was read to him, caused the reply to be enilorsed on it and put his own signa.ture to it.
~ Id. 518. Aur'angzeb sent him off under a fanfaronae of music,
6

Pemnaik of Grant-Duff I. 405,

The account ill te~t iR

6 Gun tora. It was an oriental insti, tutionto have a prince with the army however .young, for luck

172

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THE MAASIR--Ut-JMABA.

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mduced him to join the prince. As ~akim Mu~ammad, who had the title of Taqa.rrab K. and was the Vizier, was envious of A~an J:Iasan-a thing which has of old destroy ed dominions-he continually misrepresented things to the prince, and alienated his feelings from him. At the time when there was between A~8an K. and Rustum Dil a movement of loyalty towards the prince, Taqarrab K. represented that they were plotting to make the prince a prisoner. The prince whose disposition tended towards madness, and who at that time was doubly perturbed on account of anxieties, after putting Rustum Dil to death as related l in his biography, sent for the ~han and imprisoned him, and put him to death with torture. They say that though men had wamed him that the prince meditated impri80ning him, he-who always behaved with loyalty-would not believe this. This event hap pened in the year 1120, 1708. His elder brotller Mir Sultan l;Iusain entered service in the 2nd year of Bahadur Shah and obtained a oom~ission of 1000, with 200 horse and the title of 1'al'a Yar K. (J:IAKIM) i 'AlNUL-L MULK SHlRAZl. He had a high rank in science, and was a man of praiseworthy morals. He was related on the mother"s side to Muhaqqiq-iDaww9,ni.8 .from the first his company waS pleasing to Akbar, and in the 9th year he was sent with an order to Cingiz K. who was a leading man in Ahmadabad. He returned with presents from the ~han to Agra. In the 17th year he took a soothing letter to I'timad K. Gujarati and brought him to service along with Abil Turab. In the 19th year, when Akbar went to the eastern districts, he was in attendance. 6 Afterwards he was appointed to the Deccan tor the purpose of guiding 'Adi! K. of Bijapilr, and returned to court in the 22nd 6 year. After that he was made laujdar of Sambhal, and in the 26th year, when 'Arab Bahadur Niya bat K. anel Shah Dana with a number of ingrates had stirred up commotion there, he strengthened the fort of Bareli (Bareilly) , and
Il. 3.27. B. 480, and Badayuni III. 164. 3 J. llI. 422.
I l\laa~ir

exerted himself along with the fiefholders. Though the rebels used threats and promises in order to induce him to join them he did not consent, and by excellent, contrivance managed to Clwse dissension among them.' At last Niyabat K. joined the Foyalists. The I.Jakim along with the other fiefholders sought for. battle and defeated I the enemy. In the same year he was made' Sadr i of Bengal. In the 31st year he was made bakhshi of the province of Agra. Afterwards he went to the Deccan with the ~han A'~im. When tue said Khan took away his jii.gir of Hindia he, without being summoned, came iS to court in the 35th year, and consequently was not admitted to an audience. After inquiries were made, he received an order for him to pay his respects. He , was confirmed in the pargana of Hindia, and was allowed to depart after some time. In the 40th' year corresponding to 1003, 1595, he died. He wro'te poetry and had the tatl1aUaf/ of Dawai. This v~rse is his. Verse. In the night of her dark locks a dream of death seized me, A strange sad dream it was which had no interpreter. He attained the rank of 500. AJIT SINGH RATHOR. (MAHARAJAH.)

Son of Maharajah Je3want Singh When his father died in his thanadari 6 of Jamriid, he was in his mothel"'s womb. He was born after she came to Lahore.8 The king wished to get hold of him and the Rathors who were old servants of the deceased rose up i~ arms. Some were killed, and some took Ajit to his native country. After the king had gone twice te> the province of Ajmere
A.N. lIJ. 348. A.N. 372. 3 A.N. III. 584. A.N. III. 671. He died OIl 23rd August 159:;. Badayiini II. 403. 6 He .died in or. near Kabul in 1678. Elliot VIJ. 187, 29G. 6 The Ma8!ir A. 177 says Aj it and his brother were born at Lahore. see translation in Elliot VII. 187.
I t

'2

.. A.N. III. 6 and 7. 6 A.N. 87. 6 A.N. 211.

Iglafi K. II. 259 implillI' that tht'y wert' born in Afghanistan, for he says that when their servants were bringing them and their mothers to Aurangzeb there was a fight at the Attock crossing. Possibly, however, he means that the children were still in the womb. Elphinstone, p. 561 of 4th ed., taktlS it that they were born in Afghanistan. see also the translation of I.f!1aii K. in Elliot VII. 297.

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and striven to ruin the tribe, and had sent Prince Mu1;l.ammad Akbar to pursue them, they engaged in instigating that prince (to rebellion) and perverted him so that at last he, in league with these men, came within II kos of the royal 'Camp. As they became from 'some re,8,son suspicioU"l of hirn, they left the prince, and he was compelled to fly. The king appointed a jaujdar Hl Jodhpiir, and as long as the king lived, Ajit remained in the recesses of the hills. After the king's death, he disgraced (be ~urmat sakhta) the jaujdar and took possession of the town. Bahadur Shah sent him a summons during 'the war with A'~im Shah but he did not come. Consequently after the battle he marched to Jodhpiir, and appointed Khan Zaman the son of Mun'im K. ~han-~hanan against him. When the Khan came near J odhpiir, Ajit waited upon him, and having received assurances he submitted. After his offences had been forgiven, he was raiHed to the rank of 3000; When the king went to the Deccan with the intention of confronting Kam Bakhsh, Ajit in the course of the march joined with Rajah Jai Singh 'Kachwaha, and taking hisnecessaries, and leaving his tents behind, went to his native country. When the king returned from the Deccan , he was minded to punish the tribe, but the rebellion of the Sikhs, who had become world-conqueror8 in the Panjab, prevented him. With a regard to prudonce he overlooked his acts and omissions and arranged through the ~han-Khanan that he in concert with Rajah Jai Singh should pay his respects on the march and go to his native country. Afterwards, when he had made proper arrangements, he was to come to court. As the intriguing heavens are alwaysstirring up fresh commotions the inevita,ble event (of death) ap peared for Bahadur Shahjl,fter he had reached La.hore, and thereafter dissension broke out among the princes. ' Itl the second year of the reign (of Farrulgi Siyar) I,lussain 'Ali Amiru-I-umara was appointed against Ajit. Ajit Wl:\-S overcome by alarm and submitted to the Amiru-I-umara. By agreeing to pay tribute his offences were wiped out. He sent off his daughter, to be married to the king according to the established custom; and was honoured with the government of Gujarat. Afterwards he joined the Saiyids and in the end of 'Mu1;l.ammad Farrukh Siyar's reign came to court from Ahmadabad,

and received the title of Mahar!Ljah. He took part with the Saiyids in the arrangementsforimprisoning the king, and on this account he became an. object of reproach to high and low, and in the beginning of Mu1;l.a nmad Shah's reign was removed from the government of Gujarat. By good fortune he got a sanad' l for the city of Ajmere and took possession of it. Afterwards when the officers were sent against him with an army he went to his native country and his men entrenched themselves in Garha Patli. The royal army went and besieged that place. At last peace was made, and it was agreed that Abhai Singh his e1dest son should remain at court as his father's representative, Abhai Singh after coming to court at the instigation of the nobles there withdrew from filial duties and wrote to his younger brother Bakht Singh, and he sent il Ajlt to the other world while he was asleep. AbhaiSingh got the title of Maharaja.h and in 1140, 1728, was made governor .of Gujarat in lieu of Sirhuland K. He went to his home and spent one year in settling the country. In the 11th year of Mu1;l.ammad Shah he entered Gujarat and surrendered the province to the Marhatta Ohaut. When he saw that they were , predo~inant he in the 15th year came to his native country, and the whole province fell into the power of the Mahrattas. Maharajah Ajit Singh had two sons. The first was Abhai, of whom an account has been given. The second was Bakht Singh, who after his father's death got possession of his native country. After hiin his son Bijai Singh is at the time of writing (died in 1794) in possession, and is renowned for his care of the subjects, and for protecting the weak and for putting down the oppreAAive. The supplementary account of Sultan Mul).ammad Akbar is that after he fled from the neighbourhood of Aj m ~re-as he had no home-he went to 8ambha Bhonsla. Sambha received him and kept him for some time. When Aurangzeb marched to the Deccan, the noise of killing infidels was heard everywhere. Akbar got fl'ightened and embarked in a ship and went off to Peraia. When the ship reached Muscat the governor there took charge of him and wrote to Aurangzeb. Meanwhile Shah Sulaiman ~afavi heard of
I
2

I:Qlafi

Siyar M. trans. I. 230. T{, II. 974, and Tod's Rajasthan, Annals of Marwir.

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his having come to Muscat. Prince Akbar too had previously told Shah Sulaiman his intentions. The Shah wrote to the landowner I of Muscat, who regarded the Shah as his suzerain and ordered that Prince Akbar should be sent to him. He was always treated with respect, and there were continually feasts and recreations. At last he asked for auxiliaries. The Shah said, "Your father is still alive; when the time of your brothers comes, I will give you proper help." Akbar was sad and said that the climate did not agree with his constitution and asked leave tha,t he might go to Qandahar and live in the warm country (in the Garmsir). The Shah gave him leave, and provided him with the necessary expenses. After Akbar came to that country he died in 1115.' (SAIYID) 'ALAM BARHA. Brother of Saiyid Hizabr 8 K., of whom an account has been given in this book. In Jahangir's time he at first had a suitabie man,ab and at the end of his reign his rank was 1500 with 600 horse. After the accession of Rhah .Jahan his man~b waR confirmed and he went with the ~han-~hanan to Kabul for the purpose of putting down Na~r Mul).ammad K. the ruler of Balkh who had raised the flag of disturbance in that province. In the 3rd year he received a robe of honour, and a sword and an increaRe of 500 with 200 horse, and was appointed to accompany Yeminud-daula to the Balaghii.t of Berar. In the 6th year he attended Prince Mul).ammad Shuja' in the affair of Parenda. The Prince left him with 500 horse, as a sort of tkana (station) in Jalnapiir to protect the roads. In tht Sth year, at the time of the return from Lahore to the capihl ,he along with Islam K. was active in chastising the rebels of the Duab. Afterwards he accompanied prince Aurangzeb when he was appointed to the army for cha.stising Jujhar Singh Bandila. In the 9th year, at the time when
I The Irnim of Muscat. See Elliot VII. 312. ~ Should be IIl~, or 1706 A.D., aocording to Beale; but ~ifi K. in the account of the year 1117, II, p. Mi, S&yll that a report of the prinoe's death had been current fOl' a year

the Deccan became for the second time the residence of the king, he was appointed to punish Sahii Bhonsla and to devastate the country of 'Adi! ~.Mn, in the contingent of ~han Zaman Baha.dur. In the 13th year he received an increase and had the rank of 2000 with 1000 horsc In the 19th year he went with the prince Murad Bakhsh to conquer Balkh and Badalillshan. Afterwards, he went with prince Shuja' to Bengal , and in the 29th year he accompanied prince Sultan Zainu-d-din to court and did homage. Afterwards he received a horse and- returned When Aurangzeb obtained the sovereignty, and battles took place with his brothers, he was active on the side of Shuja' in the first battle, and also in t,he engaaement , o which occurred on the borders of Bengal , and jeoparded his life. At last, when Shujii.' went off to Arracan and had no one with him except ten Saiyids of Barha and twelve Moghul servants, 'Alam Barha accompailled him. He disappeared I in that country (i.e. perished along with Shuja'). (MIR) 'ALI AKHAR MUSAVI. Younger brother of Mir M'uizzu-I-mulk of Mashhad. He too in the reign of Akbar attained to the rank of 3000 and acted along with his brother in carrying out the king'tI work. In the 22nd year he produced before Akbar the story of his birth (maulfulna'lna) which had been written by Qa~i Ghi u-d-dIn Jami, who was endowed with eloquence and gifts, and was for a time Huma.yiin's ~adr. tt was written therein ~ that on the night of the birth of the king, HumJyiin having seen in a dream that God had presented him with a son, ordered that he should be_called Jalalu-d-dIn Mul,tammad Akbar. Akbar shewed great pleasure on beholding it and rewarded the Mir with favours, and gave him the
B. 392, and 395 note. B. 382. The story is told in t.he annals of the 23rd year in the Tabaqiit N.and just at the end of that year. The king was then at Binsi in the Panjab. B's suggestion of Nadina is supported by a MS~. of the Tabaqat in my p088e8!ion. The modern name is Nagina, N.W.
l
~

and WRS now confirmed. The Maa~ir speakS of his going to the neighbourhood of Qandahar. ~ifi K. speaks of the Garmsir of Khurisiin, the prince having objected to Ispahan BIl too cold. 8 B. 392, and 395 note.

Moradabe.d. See I.G. XVIII, 299. It iA in the Bijnor district. The facts about 'A:li Akbar's being sent in chains and put in prison are rtlCorded in the Akbarnima TIl. 309. It is not said there that he was imprisoned for life. The punishment took pla~e in the 25th year 988, 1580.

23

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pargana of Nadina (tf'xt Nadia) as a reward. AH his hrother helda jagir in Bihar (viz. Arrah) he was made a partner with him. In the 24th year when many of the Bihar officers took the path of rebellion the two brothers joined them. But from far-sightedness they soon separated from them, and Mir M'nizzu-I-mulk came to J aunpur, while Mir' Ali Akbar stopped in Zamania six kos from Ghazipur. Neverthelpss he waR ahvaYH by messages and wilpR fanning the flames of sedition. When his hrother'H boat Rank in the J umna in the 24th year, an order was sent to the Khan A~im. who had charge of Bengal and Bihar, to arrest :\111' 'Ali Akbar and to send him off in chains. He had rf'Course to fawning and wiles in dealing with the KokaItash. But as the latter was a clear-sighted man, his stories did not avail, and he was conveyed to the Presence by guards. The kindness of the king abstained from inflicting capital punishment on him, but sent him to the school of the prison.

(MIRZA) 'ALI

BEG AKBAR SHAHI.

He was born and bred in Badakh.ban, and was adorned with excellent qualities. When he came to India, the coin of his loyalty waR fully tested in Akbar's heart, and he was honoured by the title of Akbar Shahl. He distinguished himself in battle. In the campaign in the Deccan h. was an auxiliary of Prince Sultan Murad'. When the prince made peace and retired from Ahmadnagar , ~adiq K. from considerations of prudence made his abode in Mahkar in the 41st year. Azhdar K. and ,'Ain K. and other Deccanis rose up tQmake disturbance. ~adiq K. appointed a choice force under the l\1irzli, and he suddenly fell 2 upon their camp and seized abundant plunder, including elephants and u/d!Jira women (dancing girls). On account of this success, Khudawand K. and other Ni~am Shahl officers resolved to give battle with 10,000 horAe. ~adiq K. fought a battle on the bank of the Oanges,3 with

M. 'Ali Beg in the vanguard, eight kos from Pathri. The Mirza on that day displayed valour and defeated KJmdawand K. who attacked him with 5 ,000 horse. In the 43rd year he took the fort . of Rahtitara,l a dependency of Daulatabad, after a siege of one month, and in the same year the town of Pattan-which is an ancient city on the bank of the Godavery-was ta.ken by his exertions. In the end of the same year the fort of Lohgarha II Daulatabad was taken by his efforts. Both of these forts became deserted from want of water and are in the same state to-day. The Mirza in the campaigns of S. Abtil-fa~l also fought battIes and did good service. In the siege of Ahmadnagar he gave great help to the servants of Prince Daniel. In the 46th year he was rewarded for his good services with a flag and drum. After that he was for a long time in the Deccan as an assistant of the ~_han ~hanan. In the time of J ahangir he got the rank of 4000 and was made governor of Kashmir. After that he obtained the fief of Oudh, and when Jahangir was residing at Ajmere he came to court and visited the shrine of M'uinu-d-din. He embraced the tomb of Shahbaz K. Kambti, who was buried in the enclosure, and said , "he was our old friend," and then died. He was buried in the same place. This occurred in the II th year on 22nd Rabi'-ul-awwal 1025, 30th March, 1616. Though he had but few servants, they were all excellent and had good wages. He was very fond of learned and pious men. As he was addicted to opium (koknar), the confectionary depa,rtments in his establishment were in great order. Varieties of confect-ions and drinks and sweetmeats were produced in his assemblies. He had a poetical vein and composed verses. 3
Akbarlluma 73\1, where the text, has Ahiibara with the variant Rahlitara. '2 74\J. \:Ioth forts surrendered for want of water. S See B. 482, and Tiizuk J., pp. II alld 163. B., p. 482, note, rightly doubts the f'O'Tectness of the statement at p. II of 'riizuk, that he belonged to Delhi. None of the MSS. have this. Instead, they state that he was a dIstinguished man of this tribe, Jill alfish Illea.iing the tribe or company of the Akbarshahis. Or perhaps it means "this dynasty.' The expression is used at p. 163 of the Tiizuk. M. 'Ali Beg was over seventy-nve whell he died, left no children. The incident of his embracing Shahbiiz 's tomb is not men tioned in the 'fuzuk.

He

B 482. 2 Akbarniima III. 711. ! Akbarniima 715, wh'm'l the river

l

is called the Ban Gang, quo thlO Penganga of LG. XX. 102. It is a tribntary of the Wardha.

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.ALI J):HAN (MIRZADA). Son of Mul.ltaram Beg and one of Akbar's officers. He obtained the rank of 1000 and in the 9th year he was sent off, with other officers, in pursuit of 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg who had fled from l\Ialwa to Gujarat. In the 17th year when: the king proceeded towards Cujarat, and the Khan Kilan was sent off in a.dvance , 'Ali K. was sent with him. In the 19th year when the king proceeded to the eastern districts, he was one of the companions. Afterwards he was sent with a body of troops to punish Qasim l K. alias Kasu who was making a disturbance with a body of Afghans in Bihar. He did good service, and after that he distinguished himself along with Mo~affar K. In the 21st year he came to court. In the 23rd year, when Shahbaz K. went off to punish Rana Pratap alias Kika, he was enrolled asan auxiliary. In the 25th year he was appointed to act along with the ~han A'zim in the eastern districts. As he did not do well there he in th~ 31st year was sent to Qasim K. the governor of Kashmir. 2 In a battle with the Kashmiris in the 32nd year, when it was' Saiyid 'Abdullah's turn (to command) and the imperial troops were defeated, he was killed,8 in 995, 15R7. (HAKIM) ALI GILANI. He was eminently skilled in' the sciences, especially in medicine and mathematics. He was one of the ablest physicians of the day. They say that he came to India from abroad in great poverty and distress. By the help of auspicious fortune he became enrolled among Akbar's servants. One day, by Akbar's order, several bottles containing the urine of sick and healthy persons and of cattle and asses were brought to the .i).ak:im in order to test his skill. He diagnosed all of them by his powers of consideration, and from that time his reputation and influence increased so that he became an intimate companion of the monarch. He
l A.N. III 105. "A.N. III. [.16. " A.N. Ill. 522, and B. 44:J, who refers to Badayiini Ill. 326, who describcs him as an occasional poet.

acquired power and became the equ/l;l of the highest officers . After that he was sent on an embassy to Bijii.pi1r. Ali I 'Adil Shah the ruler thereof went out to welcome him and brought him. into the city with great pomp. He presented him with the rarities of the country and wished to send him back, when suddenly in the year 988, 1580 (23rd ~afr=10th April), the cup of his (Adi! Shah's) life was spilled. Though ~ii..i).ib Ferishta (l.e., the author of Ferishta's history) has related thatl,Iakim Ali Gilani went away before this event, taking with him the suitable presents previously given and that at this time Hakim Ainu-I-mulk . Shirazi came as ambassador, and that on account of the inevitable event he went back without presents, yet in the opinion of the author of these pages the account of the circumstances by the very learned Abu-'l-Fazl is more correct.' As the catastrophe of the killing of Ali '.Adil Shah is not devoid of singularity, it is here related. He was the most just and liberal of the dynasty, but in spite of his excellent qualities he was very unchaste. At last being much inclined towards fair faces he by great efforts got from the ruler of Bidar two beautiful eunuchs. When his desire was nearly gratified, he being possessed by immodesty and baseness, in the darkness of his private chamber showed bis improper desires to tbe elder of the two. That jewel of purity, from chastity and honour, would not yield up his body, and finished off the king with a dagger, which he had from foresight secreted on his person. A remarkable a thing is that Maulana Mu.i).ammad Re~a of Mashhad, who had the tald!allagof Re~ii.i, found the chronogram Shah .Jahan skud skahid ~ "The king of the world w,:,s martyred, 988." Hakim 'Ali in the 39th year prepared a wonderful tank, a road within which led to a chamber (kiishana). The extral Chand Bibi's husband. , Akbamima III. 298, and Ferishta's account of the BijipUr dynaaty. He il! presuJIl.ably a bettel.' authority or Deccan affairs than Abu-'I-FazI. a Ptobably the singula.rity of the chronogram lay in its describing a death under such circumstances as a martyrdom.

II

, B. 466. Instead of dar jlloniin the MSS. Add. 65667. and 6567, have zu !unii:llo.
RM.

See Elliot VI. 193, where is quotation ftom the Zubdatu-t-tawiirikh. See also A.N. III. 650-51. Badayiini, Lo'We 273, and IqbiJnim. pa.rt II, account of the 3geh year. lt is in the Iqbilnamathat the statement ocours that the water was kept out by air. The subaql.1eous house W&8 lQ&de at Lahore. It seems that IJakiJO "Ali

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ordinary thing was that the water of the tank could not enter the
chamber. Men went down and endured much difficulty in examining the place, and many were sotroubled that they returned when they got half-way. Akbar went to see the spectacle and came to the chamber. He got under the water at a corner of the tank and after descending two or three steps he arrived at the room. It was much decorated and was well-lighted and there was space for ten or twelve people. There were sleeping coverlets (farah khwab) and clothing, and there was a coIlation. There were some books in reces~es. The air did not allow a drop of water to enter' As the king stayed there for a little, a strange feeling took possession of the men outside. Up to the 40th year the ~akim had attained the rank of 700. HIS cures astonished the world. At last when Akbar was attacked with diarrhooa, the ~akim's endeavours were unsucc8ssful. The king got angry and said to him, " You. were nothing but a foreign spice-seller (pa8ari).1 Here yo~ put off the sandals of exile. We raised you to this rank in order that Bome day you might be of use." And being exceedingly I angry he illlung two pajama strings at him. The Hakim taking something out of a bag flung it into a jug of water which immediately became oongealed. He said, d I have got this kind of medicine, but of what use is it seeing that it does not apply to the present case. " The king on account of the unsettlement and restleBsness of illness insisted, saying, "Whatever is to be, will be: give this to me." Accordingly, owing to this medicine there was astringency and constipation in his frame. But there was a pain in his belly
oonstructed a similar chamber at Agra. See Tiizuk 73, and Elliot VI. 920; also Darbari Akbari, p. 124. l Perhaps the trne reading is ba 8iyarei-wilayat, "You were nothing but a foreign vagabond. " il I believe that the word. are dfitikka and that the~ mean two strings or bi'" of things, and that pro. bably they '{Vere the s rings of Akbar's sleeping Buit. I think t hat we must look to the. previous olause to understand the pass&gto. Akbar is described as having reproached :ij:akim 'Ali with being an adventurer and as having said that he had loosed his sandal-straps (pataba) in India. By throwing him the strings he told hirn in eff.,ct to go about his business it was a rude and contemptuous we:yof dismissing him. Where the Maa~i'r got the story I do not know. Perhaps it was from the Zakhira ~aw anin. The Zubdatll-t-tawari~b has a long account of the illness. but it does not mention this incident. The story however is told in the Hindustani translation of the Akbarnama.

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which produced restlessness. So the physicians were obliged to use laxatives. These produced excessive motions , and he died. One l of the wonderful things is the way in which the illness began. They say that there was an elephant in Jahangir's establishment named Giranbar, which no other elephant in the elephant stables of the emperor could withstand. But Sultan ~JlUsrau had an elephant named Apriip' which also was first rate in battle. Accordingly Akbar ordered that these two ponder ous mountains should eontend together.
Verse.

Two iron mountains moved from their place. You'd have said, the earth moved from end to end. He also appointed the elephant Ranhatan, 3 one of his special elephants, to act as an assistant, that is, whenever one of them got the better of the other, and the driver could not restrain him, the said elephant was to come out of ambush and assist the defeated elephant. Such an assistant elephant is called tapanca,' and this was one of the king's inventions. Akbar was seated in the jharolca watching the spectacle, and the princes Selim and ~husrau were on horseback and waiting. As it happened, the elephant Giranbar after much fighting overcame his anta.gonist. Akbar wished that the tapanca should come to the rescue, but prince Selim's men forbade this and flung stones at Ranhatan, and his driver, who was bravelY pushing forward, was hit with a stone so that the blood flowed. The courtiers excited the king by their urgency and he to1d Sultf,tn Kharram (Shah Jahan), who was by his side, to go to his father 5 and tell him that, " The Shah Baba (Akbar) said, , In reality all the elephants are yours) why then this immodel'ation.'" The prince said in reply, " I did not know about it, and
l fi. 467, and ~afi 'If!liin I. 230. AlJrup seems to be the more likely reading. Apparently -it had once belonged to the Rajah of Udaipur. a Variant Ranthan B. Rantahman. Perhaps Ranthan is right and may mean a pillar in battle like thA first
il

part of the name of the fort of Ranthanbhor-R"n8~hamba. See the account in Asad Beg's Wikaya where the elephant is cal1ed Chanchal, Elliot VI: 168. , Lit." !ilap. ,. It also means a pista\. fi .' Shah Bhye "-" The Shahbrother." See price's Jahangir. 74.

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I do not approve of the driver's having been struck. " Sultan Kharram said, e, If this is so 1'11 go and separate the elephants by means of fireworks." But though every effort was used, they were unsuccessful. At last Ranhatan too was worsted, and together with Apriip plunged into the Jumna. Sultan Kharram returned, and by soothing words caIrned down Akbar. Me.anwhile Sultan Ii..husrau came making a noise and spoke unbecoming words about his father to Akbar, so that thelatter's wrath blazed forth. All the night he was restless from fever, and his constitution was upset. In the morning I:Iakim 'Ali, the Galen of the age, was called in, and Akbar said: "The foolish words of Ii..husrau have excited me and brought me into this state." Afterwards the fever ended in dysentery and was the cause of his death. They say that as in the latter part of his illness H. I:Iakim 'Ali prescribed melons, Jahangir l after his accession blamed him, saying that his prescription had killed h~s father. In the third 'year of his reign 1018,~ 1609, Jahangir also went to I:Iakim Ali's house and visitfild the tank. After examining it, and coming out, he received Hakim' Ali into favour and gave him the rank of 20QO. Some time after, the I:Iakim died. They say he spent nearly Rs. 6,000 every year on medicines and broths for the needy. I:Iakim 'Abdu-I-Wahab his son in the 15th year made a claim for Rs. 80,000 against a number of the Saiyids of Lahore, saying that his father had made over this sum to them (i.e. to their father). And he produced a bond (khaH with the Qa~i's seal on it and produced two witnesses in court to prove the claim according to law. The Saiyids denied, but it was not possible for them to get out of the obligatiQn. .A~af Khan Was appointed to enquire into the dispute. As a rogue is timid(k'biiin. -Mail mibii~id) eAbdu-l-Wahi1b 8 proposed to the Saiyids to withdraw the claim. Alilaf K. made various investigations and (A bdu-l-Wahab was obliged to confess that the claim was false. He was therefor.e deprived of his rank arid jagir.
Cf. Price's jahangir. 71. Tiizuk 173. The year should be 1017, as :ij:akim Ali died in the beginning of 1018, Tuzuk 74.
l
i

'ALI MARD.t\N

BAHADUR.

One of Akbar's officers. In the 40th year he held the rank of 350. He was appointed, for the first time, to accompany the Ii..hanIi..hii.nan 'Abdu-r-Rabim in the affair of Mirtha, and he did good service. In tbe 38th year he came to court with the ~jlan-~p.ij,nan and was admitted to an audience. After that he was appointed to the Deccan, and in tbe battle wh~ch took place in the 41st year under the le!tdership of M. Shabru/ill and the Ii..han-~jlanan with the Deccan leaders, he was in the altam8h. Afterwards he had the command of the Telingana force. In the :j6th year he from his zeal came to help Sher Khwaja near PathrL MeanwhiIe he heard of the defeat of Rahadur K. Gilani-whom he had left with a few men in Telingana-and he turned back to that quarter. He fell in with tbe enemy, and though most of his companions fled, he stond firm and was made a prisoner. In the same year, when Abii-l-fa~l for political reasons made peace with the Deccan leaders. he was relea'led and joined the imperial leaders. In the 47th year. he was in command of the left wing in the battle between M. Irij and Malik (Ambar, and in which the imperial serV'ants gained a great victory. In the 7th year of Jahangir he was appointed under 'Abdullah K. Firiiz Jang. An order was given that they should go to the Deccan by the route of Nasik with the army of Gujarat. They were to keep in touch with the second.army which had been appointed under I{,han Jahan Lodi and to carry out. the king's business together. When Abdullah K. came in.to the enemy's country and law no signs of the other force he turned back towards Gujarat. 'Ali Mardan resolved to die, and fought with the'enemy's army, which was following him. He was wounded and made prisoner and wafl carried off by the bargian (banditti or skirmishers) of 'Ambar. Though surgeons were sent to him, he died after two days in 1021, 1611. One saying of his is well known. Some one said on an occasion, " Victory is from heaven" (asmani). The hero (bahadur) answered, ,( Certainly 2 victory is from heaven, but the fighting (maidan) is ours.' ' His son Karm Ullah attained
I B. 496, Tiizuk J. 108, whore it sooms as if the two days a.fterwardB rl\ferred to Ziilfiqiir Beg who was wounded on the Barne day by a rocket. ~ F'fJIh IJamani, ama M/Jidan /JZ ma aal, Kiimgiir :ij:usaini. R.M. MS. 69b.

5 Bee the story in the TitzUk J. 306, and Iqbiilniima 161. Apparently the two authors of the Maasir did not know the 2nd volume of the Tiizuk.

24

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in Shah Jahan's reign to the rank of 1000 with 1000 horse, and for some time was governor of Udgir in the Deccan. He died in the 21st year.

'ALI MARDAN K. AMIRU-L-UMARA.

His father was Ganj 'Ali K. Zig, which iR a Kurdish tribe. He an old servant of Shah' Abbas Ma~i (' Abbas the Ist). In the time of Shah' Abbas' childhood' and when he was living at Herat, Ganj 'Ali was a head servant, and during his reign, by good service and courage-which he showed during the Uzbeg interregnum in batties with that tribe-he attained to high rank, and received the title of Arjmand Baba (honoured father) and for nearly thirty years was ruler of Kerman. He always showed the notes of justice and 8ubject-cherishing. When the Shah in the time of Jahangil' besieged Qandahar and after 45 days took it from' Abdull-'Az-iz K. Naqshbandi, he made over the government to him. One night in the year 1034, 1625, he was sleeping in the verandah of the citadel of Qandahar on a coueh which rested against the verandah railing. The railing gave way, and he between sleep and waking fell down, without any one's noticing it. After a while some of his servants came upon him and found him dead. The Shah gave his son' Ali Mardan K. the title of ~pan and made him governor of Qandahar and called him Baba '~ani (Baba the 2nd). After the Shah' s death, and when the sovereignty came to Shah Safi his grandson, the latter, on unfounded suspicions, degraded many of the Shah 'Abbasi officers. Ali Mardan got frightened and considered that his safety lay in joining Shah Jahan, and wrote and spoke to S'aid K. the governor of Kabul. He also set about strengthening the walls and bastions, arid made a fort on the top of the Koh Lakah-which is part of the fortresR of Qandahar, and finished it in forty days. When the Shah heard this he resolv.ed to destroy him, and in the first place sent for his eldest son. 'Ali Mardan was obliged to send him, but when after that the Shah put to death everyone whom he suspected he threw oB the mask. The Shah despatched Siyawash l Qul-Iar'~as
l Pi\dshahnama II, 31; qullaraqashi is a Turkish phrl\Se meaning a

aqasi-who had been sent to Mashhad-against him. 'Ali Mardan K. sent a petition to Shah Jahan to the effect that the Shah was seeking his life and requested that the king WQuld send one of his officers in order that he might make over the fortress and come to court. In the l1th year 10:!7, 1637-38, S'aid K. the governor of Kabul, Qulij K. the governor of Lahore, as well as the o Ilovemar of Ghaznin and Bhakar and Siwistan, went, in accordance with orders, to Qandahar. When S' aid K. arrived before Qulij K. he perceived thittas long as Siyawash was in the neighbourhood of Qandahar, the people' would not be properly submissive. In concert with 'Ali Mardan-his whole force being 8000 horse-he at the distance of one fa.r8akh (league) from Qandahar attacked Siyawash who l had 5 or 6000 horse. A great battle took place, and the Persians fled, and did not turn rein tiH they had got to their camp on the other side of the Arghandab ~ river. S'aid K. did not give them time to halt there, but went against them, and they left their baggage and evacuated the place. The heroes spent the night in the Persians' tents, took all the property and returned to Qandahar. On the arrival of Qulij K., who had been appointed governor of Qandahar, 'Ali Mardan went off to the Presence, and in the 12th year he kissed the threshold in Lahore. As before he arrived he had been made a panjhaziiri zU u 8awiir (holder of 5000 with 5000 horse) and had received a flag and drum, he was on this day made an officer of 6000 with 6000 horse, and was given the mansion of I'timadu-d-daulah which now belonged to the government. Ten of his leading servants received suitable positions. And out of special grace, 'Ali Mardan who was accustomed to the clima,te of Persia, and could not stand the heat of India, was made governor of Kashmir. At the time of the royal standard's proceeding to Kabul, 'Ali Mardan took leave to his post, and when in the beginning of the 13th year ]049, 16:l9-40, Lahore became the royal residence, 'Ali NIardan wa::; sumllloJled from Kashmir and made an
vious sentence is that thOUGh 'Ali Mardan sent his ion yet the Shah was still determined to destroy him (' Ali
~[ardan).

commander of troops. See Vullers s.v. Perhnps the menning of t~e pre-

I He also occupied a strong position. l'adshahnama II. 43. ~ Text Andariib, but see Pidsha!tnama ll. 45.

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officer of 7000 with 7000 horse, and in spite of his being governor of Kashmir, he was also made governor of the Panjab, so that he might by winter quarters and summer quarters pass the hot and cold seasons in comfort. In the 14t;h year, 1050, he was made governor of Kabul in succession to sea-ld K. ln the 16th year-when the royal residence was in Agra-he was summoned there and received the high title of Amiru-I-Umara, the present of a kror of dams and the gift of I'tiqad K.'s h0i's~, which was the finest mansion that officers of high rank had ~cted on the bank of the Jumna, and which at the king's request I'tiqad had presented as peshkash. Thereafter' Ali Mardan received permission to return to Kabul. In the 18th year Tardi' Ali Qahd!an, l the guardian of Subhan Quli K. the son of N a~r Mul,1ammad K.-wbo had been appointed by Na~r Mul,1ammad to the charge of Kahmard and its neighbourhood in succession to Ilangtosh (Yalangtosh)-wickedlY attacked the Baluchis living in Zamindawar and plundered some of the Hazari tribes who dwelt on the bank of the Helmand. He then halted twenty kos from Bamian with the intention of making another attack when an opportunity offered. 'Ali Mardan sent Faridun and Farhad, who were his confidential servants, against, him, and they marching quickly fell upon the Uzbegencampment. Qa.~ghan after some struggle took to flight. His wife and some of his kinsmen, and all his property were seized,and in the same year the Amiru-I-Umara came to court and obtained leave to go and conquel' Badakhshan, where Na~r Mul,1ammad had fallen out with his sons and servants. Al?alat K. Mir Bakhshi was appointed to accompany him. 'Ali Mardan K. in the 19th year sent' an army from Kabul against Kahmard, and as there were few men in the fort, they fled without drawing the sword, and the fort was taken possession of. On hearing this the Amiru-I-Umara left with the Kabul army. On the march it appeared that the Kahmard garI'ison bad, from cowardice, at the approach of the Uzbeg army, surrendered the fort, and been plundered s by the Aimaqs and other
I Pdshiihniiml\o TI. 401.
~

tribes on their route. As under these circumstances it was, on account of the want of provisions and forage, difficult or rather impossible for the army to proceed, the recapture of the fort had to be put off to another time, and 'Ali Mardan turned his attention to the taking of Badakhshan. When he came to Gulbihar, the thanadar of Panjshir (Daulat Beg), who knew the road, stated that it would be difficult for a large army to get thr ugh the defilea and passes. It would also be necessary to cross the Panjshir river in eleven places, which could not be done without bridging. Accordingly the Amiru-I-Umara sent off Al?alat K. to attack Khinjan. He went and came in sixteen days, and then went (with 'Ali Mardan) to Kabul. This going and coming at such a time when there was confusion l in Turan did not please Shah <Tahan. In the same year, in the beginning of 1056, 1646, Prince Murad Bakhsh, 'All Mardan and others with 50,000 horse were appointed to take Balkh and Badal.ffishan and to chastise the Uzbegs and Almanan. As at this time Janni~ar K. was sent off to Persia to offer condolences for the death of Shah ~afi, and 'congratulations on the accession of 'Abbas the 2nd, a request was made to the latter for the sending of the Amiru-I-Umara's eldest son who was a hostage with the Shah.. The Shah did not sever the links of old friendship but sent him. The Amiru-I-Umara went off with Prince Murad Bakhsh by the route of the Tui (long) Pass. When they came to Sirab, Sultan ~husrau,2 the second son of Na~r Mul,1ammad, who was in charge of Qanduz, could not maintain his ground there on account of the predominance of the Almanan (robbers) and joined the prince. Afterwards when the prince came to ~llUlm, three stages from Balkh, he sent the king's letter to Na~r Mul,1ammad, in which were comforting messages and an invitation to him to come in.' He said in reply that the whole country belonged to the empire, and that he desired after doing homage to go to Mecca. But that it was likely that the Uzbegs in their wickedness would kill him and plunder his property. The Amiru-I-Umara went on rapidly with the prince to the Imam's
1 Pidshiihnma II. 462. Shah Jahan thought advantage should have been taken orthe confusion to conquel' Bada!ilishn. ~ See notice of ~husrau in Ist vol. Ma;ir.

Piidshhhiima II. 458. 8 Pdshiihniima J.I. 460.

The gal'

rison surrendered under promise of being allowed to depart in safety, but the promise was not kept.

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190

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

shrine (Mazar-u-sharif), and then it appeared that Na~r Mu.\:lammad was drawing out the time by wiles and deceits. They encamped two kos from Balkh. At evening Bahram Sultan and Subl;l.an QulI Sultan, Na~r Mul;1ammad's sons, and many of the nobles came and did homage, and then returned after taking leave. In the morning they went on to Balkh to have an interview with Na~r Mul;1ammad and he went off to Bagh Murad to prepare a feast. He took some jewels and a8hra/is with him, and fled, and then made arrangements in Shiburggan for collecting soldiers. Bahadur K. Rohilla and A~alat K. purauedhim and fought a battle. Na~r Mu.\:lammad, seeing their power, turned his rein and went l to Andakhl1d and thence to Peraia. In the beginning of the 20th year the ~hu~ba was read and coin st~ck in the name of Shah Jahan, and twelve 2 laos of rupees' worth of gold and silver vessels as well as 2500 horses and 300 camels were seized. But it appeared from the clerks that Na~r Muhammad had 70 lacsin cash and goods. Some of this was taken by' Abdu-I-'AzIz(Na~r M.'s eldest son) and much was plundered by the Uzbegs, and a small portion Na~r Mu.\:lammad had taken with him. Besides ~husrau, who had already gone off to .court, Bahram and' Abdu-r-Ra.\:lmantwo sona and three daughters and three wives-received in Kabul the kindness of the emperor. The enigmatic chronogram was: 8

Verse.
N a~r Mul;1ammad was ~hah of Balkh and Badakhshan; There he left his gold; his wives, his lands. When Prince Murad Bakhsh wished to return before the newly. conquered territory had been properly settled and did not obey the king's prohibition, the affairs of the country again got confused, and Shah Jahan censured the prince and deprived him of his fiei
Piidshihniimo. II. 552. 2 Piidshiinima 540. 8 This is an obscure chronogram. The only way I. can get at the figures 1056 is by Bupposing that there is -o. pun on the word Na~. The lines may then be rendered l3alkh and B.da!ills.han were the present lnuzzar) of
l

and rank and ordered S'aad Ullah K. to settle the country. An order was given to the Amiru-I-Vmara to pu.nish the rebels of Qanduz and to return to Kabul after "the arrIval ~f the governor of Badakh~an. In the same year, 1057, 1647, Prmce Aurangzeb . -was gIven the government of Balkh and Badakhshan and was sent - . there. The AmIru-I-Umara also went with the prmce. When they came to Balkh it appeared I that' Abdu-l-' AZIZ, the eldest son of Na~r M:ul:lItmmad, and who was the governor of Bokhara, ~ad proceeded from QarshI to the Oxus and had sent in front of hImself the c1l'my of Turan under Beg Oghl!. He had crossed the Oxus and taken up his position in Aqcha. 2 Qutluq Mul;1ammad Sultan, another son of Mul.lammad Sultan, joined him. The prince went off in that direction without enterin~ 8 Balkh. A battle took place in Timurabad" and the Amiru-I-Umara defeated his opponent and came to the quarters of Qlltluq Mu.\:lammad Sultan-which were far li from those of OghlI. .His men plundered the tents and goods and animals of Qutluq and returned safe and loaded with plunder. Next day Beg OghlI attacked the AmIru-lUmara with his whole force. He stood firm, and the prince (Aurangzeb) himself came to his assistance. A num~er ~f th~ Uzbeg leaders were killed and the others fled. At thIS tIme- Abdu-I'AZIZ K. and Subl,1an QulI Sultan his brother-who was known by the name of the I.itHe Khan-joined with many Uzbegs and set about dividing the good R horses from the bad. Whoever had a good horse came forth to fight. Yadgar T~~riya_a~tacked the AmIru-l- Umara with a force of single fighters \1N,a tazan -= monomachi), and nearly made his way to him. The AmIru-I-Uma~a seeing this drew his sword from the scabbard and spurred hIS horse. Others joined him, and the flames of battle burs~ forth. At last Yadgar was wounded R in the face by a sword and hIS horse
l Piidshihnima II. 688. The text copies the Piidshiihniima. 2 Do. do. 3 He came to Balkh but did not enter the city. This was on l Jumarla-al-awwal 1057 = 25th May 1647. Timurabad, one kOR irom Fatl}abad. Pitdshiiniimlt 688.
l) "Somewhat far," Piids1l.inima 689. 6 Piidshahnima II. 697. , Khiifi K. I. 667. where he is called yitdg&r Bel!. According to ~&fi K. it was 'Ali Ma.rdin who wounded him: See Pidshihnimi II. 698. Yidgir, whom the Pidshihnima calls Yidgir Makrit, was pardoned.

Mul)ammad K. He leftout gold, wHe, and landd. Na~r-i-MuJ:!ammad Khan yields 1703, and if we deduct zar, qabila, imliikri\, the value of which is 647, we get 1056.1703-647=1056. The Piidshiihniima ha.s another enigmatico.l chronogram ..t vol. II. 547.

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was wounded by a bullet, and they feU, and he was captured by the Amlru-I-Umara's Rervants. He brought him to the prince, and was congratuIated. In fine there was a great battle for seven days, and 5 or 6000 Uzbogj were kiUed. The prince continuing the fight came to Balkh and wished to leave his camp in the city and to pursue the foe at full speed. . Abdu-I- e AZIZ turned his rein and in one day crosRed the Oxus. Many of his followers were drowned. Afterwards when Balkh and Badakh@an were restored to Na~r Mu1)ammad, the AmIru-I-Umara came to Kabul and looked after affairs there. In the 23rd year he came to court and was given the fief of Lahore. After some time he was allowed to go to Kashmir, the climate of which agreed with him. When prince Dara Shikoh was appointed to the affairs of Qandahar, though the province of Kabul was assigned to his eldest son Sulalman Shikoh, yet the Amlru-lUmara wa,s sent off to guard it. Then he again went to Kashmir. In the end of the 30th year he was summoned to court, and after. arrival was attacked by dysentery; conseq uently in the beginning of the :Hst year, 1067, 1657, he received permission to return to Kashmir. At the stage of Machlwarah he died (on 16th April, 1657), and his body was brought to Lahore and buried in his mother'R tomb. His effects to the amount of one kror of rupees in money and goods were confiscated. Though in Persia he behaved contrary to the ways of the servants of the ~afavI family and made himself charged with disloyalty and, faithlessness to his salt yet in India heattained great respect by his loyalty, courage and ability, and was exalted above all the other officers. His position with Shah Jahan was such that the latter called him Yar Wafadar (the faithful friend). . One of his great deeds, which will remain on the page of Time for ages, was his bringing a canal into Lahore, which is the ornament of that city. ln the 13th year 1049, 16:19-40, e All Mardan represented to the emperor that arte of his servants who was skilled in excavating canals undertook to bring a canal to lJahore. One lac of rupees was estimated as the cost, and this was sanctioned. The person Tl='< med Rurveyed the country from the debouchement of the Ravil

which has lt fall in the hill-country-through the level country to Lahore. a distance of fifty Iros. He commenced to dig and comleted the work l in a little over a year. [n the 14th year on the :anks of that canal and in the vicinity of the city, in a place which was high ground, he made a garden which became known as the Sbiilamar and was provided with ponds, canals and fountains. This Wa!l completed at a cost of eight lacs of rupees in the 16th vear under the superintendence of ~ham Ullah K. J:Iasan. Und~ubtedly there ill ao other-such garden in India.

Verse.
If Paradise be anywhere on earth

It is here, it is here, it is here.

As the water did not come in sufficient q~antity, another lac of rupees was put at the disposal of the engineers. It chanced that the chief 'Workmen from ignorance spent Rs. 50,000 uselessly in repairs. At last by the decision of a number I of men who knew about water-works five kos of the old canal were preserved and 32 new kos were made. The water came then without hin~ance to the garden. All Mardan while governor of Lahore imprisoned and sent to Kabul the " Faqral:' 3 who l'enounced prayer ahd fasting, a~d called themselves" Independents" (be qaid, Antinomian8), and were the cause of various immoralities and debaucheries. Ris wealth and power and executive ability are famous all over India. They say that in a feast to the king there were one hundred golden dishffl with covers, and 300 silver anes. As regards his sons, separate. accounts have been given of Ibra.hlm K., who attained to high rank, and of 'Abdullah Beg, who, in Aurangzeb's time, had the title of Ganj 'All K. Re bati two other sons lsa~a.q Beg and
l The statement in text seems rather confused. It is abridged from the Pidshihnima II. 168. The canal ill the Basli or Shihi Canal described in I.G.VII. 17. It is now a email part of the Biri DiiibCanal See Mul~ammad Lll~if's Lahore. p. 253. lt

began about fifty miles ahove Lahoce. ~ Bee notice of MuHi AlJll-l-Mulk alwB F~il K.. Me."!!ir III. 5!'5. B Should not this be Fikriyi, i.e. .. the contemplative," _ Hughes Diet. of blam. p. 568, No. 10.

25

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[sm'iiiI Beg, who, after their father's death, had each the rank of 1,500 with 800 horse and were both killed in the king's service in the battle of Samugarha where they accompanied Darii Shikoh.1 'ALI MARDAN K. OF HAIDARAB-AD. His name was Mir J:Iusaini, and he was one of the leadinO' sero vants of Abu-I-J:Iasan, the ruler of Haidarabad. In the 30th year of Aurangzeb, after the taking of Golconda, he became a king's servant and attained the rank of 6,000 and the title of 'Ali Mardan K. He was appointed to the territory of Kanchi .(Conjeveram) lO the Haidarabad Carnatic. In the 35th year when Santaji Ghorpura came to relieve. Ginji-which was being besieged by the royal forces-he exerted himself to defeat him. After astruggle he was made prisoner ,2 and his elephants, etc., were plundered. After two years he was released by paying a large ransom. He was in his absence 8 (ghaibana) restored to happiness by receiving the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse. Afterwards he was for a while governor of Berar, and for some time was deputy of MuJ).ammad Bidar Bakht in Burhanpur. He died in the 49th year. MuJ).ammad Re~a', his son, was after his death made governor of the fort of Rlimgarha and held the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. 'ALI MUJ:IAMMAD K. ROHILLA. They say 6 that he was not realiy an Afghan. As he had lived fOI' a long time with one of that tribe, and the latter was
I He also had a famous daughter, commonly called Sal:,libji, of whom there is an account in the life of Amir K. Mir Miran I. 284. 2 l.Qliifi K. II. 416. He was wounded and made prisoner and was released after paying a ran80m of two lacs of rupees. :JS!1afi K. says he was reieased after a few days, and the Maa!!ir A., p. 364, does not say that he was imprisone4 for two year~, though it puts the release into the 37th year 1105, 1693-1694, while :JS!1afi K. puta the defeat into 1104. It is 19,afi K. who speaks of 'AJi Mardan as having

been of lihe rank of 6,000 when he was defeated. If so he was reduced when he got the rank of 5,000 afterwards. But perhaps thBre is some mistake on the part of K. K. 3 Maa!!ir A ,364. Ghaibana means that he was not at court when thc honour was conferred. Maa!!ir A., 516. 6 The Siyar M. says he was an Ahir; tranSlation III. 233. i See also Beale, and Forster's Travel#. The Afghan who brought up Ali Mul:,lammad was called Daud. GalcuJta Review. October, 1875.

rich and childless, he put' Ali MuJ).ammad into possession. 'Ali MuJ:1ammad took the property and at first took up his quarters in Aonla I and Bankar, which are parganas north of Delhi in the daman-i-koh of Kumaon. He 8pent some time in the service of the zamindars and faujdars there, and afterwards took to oppression and laid waste Bans Bareilly and Muradabad which were the jagir of I'timadu~d-daulah Qamaru-d-din. I'timadu-d-daula sent his mat~adi Hiranand ;l to settle the estates, and' Ali MuJ:1ammad encountered him and completely defeated him and got possession of much plunder and lt large park of artillery. I'timadu-d-daulah was unable to remedy matters. After this 'Ali MuJ).ammad became a rebel and sent for many men from the Roh, which is the home of phe Afghans, and took possession, partly of the royal territories, and partly of the lands of the Rajah of Kumaon. He prepared magnificent tents of a red colour like those of the kings of India, Accordingly the king himself set out to put him down. The vagabonds of the royal camp went on ahead' and set fire to Aonla. At last by the intervention of the Vizier-who, in spite of his agent Hiranand's having been plundered, was partial to him on account of his dislike of Umdat-ul-Mulk and ~afdar Jang-a foundation of peace was laid, and he came in and did homage. He received the Sarkar of Sirhind in lieu of what he had held. When the Shah Durraniapproached in 1161, 1748, he came out of Sirhind and took possession of his old estates of Aonla and Bankar (Bangarha ?). In the sames year (1748) he died. His sons were Sad Ullah K., 'Abdullah K., and Fai~ UllahK, (and others). The first died of illness (in 1764). The second was killed along with ~afi~ Rahmat Ullah (in 1774), and the third is at the time of writing living in Ramgarha. Of his companions were I:Jafi~ Rahmat K. and Dundi K. ,-they were cousins,-and the former was closely connected with the Afghan (Daud), who had
I Text Anwala; it was in Sarkar Budaun, J. II. 288. Aonla is uowa tahail and town iu Bareilly. LG., V. 388. 'Ali Mu4ammad is buried in Aon.1a. ~ Or HarnRnd. He was killed III the battle.

s According to Forster he died on 4 Jumiida the 2nd, 1160 = 6th MiIoY, 1747. But this must be wrong. See note at end of article in C.R. 4 He died in 1794. 'Ali M is said to have left four sons (Beale). Another account is that he left six.

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been' Ali Mul.lammad K's. master (lQJ.awand). They took possession of his territory ('Ali Mul).ammad's) and gained a name for Jeade1'8hip. The latter (Dundi) died-of illness (before 1774). The first lived for a long time till ShujA.'u-d-daula., the son of ~afdar Jang Abu-I-man~ur, in the year HS8 led an army against him. After 1 a fight he was killed. Sinoe then no (lne (lf the tribe has distinguished" himself. 'ALI QULI3 K. OF ANDARAB. One of the proteges of H umayun. In the year when Huma-yiin had heard untrue tales about Bairam ~han and had come to Qandahar from Kabul, he put 'Ali Quli in charge of the latter -city. Afterwards he accompanied Huma.yun to Indi8J and. in the beginning of Akbar's reign he took part with 'Ali Quli K. Zaman in the affaii' of Hemu BaqqaI. Afterwards he was joined with ~hwaja Kbi~r K. in resisting Iskandar (Siir), and in the end of the sixth y,ar he went with Shamsu-d-din Mul:J.ammad K. Atka to oppose Bairam K. Nothing more is known of him. 'ALI MURAD JUI.AN JAHAN BAHADUR KOKALTASH K. ~AFR JANG. His name was 'Ali Murad, and he was the toster-brother of Sultan Jahandar Shah. He was of noble family. In the time when Jahandar walJ.a prince, he obtained a place in his master's heart, and when the latter was governor of the province of Multan, he managed the affai1'8. In the time of Bahadur Shah he got the title of Kokaltash K. After the death of Bahadur Shah, and the inurders of three princes, and when that fair one (shahid) the Sultanate of India came into the arms of Jahandar Shah, he obtained
l He was killed in the battle, which took place on lOth !:,afr 1388, or 23rd April, 1774. (Beale.) ~ 'Ali Mul;ll~mmad was the founder of the present family of the N awabs of Rimpiir. The author of the ij:adiqa-ul-Aqiilim has a good deal to say about Ali Mui).ammad. He was present at Bangarha when 'Ali Mu-

the rank of 9,000 with 9,000 horse, the title of ~hii.n Jahan Bahadur Zafr Jang, and the office of chief BakhshL Mul:J.ammad Mah, his youpger brother,-who had the title of ~afr K.,-and his brotherin-law l ~hwaja I;lusain K .., each received the rank of 8,000. The former of them had the title of A'~im K. and the ni~amat of Agra, and the latter had the title of ~han Dauran and the. 2nd Bakhshiship. This is the ~han Dauran, who 'Was appomted guardian of Mul).ammad I'zzu-d-din, the son of Jahandar Shah, and who went off to oppose Mul:J.ammad Farrukh Siyar. His cowardice was such that without drawing his sword from its scabbard, or a drop of blood having fallen from a soldier's nose, he, at night, left II the camp with the said prince a.nd took the road to Agra. Kokaltash K. was not remiss in devotion to his master, but as there was rivalry between him and Ziil-fiqar K., the materials of envy boiled over, and in counciIsthey contradicted one another, and did not provide for the final issue of things, or do what was fitting. Moreover, the reigning sovoreign was infatu ated with L'al Kunwar and had bidden farewell to thought and prudence, and did not look after the affairs of state. The flower of success did not blosBom, and the parterre of wish took the colours of autumn. In the battle which took place with Farrukh Siyar in 1123 g near Agra, ~]J.an Jahan stood firm and fell in his master's service ALI QULI KHAN ZAMAN. His father was, I;laidar Sultan Uzbeg Shaibani. In the battle of Jam he joined' the Persians and attained the rank of an Amir. At the time of the returning of Hum1\yun from Persia he entered into service with his two sons 'Ali Quli and Bahadur and did good service in the conquest of Qandahar. When the king was prol The husballd of his wife's sister, Irvine, A.S.B.J. for 1896, 160.

i).ammad surrendered, and he describes his personal appearance. He gives the date of hiIJ death as 3 Shawwill 1161, 15th September, 1748, in the first year of the reign oi Ai).mad Shah. See p 141 of Newal Kishore's lithograph. He calls' Ali Mui).ammad a Rajput. B B. 432.

2 Siyar M. I. 50, Irvine Lc., 185, Elliot VII. 435.

8 1123 is the year stated by ~liifi K. II. 721, but it really was 1124, and the last month of that year. The

Eng-nIJh da.te is lOth January , 1713. See Irvine Lc., 198. , Though aidar was an Uzbeg by race, he had married a Persian wiie. and apparently he fought on the side of Tahmiisp and the Persians in the battle oi Jim which took place in September 1528.

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ceeding towards Kabul, a plague brnke out in the camp and many died. Among them '.. as J:Iaidar Sultan. 'Ali Quli always behaved well in battle, and did especially well in the conquest of India, and rose to the rank of an Amir. When a madman named Qambar collected a number of men in the Diiab andSambhal and opened the hand of plunder, 'Ali Quli was appointed to put him down. He Roon got possession of him and sent his head to court. When Akbar came to the throne, 'Ali Quli K. had fighting with ShadI l K., who was one of the Afghan leaders. When he got ne\vs of the advance of Hemu towards Delhi, he regarded that as the more important matter and went off to Delhi. He had not arrived when Tardi Beg K. was rlefeated. He heard of this in Mirtha and went towards the king. Akbar also on hearing the news of Hemu'R presumption had returned from the Panjab. (Ali Quli \Vaited upon him and went off as vanguarrl from Sirhind with 10,000 horse. It chanced tha,t an engagement took place in Panipat where the battle between Bahar and Sultan Ibrahim Lodi had taken place. A great battleensned, and suddenly an arrow pierced Hemu's eye. His army lost courage and fled, and Akbar and Bairam K. had approached near the field of battle when there came the good news of victory. The officers who had distinguished themselves were exalted by suitable titles, and' Ali Quli was calledJiban Zaman, and had an increase of rank and fief. After that he won great vietaries in Sambhal, and subdued many of the seditiaus as far as Lakhna!U. 2 He also acquired much property and many elephants. In the third year Shaham Beg, the son of a camel-driver, who possessed beauty of form and on this account was one of Humayun's body-guard, and with whom the ~han Zaman, owing to his evil nature, had long been in love, fled from the presence and came to the ~han Zaman. The latter did not regard the majesty of e~pire,. and according to the evil practice of Transoxiana called him Padishaharn" My king" and prostrated himself before him. Whl:'n his doing of 'mch things became known, he was summoned to court, but though orders were issued to him
Text wrongJy has Shahi. lt is Lakhne.u alBo in A.N. II. &6, but it _n,B that the place meant is
I 2

about the camel-driver' s son they had no effect. This was the beginning of the cloud which came over the king's heart wit.h regard to 'All Quli. He gave many of his fiefs to men for their maintenance, and (Ali Quli in his presumption and immodesty became obstinate. Bairam K. out of magnanimity (or perhaps, from pride) overlooked this and did not attempt to put him down, but MuHa Pir Mul.lammad K. Shirwani-who was the ~han ~hanan' s vaki! and was master of the power of the State--disliked the l\-llan Zaman. In the fourth year the remainder of his estates was confiscated and given to .J alair officers, l and he was appointed to Jaunpur where the Afghans were plotting opposition. The ~llan Zaman sent his confidential servant , Burj 'Ali by name, to make his apologies and to conciliate the court. On the first day PIr Mul.Iammad K., who was in the fort of FIruzabad (near Delhi) began a dispute with Burj 'Ali, and at the end said, "Fling him down from thc tower of the fort.." In consequence, his skuU was fractured. The I\.!lan Zaman perceived that his enemies desired, under the pretext of Shaham Beg, to destroy hirn. Accordingly he sent him away and went to Jaunpur, and by great contests succeeded in bringing that extensive territory into order. When B~iram K. was set aside, the Afghans of that country though t their opportunity was come and raised up the son of 'Adili: and gave hirn the title of Sher Shah. They attacked Jaunptlr with a large force and 500 elephants. The ~.!lan Zaman collected the officers of the districts and engaged the enemy. The latter were victorious and entered the lanes of the city. The ~!lan Zaman came from behind and regained what had been lost. He dispersed the foe and obtained many elephants and other plunder. But he did not send the fruits of these celestial victorieR to court, but became proud and arrogant. Akbar made an expedition to the eastern provinces in Zi-l-qada of the 6th year, July 1562. The ~han Zaman with his brother Bahadur K. did homage in the town of Karra-which is on the Ganges-and presented the rarities of the country together with noted elephants, and he was allowed to depart.
I

Lakhnor in Sambbal. 384, and the note.

See Elliot V I A.N. Il. 68, where J:l.uBain K. Jalair is mentioned.

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In this year Fa.tl;l K. Patni (or Pani) and others made the son of Selim Shah the material of strife and collected il large army in Bihar and took possession of the .lilIan Zaman's estat,es. The Khan Zaman went there with other officers, and as he did not think it expedient to give battle he laid the foundation of a fort on the bank of the Sone and entrenched himself there. The Afghans atta.cked him, and he was compelled to come out and enga1l;e them. As soon as they encountered him, they routed the imperial forces. The ~an Zaman-who was sheltering himself behind the wall-set his mind upon. death, and went to one of the bastions and discharged a cannOn. By heaven's decree the ball struck J:Iasa.n K. Patni's elephant, and there was a great uproar in the army, and the men fled. The ~han Zaman gained an unexpected victory. How the world acts like wine!

Verse.
I t develops whatever ~ne is. The ~hii.n Zaman in his I:l,rrogance did not recognize the rights of his master, and in the lOth year he in concert with the Uzbeg . chiefs raised the standard of rebellion and went to war against the fiefholders of that country. When he heard of the approach of the royal army he crossed the Ganges and encamped near Gha.zipur. Akbar came to Jaunpiir and sent Mun'im K., the ~han-~jJ.an an, against him. That honest Turk in his simplicity accepted the Khan Zaman's I;lypocritical excuses and begged for his being forgiven. In company with ~hwaja Ja.han-wl;lo, at his request, had gone from Akbar to soothe and conciliate him (~han Zaman) -he embarked on a boat and had an interview with the Khan Zaman. The latter, out of craft and hypocrisy did not agree to appear before Akbar in person, but sent off IbrahIm K. who was the greybeard among the Uzbegs together with his own mother and noted elephants. It was agreed that until the kin~ returned he should not cross the Ganges But the presumptuous man did not wait for the king's return and crossed the Ganges, and proceeded to take possession of his fiefs. Akbar censured Mun'im K. and went off on the expedition himself. The Khan Zaman heard of this and left his tents and other property and. went off. After

that he again sought to unite himself with the ~han-Khii.nanand obtained once more, at Mun'im's intercession, the pardon of his crimes. Mir Murta~ Sharin and Maula.na ' Abdullah MakhdiimuI-Mulk went to the Khan Zaman and confirmed his repentance by exa.cting toba l (repentanee or perhaps vows). After this, when Akbar proceeded to Lahore to put down the commotion of Mul;lammad J:Iakim, the ~han Zaman, who had become infected with se<lition (lit. whose navel has been cut in sedition) again rq.ised the head of disaffeotion and recited the Khutba in the name of Mul.tammad ~a.kiDl. He gave Oudh to Sikandar K. and Ibrahim K. and appointed his brother Bahadur K. to oppose A~af K. and Majniin K. in Karra Miinikpiir. H~ himself took possession of the territory up to the bank of the Ganges and came to Qanauj. He besieged M. Ytisuf K (Mashhadi) who was the jagirdar there, in the fort of Shergarha four kos from Qanauj. On hearing of this offensive news Akbar hastened ~ to Agra from the Panjab and then went off eastw.ards. The Khan Zaman heard of this, and as he did not think that the king would return with such rapidity he recited the verse VerRi<.1 His swift, gold-hooved steed beats the Sun Which goes from east to west but halts a night. He was helploss, and left the foot of the fort Imd went to Ba.hiidur K. at Minikpur. FrolU there he in pargana Singraur made a bridge over the Ganges a.nd crossed. The king hastened from (Riti) Bareli and crossed the Ganges at Manikpiir on an
l A.N. II. 268. For Mir Murta~a's death, etc., see Badayiini, Lowe 101. ~ Akbar did Dot make great haete on the way from Lahore to Agra. He stopped at Thanesar and saw the fight between, the 8annyisi.s. He left the PaDj'" on 22nd March 1567. (Elliot V. 318). He left Agra, where he heard of the ~an Zaman's besieging Shergarh, on 3rd :May, having arrived there 19 days before, triz., on 15th April. a This come& from Ferishta, who

probably does Dot mean that 'Ali Quli actually uttered the words. . The Da.rhli.ri Akbe.ri has a lo~ a.ccount ot' the lQlin Zaman, and. in quoting the lines at p. 220 it sa.ys that l{hil1 ZamlLn used them ironica.lly. n- also has a different reading. the word mind ending both lines whereas the M88~ir hM mand in the first line and amid in the second. As Ferishta hl'S mana and amed does not rhyme, I have adopted miind. Miind may also meaD ,. reeembles.'

26

202

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASm-UL-UMARA

203

elephant with ten or eleven men. He with a few men-in all there were one hundred horse-aI'l'ived to within half a k08 of the enemy's camp and halted that night. Majnu!} K. and A!?af K. came with their troops-which were the vanguard-and sent Akbar news one after the other. It chanced that on the night the !ipan Zaman and Bahadur K. were in complete carelessness and were spending their time in drinking. Whoever spoke of the king's rapid march and of his being near at hand was supposed to be romancing. On the morning of Monday in the beginning of Zi-l-l).ajja 974, 9th June 1567. Majnun K. was placed on the right wing and A~af K. on the left, and in the fields of the village of Sakrawal, one of the dependencies of Allahabad-which was afterwards styledFat~pur-they reached the !ipan Zaman. Akbar was on the elephant Bal Sundar, and he put M. Koka in the howda (' imari) while he himself took the place of the driver. Baba K. Qaqsal in the first onset dispersed the enemy and came up to the ~pan Zaman. One of the fugitIves in his confusion struck against the ~han Zaman, and the turban fell off his head. Bahadur K. attacked Baba K. and drave him off. Meanwhile the king had got on horseback. As the enterprises of the ungrateful are uIlsuccessful, Bahadur K. was made prisoner, and his army fled. The ~han Zaman maintained his ground and was asking about the position of his brother when suddenly he waS struck by an arrow. Another arrow struck his horse and brought him to the ground. He was on foot and was drawing the arrow out of his body when the elephants of the royal centre arrived. The driver Somnath drave the elephant Nar I Singh against him, and the Khan Zaman said, "I am a leader of the army, take me alive before the king and he will honour you." The driver said, eC Thousands of men like you are passing away without name or mark. I t is better to kill an illwisher of the king" He then trampled him under the foot of his elephant. As no one knew what had become of the ~han Zaman, the king while standing in the battlefield said: "Whoever will bring a Moghul's head from among the enemy will get an ashrafi, and whoever brings the head of a Hindustani will get a rupee." One of the
I This is the name given by the T.A. and by Badayiini, but the A:N.

plunderers had cut off his (K. Zaman's) head, and another took it from him on the way in the hope of the a8hraji. They say that a Hindu named Arzani, who was the !ipan Zama-n's !actotum, was standing there among the prisoners and looking at the heads ; when his eye fell upon the head of the ~han Zaman, -he took it up and smote his own head with it (1) and flung I it at the foot of the king's horse saying, Cc This is e Ali Quli's head." Akbar alighted from his horse and returned thanks to God, and sent the heads of both brothers to Agra and other places.
Ver8e.~

The chronogram found was Fat\! Akbar Mubarik. " The glorioua victory of Akbar." (974.) Another was Du khun 8huda. (975). "There were two deaths." The Khan Zaman had the rank of 5,000 and was a man of fame and majesty. He waS unique for courage and vigour and
l There seerns to be no authority for the statement in text that Arzani flung the head at the foot of Akbar's horse. The man was deeply grieved at his master's death and struck his own head in sorrow either with the head or with his hand. See A.N. II. 295 and Badayilni, Lowe 100. Badayiini cans the Hindu Rai Arzani. ! The verse is as follows : The heads of thyenemies ! God forbid That thyenemies should not do thee reverence (sir nabaahid). I stop my words at "the heads of thyenemies. ' , For there is no better conclusion than this. The verse which contains the chron ogram isVerse.

The chronogram yields 975, which is one year too much; put a note to the text l. 630 points out first that the event took place in the laatmon.th 974, so that the anachrQnls:m isnot, great, and secondly, th.attb.e heavin~. of a sigh meaIW thatt1?e !it.t le-tter of , ah "a sigh" should.e deducted, which w'oU1J ma'ke th.. <late right. The word ... broken -ne6t'ted " (bedil) is probably tne taktalla~ or pen-name of the c(;n'p088t'. The chronogram is siveu in Badayi'ini, Lowe 101. The second ehronogram given there, Q.atl d i'i nimak!:taram be din "The slaughter of two faithless traitors " yields 975 and not 973 al! stated by Mr. Lowe. Both brothers, viz., e Ali Zaman and Bahadur, were killed. The date as given by Badayi'ini is I Zi'i-I!:tajja 974=9th June, 1567. The name of the village where the battle was fought was Mankarwil according to Elliot V. 3'21-and Badayiini. But A.N. II. ~96 has SakrawaJ.

lJ. 295 calls the e~hant Nainsukh (delight of the eyes).

'Ali Quli and Bahidur were alain by the might of Rea-ven. Beloved, ask not fromme Bedil how it happened. l sought the year of their de.ths from the Sage of 'RealIon. He heaved a eigh and. l>a.id 'There were two s1a;ying""."

204

'1'HE MAASIPrUtrUlIURA.

r
I

'1'HE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

205

military skill. Though he was an Uzbeg, yet as he had been nurtured in Persiaand his mother was of that country, he was. a Shia. He did not practice any subterfuge (taqiya) about thIS. He had a poetical vein, and his ta/fhalla, was Sultan. ALIF KHAN AMAN BEG. By family he was a Caghatai Barlas. His ancestors had served the Timurid family. 'Ali Sher K., one of the trusty officers of Timur, was an ancestor of his. His father Mirza Jan ~eg -whose l nature afterwards changed 80 that there was a worsenmg of his character-was in the service of the Khlin-~hlinan ~. 'Abdu-r-RaJ.1im and attained high rank. When he dIed, Aman Beg revived the qualities of his ancestors and became a servant of Shah Jahan. He obtained the rank of 1,500 with 1,500 horse and was appointed' governor of the fort of Qandahar. He held this appointment for a long time, and in the 26th year got the title of Alif Khan. In the end of the same year 1063, 1653, he died. He had gallant sons. Among them was Qalandar Beg, who held the rank of 600 under Shah Jahan. After t~e first, .b~t~le with Dara Shik.oh which took place near 'Imadpur In the VICInIty of Samegarha in the Agra district, he obtained from Aurangzeb the title of Khan and the charge of the fort of Kalyan in the province of Bidar, and went off to the Deccan. It was as if this family had been set up as the barbican of the court of t~e ~ul tanate! The Khan in question and his sons spent theIr lives in guarding the forts of the Deccan. After he had been long in Kalyiin he guarded Ahmadnagar, and in the 15th year (of .A~ang~ zeb) he became, in succession to Mukhtar Khan, the fauJdar and governor of the fort of ~afarabad-Bidar.8 . . When the fortress of Naldrug fell into the hands of the Imj I do not lmow what this refers to. A Jan Beg ie mentioned in A.N. III. 718. 'Ali Sher is mentioned by D'Herbelot as the lieutenIlont of Sultan Husain in Samarkand, and as for a time being Timur's colleague ture. Perhaps the Jan Beg referred to is the man whom Jahangir had made

perial servants, he becaIhe the governor thereof. Lastly he obtained the governorship of the fort of Gulbarga and also had the chargE;l of the shrine of Saiyid Mu.\;la.mmad Gesii l daraz-May the peace of God be upon him! He also served in war. He died one year before the victory over Bijapur. Among his sons-who were all masters of their profession-was Mirza Parvez Beg, who was governor of the fort of Mulkher alias Mo~affarnagar which is eight kos from Gulbarga. Also there was Nuru-l-' aiyan, who obta.ined tf:te title of Jan-baz Khan, and afterwards was known by his grandfather's name and again by his father 's. He in the beginning was governor of the fort of Murta~abad Mirich :lnd afterwards died as governor of Na~irabad Dhii.rwar belonging to Bankapiir. But the most famous was Parvez Beg. His first title was Jan baz Khan, and afterwards he was called Beglar Khan. He was governor of many forts. When Ankar Firiizgarha was ta.k.en he was made governor of the fort, but a year had not elapsed when he died. His son Beg Mu.\;lammad K. became governor of Adoni, and his son Mirza M'aali became governor of Gulbarga. From there he went to Qandhar (in the Deccan) and died. His son Burhanu-d-din Qalandar was for a long time governor of Mulkher. He reckoned nothing as of any moment,!~ and was a qalandar pure and simple. He 3 was contented with the unsubstantial four walls of crumbling yellow stone which (God) had made. 'ALIvERDI KHAN MIRZA BANDI.. They say that he and I,Iaji A.\;lmad were two brothers and the sons of I,Iaji Mul)ammad who was steward (Ba,kawal) on the estahl A famous saint of the Deccan, 721-825 H., Ia21-1421. See Rieu's Cat. I. 847b, and Khazina A~liyi I. 381. see Haig's Hist. Landmarks of the Deccal-, p. 90. ~ A.lit heoh naairad. " He regards Alif a.s of no consequence." According to the Bahar-i-'Ajam this IS II pro verbiai phrase. and a couplet of $a'ib i. quoted in explanation of it. Possibly the author is making a pun. Alif was Burhanu-d-din's ancestor's title, and the point may be that he did not regard his ancestry. A.lit shudan is a phrase meaning "to be poor, or II recluBe.' The phrase alit hech nadiracl may therefore mean " he did not mind being poor. ' , B The sentence is metaphorica1. Apparently ahikananda hero means " crumbling ., and yellow stone means flesu. 4 There is the variant ,. Mirza Hindi" Indian Prince" But it is M. Bandi in the Ri.Yi4u-il-Sala~in,p. 293. ,Aliverdi is sai to Inean .. the gift

Waziru-I-:Mdlt when he was prince Tiizuk, J., p. 9. ~ Pdishahnama J, Part II. 216. His ra.nk is there stated as 1.000 with 1,000 horse. S ~afarabad is another namo for Bidar.

206

THE MAASJR-UL-UMARA.

lishment of Prince Muhammad A'zim Shah (third S. Aurangzeb). 'Aliverdi when in po;r circumst'~nces had acquaintance l with Shuja'ud-daula, the Na~im of Bengal, and during the reign of Muhammad Shah came to Bengal along with J:laji A~mad and trod the path of exile. Shuja'ud-daula received them with kin~ ness and gave allowances to both brothers. He made them hIs companions and friends and did nothing without consulting .them. He wrote to court and obtained a suitable rank and the tItle of Khan for 'Aliverdi. As the province of Patna was. included in ~ngal, 'AlIverdi was made deputy thereof. He during .Shuja'uddaula's life behaved presumptuously in Patna and obtamed from the king the title of Mahabat K. and the sllhstant~ve~ubahdars~ip of Patna. Shuja'ud-daula was obliged to leave hIm lU posseSSIOn of the province. After Shuja'ud-daula'sdeath, and when the government of Rengal came to his son 'Alaud-~aul~ Sarfaraz K., the latter owing to a penurious disposition, WhICh IS contrary to chiefship, turned off many soldiers. 'Aliverdi in the year 1152, 1739 took it into his head to seize Bengal and proceeded to Mur:hidabad with a strong army on the pretext of having an interview with Sarfaraz. He told his brother J:laji A~mad-who was in Sarfaraz's employ-what this intention was. J:laji A~mad helped him in his deceit. When Mahahat Jang approach~d, Sarfaraz awoke and went out with a small force to meet hIm. He made a feeble fight and was kil1ed in 1153, 1740. Mur~hid Quli K. who had the talfhalla, of Makhmftr i and was the son-m-law of Shuja'ud-daula was at that time the governor of Orissa. He collected an army and hastened to engage 'Aliverdi _and was defeated (near Balasore) and came to the Deccan to A~af Jah.
oi 'Ali. Siyar M. I. 276, translator's note. Verdi is often written Berdi. I He was related to him through his mother. He went to Orissa, and his brother came afterwards. See Siyaru-l-M., translation I. 275. 'Aliverdi's mother was a Peraian lady, of the Afshar tribe. 2 "The intoxicated" As it was lus pen-name, it, was pres~mabl~ adopted by himself, and means mtoXlcated in the sense of being filled with Divine Love or with poetical fervour. The Riyi,?u-s-Salitin has Majbur. Makhmur is probably right as Beale say;he was called poetically 8ar8har, which also means intoxicated. See also Rieu II. 7 96b, and Oude Cat. 194, where he is styled Malillmur. He wrote Rekhtah poetry and died in the Deccan.

T
i

THE MAA!;HR-UL-UMARA.

207

Mir J:labib Ardiatani-who was Murshid Quli K.'s bakhshi-went to Raghft Bhonsla who was tnakasdar I of Berar and urged him to conquel' Rengal. Raghu sent a large army under the leadership of Bhaskar Pandit, his Diwan, and 'Ali Qarawal-who was his best generali-along with Mir J:Iabib to Bengal against 'Aliverd. :Fighting went on for nearly a month, and then 'Aliverdi proposed peace. He invited Rhaskar Pandit, 'Ali Qarawal and 22 a other leaders to his tent on the pretext of a banquet, and put them all to the sword. The army scattered like "The daughters of the Bier" (the constellIttion of Ursa Major). Raghii and Mir J:Iabib returned unsuccessful, but every year an army was sent to ravage Bengal. At last 'Aliverdi fixed to pay a sum of money to Raghu, and in lieu of it gave him Orissa, and so preserved the country from ruin. He ruled for thirteen years. After his death his daughter's son, who had the title of Siraju-d..daula, ruJed for ten months. In that time he plundered the port of Calcutta. Afterwards he w~ defeated by the army of the Feringhi hat-wearers and got into a boat and fled. When he came to Rajma~al, one of his servants by name Ni~am arrested him and sent him to Mir J'aafar his Bakhshi, who was married to Mahabat K. 's sister and was in league with the Feringhis. His head was severed from his body by the pitiless sword, and Mir J'aafar had the title of Shamsud-daula J' aafar 'Ali K. and became the ruJer by the help of the Feringhis. In the year 1172, 1758-59, when tbe army of Sultan 'Ali Gohar caine to Patna and besieged it, ~adiq rAli K. alias Miran the son of Mir J' aafar was appointed to relieve Patna. He stood firmly in the battle, and was wounded.' When the prince tumed his reiD. towards Murshidabad, 6 Miran marched off quickly and joined his father. Afterwards he went towards Purniya where
l Properly mulillli~adar, a collector or revenue-agent. See Wilson's Glas sary, 352b. ~ 'Ali Qarliwal was originally a Hindu and a Mahratta. Riy~u-8 Salitin, 349. ~ Apparently the total number was

22.
in Miran's wounds are mentioned the Siyar MutaJIDariQ, transl"..

tion II. 344., and in the Riyli~ S. 375. The battle took place near Birh on the bank of the Adhuah (?l. Shah 'Alam hod previously defeated Rim Narain at FatuQa. 6 The Riy~has Bardwan and the Siyar M. says Bihar, but it appean that the prince's general did make an attempt to march on MurshidabM. See Siyar M. 3"5.

208
~hadim

THE

MAAS~UL-UMARA.

J.lasan, the Deputy-Goyernor, was behaving rebelliously. When he came near Bettiah, which is a dependency of Purniya, he on a night in 1173 (July 1760) was struck by lightning, and the harvest of his life was consumed. The chronogram is Banagah barq I a/tada b (a) Miran. "Suddenly lightning fell upon Miran." After this occurrence Qasim 'Ali K. (Mir Qasim), the son-ino. law of J'll.afar' Ali,dispossessed his father-in-law and became ruler. Accordingly J' aafar 'Ali went to Calcutta. In the end Qilsim 'Ali did not get on with the Christians, and J' aafar 'Ali laid hands on power for the second time. Qasim'Ali K. came away and brought the reigning king and Shujil'ud-daula, the Vizier, to the province (Bihar). But nothing was successful. For a long time he waited for his opportunity in attendance on the emperor. When- he had no suocess, he for a time went away to outlying places. It is not II known what finally became of him. :But J'aa.lar 'Ali K. died in 1178, 1785. After him his son Najmud-daula sat upon the masnad and died in 1179, 1766. After him Saifuddaula for a time and Mubarak Ullah for some months had the name of rulers. In H81S, 1771-1772, the whole of Bengal and Bihar fell into the possession of the hat-wearers. ALLAH QULI JUIAN UZBEG. He was the son of the famous Alang Tosh, who was one of the Cossacks and eminent horsemen of Turan. He belonged to the Alman tribe, and his name was Jati. In a battle he attacked with his breast bare, and from that time he was known as Alangtosh, for alang 8 means in Turki bare, naked, and tosh mf'ADS breast. . He was servant of Na~ar Mul).ammad, the ruler of Balkh, and held Kahmard and its appurtenances and the Hazarajat in fief. As he
l The chronogram yields 1173. The event occurred in July 1760. For Khdim :ij:asan the Riy~ hM ~idim ItU8ain. I He died near Delhi, in 1777 (1l91). At Kotwal an obscure village. (Beale). The Siya.r M. IV. il 8ay8, he died at
town between Agra and Delhi.

'1'ltE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

209

a The spelling Alang or liang, ...ti", is wrong: it should be liang or. Yiiliing 6s in M&&8ir I. 740. See Zenker l. v. it ill ourio"'us that ukJngais Bengalee for naked. T08h is Turki for breaet.

(1) and a plunderer and raided as far as Q&ndabar and Gbaznin and 80 got his livelihood. He also constantly made incursions into Khurasan. The Shah of Persia was unable to protect the peasantry against him. Gradually he added soldiering to his robberies, and extended. his power far and wide, and in order to subdue the Hazaras, whose settlements '!"ere within the Ghaznin boundary, and who from old times paid revenue to the ruler of Ghaznin, h~ established a fort there and in the 19th year of Jahangir a great battle took' place between him and ~hanazad ~han Khan Zaman, the son of Mahahat K., who was ruling in Kabul on the part of his father. Many Uzbegs and Almans were slain, and Alang Tosh felt the claws and was defeated. After the death of Jahangir and in the beginning of the reign of Shah Jahan, Na~r Mul).ammad K. thougbt be had an opportunity of conquering Kabul and drew up an army ag.ainst it. Alangtosh did not fail to ha:rry the inhabitants in the neighbourhood of Kabul. At last when the time of Na~r Mul,1ammad's power was coming to an end and his fortunes declined, he took away Ala.ngtosh's fief without his having committed a.ny fault, and gave it to his own son Subl,1an Quli. In similar manner he annoyed many of his officers. and went to the place that he went to. Allah Quli, before Na~r Mul).ammad K. had deposed his eIder brother Imam Quli K. llond had added Samarkand and Bokhara to Balkh, had separated from his father, and came to Kabul in the 13th year with the idea of serving Shah Jahan. The latter from his spirit of appreciation presented him with Rs. 5,000 by an assignment on the treasury at Atak. He also sent Rs. 5,000 to S'aid K., tbe governor of Kabul, who had made an advance (to Allah Quli). When in the 14th year he entered service, he was raised to the office of 1,000. Shah Jahan gradually advanoed him to 2,000, and in the 22nd yea~ when he had distinguished himeelf, along with Rustum K. and Qulij K. in the battle with the Persians a.t Qa.ndahar, he got an increase of 500. When in the 24th year J'aafar K. was sent off as governor of Bihar, the .K.han
J Probably the word is almliitlci, for abllan or alaman m.llIIl pl under. Almiinii il given in P. de CourteilIe as meaning apJnn-ieref. 2 Tiizuk J. 387.

,ot Imali pay as a servant he \Vas an aiminci l

27

THE MA ASIR-UL-UMAltA,

211

210

appointed to that province. In the 26th year he cam~ to the presence and wall raised to the rank of 2,500 and 1,500 horse.
was

ALLAH YAR KHAN. His father was Iftikhar K. Turkaman, who III the time of Jahangir was one of the auxiliaries iu Bengal. When Islam K. CistI became the governor of that province, he sent a force under the command of Shuja'at K. Shailili Kabir against U~man K_ Lol)ani, who was rebelling in that quarter. The command of the right wing was entrusted to Iftikhar K. When the battle was imminent l and the two forces were confronting one another, U man drove forwara a warlike elephant against the imperial vanguard and defeated it and turned against Iftikhar. He stood firm and stretched forth the arm of ba.ttle, and after a number of his old servants and followers had been slain, lftilillar was also kiIIed. 2 Allah Yar, after the heroism of his father , became a favourite of Jahangir and in time rose to be an Amir. In the end of that king's reign and the beginning of Shah Jahan'f~ he attained the rank of 2,500, and according to old custom was enrolled among the auxiliaries of Bengal. Qasim K., the governor of Bengal, ('jent his son 'Inayat UlIah along with the ~han to take the port of Hoogly, which is one of the leading parts in Bengal. The leadership and control were entrusted to the ~han. He did good service in this victary and by his skill and bravcry rooted out in the fifth year the tree of infidelity and of the sway of' the Frank which had put down its veins and fibres (ragu reska) in that country, and in place of the naqus a (woodengong) he caused the voice of God's praise to resound. As a reward he received an increase in horsemen and in rank. After that, he during
Karzar tarazu a similar phrase to iangtarazu used in the notices of Abul

the government of Islam K. (M1Io8hhadi) together with Islam K. '8 brother Mir Zainu~d-dIn 'All S'aa.dat K. led l an army into Kuo Haju in the north of Bengal and did good service in extirpating the Assame8e who attempted to help the nller of Kuc Haju and who trespassed- ifito the imperial territory. He reduced the arrogant to obedience and returned safe and full of plunder. Ho was raised to the rank of 3,000 with 3,000 horse. In the same province (of Rengal) he died in the 23rd year, in the beginning of 1060, 1650. He had sons and other kindred. His sons Isfandiyar, Mah Yarand Zu-l-fillar obtained suitable fiefs and appointments in that province.. The second son died in the 22nd year in his father's lifetime , and the third in the 26th year after his father's death. Ra~man Yar, the brother of Allah Yar, obtamed in the 25th year, at the request of Prince Mu1;lamma.d Shuja' , the governor of the province, the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse, and the office of the charge of Jahangirnagar (Dacca). Afterward. he got the title -of RashId K., !tnd in the 2Hth year he had been appointed as Prince Mu~ammad Shuja'g deputy to the charge of Orissa. He delayed to go there and occupied himself with his former emplayment (at DacCJa). When Shllja retreated before Aurangzeb, he went off to Benga! in a ruined condition and vainIy tried ~o oppose the pursuit of M'na?1?1am K. ~han-~hii.n.in, and in the 2nd year of Aurangzeb established himself in Tanda. in order to spend the rains there. When he heard that Rashid K, was recaleitrant and that a number of the landholders in that part of the country had joined with him in opposition and that he wished to take the imperial fleet and join M'ua?1~am K., he deputed his eldest son Zainu-d-dIn t along with Saiyid 'Alii.m Barha in order that when he (the son) came to Daca he might arrange to kill RaJ.1ma.n Yar. By fraud and pretext he (Zainu-d-dIn) one day
l Piidshiihniima II. 75. It was in the tOth year of the reign 1047, 1637 1638. See also J:Q:1iifi K. II. 559, t ~la:fi K. l. 570 and 6 18 hag Z"inu-l-'iibidin, but. at ll. 49 he has Zainu-d-din. In the Plochmann MS. and the 1.0. 628 we have ke instead of ta in the third las t line of the

l-Maali and Jahangir Quli. t Literal1y .. After a number of the old servants and helpers- had decked the face of courage with the rouge of liIe-se.crifice. that drunkard with

bravery's wine manfullv drained the bow10f death." S See Hughes' Dict. of Islam. The niiqii8 ie used in some eastern churches, bnt here must be understood to mean the beUs. For account of siege of Hooghly soo Elliot VU. 31.

biography.' The account in text is taken from the 'Alamgirniima, p. 515, where the name of Shujs's 80n is given as Zainu-d-din. It was Zainu-ddin, who went to Dacca and had Rashid K. alia/! Ra1;lmiin Yir put to death.

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8ummoned him to the h.n of audience and gave a signal to his men. They all attacked Ra1;lmin Var with their weapons and killed him.
ALI,~ YAR K. MIR TUZAK (Marshal, master of ceremonice).

ang, and cheBt 'oak-was prominent ou the borders of Khurisi.n , -

He was a servant of Aurangzeb from the days of hie princehood, and was in attendance in the battle with Ma.harajah Jeswa.nt Singh. He distinguished himself in the first battle against DarA. Shikoh. J n the first year of the reign he received the title of Khan and he conveyed the treasure from the royal camp to Multan for th; expenses of t.he fOJ:ce which under the charge of Khalil UlJah K. had set forth to pursue Dara Shikoh. After the battle with Muhammad Shuja' he was made superintendeut of the cavalcade (1) (darogha-i-mulazama.n-i-jilau) and given a commission of 1,500 with 1,500 horse. In the fifth year he was appointed in succession to Hfishdar K., darogha of the ghusalk!l,ana (private audience-room) and given a flag. He died in the 6th year, 1073, 1663.

AMAN ULLAH KHAN

ZAMAN BAHADUR M.

Son and heir of Mahabat K. Zamana Beg. His mother belonged to the Khartazads of Mewat. In contradistinction to hie father he was adorned with praiseworthy qualities, and was superior in excellencies to his contemporaries. Men were astonished at Buch a father ,having sneh a son. When in the 17th year of J ahangir, the die for overthrowing the fortune of Shah Jahan was cast in the name of Mahabat K., the latter was recalled from Kabul, and the management of that country was given to M. Aman Ullah as deputy for his father, and he received the rank of 3000 , and the title of Khanzad Kha.n;i The Uzbeg named Jat'i, who belonged to the Alman tribe and was R servant of Na~r Mu1;lammad K., the ruler of Balkh-he was commonly called IIangtosh because in battle he left his chast bare, for the Turks term ,( uaked" ilPidshiihnama l. 158. Khinaziid in variant and in Iqbii:lnama. The explanation of ilangto8h iii given in Iqbiilnama 228, where the real nll.me is said to be Khasti or I1asl
2

and between Qandahar and Ghaznin, and acquired a name as a raider and several times attacked Khurasan, so that the Shah of persia (Shah Abbas) was alarmed l at him. Re founded a fort II in the Razarajat in order to oontrol the Razara tribe whose seat (gurat) was on the boundaries of Gha.znin, and who from old times paid tribute to the governor thereof. He also sent his sister's son with an army to overawe them. Thereupon the heads of the Razara tribe applied for help and redress to KhanzA.d K. Re hastened with a well-equipped force against the Uzbegs, and their leader <I1angtosh's sister's son) and a number of his followers were 81ain in battle. :(piuza.d K. also destroyed the fort. Ila.ngt08h by importunity got a sort of leave from Na~r Mu1;lammad K.-who had no intention of attacking the imperial territories-and in the 19th year prepared for battle, accompanied by a large number of Uzbegs and Almancis,lI at a distance' of two k08 from Ghaznin. Khli.nzid K., with the help of the contingent of the province, dis.. tinguished himself in this battl~ and showed devotion in killing and making prisoners of the enemy. They say that the elephants did great things in this battle. Whenever the Uzbegs made an attack, the elephllonts were driven a.ga.inst them, and their 1;l01'6e8 took fright. In short the Uzbegs could not advan(le and llangto8h was obliged to By. They say that in the battle an armed trooper was made prisoner. They were about to kill him when he cried out that he was a woman. When they stripped the trooper they found that he was a woman. She stated that nearly a thousand women like her were in the army, and wialded 8words in a ma.seuline manner. Kha.nZid K. pursued the fue for six ko8 and then returned victorious. When the government of Bengal was given to Mahibat K., Khanza.d K. was at his father's request recaUed from Kabul. In the 20th year when Mahibat was ceu8ured and summoned to
l See Iqbilniima 2!8, and Tiizuk J.388. t At Citar, Iqbilnima 225, and I;lawir in Tiizuk J.,386, where the word llang toeh is given al Pa1ugpOllb.

ni. see also Tiizuk J. 388. Though here the word is written &s I1&Dg, it is Along or at least only Ilang at I., P. 187. ,But liang or Jeleng is right. see Zenker, 8. V.

~. Text Imancis, but tJ1e word is Almiin or Alamiinci, i.e. "robber." see T. Jahangiri 387. , Bark d8l'a. IqbiilDima, 226.

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court, the governmflnt of Rengal was assigned to Khanzii.d. After ward8, when Maha-bat K. in retribution for his deeds fled from the banks of the Jhelam, Khanza.d was removed from his govern~ ment of Rengal and came to court. Ry his excellent behaviour he retained respect a.nd did not deviate one hair's breadth from submission to A~af K. After Jahangir's death, he was associated with .Alflaf K. in the proceedings that were taken then. In the beginning l of Shah Jahan's reign he came from Lahore and did homage, and received the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse, the title of ~han Zaman and the govbrnment of Malwa in Auccession to Mo?;affar K. M'amiiri. In the sam!" year, when his father was made governor of the Deccan, he went ~ there as his father's deputy. After that, when in the 2nd year the government of the Deccan was given to Iradat K., who had the name of A'?;im K., ~han ZamAn kiss ed the threshold and went off to his fief of Sam~ bha!. When Shah Jahan proceeded to the Deccan to quell Khan Jahan Ladi, the ~han Zaman followed him and joined .A'.'laf K. Yemenu-d-daula who had been appointed to chastise Muhammad .Adil Shah, the ruler of R'ijapnr. In the 5th year at the' time of the royal retum from Burhanpfir to Upper India, the government of the Deccanand of Khandes was taken.from A'?;im K. and given to Maha.bat K. who was then in charge of Delhi. An order was issued to Yemenu-d-daula to leave ~han Zaman and his contin~ gent in Burhanpnr and to come to court with A'zim Khan and otheroffi.cers. At the same time, :tillan Zaman got;' pos;ssion of the strong fort of Galna. Mal.tmfid K. the governor of the fort had withdrawn from ohedience to Fatl.t K., the son of Malik' Ambar, because he had put to death the Ni?;am Shah, and wished to make over the fort to Sahfi Bhonsla. When ~han Zaman'iI father addressed himself, in the 6th year, to the taking of t,he lofty fort of Daulatabad, the ~han Zaman came with 5000 troopers prepared for battle, and went to every battery that needed assistance. At that time 20,000 cattle,' as also corn, and a number of .the contingent troop8, were in ~afarnagar, but were not able to join or
l 2

account of the predominance of banditti. ~ban Zaman went there, and Sahfiji Bhonsla and BahliiI K. surrounded him in Caklthana l three kos from Khirki. The ~han Zaman maintained his ground, and discharged rockets, gajnal 't (elephant-guns) and muskets. From whichever side the enemy advanced, they received a rebuff, and when night fell both armies left off fighting. The Khan Zaman remained on the field of battle and prudently waited (on guard) tilI the morning. The enemy saw that they could not succeed and retreated in despair. He conveyed the provisions to his father, and continually behaved bravely both in the batteries and on foraging parties. On another occasion he went off to bring in the corn, the money, and the gunpowder of the empire, which had reached Rohankhera. and could not advance farther. Randaula K., Sabii and YaqiitI,labshi followed him up with the idea that they might lay hands on the convoy. The Khan Khanan heard of this and appointed Na~Iri K. (i.e., Khan Dauran) to assist him. ~han Zaman by his vigour and coura-ge took everything (of the convoy) with him and was returning. When on the march the vanguard and the rearguard were more than a kos from the centre, and as they were entering Khirki the ellemy suddenly fell upon them. A great fight took place. The enemy were punished and fled. After the victory over the fort (Daulatabad), he was, at the request of prince Shuja.' , appointed to take part in the siege of the strong fort of Parenda. ~han Zaman went off in advance and did not fail to drive mines and erect batteries, but on account of the double-facedness of the officers and the arrival of the rainy season, the taking of the fort was delayed. The prince Mahabat K. and others returned without having effected their object. Although Mahabat K. was fonder of him than of all his other sons, and whenever it was mentioned that such and such a thing was the affair of Aman Ullah (sir-i-Aman Ullah) he would give up the claim even if it was a matter of lacs of rupees, yet frolfi savagery and wickedness he would in public diwan use outrageous.
----------~----------

Pidshiihnima I. 158. / Piidshiihniima I. 199.

II Pishiihniima

I. 442-444. Pidshiihniima I. 505. The cattle

were for carrying the grain, and in the Piidshiihniima the phrase is gao[J!lala. not !Jao u [J!lala as in text.

l Piidshiihniima L c. Biigh Caka.lthn:a. 2 Piidshiihniitna I. p. 50li, says gajna.l badalica.

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a~use about him. Thou~h the ~ha.n Zaman both openly and by hints sent messages to hIm begging him to have respect to his (~hii.n Zaman's) years and to preserve his honour and not to bring him into contempt, Mahabat only insulted him the more. The Kh.an Zaman repeat.edIy said, "Death is not in my power, and w~at dIfficulty would there be in going away,1 but I should he rumed both spiritually and materially." When his soul was specially affi~cted, he went i off without taking leave and departed by the Rohmkhera gMU with the intention of going to court. On the first ~ay he reached Burhanpur, and after a night crossed by ~~e HandIa fe~ry. Mahabat K. was vexed and grieved, -and said, If the ~ourt~ers~who are all against me-say evil things of me to the kmg, lt will be ascribed (by the king) to enmity and envy, but now that such a son, who is famed throughout the world f or. goo~ess, goes off in this way, there will certainly be a bad mark agamst me. He has disgraced me in my old age." And then he would heave a cold sigh and 8 lay his hand upon his knee and , ' aay, 'Ah, AmAn Ullah, you will die young." They say that when Khan Zaman's arrival was reported to the king he recited this verse.

Ver8e.
The beloved is so treated, alas then for the stranger. As it chanced on the day that Ii-han Zaman was to do homage there came the news of Mahabat K.'s death. Shah Jahan sent
l The sentence is obscurtl, but nearly all the MSS. seem to agree in the reading kU8htan .. to kill." I cannot however think that Amin Uliah spoke of killing his own father. I think that we must read gashtan, to depart. Perhaps cha qadr Mr a8t means, "What sort of thing would it be for me to leave my father. J should be ruined morally and physically. ' , Poesibly we should read kuahti wrestling, and understand the son as saying that he could not corrtend with his father. B. M. MS. Add. 6537 apparently hu kU8hti "struggiing or wrestling. "

t Pidshihnima I, Part 2, p; 59, ~ifi K. 1.501.

8 An attitude in prayer Alluding to the beUef that those who cause their elders to be ill-spoken of will die young. See B. 569 note, where a similar verse is quoted about 'Urli as his chronQgram. Apparently the eastern superstition referred to by B. is connected with the fifth Comm and ment. Mahabat's remark came true, for Amin UlIah only survived his father by two years, dying in 1046. while his father died in 1044, 163436.

Yemenu-d-dauIah a,nd other officers to offer condolences and sent for Khan Zaman and treated him with various favours, As up toO that time there had been one governor for Khandes and Berar, there was now a division l made. The Ba.laghii.t, which means Daulatabad, A:tImadnagar, Sangmanir, Junair, Pattan, Jalnapur, Bir, Dharwar and part of Berar, and the whole of Telingana, the revenue of which was one and twenty krors of diims, was made over to him (!glan Zaman), and he was sent off to take charge. As in consequence of the chastisement of JUjharSingh Bandila, the government of Malwa was made over to Khan Dauran, Khandes was assigned to IIli.hwardi, and Berar was made part of the Balaghat and given to the Khan Zaman. In the 9th year when Shah Jahan proceeded to the Deccan to visit the fort of Daulatabad, the ~han Zaman was sent off with Rao S~tr Sal and other Rajputs, as vanguard, and Bahadur K. RobiIIa and a number of Afghans, as rearguard, to conquer the territory of 2 Camargonda which was the home of Sahu, and also the country of the Konkan which was in his possession, and likewise to devastate the Bijapur lands which were in that direction' He chastised Sahu several times, and placed thanas in Camargonda and other estates of A:tImadnagar. When 'Adil Shah submitted, he returned and 'received the title of Bahadur. After that, he was sent to take Junair, which is one of the great Ni~alli Shahi forts. The Khan Zaman regarded the pursuit and punishment of Sahu as the most important matter, and followed him to the Konkan. He never ceased his pursuit. Sahu allowed his home and goods to be plundered and took refuge in the fort of Mahuli. As Randaula K. was ordered, on the part. of 'Adil Shah, to co-operate with the ~]lan Zaman Bahadur and to rescue the forts which Sahu had taken possession of, and to make them part of the imperial territories, he invested Mahuli on one side while ~hii.n Zaman did so
t Iglafi K. I. 502. Pidshahnima I, Part II.- p. 62. The Deccan was now divided into the Baliighil:t (above the Gha.ts) aDd the Payanghat (below the Ghats). l arb and 20 krors of dams would be 1:3,000,000.

~ "Thirty-two miles south of A!)rna.dna.gar. The Chambergoonder of the Bombay Rou.te Map." Elliot vii. 62 note, and J. G. xxii. 309.

28

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on the othtH. Sahii l became frightened and surrendered to the ~han Zaman the forts of Junair, Tringalwari, Trimbak, Haris, Jiidhan and Harsal (Harsira of Elliot), together witb the relative of the Ni?i am Shah,-who was with him,-in the lOth year of the reign 1046, 1636-37. When the l?ubal.tdari of the whole of the four provinces of the Deccan was entrusted to Prince Aurangzeb Bahadur, the ~_han Zaman returned to Daulatabad and entered into that prince's service. He had long suffered from va.rious diseases. Sometimes he got well and sometimes he had relapses. At last in the end of the year in question he died. 2 The chronogram was R1lstum Zamiina mard: "The Rustum of the aae is e dead." (104'7,8] 637.) They say that when he recovered conRciou8ness at the last breath, he uttered this famous stanza ;_
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THE MAASJR-TIL-UMARA.

219

Verse.

Write our name on the rim of the cup That it may abide while the cup goes round. Should the sphere not turn as we wish, say" Turn not" Enough if the cup turn concordant with our wish. He had one son. His name was M. Shukr Ullah. He was able and known to the sovereign. At the time when his fathQr went to relieve Junair , he as his deputy was sent off to guard Burhanpiir.
AMAN ULLAH KHAN.

Amani, life hangs on the lip like a lamp at, dawn : I desire the signal which may end matters. He was the unique of the age for courage and military skill. He was very choleric and jealous, but in spite of that he was so mild and courteous that those who were dead1y enemies of his father unrolled for him the carpet of love and single-heartedness: though Mahabat K. used to say, " Their love is enmity against me, and if after my death this unanimity and friendship remain, you have permission to abuse me!" He was also unequalled for wisdom and knowledge. He wrote 6 a history of all the princes of the earth. He also composed the colledion called the Galij Badaward. 6 Amani was his poetica I sobriquet and he is the author of it divan. These lines are from it :I Elliot VII, 59, 60: PadshiihnamB I, Part II, 228, ete. 2 Padshiihniima J, Part II, p. 257. He died on 14 Zilq.ajja 1046 = 29th April, 1637; id. 293. :l The chronogram is not quite corret for he died in t.he last month of 1046. I presurne that it is the angel of death who is supposed to be speaking.

Compare Johnson's "Caunts deat.h kind Nature's signal of retreat." b Rieu Cat. 509a.. Sprenger's Cat. 330 and 109. EthEl Ind Cat p. 857, No. l571? There is ~ cop; of Amani's diwiin in the Bodleian Library. See Cat., p. 683, No. 1095. 6 Biidiiward was the name of the second of IQlUsrau 's treasures. See

Grandson of Ilahwirdi l K. 'Alamgiri; his father probably was the Ama,n Ullah K., the son of Ilahwirdi, who after his father's death became ja1ljdiir of Agra and got the title of ~han. In the 22nd vear he (the father) was taujdiir of Gwaliyar and fell bravely at the battle ~ of the intrenchments of Bijaptu. The subject of this notice apparently got his father's title and had a commission of 1000 with 500 horse and was distinguished among the khiinaziidas. In the end of Aurangzeb'~ reign he came to the front by his courage and devotion and became an Amir. When in the beginning of 48th year the king-the holy warrior-(jehiid iiin) addl:'essed himself to the capture of the rObber-castles, he after taking the fort of Rajgarha turned his rein towards cA.pt_uring the fort of Torna 3 which was distant four kos. It is well known that in the end of Aurangzeb's reign many forts, which belonged to Siva~ (Sivaji) and which were taken from his agents, were obtained by the imperill.l officers sending money to the governors, in order to get their own discharge (from the task of taking them). The governors therefore surrendered them. The king was quite aware of this, and so it repeatedly happened that the very sum which had been paid for the delivery of the fort was given tothe taker after the capture by way of a present.
Rieu. II, 43!Jb and 509h. EthEl states that it was a. work OIl agriculture. I Or llahva.rdi (the gift of God). 2 Maa!!ir 'Alamgiri, 262. 3 id. 486, Ii..hiifi K. II, 521. Elliot VII, 377. Twenty m. S.W. Poonah. Re.jgurh is three rn. east of it, GrantDuff I, l:n-32. ~ Siva died in 1680, 27 years befo the end of Aura.ngzeb's reign.

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But this fort came into the possession of th,e imperial servants by dint of courage and the stroke of the sword l The brief account of this is that Tarbiyat K. set I himself to run an entrenchment from the side of the gate and Mul).ummad Amin K. Bahad.ur barred the egress of the besieged in another direction. Sultan J:Iusain known as Mir Malang on one side, and Aman Ullah on another girt up the loins of self-sacrifice. At last , on 15 ZulQtada 1115, II March 1704, at night, Aman Ullah K. induced some MawalP footmen to Hend, first, one of their number, who parted, as it were, with his life, to the stone heap (8angchin, perhaps
I Bamurcal dawani ni.Juut. The text has dawali, which doea not seem to have any sense. The B.M. MSS. which I have consulted have alao aawali. But the Maa~ir 'Alamgiri from which the pa888ge has been copied has at p. 486 dawan (.:>I.p), and it is so 6180 in the B.M. MS. of the Maa~ir 'Alamgiri Add. 19, 495. My friend Mr. IrviDe has .uggested that dawani i. right and that the phrM6 mean. to run, i.e., to make, a battery or entrenchment. I think that thill view ia correct, for I find in ~lifl K. l, 688, the phrue I1IJqb dawa,w,o" twice ~ to mean the driving of a mia.. See aIaO Maa!!ir 'Alamgiri, 413, three liD811 from foot, the phrase murcil rawi" 8li/eht, and do. 413, two lines from foot, thephrase murcil dawid. The ..me phrase murciil dau'ani occurs in Maa!!ir III, 4 \, six linea from foot. ~ vJ.J l.<> mawali. Thia ia the

Mawulee of Grant-Duff, I. 224, and the word mealUl an inhabitant of the Mawals or mountain valleys: see id. l. 127. Grant-Duff B6ys, "Both they and the Hetkurees pOl!lsessed an extraordinary facility of climbing, and could mount ll. precipice, or ticale a rock with ease where men of other countries must have run great risk of being dashed to pieces. " In the

Maa~ir 'Alamgiri, 487, the word is wrongly written ~~l.<> miidalpa, with the variant miidaliya. It is written correctly in l.QJifi K. II, 522, whom the Maa!!ir has copied. The mal ya'ni kvmund .. mal, that is to say, nooH or lasso" of the Maa!!ir was perhaps .. the strong narrow band of considerable length tightly girt about the loins " of Grant-Duff l. 224. Perhaps however mal ia mala, a garland, and also a .tring, and the word is almost certainly oonnected with the malchar of the Piidshiihnima, Part II, of vol. I, pp. 107, 108, and 109, referred to by Irvine, Army of MoghuIs. p. 278. Mr. Irvine thought that malehar ~ight mean a trench, but the expres. !Ilon makhiir kh.ud, .. their own mal. ehar," at top of p. 109, shows that this cannot be so. Also on p. 107 we have the word makhiir follOwed a line or two below by the word kumUnd and as if the two were synonymous: GrantDuff refers to the escalade of Torna in a note at l, p. 399. The day of the capture was also Aurangzeb's birthday and the day of his accession, li.hiifi K. II. 522. It was the first day of Farwardin. The account of a Miiwali being sent up to fasten a rope or ladder of ropes may be compared with the account of the taking of Singurh in Grant-Duff I
N~

embrasure) of the fort, and to make his mal, i.e., lasso fast to the stones. Five and twenty men got on the top of the lofty hill by help of this lasso and entered the f<!>rt. They ~aised the cry of victory. The Khan and his brother 'A~a Ullah K. and some others followed at theit heels. Hamidu-d-din K., who was waiting for his opportunity, on hearing this news fastened ropes on his waist like those who had gone before and got up. Many of the infidels who tried to oppose were slain. The others crept into the citadel and asked for quarter. The fort received the name of Fatfi.l).-al-ghaib (marvellous victories), and Aman Ullah K. received an increase of 500 with 200 dftl8pa (two horse) horse. After that he received royal favours and did many brilliant feats. He got promotion again and again, and after the victory of Wakinkera l he received drums in token of his good services. After the death of Aurangzeb he hastened from the Deccan to Upper India along with Mul).ammad A'zim Shah I\nd fought bravely in the battle with Bahadur Shah and was severely wounded. He then surrendered his borrowed life! AMANAT K. MIRAK M'uINU-D-DIN AJ:IMAD. The forgiven ~.han was by name Mirak M'uinu-d-din A1,lmad Amanat ~.Mn Khwafi. He was right-minded, well-principled; an acute perceiver of the truth: humble in disposition, independent in soul; of a heavenly nature, and a holy blend; of excellent manners, and praiseworthy morals; a master of gentleness ,harmoniously elevated; of an excellent countenance, and lofty genius; pure-hearted, magnanimous; an established pillar of trust and reliability; a solid foundation of generosity and bounty; of sound judgment, and right-thinking; hating little, loving much. The real home of his honoured ancestors was the city of Herat, the capital of ~hurasan. His grandfather Mir J:Iasan was annoyed for some reason or other and took the path of separation from his father Mir J:Iusain, who was one of the leading men of that city, and came to the township of Khwaf, which is a small tract in that kingdom, the inhabitants of which have been distinguished from early times for ingenuity and intell~ct. ~hwaja 'Alafi.I

Elliot vii, 377.

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~IAA8IR-UL-UMARA.

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d-din :Mul;lammad, who was one of the principal men of Iiltwaf, had regard to old acquaintance with his aneestors, and received him with kindness and gladness, and took him into his house. As the light of greatness and nobility appeared on the forehead of his character, he gave him his danghter in marriage. In consequence, Mir l:Jasan took up his abode there and became the father of a family. Afterwards when the famous liltwaja Shamsu-d-din I Mnl;lammad Khwafi, the son and heir of the lilnvaja aforesaid, entered the service of Akbar and obtained high rank and consideration, Mirak Kamal, the son of Mir l:Jasan, went off to India to his mother's brother (taghai) with his son Mirak l:Jusain, and spent his days in aflluencearid comfort. There too he married one of the daughters of the Saiyids of his native city. Mirak 'A~a Ullah was the fruit of this marriage, and in the Balkh campaign accompa,nied Prince Aurangzeb, and acquired respect and consideration. On account of some reason, he separated from Prince Aurangzeb and became one of the king's servants, and was raised to the rank of 700. He was first bakhshI of the A~adi8 at Kabul and afterwards diwan of Patna, In that place the lamp of his life was extinguished in the close of Shah Jahan's reign. But Mirak l:Jusain (the son by the first marriage) wl;tS distinguished during the reign of J ahangir for his skill and knowledge, and held high office. In the 8th year he was employed in company with Prince Sultan Khurram (Shah Jahan) in the campaign against the Rana (of Udaipur), and when Udaipur was taken, and military stations were established in the Rana' s territory, Mirak l:Jusain was made bakhshi and record-keeper of Kombalmir. After tha.t he became bakhshi of the Deccan, and after Shah Jahan's accession he became diwan of the Decoan. From that day to thiswhich is more than a hundred years-this office has been hereditary' in the family. In the 8th year he reoeived a present of Rs. 10,000, with a robe of honour and a horse, and was sent on an embassy to Na~l" Mul;lammad K., the'Tuler of Balkh, in company with Payinda ~ Be, the ambassador of the said Kha.n, with presents to
I He was a very distinguished officer and became diwin of the empi.re. See Blochmann, 445.
~ lt is Nbahar Be in Piidshiihnama I, Part J l, 104, Cf. ,li-hiifi K. I. 508-9.

the value of Rs. 125,000. In the royal letter he was styled in eloquent language a Saiyid of true race and of approved abilities. On his return from Turan, he was oensured for some reason When he died his heirs continued to be employed in the government service. ~ltan Dauran Na~rat Jang remembered the old intimacy and procured their advancement. The heir of the deceased, Mirak M'uinu-d-din A~mad, was in the flower of his youth. After acquiring the current sciences he entered the king's service, and in the year 1050, 1640, he was made bakhshi and historiographer of the province of Ajmere. After that it is probable that he went to the Deccan for service. Accordingly Shaikh M'aruf Bhakkari writes in his Zakhira-ul-~hwanin, which was composed in 1060, 1650, "Mirak M'uinu-d-din, the son of Mirak I,Iusain li..hwafi-whose father and grandfather were higher than the sun for greatness and family-is perfectly endowed in this household (?) (darin ~awali) with wisdom, knowledge, ability and ca.lligraphy, and conducts himself with honour in the Deccan." In the 28th year of Shah Jahan, he was with Prince Dara Shikoh in the Qandahar campaign, and after his return in the same year, he was, in 1064, 1654, made diwa.n, bakhshi and historiographer of the province of Multa,n. He spent a long time in that quarter. High and low, small and great, there beheld his truthfulness and honesty, and strength and oounsel and put the ring of devotion in their ears and behaved as his disciples. Up to the present day Mirak Jili's name is on the lips of the people there. At two kos distance from the city he made a house and garden which hecame known as "Kiitila-i-Mirak I JiU." In the time of r Alamgir hc was made f?ubal,J.dar of Kabul and received the title of Amanat IiMn. Though ~ the conferring of titles by an author of bounty (i. e. , a kingly benefactor, etc.) depends upon- the qualities of the nominee, and it behoves the latter to strive to live up to his title, yet this cannot be said in this instance, for in it the name and the person named were identical. Or rather the latter was a thousand
I Kutila or Kutili is a Hindustani word signifying a- granary.
2 The sentence is obscure, and I 'Am by no means SUfe that I have fully understood it.

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THE ;M:AASIR-UL-UMARA.

times nobler and more valuable than the name. In the world of creation and existence no quality comes up to trustworthiness and honesty (amanat tl dianat). They are very precious and very rare. Wherever they bloom there is a spring-time of blessings. They are the source of lofty dignities and the elixir of fortune and happiness. In the world's market, merchandise is disposed of by the brokerage of honesty, and in life's garden the fruits of succeilS are to be gathered from the tree of Trust (ama-nat). In fine he was pron;lOted in the 14th year of 'l\lamgir to the rank of 1000 with 200 horse, and to the diwani of the Khall?a in succt::ssion to 'Inayat K., and he received a crystal l inkstand. When in the 16th year Asad K.-who after the death of Ja'afar K. carried on the duties of the Viziership as deputy-withdrew his hand from affairs, Amafiat K. and the Diwan-i-tan,2 in accordance with orders, put their 3 own signatures and seals on the papers of their offices. Inasmuch as the thoughts of honourable men who have no mixture of hypocrisy or self-interest are engrossed by duty to God, ' and the welfare of their master, they have no fear of the blame of critics. At this time the Begams of the palace and the confidential eunuchs, who had audience of the king and were proud of their iritimacy, out of base covetousness did improper acts and repeatedly made improper recommendations. As now there was no place for such recommendations, and whatever was profitable to the government and was to the advantage of the peopJe of God was carried out without the instigation of any adviser, the edge of their sword did not cut. Of necessity they girt up their loins for annoyance, and as nothing stopped their intrigues ~ they made use of the report & of ' Abdu-I-I.Iakim the PeBhda8t. As in consequence
l Maaeir 'Alamgiri 110, arid Bloch mann 412, n. I. ~ For tankhwlih. The department of grants, Irvine A. of M. 39. For Asad K. A~afu-d-daulah's temporary retirement S66 his biography I, 311. The diwin-i-tan then was Kifayat. K. 3 see the MUlir 'Alamgiri, 12~, where it is recorded that "it was orQ.-ed that Am.nat K . the diwan of

r
I

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

22;.,

of continual toil l Ama-nat K. was disgusted and was in search of an excuse for resigning, he made use of this affair. and in the ] 8th year presented his resignatipnatI.Iasan Abdal. Though the king observed that the report of the Peshdast was no cause for resigning. Amanat would not agree. As the marks of honesty and skill (in Amanat) had been impressed on the heart of the king, he immediately appointed him to the charge ~ of Lahore and its fort. He also was made Diwan of the province. Though he declined financial work, yet the king ordm'edthat hiseldest i'!on 'Abdu-I~Qadir should carry on the duties. There, besides the buildings of Kawanpura near the Chauk, he made a large building and baths which are famous throughout the world. ln the 22nd year, when the king was staying at Ajmir, Amanat was made B Diwan of the provinces of the Deccan and received a robe of honour. From that. titne tili now this office has mostly remained with this family. When in the 25th year Aurangabad was honoured by the king's presence, the house of Ni?;am Shiihknown as Sabz (green) Bungalow~which is at present the governor's house~was his (the king's residence). lt belonged to Prince Mul}ammad A'~im. Amanat K.wished tobuy the fort of Harsiil, which is two k08 from the city, and to make it his permanent~ residence. The king
the pe8hda8ti of the IglBlsa and was appointed to the charge of Lahore .. Then it says that Kif$yatK., the Pe8hda8t of the office of the Tan, wa" appointed to the peshdasti of the lS!lii:I~a in Amanat's room.. There is an account of Amanat K. in Igiafi K. ll. 261 and 376-78. In the latter passage great praise isgiyen. to Amant. but it is stated that hoin"ur red the king'sdisplea.sure by roinitting the polltax i?,'a ntlmber of instance.~. This act was brought to the king's n.?tice by Rashid K.; whom theMaa~i!' Alamgiri calls the pe8hda8t of the . lS!tiil~a lf.hifi K. calls him the Diwin of the I.9'iil~a and sayshehad a rivaJry wi~h Amina.t. Perhap$ Rashid K. is $notnername for'AbduI-ij:akim. There is howeveran'AbduI-ij:aldin named a.t p. 266 of the M. 'Alamgiri. He may have heen!l descendant, of the MulJa Abduj :ijs.ktm of Sialkoteand have made a reportagaihst Aminat for not collect ingthe jiziY4, 18iftiri8~. which has also the meaning of recommendations, and may refer to repor~srn~deby Amanat's enemies. 2 This must be the Amanatof ManucciL 15!l and Catrou. who speak of him as being a great friend to the Christians. Bllt i>hey are wrong in speaking <if him. asan officer ofJahangir's time.. lie was great.grandfather ot Shah Newaz the author of tihe :M'aa~ir U, B Khafi K. t:I.261. .. bQt!Jrik inultan. mul tan etymologica.lly means "root-place, perman-

the lf.hal~a., and Kifayat K. , the diwani-tan. should put their seals below the seal of the chief diwan and carry on the duties of the diwii:ni." This was in 1083, 1672-73. See also this quoted in Maa!!iru-l-Umai'B l. 311. ~ Litera.lly "the nails of their digging were not stopped a.nywhere." 6 In the Ma&!!ir 'Alamgiri 144 it is mentioned that AmBllst K. resigned

29

226

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T
I

'l'HE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

227

decided upon the residence of Malik 'Ambar_ which is close to Shahganj (for Amanat). Amanat K. was not content to hire it, and so bought it from the government. Hence this too is known as the Kuti1a (of Amanat ?j. In the beginning of the 27th year when the king went to. A\J.madnagar, inasmuch as his desire was to conquel' Bijapiir and Haidarabad, the pious man (Amanat) thought it right to abstain from a war aO"ainst Muhamrnadans and presented his paper of o resignation-which he had (always) at his finger-ends. The acute king read his countenance and did not take him with him, but left him in charge of Aurangabad. After some months of the year his spirit flew in 1095, 1684, to the gardens of paradise; He was buried south of the city near the shrine of Shah Nul' J:Iamiimi. 8aiyid bihi"hti shud, "The Saiyid became paradisaical," gives the date 1095. In truth, the word of Death in the case of such wakeful hearts which gather outward beauties and store up spiritual rewards and live for ever iR but a customary phrase.

Verse. 1
Never are the men of soul dead, nor will they die. Death is but a name ""hen applied to their tribe. The truth-knower Miyan II Shah Nul' J:Iamami, who was a dervesh, who was master of perfection, frequently said, "What men ask from us is possessed by this babai pir (young saint?) " and then he would point to that heartknower (shinasa dil)
(Am~nat).

no harm has been done to the person or property of a single individual, has, with the exception of Amanat K., been rarely seen or heard of. There were frequent instances of accountable collectors and impoverished landholders coming near to death in prison. Such things only produced oppression and gave a bad name to the government. He took a little in comparison with what was demanded from them, and fixed instalments for each person and then released them. Accordingly in Lahore on one occasion the news-writers reported that there had been a loss of two lacs of rupis on this account. The king was displeased, but when he became acquainted with the facts of the case, he applauded Amanat. In the Deccan I also there was an old balance of ten or twelve lac8 of rupis debited against imaginary (saqimu-H!al) ryots. Every year a~adis and man~abdars were appointed. They did not realise a single dam of it and showed ~ a large amount as held in suspense (mauqiitana). Similarly he by one strake of his pen wrote off as remitted a large sum due from needy proprietors as peshkash (presents due by them to the king or his officers). Bv chance 8 the king one day was praising his honesty. Aman~t said, "There is not another traitar (kflain) like me, for
id. 3'77. This passage is obscure both in tIie text and in I.f!lafi lS!.lii:n.Judging from the sentence ~hat follows I am inclined to think that the real meaning is that Amanat did not collect the money but wroteit off as irrccoverable (mauqu/ana) as remitted. Observe that in Ig1afi K. there is a dash after mira/tand.ana (377, line 7) to indicate that there is a break in the sentence. The meaning however may be that the colleCtors did not allow the ryots any credit for the current year for what they paid, but credited everything to these old and imaginary balances. The Maa!!ir in copying Khali K. has altered his phraseology ~d omitted one or two importan~ words. The words .. tumar naarad ' , in the text and in Iglafi K. (377, line 8) seem to me to be a technical expresl
II

!ipafi !ipan, the author of the Lab~Lababhistory,who was li man of sincere speech and a seeker after justice, has stated 3 that a really honest man who does not think of his own advancement , and who regards the welfare of the people as of more. importance than the profit of the government) and in whose administration
ent abode." The meaning however ma.y be that Amanat wanted to make his home in Harsm just as he had formerly done in Multan. I This couplet is Fai~i 's and occurs in his elegy on Fath UlIah Shirazi. See above p. 103 and the Akbarnama III. 564. II Shah Niir survived Amii:nat K., not dying until February 1693. (Beale.) 3 ~hiifi K. II. 261.

sion. Khiifi K. has after them the word ;;;;'vishta, and apparently he means that Amiinat wrote "tUmar nadarad," i.e., unrealisable, or "not to be entered in the accounts," and so remitted these old and imaginary balances. It was an old custom in Bengal to make the ryots who remained, or the head-man, reBflonsible for the rents of ryots who had died or run away (palatoka) , and Iimagine that the same practice was followed in the Deccan. 3 id. 377, where the conversation is given at greater length. The final treasury referred to by the king means the treasury in heaven. lS!lafi K. represents him as saying that Amanat looked after both, his earthly and his heavenly treasure. The Maasir does not go on to say that Aur~ngzeb, though he forgave the

228

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every year I remit sums due by debtorsto my master." The king observed, "I know that you are heapingup money fQr me in the final treasury.' , In short, the service which this great man performed for the State in a small office-for his rank was not more than 2000-was a strange one. There were many dealings which were contrary to humanity, and SQ though they w~reall royal orders, from piety and gentlenesFl of heart he did not~arrythem into effect. On account of so acting contrary to the pleasure of his master he used to tander his resignation ; but the righteous king had regard to his disinterestedness and honesty and passed over the matter without notice. They tell that M:ukhlal;l LIthan Bakhshi used. to relate that Amanat K. held a singular position in<the king's mind. At the time when the king was at Aurangabad PrinceM'uizzurl-din represented: " Our workshops have for want of space been placed outside of the city; and in this rainy Season they are becoming rotten. I ask that the mansions of Sanjar Beg deceased, whose bath is famous in that city, which have recently been escheated, and which the heirs have not yet quitted, may be given for the storing of our goods." The king therefore issued an order upon the relatives of thedeceased. No attention was paid to it. The petition of the prince was again brought before the king, and an order was given to Mu:!;latnmad 2 'Ali the Kha-nsaman-who had no equal or partner in respect of intimacy and influence (with the king)-that he should set.some one over Amanat K. to see that the building was delivered up to the prince's men. Theworshipperof right (Amanat) did notatteIid to this either. At last one day in a cortege, when both of them were in the l'etinue, Mu!;lammad 'Ali K. represented that although asazawal had been appointed to
other remiSSlons, censured Al1la~at for remitting the poll-tax (ieziya), and that in consequence .\manat refr:ained in future from remitting the poll.tax. See p. 378. The Maa~irhas the phrase "end of the words "at the close of the abstract of Khan K. as if it were a verbatim quotation. Perhaps a 381. But MukJ)llt~ K. of was Bakhshi of
I

make over the house to the prince (mun,h'idzada "hiR 'faster's son "), nothing had been done. The king turned to Amanat K. , and he frankly said, " The place cannot be made over to the prince at this season of lightning and rain (barq II baran). Where will Sanjar Beg's people find shelter and shielding (sir II saya). I'm frightened for myself for I have a wife and children (kul u ku.ware); to-morrow this day's case may be theirs." At the same tIme he tendered his resignation in order that such a task as this might be assigned to some one else. The king hung his head and was silent. l In his mode of life he had nothing in common with the rich, and had no acquaintanceship with the pursuits of the worldly. He was fond of learning and possessed the current accomp1ishments. He composed a treatise on the laws of Islam, which is a collection of the rules of the Law. He was a master of Shika-sta and Nasta'liq writing. He had seven sons and eight daughters, and they all left large progeny. But the f1econd son Wazarat Khan, whose poetica! na.me was Girarni, was pre-eminent for excellences. He had a poetical vein and is the author of a divan. This verse of hiB is famous. (Verse, see above in @olam 'Ali's preface.) He had a son called Mirak M' uin K. who died some time before his father and left no offspring. The accounts of the others, viz., Mir 'Abdu-I-Qadir Dia-nat K., Mir J.Iusain Amanat K. No. 2, and Kazim K. the direct grandfather of the writer of these pages, have b~~n separat.ely written. It is due to the good qualities of this great man thltt in this world of change, where in the twinkling of an eye great families become weak and contemptible, his children during four generations have up to the time of writing,

ll.

poet. See Jf.hiifl K. more probably the Maasir JIl. 566 who Balkh. Daud Taqarrab

I l am indebted to my friend Mr. Irvine for help in understanding this

passage. I think that "..:;')~ here does not mean blind people but that
)~ is kuwar a son and that knl u

~ Son of f,Iakim

K. Ill. 62,5.

kuware must be a Deccani phrase for wife and children. KuliiOwever may also mean household or domestics.

The phra.se . to morraw ," etc. may be compared with the Latin inscription often fouud in graveyards, Hodie mihi cras tibi. Ami1"at was referring to the inhuman practice according to which an officer's propertyescheated to the erown. See Bernier on the subject in connection with Shah Jahan.

230

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1159,1 1746, been Diwans of the D high offices with honour and credit e~ca: and have, fill~d other is rarely seen in other families. . ue absence bf mlsfortlHle AM:.ANAT KHAN
THE 2ND.

He was ~ir I:Iusain, the third son of Amanat K Yh - fi account of his uprightness and abilit h . On friend of his father. After the lat~er'se dwasththhe compamon and b h ea e as well h' rot e rs , became a favourite of the Khallfa-r-Rahm'. ~s IS God) Aurangzeb and th h' . an (the VIear of , , oug m small offic confidant. It was like "One 2 of th bl ~s, was regarded as a cides "h . h .. e essmgs from the Barme, e m' entmg all the respects th a th'IS father had High II d I f . n ow o thIS family were treated with th f . Khanazads (children of the household Th e avour shown to y t,he appreciative king appeared in )~l'lC audIence.that one day ey .sa Khan (A _ pu When the _ manat No. 2) entered WI'th h'IS son th l (saraparda) a chObdar (usher)-a set of h e ene osure t d men w o for the most par eserve on account of their mordacity and m' h' the rod (b) d ISC Ievousness " ca an are fit for the aallows seized th 'h and kept him back . The Khan tn h'IS wrath paid no heed8 t and . '" J e son __ tl rthaesptect due tfo the place where he was, but turned round and , sancyellowand wen t on an d represented to the kin . " ' the house are to be insulted by fellows like this t If sons pectatlOn have the y of honour in the ' service ~ex. ame and f kin 's w a " o; the gu 'd' f The kmg out of respect to him dismissed the that day. aI o

~ w~.

o~

~.

s:iz~:

~hole

As the ability of the Kh an ma d e an Impression on the king . _w h en h e, near the end of the 3 1 s t , ' year was at B-'a -. . . begmning 3 of the 32 d , l J pUl, m the . . _ n ~ear conferred on him his f1!-ther's title and mad e hIm dnvan of Bi]apiir When' (June 1690) he left the of 17 e 33rd year , IS Of thkos north of

tow~

Badr~n4 t~~I'Cehn~

Bijapiir, and came to Qu~babad Galgala belonging to Tiirgal, 12 kos north of Bljapiir and on the Kishna, the lQlan was raised .from thE:> position of diwan of Bijapur to that of daftardar-i-tan in the place of ]Jaji Shafi ~han. In the 36th year he was made governor I of Aurangabad in the room of M' amur K. and had his rank increased to one of 1500 with 900 horse. In the same year he was summoned to court and given the office of biyutatii-rikab (steward) on the death of ~hwaja 'Abdu-r-Ra1;lim K. At this time he was again appointed governQr of the fort of Aurangabad. At last he was m~de matgadi of the port of Surat. He managed matters there to the profit of the king and the comfort of the subjects, and 2 got promotion. In the 43rd year, 1111, 1699-1700, he died. He is buried outside that town near the city-wall. He had four sons. The first was Mi.r ]Jasan who married the daughter of Mu1;J.ammad Murad K. Uzbeg. He is the father of the writer's mother. He died of plague in Galgala in the prime of his youth. Their son was Kamalu-d-din 'Ali K. who is beloved by his cotemporaries for his praiseworthy character and right-thinking. At the time of writing he manages the estates of Aurangabad which are the fief of A~af Jah. The second, Mir Saiyid Mu1;lammad Iradatmand K., is the son-in-Iaw of his uncle Dianat K. Mir' Abdu-I-Qadir. In the time of Aurangzeb he was appointed to the biyitUi.ti of Aurangabad and in the time of Bahadur Shah was made diwan of Burhanpur. The third is Mir Saiyid A1;J.mad Niyazmand K. He was for a long time diwan of Berar and in the beginning of the present reign (Mu1;J.ammad Shah's) went to Benga!. Ja'afar K. (Murshid Quli) the Nazim there out of love for his father welcomed him and made him superintendent of the :fleet, which is the highest post in that province, and obtained for him from the court the title of Amanat K. and an increase of rank. After the death of Ja'afar K. he was made fauidar of the estates in that province, and in the year 1157, 1744, he died. The fourth was Mir Mu1;J.ammad Taqi 3 K. who is
is the Toragal of the maps. See Mr. Irvine's article in Numismatic Supplement VII of A.S.B. for 1907, p. 51. It is 36 m. S. Galgala and is on the Malprabha river, a tributary of the
Kist~a.

l At this time the author had been for four or five years out of employ. H . e was not restored till the followIng year, 1160. P"rhaps he never was formally dismissed. ~ A proverb. See D'Herbelot B.V. Barmekian. As pointed out b y h' lm,

the srory is told in the Nigaristan. See Bombay lithograph of 1829, p. 39, e' seq. 3 Maair A. 317. 8 4 This can hardly be the Bidar of I.G. See Maair A. 335. Galgala is the T- Gulgulla of Grant-Duff I . 378 ,and urgal is the Toorgul of id. 186. It

id. 347. ~ Maash A. 412. Bee JS!1iifiIi!lan 666-68. The nnmeisthere,p. 688, given as Mu1:lammad Naqi. The capture of Burhandiir and the death of Mir A1:lma.d the governor took place in the reign oi
l
j

II.

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married to the writer's full aunt. In the time of Bahadur Shah he was made bakhshi of Burhanpur. In the catastrophe of Mir Al).mad K. the governor there who was killed in battle with the Mahrattas many of the mat 11 adis (clerks) were made prisoners. Everyone of t~em sought to get deliverance from their clutches by c~aft and deceIt. He from siml>licity showed himself as in good Cl~c~~s~ance~ and paid a large ransom. He did not approve of mmImIsmg hIs position. All his descendants are alive. (RAO) AMAR SINGH. . Eldest son of Rajah Gaj Singh Rathor. He began with a sUItable office, and in the 2nd year of Shah Jahan he held the rank qf 2000 with 1300 horse. In the 8th year his rank was 2500 with 1500 horse, and he had the present of a flag and an elephant. In t~e same year he was appointed, along with Saiyid ~.}Ian Jahan Barha to chastise Jujhar Singh Bandila. When the fort of Dhamuni was taken, and !than Dauran went inside, and Amar Singh and other leaders were outside, and waiting for the morning and the looters had entered and were occupied in looking for plunder, the ashes of a torch fell into the powder magazine under the fort and .the bastio~ was blown up. The pieces of stone mostly fel; outsIde, and kIlled several of his companions. After returning from there he obtained the rank of 3000 with 2500 horse. When in the 9th year the king went in person to the Deccan to put. down the disturbance of Sahu Bhonsla,-who, in spite of the NI~amu-l-mulk's being imprisoned in Gwalior, had raised up & boy. from among the Ni~am's relatives and was making a commotlOn,-and after crossing the Narbudda established his camp near the fort of Daulatabad, he made three of his officers leaders (of armies) aud Bent them off, and he deputed Amar Singh to accompany ~]Ian Dauran Bahadur. In the lOth year he came to
Shah 'Alam (Bahiidur Shah) in the year 1161, 1748. IS!lafl K. telis how one officer Sharafu-ddln, 'the Biyiitat (the Registrar or perhape the Sur. veyor) of the city, passed himself off as a mUjlician and so escaped for a ransom of Rs. 1,200. MUl,lammad Naql, according to Ji!,afi K., who was a relative, was too hone3t or too dignifled to do this, and so admitted his official rank and had to pay Rs. 30,000. JS!lafi K. calis him bakhshl and reporter (waqa'nigar) of the city of Burhanpiir.

court with ~han Dauran, and in the IIth year when 'Ali Mardan

K. made over the fort of Qandahar to the imperial servantB. and

there was a probability that Shah !;lafi would come in person to that neighbourhood, Sultan Shuja' was sent off there with a large force, and Amar Singh received a khilat, a horse with a 8llvern saddie, and a drum, and was made one of his companions. Afterwards, when his father died in that year,and the Raj and the succession went to his youngerbrother Jeswant Singh for reasons which have been stated at the end of the notice I of Rajah Gaj Singh. he received an increase of 500 horse and the title of Rao, and his rank became 3000 with 3000 horse. When in the 140th year Sultan Mura.d Ba1ill~h was sent to Kabul for the second time, he was appointed to accompany him. After an.: order came for chastising Rajah ,Jagat Singh the son of Rajah Basu who had become rebellious, he went off with the prince, and in the 15th year, when the Rajah in question had surrendered, and the prince waited upon his father, Amar Singh \,:as also gratified by a reception. In the same year, when a movemflnt of the King of Persia towards Qandahar became known, and Sultan Dara Shikoh Was sent in that direction, he had an increase of 1'000 and held the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse and was appointed to accompany the prince. As it then happened by Divine decree that the king of Persia died, the prince received orders to return, and Amar Singh came back and did homage. In the 17th year in the end of Jamada-al-awwal corresponding to 1054, 25 July 2 1644, as he had been unable for some time to present himself on account of illness, h~ on convalescence came to the darbar. After doing obeisance he suddenly drew his dagger and killed ~alabat K. Bakhshi, as detailed in the account of the latter. On this catastrophe ~halil 8 . Ullah K. and Arjan the son of Rajah Bethai Das Gaur feH upon him. He struck Arjan two or three times with his dagger and
See Maa,!ir II. 225. The Dutch clergyman Baldaeus Ilays the occurrence was on 4' August 1644 in the afternoon, and that Amar Singh was offended because f?alabat asked him why he had not previously paid his respeots.
l
2

B Baldaeus eays Gali (Khali! 1) K. and the son of Rajah Betal Das finished him. The king ordered Am~'e body to be thrown into the river, and this offened the Ra.jputs.

30

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

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Ullah K. struck Amar Singh with his sword. Arjan also strnck him twice with his sword. Meanwhile other men came up and finished him. Though the king made inquiry into the origin of this uproar, nothing appeared except the long use of intoxicants aggravated by the illness of some days. But before this ihere had been a dispute l about boundaries between his menwho were in his fief of Na.gor-and the men of Rao Karn the son of Rao Sur Bhdrtiha' the jagirda.r of Bikanlr-who had been appointed to the Deccan campaign-and his (Amar Singh's) business men had been killed. Amar Singh had written to his men to conet a force and to attack Kar~'s troopers, and Karn learning this had written to f;lalabat K. and. asked for an Amin (to settle the boundary). Accordine;ly f;lalabat K. had reported the matter, and an Amin had been appointed. Perhaps, Amar Singh had looked upon this as siding with Karn and so committed the outrage. After this occurrence, Mir Khan Mir Tiizak, and Mulak Chand the accountant of the daulatkhii.nakha~, brought the body of Amar Singh. in accordance with orders, outside the vestibule (dihliz) of the k!J,ilwatlchana (private chamber) and sent for his men, in order that they might take it to his house. Fifteen of his servants heard of the affair and laid hands on their swords and daggers; Mulak Chand was killed, and Mir Khan was wounded and died on the following night. Meanwhile the A~adis and others came out and sent that rabble to hell. Six of the mace-bearers were killed and six were wounded. Not contented with this, a number of Amar Singh's servants resolved that they would go to Arjan's house and kill him. Balun Rathor and Bhao Singh Rathor, who at first had been servants of Amar Singh and his father and afterwards had become servants of the king, shared in thIs enterprise. 8 When this was reported to the king, he forgave the crew for
l Pidiahihnima II. 382.
t See account of Ro Kam Bh fir

tiha II. 287. The story is told at length in Pid.hihn&ma JI. 380 et leIJ. also Tod'. Rajasthan. Chapter AnDais of Marwar. Tod tells

the See V. the

story of Amar Singh, whom he calls Umra, being disinherited by his father, and also gives details of his outrage and death. Tod and the Pooshihnima have Buloo or Balui instead of Balun as in text.

their ignorance and ordered men to go and explain to them that if they wished, they could go to their homes with their families and goods. Why should they ruin their house and honour 1 After the extent of their obstinacy was perceived, an order was given to Saiyid ~han Jahan Barha and the men of the jilau (bodyguard) and to Rashid K. An~ari-whose tum it was to be on guard-to go and kill them. They opposed and fought as long as there was breath in their bodies, and then were slain. Among the king's men, Saiyid 'Abdu-r-rasiil Barha-who was a brave man-and Saiyid Ghulam Mul,1ammad. son of Mul,1iu-d-din his brother, and five of his relatives were slain. Amar Singh's son Rai Singh came and did homage in the 18th year and received the rank of 1000 with 700 horse. In the 19th year he was appointed to accompany Prince Murad Bakhsh in the affair of Balkh and Badakhshan, and in the 25th year he held the office of 1500 with 800 horse and accompanied' Sultan Aurangzeb on the second occasion to Qandaharo In the 26th year he accompanied Dara Shikoh, and in the 28th year he was appointed, along with S'aad Ullah K., to raze Chitor. In the 30th year he received an increase of 200 horse. When the sovereignty came to Aurangzeb and the victorious army had' reached Mathura, Rai Singh did homage and went with ~halil UlIal}. in pursuit ot Dara Shikoh. In the battle with Sultan Shuja' he was in attendance on the king. After the return to Ajmere he, in order to spite Maharaja Jeswant Singh, received the title of Rajah and a robe of honour, an elephant and a female elephant, an adorned sword, a drum, and one lac of rupees, and received the rank of 4000 with 4000 horse and was made head of the Riithor clan, and ruler of Jodhpiir. He was in the altam8h (reserve of the vanguard) in the second battle with Dara Shikoh. Afterwards he was appointed to the campaign of the Deccan and did good service along with Mirza Raja,h Jai Singh in attacking Siva B.honsla's lands and in devastating the country of the 'Adil Khan. In the 16th year, when Khan-Jahan Bahadur Kokaltash was made viceroy of the Deccan, he was appointed to his vanguard. In the 18th year, in the act of preparing for battle with 'Abdu-I-Karim Miyana-who had drawn up his forces,-he fell ill and died. Raorasapura outside the city of Aurangabad was

II

\1

I I

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l The belltowal of the title of Rajah on Indra Singh e.nd his receiving the rank of 3000 zat with 2000 horse, of which 300 were diiaspa., are recorded in the AlIDbire }'l'esented to the R.A.S. by Colonel Tod in 1828. He is oalled in the AlIDbar the Zmnindar of Nagaur.

Khafi K. II. &88 and 8iyar M. l.,

round and with thirty troopers ftew likemoths (round a candle) in that direction. Bahadur Shah after the victory had consideration upon Amin K., and though he had been on the opposite side, he, on account of his being the survivor of a brave family, encompassed him with favours. .Afterwards he made him faujdar of Sera, l which is an expression for the Carnatic of Bijapiir. It is a wide and rich territory. As contiguous to that Sarkar was the territory of various zamindars, each of these paid tribute in accordance with his possessions. Among them was the Mysorian, the ruler of Srirangpatan (Seringapatam), whose revenue is more than four krora of rupees. There is no other zamindari in the Deccan which is equal to it for ita equipments, extent of territory and abundance of treasure, or rather there is none which comes up to one-hundredth ~rt thereof. It was subjected to a fixed tribute. The faujdar of Sera used to collect more or less revenua a.ccording to his strength, and, in the course of demanding an increase, things ended in a campaign. Accordingly it happened in the time of the ~han (Amin) that a large force was appointed under t.he command of the Dalawa, which is the same thing as Commander-in-Chief. After a fight, and manful struggIes on both sides, the Khan's men fled on account of the superior numbers of the enemy. He him~ self with 300 brave men stood firm, and was nea,r losing his life. Suddenly, an arrow (01' a bullet), from his hand kiUed the leader on the other side, and defeat became victory. His authority WB,S established. Men of every quarter felt awe (l],i,!iib bard~htand) of him, and those who lived at a distance recognized his 'Power and supremacy. .Afterwards the faujdMi of Karnti! was conferred on him, and in the time of Farrukh Siyar, J.Iaidar Quli K. the chief Diwan of the Deccan procured for him the l?Ubii.l;ldari of Berar. His Naib had taken possession and he was still in''!'.Balkanda, which was his old estate, when news came of the appr~~ch of the Amiru-I-Umara J.Iusain 'Ali K. Out of shortsightedness.and arroed. The battle referred to in the text is that of Jajau near Agra, which was fought 8th June, 1707, between B&hidur Shah and Ajlim Shah. The l.tter W8111 defeated and slain along
1 Seri or Chera, an oM name for the llouthern part (lf the Madr&08 Presid~ncy. See Chera in LG. X, 192. 2 E. Niinder and S. Godavery.

p. 7.-The prince mee.nt is Ba.hiidur

Shah's son 'A~imushshiin-after warda drowned in the Riivi. The word for' howda.h is bangakJ, and it appear!! from Ig1ifi K. II. 98 that this was the name of a kind of howdah which Aurangzeb had inven~

with his two80n8.

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA:

gance, the Khan delayed to go and welcome him. After the victory over Daud K., the Amiru-I-Umara sent one of his companions-Asad 'Ali K. Julaq, whose grandfather was one of 'Ali Mardan's Turks~to take possession of Berar, but when the Khan submitted, it was restored to him. When 'Iwa~ K .. Bahadur was appointed from the court to that government, the li.han went off to the administration of Nander. Owing to greed and in.justice and at the instigation of the zamindars of pargana of Bodhan l appertaining to Nander ,t. there a.rose an unjust quarrel with the fiefholder, who was Mandhata 8 by name, and whose father Kanhoji Sirkiya' was one of the Mahratta panj-hazaris, and had performed exploits in the time of Aurangzeb. Amin K. got him into his power by means of agreements and prornises, and destroyed him. Subsequently he, owing to the old quarrel, sought to punish Jagpat lIma (1) who had taken possession of Nirmal,6_ and that proprietor, knowing of this, asked assistance from Fat~ Singh the adopted son of Rajah Sahu who was the makasdar ft of that district. Another circuIJlStance increased the audacity of that wicked person (either Jagpat or Fath Singh). The account of it is as follows: At this time the Mahratta peace had been made, which fixed the stain of a bad name on the Amiru-I-Umara, which will last tilI the judgment.-rlay. The agreement was that in the case of those estates where, on account of the strength of their position and the resistance of the landholders, the ckaut could Inot be collected, the Amiru-I-Umara should render assistance. As in the t'al'ftqs administered by the li.han not one dam of the chaut had been collected in some places, even in the time of the height of the robbers' (the Mahrattas) success, the Khan in spite of the letters of the Amiru-IUmara would not lend himself to the disgrace' and altogether neglected to collect
In Sarkiir Telingiina, Jarrett II. LG. Vnl. 254. 2 Niinder is in the Ni7,am's Dominions, on the Godavery and N. of Haidarabad. 3 Possibly thiS is the name of a place, and the Manhat of Grant-Duli's map.
l

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

239

237.

The Sirkay family of Grant-DulJ, I. 29. 6 Jarrett n. 237. Neermal of Grant-Duff's map. E. Niinder. 6 See Grant-Duff 1. 80, 220. It was the title of a revenue officer. , 19.Iafi K. Il. 789.

the chaut. Tbe province was taken from him and given to Mirza 'Ali Yusu! K. who was Olle of the brave men of the time. The Khan-whose authority had been diminished by the report !ihat h~ had been superseded-went, off to Balkanda on the occasion of his daughter's marriage. All at once Fat1,l Singh and .Tagpat came against him. He looked to his lineage and gloryand did not consider the number of the foe and went to encounter them with a few men. As in this topsy-turvy world, success iE twinned with failure, and fortune and misfortune come together, the Khan played away against these worthless fellows his amirship ~d his many years of reputation, but at last escaped l and came to Balkanda.~ After that, Saiyid 'Alam 'Ali K. Ba.ha.dur, when he was master of the Deecan, restored him to his province of Nander, and appointed him to the command of the right wing in the battle that he had with Nawab Fatl;1 Jang (AsAf Jii.h). The worthless fellow acted in a.n unsoldierlike manner and did not put his hand to the work and became a illere spectator, and drew the line of erasure over the deeds of his aneestors. Though after the victory Fat~ Jang sent him back to his t'alitqs, his position in hearts was lost and his reputation was gone. At the same time, as 'Iwa~ K. Bahadur was, on account of his rapacity (skaltiiq.), aversa to his returning to Berar, he procured his being set aside, and Mutahawar K. Bahadur Khweshgi's being appointed in his room. As soon as he heard of this he went to Nawab Fatl;1 Jang-who had then gone towards Adoni,-but received na encQuragem~t. He returned and settled at the town of Parbani,3 which was an estate in his fief and is twelve kos from Pathri. In the mashritt (i.e. assigned) m,a~als of Nander he offered opposition to the collector. Although the Khan aforesaid tried to amend him yet he did not emerge from his ignorance and folly. At last he was arrested by him and remain,ed in prison for a long time. When his son Muqarrib K.--in whose biography' there has been mention made of these things-was promoted to service, he was by his
l Ig1ifi K. II. 790. He WBS wounded and made prisoner. 2 Balkonda of Grant-Duff's map, E. Ninder and S. Godavari.

"In Sarkir Pithri. Jarretti IL 236. The Parbhani of I.G. XIX, 41~. See Maa!!il: rII. 796.

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intercession released, and villages yielding Rs. 50,000 were settled upon him out of Balkanda for his expenses, and he spent a long time in the charge l of his son As he felt distressed by his control he in the 6th year of Mu};1ammad Shah came to Aurangabad and sought the help of 'Iwa?! K. Bahadur and entertained hopes of recovering his rents and jagir. At this time A:;;af Jah came from Upper India, and the battle with .Mubariz K. took place. From the necessity of the time he got fresh encouragement and bound the girdle of companionship on the waist of endeavour, and after re~aining in the city (Aurangabad) for Some time, making preparatIOns, he came out. When from reverses and a succession of errors his senses and intellect had left him and he had become debased, he vainly thought of turning over a new leaf and b . h . Y ma:c h mg lD t e evenmg and the night joined Mubariz K. (in Haldarabad), who had secrf'tly2 shaken the chain of promises and agreements. On the day of battle, without his having achieved anything, the figure of his life was, by the water of the enemies' sword, obliterated from the page of Time. This happened 3 in the year 1137, 1724. " AMINU-D-DAULA AMINU-D-DTN KHAN BARADUR SAl\:IBALT. He was one of the shaiJilizadas of Sambhal which lies N. E. the capital. His lineage went back to Tami:m ~ An:;;arl. He began his service under Jahandar Shah, and in the time of Farrukh Siyar he was made one of the yesawal8 (state-attendants). In the time of Firdus Aramgah (Mu};1ammad Shah) he was promotec,l and made MIr Tuzuk (master bf the ceremonies). Gradually he rose to having the rank of 4000, and 6000 with 6000 horse, and had the title of
l The te:x:t has daatnigar which means" needy.' , Probahly we should read dastgir, or else ooBtnigah. 2 Probably this rather refers to the hopes held out to Mubariz by Muhammad Shah. . ~ In the biography of the son Muqarrib K., Mlla!!ir III. 796, it is

AmInu-d-daula, and the gift of the estate of Sa.mbhal with fully l three lacs of rupees of revenue. He was a devoted gourmand (yarbashi) and a voluptuary. In the same reign, after the departure of Nadir Shah from India, he died. He made many houses, gardens and8erais in his native country. Among his sons, AmInu-d-rlin K. and Irshad K. were distinguished. 2 (MUI:IAMMAD) AMIN KHAN MIR MUI,IAMMAD AMIN. S. Mu'azzam K. MIr Jumla ArdistanL When the oppression of his fatherby Qu~b Shah the tuler of Telang was stopped by the exertions of Prince Aurangzeb, he was released from prison and went to wait upon Sultan Mu};1ammad who had been sent on in advance to that country. He met Sultan Mu1:).ammad twelve leos from Haidarabad and was relieved of his fears. In the 30th year of Shah Jahan he, along with his father, entered the Imperial service. When he came to Burhanpiir he, on account of the rain and of illness, fell somewhat behind. Afterwards he came to court and received a robe of honour and the title of ~han. In the same year Mu'a~~am (Mi:r Jumla) K. obtained leave to attend upon Prince Aurangzeb and to attack and devastate the country of' Adil Shah He performed this duty well and Mu};1ammad AmIn had the increase of 1000 personality, and his rank became 3000 with 1000 hOll3e and he was ordered to act as deputy-Vizier till the arrival of his father. When in the 31st year Mu'a?!?!am K., on account of certain things which were disapproved of, was deprived of the diwanship, Mu1:Iammad K. also was inhibited from office. But as his rectitude and ability had been impressed on the mind of Shah Jahan, he had an increase of 500 horse, and the gift of a decorated pen-case and was made MIr Bakhshl in succession to Danishmand K. (Bernier's patron) who resigned his appointment. When Prince Aurangzeb arrested Mfi'a~~am K", who according to an order was going to court with his troops, and would on
that Aminu-d-daulah died in the 19th year of Mul].ammad Shah 's reigI\ (1739).

mentioned that the father and son fought on opposite sides, and thas the son had his father's head cut off. The battle in which Amin K. Deccani was killed occurred in the beginning of 1137, 10 October, 1724. Mubari. K. was killed in the same battle. ~ See D'Herbelot s.v.

ba kamal, which I supp08e means There is the variant bakabul. 2 This biography is signed Q. The "Ta!kira-I1I-Umari of Kewa1 Ram says
l

this.

31

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THE" MAASIR-UL-Ul\IARA.

THE :MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

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no account put off his journey, and kept him under surveillance in the Deccan,Dara Shikoh, on hearing of this, was convinced that the thing was done in collusion between the ~han and Aurangzeb and impressed this view on Shah J ah/1n. ~uJ:1ammad Amin was suspected without cause, and Dara having got permission to arrest him had him brought from his house and imprisoned. After three or four days the king was convinced of his innocence and released him from the confinement in which Dara had placed him. After Dara's defeat, Mu!).ammad AmIn, on the second day after the standards of victory had been unfurled, and when the huntingbox of Samogarha on the bank of the Jumna had been brightened by Aurangzeb's presence, hastened to pay his respects. He was graciousJy received, and obtained the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse. In the same month he was confirmed in the post of Mir Bakh@i. When in the battle with Shuja' ,Rajah Jeswant Singh behaved treacherously and withdrew from Aurangzeb's army and went rapidly home, with the intention af joining Dara, M~J:1am mad Amin, after the battle and the return from there, was sent with a well-eqUipp~d army to punish Jeswant. But as Dara-who waa marching from Ahinadabad to Ajmere-had approached, MuJ:1ammad Amin turned back near Puhkar (Piishkar) and joined the king's army. In the 2nd year his rank was 5000 with 4000 horse, and in the 5th year he had a.n increase of 1000 horse. When in the beginning of the 6th year Mir Jumla died in . Bengal, Prince MuJ:1ammad Mii 'a?i?iam visited Mu!).ammad Amin and administered consolations, and brought him with him to the king. A robe of honour was bestowed upon him. In the lOth Ybar the Yiisufzai tribe again assembled at Ohand-which is the mouth of the hill-country-and made a disturbance , and Muhammad Amin . was sent with a suitable force to chastise them. Though before the arrival of the ~han, Shamsher l K. Tarill ha.d defeated and punished the tribe, yet the Khan also entered their territory and devastated their country and then returned in accordance with the king's orders. Thereupon he was appointed governor of Lahore in succession to Ibrahim K. In the 13th year he was made governor
l Maa!!ir A. 61 and 'Alamgirniima 1045, 1053, etc.

of Kabul in ~uccession to Mahabat K. (the 2nd), and in the same vear Ja'afar K. the Grand Vizier died, and Asad K. carried on some ~f the business as deputy. The king considered that only a first-rate officer could carry on the duties, and so summoned MuJ:1ammad Amin to court. In the 14th year he came and was received with princely favours. But though he was famed for his business capacity and his ripe judgment, yet he had some defects and he accepted the Viziership on certain conditions which were altogether opposed to the king's disposition, and annoyed him by some of his obiections and representations. . As Fate had decreed that an evil day should come to him he obtained leave to go and make the settlement of Kabul. He received royal gifts, and among them was the elephant 'AJam l Guman with silver trappings. Inasmuch as the dyes ~ of arrogance produce nothing but yellowness to the face, and the wind of the nioustache of oonceit only casts. the dust of failure on one's fortune, and presumption causes joy to the enemy, and ends in failure, and haughtiness leads to contempt and a bad ending, the Kha.n in his self-will took all the materials of grandeur and magnificence with him, and thought to march from Pesh,.war to the capital of Afghanistan and to root out the turbulent Afghans. Jn the 15th year, on 3 3 MuJ:1arram 1083, 21 April 1672, before he had tl'aversed the Khyber, though news had come that the Afghans on hearing of his design had closed the roads and were numerous as ants and locusta, he in his arrogance made no account of them and went on. During the march, from want of care and from treachery ,there occurred what happened in Akbar's time to Zaln K. Koka, I,Iakim Abul-fatJ:1 .andRajah Birbal. The Afghans attacked on all sides and shot arrows and threw stones. The troops got confused,. and the men, the horses and the el~phants fell upon one another. Some thousands fell from the
1

Mentioned in the Tiiz\ik Jehin-

girl.
~ baqcamooi gAari1r. Baqam is. Brazil-wood, and the dye produced from it. It also appears to be a name for the datura-plant; tor bad ibarut, see Bahiir 'Ajam and Vullel's,s.v.

s Irvine, Manucci II, 200, note, gives on the authority of the T. Muhammadi, 7 Muharram = May 6, 1672 N.S., 68 the date. It is also stated there that the son-in-law was killed on this occasion.

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that hapless Saiyid set fire to the furniture (preparations) and came away. Though Mu1,J.ammad AmIn was proud and self-conceited, yet he was one of the unique lof the age for honesty and truth. He strave after right-thinking. He had a powerful memory. In the end of his life, at the time when he was governor of Gujarat, he in a very short time became a l:Iafi~ of the holy volume. Consequently Aurangzeb ealled him Mu1,J.ammad AmIn K. I:Iafi~. He was a bigoted Imamiya. He did not admi t Hindus to his privacy. If any of the great Rajahs, who could not be denied, came to see him, he a{terwards had the house washed and the carpets removed, and changed his clothes.
(SAIYID) AMIR K. K HA",,".AF!.

Maafiir A., 118. Ig,lHi K. II, 233. 3 Maa~ir A., 226, where it is said there were also 432 horses. Manucci has a good deal to say ahollt Muhammad AmIn and speaks of his great
l
2

wealth. See vol. II, 196, et 8eq. do not know the value of the ibriii himi. Presumably it was a Deccani coin. The Maas.ir A., 219, gives 20 instead of 8 Jum1ida the 2nd as. the date of death.

His name was Saiyid :.\111' and he was the younger brot,her of Shaikh MIr. When Aurangzeb after the first battle with Dara Shikoh proceeded from Agra to Delhi al1d on the way arrested Murad Bakhsh, who had shown signs of presumption, and sent him to the fort of Delhi, he made AmIr K. governor of tbe fort and presented him with a robe of honour and a horse, and gave him the title of AmIr K., a sum of Rs. 7000, and made his rank 2000 with 500 horse. In the first year of the reign he con~ veyed Murad Balihsh to the fort of Gwalior and then joined the royal army. When in the battle near Ajmere Shaikh MIr fell in the king's service, AmIr K. obtained the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse. In the 3rd year he was appointed, with a suitable force, to chastise Rao Kam, zamindar of Bikanil', who in Sbah ,Jahan's time belonged to the Deccan contingent, and had at the time of the contest between Aurangzeb and Dara Shikoh left the Deccan without orders and gohe to his native country. When he arrived at the borders of Bikanlr he brought Rao Kam, who had respectfully appeared before him, to court. In the 4th year he was appointed to the charge of Kabul in succession to ~lahabat K. and received a robe of honour, a special sword ano
l

l\Jaas.ir A., 219.

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daggel' set with pearls. a Persian horse, a special elephant. and

had the rank of 5000 with 5000 horse, of which 1000 were two-horse and three-horse. In the 6th year after the return of the royal retinue from Kashmir to Lahore he was summoned to court, and then after some time was allowed to go to hiR estates. Jn the 8th year he, the second time, came unattended to court and was received with favour, and then returned to Kabul: Jn the llth year he was removed from there and came to court. As he had resigned his office, he took up his residence in the capital. Jn thp, 13th year corresponding to 1080, 1669-70, he died.' As be was without sons his brother Shaikh ' - MIr ~hawafi's sons were given mourning dresses. AMIR ~HAN MIR MIRAN. Son of Khalil Ullah K. of Yezd. His mother ~amida Banu Begam was the daughter of Saif K. and the daughter's daughter of Yemenu-d-dauIa A~af K. In the 29th year of Shah Jahan he had an increase of 500 with 100 horse and obtained the rank of 1500 with 500 horse and was made Mir Tiizuk. Jn the 31st year when ~halil VlIah K. became governor of Delhi, he obtained the title of MIr ~han and was appointed to accompany his father. In the .reign of Aurangzeb he" after his father's death, obtained an increase of rank and was made faujdar of the hilI-country (Kohistan) of ,Jamu. Jn the IOth II year he was appointed to accompany MU-9 ammad AmIn K. MIr BakhshI on his expedition to chastise the insolent Yl1sufzai. The general sent him with a force to the neighbourhood of Shahbazgarha, which is near Langarkot, and he plundered the villages of tbe Yl1sufzai, and tben he came to the plain e (fa~{d) of (inside of) Koh Kara Mar, and set fire to some other villages. He returned to camp with much cattle. In the 12th year he was I;tppointed, in place of ~asan 'All K., to be
J Apparently Amir ~wifi i$ the author of the history of 5 yea", of Aurangzeb's reign described in Rieu l, 265. 2 'Alamgirniima 1045, 1057, etc., l'tIaa~ir A. 61.

Jn the same year, on the death of Ilahverdi K. 'AlamgIri, he was made governor of Allahabad, and received a man'!ab of 4000 with 3000 horse, consisting of two-horse troopers. In the 14th year he was removed from his appointment and brought to court, and for some reason he was for some days deprived of office. Jn the same year he was restored and was treated with favour. When in the 17th year he was nominated to the faujd8.r'i of Irij l he refused the appointment and in consequence was deprived of his rank and went into retirement. In tbe 18th year (Maair A. 139) he again was received into favour and obtained the title of AmIr ~han and an increase of rank. He received 2 charge of the government of Bihar. There he exerted himself in chastising 'Alam, Ism'an and other Afghans of Shahjahanpur and Kant Golah, and seized. them when they had taken refuge in a fort. In the 19th year he came to court and joined the expedition of Shah 'Alam Bahadur to Kabul. From a long time this country had been a house of turmail from its occupation by Afghan tribes. Especially was it so in the time of Akbar. On every opportunity it rose into rebellion. The royal armies, in order to root out these sedition-mongers repeatedlv trod the land under their horses' hoofs. When it had been filI;d with revenge and slaughter, though many retired into obscurity, yet the sparks were not entirelyextinguished, and the old state 3 of things revived. Said K. Bahadur ~afar .fang rooted out most of the thorns, and afterwards the army of Shah Jahan arrived at Kabul the capital and there was coming and going of the armies which marched to conquer Bal1gJ and Badakh!ihan, and which also
In the province of Agra, Jarrett 187 Maasir A. 132. From his opinions' being" asked in the 15th year about Mir Jumla's Ron MUQammad Amin, it would seem that he was then in favour. see M808ir U. Ul, .Jl19. 2 Kant Golah and Shiihjahanpur were not in Bihar but in Rohilkand. Amir K.' s report about these is mentioned at p. 146 of Maa!!ir A., and his coming from Bihar is mentioned later, p. 148. For Kant Golah and Shahl

dat'ogha of the mansabdars.

I
.

II

g The passage is taken from 'Alamgimama 1059. The Koh Kara Mar seems to be the Black Mountain of the expedition of 1868 and to be near Abbotabad.

jahanpur see Elliot Supp. Glossary II, 167. Perhaps, however, the Afghans had fled from Rohilkand to Bihar and Bengal, and been there seized by Amir K., for it is mentioned that he sent them in with Ibrahim K. who was coming from Bengal to court. S Maham kahna lang, see Vullers II, 92~a, for explanation of term kahn lang, "res qUBe e loco suo exire vel moveri non potest. ' :

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passed by this road for the Qandahar expedition. On these occasions the most of the Afghans abandoned their disturbances and placed the foot of respect under the skirt of obedience. Many of the presumptuous who lived in their own land and did not submit their necks to the yoke of tribute became submissive. I In short the affairs of that country took a proper shape and there was ostensible peace. Afterwards when there was the rule of Aurangzeb, and the governors became slothful and fond of their ease, the Afghans again grew haughty and presumptuous, and became like a wasp's nesto They were numerous as ants or locusts and swooped upon the land like crows and kites , for the imperial armies submitted to be plundered by those evil-doers, and the high officers when confronted with them simply allowed themselves to be robhed and killed, and made no opposition. At last the royal standards reached J:Iat>an Abdal, and there was much planning. The thread 2 of their dissensions could not be extracted. After returning to Lahore, Prince MuJ:1ammad, styled Shah '.tllam Bahadur, was chosen for the work. The Prince either by his own right understanding, or from secret knowledge such as often inspires the fortunate, perceived that the settlement of this distracted country was implicated in the governorship of Amir K., and wrote to court to this effect. The :K..han in the 20th year 1088,3 1677, on 4 Mu~arram, 21st February, was made governor of the province in place of 'l\~im K. Koka. Aghar (Aghuz 1) K. was in the van~ guard, and a beginning was made by chastising the Afghans of Peshawar. Thereafter the army proceeded into the LamgQanat. Aggar (or Aghuz) K. in that neighbourhood showed great activity in slaying Afghans and engaged in a elose conflict with Imal' K. who had taken the title of Shah and struck coius in his own name in the hills. He showedhis courage hy standing firm, when his men took to flight. He was nearly being killed, when some of his well-wishers.showed devotion and seized his rein and brought him
l Lit. "drew ba.ck their feet from their limit," that is, kept themselves within bounds.

A pparently a metaphor taken from

the process of extracting the worm thllt produces the Delhi sore. 3 Text 1008, but evidently it should be 1088. Khali K. II, 233, 243, etc.

out from that dangerous place. Amir K., after showing the strength of his army, by degrees praetised such soothing and kindness towards those strarigers to the kingdom of civility that the heads of the tribes gave up their savagery and wildness and visited hi~ without any apprehensions. They settled accounts, and during his government of two and twenty years he neve~ met wit~ any disaster, nor submitted to any humiliation nor dId any evIl act. On 27 Shawal of the 42nd year 1109, 27th April 1698, he bae the world adieu. He was attached to the Irnamiya (Shia) religion, and sent much money to the learned and pious men of Persia. He was buried in the capital in his father's tomb. He was an officer full of wisdom and sagacity. It would be good if the secretaries of the age and learned thinkers could take sketches of plans, wholesale or in part, from the margin of his heart. His ingenuity of thought removed the wickedness of strife from the kingdom's conscience, and his index-finger detected the pulse ~f the age and grasped the vein l which puts sedition to sleep. HIS effective hands made the hands of oppressors l surrender, and his active feet tripped up the feet of robbery. He cast down the foundation of force. He stripped off the wings of tyranny. A lofty fortune is a great possession! Whatever nursling he planted in the gaTden of his thoughts became a frui~bearing tree. Nothing appeared on the tablet of his projects but what was s~cces.s ful. Nor did anything appear on the page of his hopes whIch dId not take the form of fulfilment. He so drew by the noose of kindness the Afghan leaders-who held their necks and heads higher than the heavens-that they became obedient, and he so captured by sincerity and friendship those savages that they voluntarily bound themselves to the saddle-straps of obedience. By the magic of his right-thinking, the leaders of that tribe spread out the carpet of mutual dissension and fell upon ~ne an.other. Stranger still, everyone of them sought to improve hIS affaIrs by taking the advice of Amir K. They say that at one time there were few of the Atghan tribes which did not rally round Imal Khan. Everyone in the
l

rag-i.khwab.i-(itna.

See Vullers II, 49a, for this phrase.

32

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hill country took some days' provisions and presented themselves. There was tumult and there was a great assemblage. It was impossible for the army of the subal.Idar of Kabul to cope with this. AmIr ~ha~ was troubled and got 'Abdullah K. ~hweshgI, who was a leadmg man among the man,,!abdiirs and auxiliaries , and was famed for his dexterity and craft, to write a false letter to the chief of ever: tribe to this effect: " We for a long time were waiting for some hIdden good, and that the sovereignty might be transferred to the Afghans. God be praised that Our old hope has been realized. But we are unacquainted with the disposition of the person who has been raised to the throne. Write to us if he be fit for empire; then we too shall approach him, for service with ~he Moghuls is a profitless thing." In reply they wrote praises of Imal ~han .and urged him to come in..' Abdullah K. again wrote, " These qualities are excellent, but the finest thing in rule is justice and consideration for the subjects of every class. In order to test him, be good enough to take the trouble to enquire how he will ~ivide th~ territory among the tribes if it come into his possesSIOn. If he be timid or partial, it will at once become evident." Th~ heads of the tribes acted upon his counsel and sent a message to Imal K. He was at a stand-sta.y a.s to how he should divide a smal! country among a great number. On this account there was a schism among them. Many of the ignorant and of the general public went off. He was compelled to make a beginning of a division. As of course he paid attention to his own set and favoured those who were nearer to him, the others raised a dispute. Each of the leaders went off to -his own country and wrote letters to 'Abdullah K. forbidding him to join. AmIr K.'s wife was known as ~al:tibjI, and was the daughter of 'Ali Mardan K. AmIru-I-umara (the famous maker of canals). She was a wonderful lady for her prudence and knowledge of affairs. She took part in political and financial matters and showed excellent sense in the conduct of business. They say that one night news came to Aurangzeb of the -death of AmIr K. Immediately he sent for Irshad K., who for a while was diwan of Kabul, and at this time was diwan of the Khalsa and said to - ., him that a heavy misfortune had occurred, viz. the death of Amir

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

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K. A country which was prepared for any amount of tumult and disaffection was left unguarded, and it was to be feared that there would be a rebellion before anothel' governor could arrive. Irshad K. insisted upon it that AmIr K. was alive; who said he was dead 1 The king put the official report into his hands, and he replied, " I admit it, but the administration of that country is bound up with ~a},tibjI. As long as she is alive, there is no probability of a disturbance." Aurangzeb immediately wrote to that able a~ministratrix, and told her to conduct affairs until thearrival of Prince Shah {Alam. They say that as the coming and going of governors in that turbulent country was not devoid of danger, it seemed impossible that the camp of a deceased governor could depart in safety. ~al:tibjI so concealed the death of Amir K. that there was absolutely 110 rumour of it. She got a person who resembled AmIr K. to sit in an ayinadar l palanquin and so make the journey, stage by stage. Every day the soldiers saluted him and took leave. When the cortege emerged from the hill-country, she performed the mourning rites. They say that till Bahadur Shah arrived , and he was a long time in coming, ~al:tibji made-great arrangements for the administration of the country. As most of the chiefs had come to mourn for Am,ir K., she kept them honourably near her, a~d sent messages to the Afghans to the effect that they should act according to their customs and abstain from tumult and highway robbery, and not exceed their -position. "Otherwise the ball and the field were ready (metaphor from polo). If I win, my name will remain till the judgment-day." They felt the justice of this, and renewed their oaths and promises , and did not in any way prove disobedient. It was reported by trustworthy persons that when this chaste

l Lit. "mirror-holding." Probably it here means a palanquin or litter provided with glass-doors. S.ee Bernier II, 235, who says that takht-rawan or litters were furnished with glassdoors. II, p. 23:;. As Grant-Duff

points out, there is a difference be tween a palanquin and a pal~i, III, 79 n. In the Maair A . p. 354, we have the phrase palki ayina applied to a palki sent as a present by Aurang7.eb to his second son Mu!:lammad A '~im Shh.

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lady was one day in the time of her youth passing along the narrow streets in her litter, a royal elephant, which was the premier one of them all, appeared, in the height of its pride. in front of her. Though the guardians of order wanted to turn him, the driver would not be restrained, for his tribe is never without haughtiness, and the glory of the imperial equipage added to his arrogance. He drove the elephant on, and though men put their hands to their quivers, the elephant put his trunk on the litter , and wanted to twist it and to tread it under foot. The bearers threw the litter on the ground and fled. That lionhearted woman jumped out on to a money-changer's shop which was opposite the litter, got inside, and shut the door. Amir K. for some days was moved by Indian jealousy to displeasure , and wanted to separate from her, but Shah Jahan rebuked him and said, "She did a manly act, and saved her honour and yours. If the elephant had twisted her in his trunk and shown her to the world, how would her modesty have remained ~" Amir K. had no children by ~al;libji, and as she fully ruled him, he in great secrecy kept mistresses and had many children by them. At last this came to ~al;libji's knowledge, and she behaved kindly to them and brought them up. Two years after Amir K. 's death and after she had administered the affairs of Kabul she came to Burhanpfir. As permission had been given to her to go to Mecca she sent off Amir K.'s sons to court and hastened to the port of Surat. Afterwards, when Amir K.'s property had been examined, an order was sent that ~al;libji herself should corne to court, but her ship had sailed before the order reached her. As she spent large sums of money at Mecca, the Sharif and others treated her with honour. The eldest son of Amir K. obtained the title of Mir ~han and the rank of 100.0 with 600 horse and was married to the daughter of Bahramand K. Mir Bakhshi: In the time of Bahadur Shah he was appointed as deputy of A~afu-d-daula to the government of Lahore. Another of his sons was M. Jafar 'Aqidat K. who in the time of Bahadur Shah was made governor of Patna, and afterwards bakhshi of Prince 'A?;imu-shsha.n. The accounts of M. Ibrahim Marhamat K. and M. IsaJ.1aq Amir K.-who were more distinguished than their other

brothers, and both of whom as well as Khadija Regam, the wife of Riil;l Ullah K. the 2nd, were by one mother-have been written separately. The other sons did not attain so much fame. For instance there were Hadi K. who went to Patna when Marl;lamat was Naib there, and Saif K., who was taujdar of Purnia, and Asad Ullah K. who on the recommendation of Ni?;amu-I-mulk A~af Jah was made bakhshi of the Deccan. AMIR KH.AN SINDH!. His name waS 'Abdu-I-Karim, and he was the son of Amir K., son of Amir Abu-l-qasim l Nimakin. When his grandfather became attached to Bhakkar in the time of his government he made his tomb there. His father also died in the province of Tatta and was buried beside his father. On this account tbat country has been the birth-place and educational home of many of the family. Hence the application of the word Sindhi. But they really were Saiyids of Herat, as has been shown in the account of Amir K.'s ancestars. Also in the biography of Amir K. deceased it has been stated z that he, like his father, had many children. Even at the age of one hundred he did not fail to beget children. Mir 'Abdu-I-Karim was the youngest of all his brothers. As none but t.he sons of amirs and Jg)anazadas (houseborn anes) is reckoned fit for the personal service of kings, and the passage to this is by being a kbwal!i (personal attendant), 'Abdu-I-Karim was at first a lffiwii,~i and afterwards a leader of k]}wal!i8. As promotion 3 and exaltation were in his horoscope, he in the 26th year, when the city of Aurangabad had acquired the name of Khujasta Banyad by the king's advent, was made ~uperintendent of the oratory. Afterwards he had charge of the seven -guards' (haft cauki) along with the care of the oratory. As
l Blochmann 470. z See above, p. 173. B See Blochmann 472. His first employment W88 apparently that of collector of the poll-tax for Burhanpur, ~afi K. II, 278-79. See also id. 338, where he is called Sharif K. and spoken of as having collected the polltax with great Beverity. B!ochmann 257. The guarding of the palace, etc., was apparently arranged by having seven changes of guards. See Maasir A. 240.

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the king desired to advance him, he was also appointed superintendent of the naqqash-@ii/YUl. l In the end of the 28th year he was found i in fault and was removed from the office of superintendent of the oratory (janamazlillana). In the 29th year when Prince Shah 'Mam Bahadur and ~han Jahan defeated the army of Abu-l-!)asan, the ruler of Telang, and took the city of Haidarabad, AmIr K. was sent 8 (by Aurangzeb) with robes of honour and jewels to the prince and the leading officers. Some other persons of note accompanied him. When they came within four kos of Haidarabad, Shaikh Ni?!am of Haidarabad fell upon them with a body of men. Najabat K. and A~alat K.-whom QulIj K. the governor of Zafarabad had given as guides-on account of the old association that they had with the enemy, joined him (Ni?!am). The jewels, the dresses of honour, and other things, and the merchandise, and the equipments of the men who had accompanied the party as if it were a caravan, were plundered. MIr 'Abdu-l-KarIm, who fell wounded onthe field, was mane prisoner and conveyed to Abu-l-l:,1asan. Four days afterwards he was conveyed from Golconda to the prince's camp near Haida"rabad by men who then withdrew 5 themselves. Mul:,1ammad Murad K. l:,1ajib (chamberlain or perhaps here envoy) heard of this and brought him to his house and treated him kindly. When his wounds were healed, he waited upon the prince, and conveyed the verbal messages he had been entrusted with. On taking leave of him he went with J),lli1n Jahan Bahadur who had been summoned to the Presence, and rubhed his forehead on the threshold of sovereignty. During the siege of Golconda, as Sharif K., the Kmri of the camp-treasury, had been appointed to collect the poll-tax of four provinces of the Deccan, AmIr K. was appointed to act as his deputy as treasury-krori. At the same time he 'I\'as
l Maa,~lr A. 255. "The picture gallery," but probably Aurangzeb did not sllow of portrait-painting. The paintings were probably illuminations to books. The author of the Msssir A. states in the same place that A~ir K. was made !l;Ccountant (ma8hraj) of the same OffiCfl (naqqaahtmlina).
~ id. 261. 8 id. 268.

also appointed superintendent of Fines. l In the 33rd year as a reward for his good service as Treasury-krori, whereby he showed plenty and cheapness alongside of the scarcity and dea.rness in Haidarabad ,he received the title of Multafat K. (the provident ~han). Afterwards, on the death of ~hwaja J:Iayat K., he was put in charge of the abdar@ana I (gtillroom). In the 36th year he was made superintendent of t,he pages (darogha-i4dlwal!an) on the death of Anwar K. the son of Wa~Ir K. Shahjal,1anI, and obtained a man~ab of 1000 and became envied by his contemporaries for his intimacy and underst.anding of the disposition (of Aurangzeb). In the 45th year he had the title of ~hiina.za.d K., and after that had the title of MIr prefixed. to that of Khanazad K., and in the 48th year, after the taking of Torna, he obtained the hereditary title of his father-that of Amir K. At that time the king said, ,{ Your father MIl' K., when he became Amir K., gave a lac of rupees as peshkaslz to Shah .J ahan for t.he addition of the letter alil, what do you offer?" He replied , (, May there be thousands and tbousands of life-sacrifices for the holy personality! My life and property are devoted to Your Majesty." Next day he presented the Koran written by Yaqut. 3 His Majesty said: "You have presented a thing which the world and all that.is "therein could not equal in value." After the taking of WAkinkera he go.t an increase of 500 and had a manl!ab of 3000. In the end of Aurangzeb's reign he was his companion, and had no superior in companionship and in the confidence reposed in him. Night and day he was in attendance. In the Maa~jrAlamgIrIitis stated" that at Devapur, three kos fromWakinkera, the king was attacked by illness, and this was so severe that he sometimes became delirious. As he had reached the age of 90, men began to

I
I

!
'I

~ Another name for Bidar, W.N.\". Haidarabad. lt probably received the name of Zafarabad because it was taken in one day by Aurangzeb. See Grant-Duff I, 156, and note. , Maa!!ir 'Alamgiri 269.

Blodunann lal. See Masair A. Hia busincss probably ,,:~s to realize the fine;; imposed OIl the inhabi tants of Bijapilr and Goleonda. ~ Blochmann 55. 3 A famous caUigraphist. but Yiqiit is also the name of a kind of writing. 508 el .eq. Aurangzeb wroie
I

many letters to Amir K. iSindhi.

See

304.

Rieu's Cat. I. 100/). The Mss!!ir A. ;;07 sayo, ,. Three kos from HahIllsnba-

khali E.haira. H\lt this was tile name given by Allrangzeb to Wiikinkhera after its espture. See Khifi K. II, S3R. Wikinkhera id E.S-:-E. Bijapur, and Devipiir W88 Dear the KistQa.

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despair, and the country was nearly being upset by the dread of what might happen. AmIr K. used to tell I how one day at this tima when the king was very weak he heard him saying under his breath :Verse.

When you have reached your ROth and 90th year, Many evils have you suffered from Time, \Vhen after that you attain the lOOth stapo" It is death in the form of life. "When this fell upon my ear '1 quickly said, 'Save Your Majesty, the Shailib of Gant (Ni?amI), May God's mercy be upon him! uttered these lines as 'a prelude to a couplet, which is this : Verse.

Then, 'ti:-; better that you remain joyful, And that in that joy you remember God. He said, "Repeat the lines." I did so several times, and he "igned to me to give them him in writing. I wrote them out, and he read them over. The Giver of strength gave him power, and in the morning he came out to the hall of justice. He sdid, "Your verse has given me perfect health, and conveyed strength to weakness." 'The .Ii.han was endowed with a quick intelligence and an excellent understanding. One day during the siege of Bljapftr the king was carried in alitter (takht-rawan) to see amound (rfamdarna) which had been raised to a level with the battlements. and cannon balls from the fort were passing over the litter , when AmIr K., who was then superintendent of the oratory and had not yet become a person of consequence, made this impromptu line and wrote it on a piece of paper with a lead-pencil i (qalm-i-

surb) and presented it, Fat1J, Bijapitr l zftdi mi 8/tawad " The conquest of Bijapur will soon take place." 1099 (1688). The king received it as a good omen and said, ,C God grant that it be so." In the saroe week the fort was surrendered. After the fort of Golconda was taken the chronogram i was found (by Amir K.):Fat1J, qila Gulkanda, mubarak badao "The conquest of Golconda, may it be blessed." 1099 (1688). He was approved of by the king, and as he had the demerits of annoyance and presumption, he gave himself airs (lit. he set. t.he peak of the cap of presumption crookedly on the h3ad of license), and though of low rank he bore himself head and shoulders higher than the leading officers. He acquired such influence t.hat the highest of them made en_ treaties to him. \Vhen an order had been given that with the exception of him who had had a palanquin given him from the imperial establishment, HO one, either of the princes or of the officers entitled tn travel in a palanquin, should enter the enclosure (gul{dbiir 2), he, who was at that time termed Multafat
l The two chronograms scem to yield lOlll! or 1687-88, but if so they are both wrong. Bijapiir and Golconda were not taken in th" same year. Bijapiir was taken first, and in the year 1097 or 1686, some time in October. The chronogram in the text gives cAbu I-Karim's correctly as stated in the )raa~ir 'Alamgiri 379, but l think the editors have made a mistake in reckoning the p of Bijapur as equal to b and consequently as representing the figure 2. There is no p in Arabic, and though p is often in abiad regarded as = b, this is not the case here. If we deduet the p, we get 1097 the real date of the captur", of Bijiipiir ag shown in the M.A. aDd in ~him K. Possibly'AbduH-Karim, as he was writing extempore. made a mistake in his connt and forgo t that though ~a is the sixth letter of the Arabic alphabet, it counts 8 in abjad. Golconda WeB taken in the following year 1098 or about September 1687. The chronogram in text wrongly has

l~.!lUsrau
DlDg.

id. 59. The lines come from the and Shirin, near the begin-

z See Vullers, s.v. qalm, p. 737, cois. 1 and 2. M.A. 279.

bada as the last word, whereas it should be OD.ly bad I\S in IS.!!afi K. 368, and in M.A. 300. This gi ves 109'!, which is the correct date, as appears from the ~LA., pp. 298-99. With reference to the litter or taJIDt rawan of the text it may be noticed that the :\I.A. represent", it as being carried on the backs of horses p. 278, unlel!B indeed taJIDt-rawa~ is used there rhetorically for asaddl". Ordinarily a taJIDt-rawiin was borne by men. See Bernier II, 235, and 238. The date of the visit was 25 Shawall097, 4 S~ptember 1686, and Bijapiir was taken on 4 r(:ilq'ada in the 30th year of the reign 1097 = 12 September 1686. Golconda was taken on 24 r(:ilq'ada 1098, or 21 Septembfr 1687. !l The guliUbiir was a red screen round the daulat-lillana or collection of imperial tents. The privilege referred to is mentioned in the l\1~ir A. 354. For guliilbar or "red wall " see Blochmann 45 and 54, and Irvine

3~

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258

THE MAA.SIR-UL-UMARA.

Khan, and the Jumla-ul-mulk Asad Khan, were, shortly afterwards, allowed to enter in their pa.lanquins. After that, permission was also granted to Bahramand Kha,n, Muk.bl~ ~han and Riil.l Ullah Khan. It m~y be gathered from this what his position was and what a place he had. taken in the king's heart. He was also of surpassing trustworthiness. Agents I at his orders would send him the productions of every country at one-half or one-third of the real pnce. He took notice of this and privately made a full enquiry and ascertained what the price was. After the death of Aurangzeb he accompanied Mul.lammad 'A~im Shah, but as he had no force he remained with the baggage in Gwaliyar. When Bahadur Shah became king and the officers of the former reign, whether loyal or the reverse, obtained promotion, Amir K. too was raised to the rank of 3000 with 500 horse , but he had not the same intimacy nor the same pomp. He felt helpless and accepted the governorship of Agra fort and rei-ired into obscurity, and saved himself from seeing things that should not be seen. Mun'im K. Khan-~hanan, who for worth and humanity was the unique of the age, gave him in consideration of his old pre-eminence the governorship of -Agra. Afterwards he was removed from this and confined to the government of the fort. When in the middle of the reign of Mul.lammad Farrulill Siyar weakness had crept into the management of public affairs owing to the predominanee of the Saiyids of Barha, and there came a necessity for consulting the officers of Aurangzeb, 'Inayat Ullah K., I,Iamidu-d-din K. Bahadur and Mul.lammad Niyaz K. all were again received into favour, and Amir K. also was summoned from Agra and made superintendent of the personal attendants. After
A. of M. 199. Perhaps gulal is Turki and ID eans "red rose. ' , l ahi riizgar, which l think must mean here agents, though it may also mean workmcn or men of business. Presumably the goods were sent to him in his public capacity. Hill agents perhaps understated the price in order to gain his favour, or it may be that workmen and others sent him the goods under cost price, knowing that he would ascertain the real value and pay them accordingly. The text differs from the Blochmann MS. and from 1.0. 62&. The text has dar parda qadagharlrii8ti' ub where the MSS. have tadyin instead of q(Uiaghan. l think however the text is right, The text 'has arz ,. price" but the MSS. have UZ "~varice" and they have , ~a~i~ , instead of 1.ti~~a8.

the deposition of the king and when the reins of power fell into the hands of the Saiyids of Barha, Amir K. was made ~adru-l ~adiir in the place of Af~al K. Tl:ey say that Qu~bu-l-mulk (the elder Saiyid) out of regard to his former eminence did not cease to honour him, and made him sit on a corner of his own ma81I.ad. At this same time death called him. None of his sons distinguished 1themselves. They were contented with their father's acqnisitions, except Abu-l-~hair K., who, on account of his relationship with ~han ~ Dauran ~hwaja 'A,?im, obtained the title of :K.,han in the reign of the deceased emperor and hada position (dastgah). He died in company with the ~hall Dauran aforesaid. Mir Abii-lwafa, the grandson of ~iyau-d-din K. the elder brother of Amir K., became distinguished in comparison with his sons. In the end of Aurangzeb's reign he was honoured by being made snperintendent of the Oratory. The emperor was impressed by his ability and resource. Accordingly ,a one day a report in cypher of Prince Bahadur Shah was produced before the emperor. As the cypher was not known, the emperor made over his private memorandumbook to the Mir and said, " We have entered in it explanations of two or three cyphers. Compare them with this cypher and make out its meaning." The Mir by his cleverness and quickness brought out the meaning of the hidden cypher and wrote it out and presented it, and was applauded. 'AQIL KHAN 'INAYAT ULLAH. Brother's son and adopted son of Af~al K. Mulla. Shukr Ullah. His father's name was 'Abdul-l-~aqq, who durmg Shah
IOne son, Ashraf , collected and published Aurangzeb's letters to his father. See Rieu I. 400b. ~ Maasir l. 819. He was Amiru-lUmara ~nd was wounded in battle with N adir S!'lah and died of his wounds. Mir' Abdul-l-wafa fell along with him. This Khan Dauran is not mentioned by Beale in his list of .Khan Daiirans, but his death is described in Elliot VIII, 62. The Elm peror referred to as dece_d is prelIumably MuJ:t&mrt1ad Shah who died in IUS. a M~ir A., pp. 459, 460. There we have the negative " du sih ramz niivHizah " .' two or three obscure cyphers " but I am not sure if this is right. The Maa~ir A. adds that )lir Abu-I-wafa received the re ward of a muhr weighing 50 muhrs, Rs. 500, and an increase of horse for interpreting the cypher!

~~~--

_c

~~~-_ ~ T -7

260

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA

261

J ahan's reign attained the rank of 1000 with 200 hOI'Se and was called Ama.nat Khan. He wrote nas@ exceedingly well, and in the 15th year, as a reward for the inscription which he had written on the cupala (the Taj) of Mamtazu-z-zaman:i, received the gift ot an elephant. He died in the 16th year. '.Aqil K., in the 12th year, was made' Ar~ mukarrir (reviser of petitions), and after wards received the title of 'A.qi1 K. In succession to M:ultafat K. he was made diwan of the Riyutat and in the 15th year his rank was 2000 with 500 horse, and he had the appointment of MIr Raman. In the 17th year, when MusavI K. died, he waS made 'Ar~ Waqa:i of the provinces and of the department I of presents which also had belonged to MusavI K. In the 18th year he had an increase of 200 horse, and the office of Ar~ WaqaI of the provinces was given to MuIla 'Ala-ul mulk in his room. In the 19th year his rank was 2500 with 800 horse. Atterwards, when, in succession to him, the office of Khansaman was given to MuHa' Ala-ul-mulkI, he received an increase of 2QU horse and was made 2nd BakhshI, and Ar~ Waqa'i of the province;.;. In the :!Oth year he was flent off with a body of troops to convey 25 hcs of rupee;; to GhorI to Shah Beg K. the than adar there. In the same year his rank became 3000 with 1000 horse, and he had the gift of a flag. In the end of the 22nd year corre3ponding to 1059, 1649, at the time when Kabul was the halting-place of the standards of victary , he suddenly died. He wafl versed in poetry and in accounts. The adopted daughter of SatI" Khanim-who had charge of the king's harem-was married to him. The said ~hanim was descended from a Mazhindaran family, and she was the sister of 'f.alib a .Amu1I who in the reign of Jahangir received the title of Maliku-sh-sh'aarai (king of poets). After the death of her husband N~:ira, the brother ofI.Iakim Rukna' of Kashan, she by good fortune entered the service of Mamtazu-zzamanI (Nur Mal.Ial, the wife of Shah Jahan). As she was adorned with an eloquent tongue, and a knowledge of etiquette, and knew house-keeping and medicine, she advanced beyond othet servants
l Ri8alcHin'aam. Pitdshiihnitma I,373. ~ Pidshihniima I. 151,394; U. 628.

and reached the rank of muhrdar (sealer). As she knew l the art of reading (the Qoran) and was acquainted with Persian literature, she was appointed to be instructresB to the Begam ~al)ib (Aurangzeb's eldest daughter) and so attained to high dis.tinction (rose to the sphere of Saturn, the seventh heaven). After the death of ~lamtazu-z-zamani, the king, who appreciated her merit, made her head of the Harem. As she had no child, she after 'f.aliba's death adopted II his two daughters. The eldest was married to '.Aqil K., and the younger to ZIa-ud-dln, who was styled .Ral)mat K. and who was the son of J.Iakim Qu!ba, the brother of J.Iak:im Rukna. In the 20th year, when the royal residence was Lahore, the younger daughter-of whom the Khanim was very fonddied in childbed. The Khanim went home and mourned for her for some days. After that. the king sent for her and placed her in the quarters that he had in the palace, and personally came to her there and administered her consalation. She, after discharging the duties connected with the presence B of the king, went to her appointed dwelling and surrendered her soul to God. The king gave from th.e treasury Rs. 10,000 for her funeral and burial, and ordered that her body should be kep.t in a temporary grave. After a year and add it was conveyed to Agra and buried at a cost of Rs. 30,000 in a tomb west of the sepulehre of the Mahad 'Aliya {Nur Mal.Ial) in the Jilauliliana Chauk (the square of the equipages 1). A village yielding Rs. 3000 4 was assigned for the expenses (of the upkeep) of the tomb. (RAJAH) ANfJP SINGH BADGUJAR.b He is known as AnI Rai Singhdalan. Badgujar is a tribe of Rajputs. His ancestars were zamindars. They say that hi" gra.ndfather on account of poverty used to hunt deer, and live upon their flesh. By chance he one day in the jungle fired at what h~ thought was a tiger. He hit a royal cita which they had let loose
I

P1idshiihnlirna II. 629.

Janan's breakfast. Padllhahnim& II.

li30.
4

Rieu 679b.
(JO~.

+ Rieu

She sent for them from Persia. Piidshithnama II. 630. See also Maa!lir U. II. 283, notice of Ra1).mat K.
B

(Khuriiridin mii~a~ar kAa~).

The duty

of preparing

Shah

Text 30,000. but it ill 3000 in Piidshahnama II. 629. b Elliot'a Supp. GIoa. I. 38. .. Oil. of the 36 roya.l of Rajp~t.."

r_

262

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE ;\IAASIR-UL-UMARA.

263

at the deer, and which had secretly entered the jungle. The bell and golden coIlar enabled Anfip Singh's grandfather to recognize that it belonged to the royal establishment. He took off the trappings and flung the body into a well. Those who were looking for the cita, came to the well and gathered that this was the work of the Rajput who was always going about hunting. They went to his house and got the bell and collar. They also seized him and brought him before Akbar. When he was told what had happened, he approved of his courage and marksmanship and took him into his service.' On account of his love for shooting he gave him a suitable office. His son Blr Narayan also received a post and rose higher than his father. When his son Aniip came to years of discrf'tion, he by his good service attained, in last years of Akbar's reign, the rank of head of the ~hidmatgars who are called khwa:;;~. He also discharged the same duties for a time during the reign of Jahangir. In the fifth year of his reign .Jahangir was one day engaged in pergunnah BarI in hunting with leopards (yoz). In the course of this, Aniip Sing who was bringing on a party of the hunters l learnt that there was a powerful tiger and went off towards it. With the help of the party he surrounded it and sent word to the king. Though it was the end of the day, and the elephants-which are necessary for hunting this dangerous animal-were not present, Jahangir, from his love for tiger-hunting, rode off to the spot. After seeing the tiger he disrnounted and fired at it twiCe. As it was "not badly wounded, it went to a low place and lay down. As the sun had declined and he was bent on shooting the tiger, <tnd except Prince Shah Jahan, Raja Ram Das Kachwaha, Aniip Singh, I'timad Rai, J:Iayat K. K., superinwndent of the abdarkhana (wine-cellar), Kamal Qarawal and three or four /dI,wa~~, no one else was present, he advanced some steps and fired. It happened that this time too no such wound was produced as would stop the tiger's spring. In hi~ rage the tiger rushed at the king, roaring and growling. There was such a stampede of men that Jahangir was pressed
The text has the word bara which I do Dot know. but which the Ma.ir explaiDs M 111eaning a number. ApJ

backwards and at the side, and after going back one or two paces he fell. He himself writes that two or three in their confusion trampled over his chest. Meanwhile the prince fired, but without effect. The tiger came upon Aniip Singh who was sitting down and holding the stand (paya) of the speciltl gun in his hand. He struck the tiger on the head with a stick that he had in his hand. The tiger threw him down. At this time when the tiger's hea.d was towards the king, Anup Singh put Qne hand into the tiger's mouth and rested the other On his shoulder. The Prince on the left side drew his sword and wished to strike the tiger on the shonlder, but seeing Anfip Rai's hand there, he struck the tiger on the loins. Ram Das also used his sword, and J:Iayat struck some blows with a stick. The tiger lef.t Anfip and went off. He, as his hand, on aeeount of the rings, had not been made useless, followed the tir!er and struck him with a sword. When the tiger turned round, he struck him again on the face 80 that the skin of his eve-brows came off and fell over his eyes. Meanwhile men asse~bled and at last disposed of the tiger. l Aniip got the title of Ani Rai Singhdalan, i.e. the subduel' of the tiger, and an inercase to his man8ab. When one dav Jahangir for some reason blarned him, he im~ediately drew his' dagger and struck himself on the belly. From that time his rank and inflJr1ence increased. Sometimes he was leader of an army. In the 3rd year of Shah Jahan, when his father Blr Narayan, who had a rnan.~ab of 1000 with 600 horse, died, Anflp Rai got the title of Rajah. In the lOth year he died. He had attained to the rank of 3000 with 1500 ilOrse, He also had some literature and skill in letter-writing. Jai Ram was his son. Of him an acconnt has been given. RAJAH ANURUDHA GAUR. EIdest fanjdar of the office, with 1000
l

son of Rajah Bethal Das. When his father was made Ajmere, he was made his deputy and took charge of ln the 19th year of 8hah Jahan, his rank was 1500 horse, and in the 24th year he wa.'! given atiag.

------parently the word is para for this occurs in the Tiizuk J. g9, line 16. The account of the affair is abridged from that in the Tiizuk, J. 89, et se<}. Jahangir, p. 90, says that ani :
I

means in Hindi a le_er, and 8inghdalan mtl8111 tiger 81ayer. See also Iqbiilniima to. ~c.

264

THE

MAASIR-UL-UMA~A.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

265

In the 25th year, when his father died, his rank was 3000 with 3000 cavalry, two-horse and three-horse, and he had the title of Rajah and the gift of a drum, a horse, and an elephant. On his father's death, he was made governor of the fort of Ranthambhur. Afterwal'ds he was sent off with Prince Aurangzeb who was appointed for the second time to the Qa.ndahar expedition. When he returned in the 26th year, he was allowed to go to his fiet and after that he went off with prince Dara Shikoh to Qandahar. After coming there he went off with Rustum K. Bahadur Firiiz Jang to Bast. In the 28th year he went with S'aad Ullah K. Bahadur to raze Chitor and to punish the Rajah. In the 31st year when Sulaiman Shikoh under the guardianship of the Mirza Rajah J ai Singh was appointed to put down Shuja-who was doing futile things-he received the rank of 3500 with 3000 horse--two-horse and three-horse-and went off with Sulaima.n Shikoh. After the accession of Aurangzeb he entered into service, and in the Ist year he was directed to accompany MU\lammad Sultan who had been appointed to t,he affair of Shuja. Meanwhile on account of some illness he stayed in Agra and went off while still ill. After leaving the capital he died in 1069, 1659.

'AQIL K. MIR 'ASKAR!.

He was originally of Khawaf, and he was one of the Walii Shahls (household troops) of Aurangzeb. In the time when the latter was prince, he was his second bakhshi. When the prince was proceeding from the Deccan to Upper India on the occasion of his father's illness, 'Aqil K. was left in Aurangabad to protect the city. After Aurangzeb's aocession, he came to court and received the title of 'Aqi1 K. and was made faujdar of the Miyan Duab. In the 4th .year he was removed, and on account of illnesses went into retirement and went to Lahore on an allowance of Rs. 10,000 a year. In the 6th year, at the time when the emperor returned to Lahore from Kashmu, he was treated with favour and came out of his retirement. He received a robe of honour ..nd a manttab of 2000 with 700 horse. Afterwards, he was made superintendent of the ghusalkhana.. In the 9th year he

had an increase of 500 personality, and in the 12th year agam went into retirement and received an annual allowance of Rs. 12,000. He again became an object of favour, and in the 22nd year was made bakhshi-i-tan (superintendent of grants) in succession to Safi K. In the 24th year hc was exalted by being made governor ~f the metropolitan province (Delhi), and was for a long time in that appointment. He died (lit. went into the retirement of nonexistence) in the 4Qth year, 1107, I 1695-96. He had adisposition disposed to poverty and independence, and was of a steady mind. If.e 'did service in a stately manner, and waS haughty with his equals. When Mahabat 2 K. Mul:lammad Ibrahim was appointed to the government of Lahore, he asked for an order for viewing the fort and the royal 'buildings (of Delhi). His request was complied with and an order was issued to 'Aqil K. in accordance therewith. He wrote in reply that for certain reasons he could not send (nalillwaham ~albid) for Mahabat : Firstly, a Haidara-bad man was not a fitting person to see the royal buildings. Secondly, the elltrances to the houses were, out of precaution, kept closed, and the rooms were uncarpeted. Nor was it right that they should be cleaned and carpeted for his inspection, Thirdly, the behaviour which was expected from him (' Aqil) at an interview would not be displayed. For every reason it was preferable not to give him admission.. After Mahabat came to the capital and sent a message, he absolutely declined (to admit him). The king too had regard to his long service and to his fidelity and loyalty, and overlooked his presumption and obs.tinacy, and entrusted the highest offices to him. He was not without external perfections. As he was devoted to the service of Shah Burhallu-d-din Raz Ilahi-may the mercy of God be upon him!he adopted the pen-name of Ra.zi. 3 His diwan and masnavi
l 1108, according to Rieu Cat. II. 699". It ill also 1108 in Maa~ir A. 883, from Which the account in text of his manners is taken. ~ MBa!?ir, III. 628. See the story in Maa~ir A. 383. :\1. Ibrahim was a renegade.
3 Rieu II. 699a and Ethe LO. Cat, pp. &96-95. His muraqqa is an imita. tion of Jalluddin Rumf's Ma~navi. Etha, p. 895, Sprenger Cat. 543 and 123. Shiijl Burhnud-din belonged to Burhiinpiir and died in 1083, 167273.

266

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. THE MAAS IR-UL UMARA.

267

are wen known. He regarded himself as unique for his capacity of explai~ing the niceties of the m8.!'lnavi of the Maulana of Rum (Jalalu-d-din). He was of a liberal disposition and compassionate. This verse is his,1 and he repeated it when Prince Aurangzeb went a-riding on the day of the death of ZainabadL

Verse.
How easy love appeared, how hard it was, How hard parting seemed, what ease the beloved at tained! The prince bade hirp repeat the lines once or twice, and then asked him whom they were by. e Aqil replied, "They are by one who does not wish while in the service of his benefactor to call himself a poet." 'ARAB BAHADUR. ln Akbar's time he was one of the officers appointed to the eastern districta, and he earned a good name by his bra very and useful !;Iervice. The pargana of Sasseram in Bihar was held by him in fief. When the officers of that quarter stirred up rebellion , he too threw the dust of disloyalty on his head and showed sign;,; of sedition. In the 25th year, when Mo~affar K., the governor of Bengal , sent the goods of ~hiin J ahim f.Iusain Qul:i to court, and many solding and traders accompanied them, Mul}.ibb 'All K.~after the convoy had reached Bihar-appointed ~ one ~absh K. to go with it with a body of troops. 'Arab hastened after the caravan, and when it had crossed at the Causa ferry, he laid hands on some elephants which had fallen behind. After that he attacked Purokhotam, the diwan of the province,-who was collecting the soldiers in Baksar (Buxar),on a day when he was performing his devotions on the bank of the Ganges. He defended himself. but was wounded and fell Oil the tield and died 3 on the second day. When "Mul}.ibb 'Ali: heard of thi;, he came and fought with 'Arab and made him take

to flight. Afterwards, when Shahbaz K. was sent off to that quarter from court, and came to the estates of Dalpat Ujjainiya, and after chastising him, placed Sa'adat 'Ali K. in the fort of Kant, l a dependency of Rhotas, 'Arab, in ~onjunction with Dalpat, attacked the fort. A great fight took place, and Sa'adat 'Ali was killed while doing his duty, and 'Arab wickedly drank z his blood and smeared some on his forehead ! Afterwards, he joined M' 3/?iim K. FaranJijliid:i, and took part with him in two battIes with Sh.ahbaz K. After he was defeated, he separated, and raised the dust of dissension in Samba!. As the fief-holders there acted with concord and fought, he was defeated. He then went to Bih'ar and had an encounter with a force sent oy the Khan 'A~im Koka and fled. He hastened to Jaunpiir. When Govardhan, the son of Ra.jah Todar lIal, was by Akbar's orders sent to punish him, he retreated into the hills. Afterwards he made his home in the hill-country of Bahraich and buiJt a fort. He made this his refuge when he returned from plundering. One day he had gone off on an expedition. Kharak 3 Rai the land holder sent his son Diilah Rai against the fort. 'Arab's gate-keepers thought he was 'Arab and did not resist him. The zamindar's people seized the accumulated property. As they were returning, e Arab lay in wait for them, and when they came up he scattered them. Dulah Rai, who had remained behind, came up and. defeated him. eArab and two men wi th him fell into a place; the landholder followed them and put an end to 'Arab. This affair occurred in the 31st year corresponding to 994, 1586. S. Abii-I-fa~j records 6 in the Akbarnama that three days before this the Mir Shikar,
..:;.,.iS in text. But apparently it ia the Kot of the Ain J. II. 157. See alao Beamea, J.A.S. B. for 1885, p. 181, who identifies it with Bijyaygarh, the fort in the ;\lirzapiir dist.rict so well known in connection with Chait Singh. There iH a Kantit in I\llahabad Sarkiir, J. n. 161. Possibly some of the authorities have made a oonfusion between Arab Bahadur and 'Arab, which was another name for Niyibat
K.
8
4

A.N. III. 492.

.J1inibe. A.N. III. has jai "place,"

--------_._--I See the story in Maa~ir L 792 in notice of the KLan Zaman Mir Khali!.
~

A.N. III. 286. A.N. III. 287.

and there is the varianteahi " l l well." & A.N. III. 493: it is not mentioned there tbatAkbar was then at Chinhat. Nor doell it appear that there is a Ohiohat or Ch&nhat in the Diiib. There was &Chaniwat in the Rechnan Diiab, Jarrett II. 320. The 'fabaqii:t A. 8&YS Arab B&hidur was killed in pargana Shll1'kot. Elliot V. 453. Sherkot was in Sarkir Sambhal. Jarrett II. 290.

z A.N. III. 324.

THE MAASm-UL-UMARA.

269

268

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Arab. by name, fell into the river Bihat (the Jhilam) and that the king who was then in Chinhat in the Diiab said, " I have a presentiment that the days of 'Arab have come to an en d . "

.of Amla-n K. (the J.iion-khan). In the 10th year he was appointed f&ujdar of SuItanpur Bilehri l and had the rank of 2000 with 800 horse which were two- and three-horse. In the 4Qth year he had An increase of 500. No more details of him have been received. ASAD KHAN MA1\fURI.2 Son of 'Abdu-I-Wahab .K. who had the poetical name of lnayati, and was the younger brother of Mo~affar K. Mamuri. He (Mo?iaffar) held a good position as an eloquent writer, and wrot.e a divan. In Jahangir's time Asad was first the governor of Qandahar. Afterwards, when Sultan Dawar Ba lill sh s. .lillUsrau became governor of Gujarat under the guardianship of ~han , A~im Koka, he was made bakhshi thereof, and died there. Asad ~han loved soldiering. When he went with his uncle Mo~affar to Taf,ta. he took into his service young men of the Argh,iinia clan and distinguished himself by his courage. He w~ also noticed by the sovereign, and when Sultan Parvez went, under the guardianship of Mahabat K., in pursuit of the heirapparent (Shah ,Jahan) , he was one of the auxiliaries. Mahabat K., after coming to Burhanpur, put him in charge of llicpiir. When the other officers and the man~abdar80f the Deccan were appointed to help MuHa Mul;1ammad (Lari) 'Adi! Shahi, he went with them. Suddenly' Adil Shah (of Bijapur) received a great defeat in the battle of Bhatftri/ which was between MuHa Mu-gammad and Malik 'Ambar, and some of the imperial officers were made prisoners. Asad K. by his activity got away from the battlefield and arrived at Burhanpur. When Shah Jahan returned from Bengal and proceeded to besiege that city, Asad' III conjunction with Rao Ratan defended it well. The prince had to raise the siege, and Asad was promoted by being made Bakhshi of the Deccan. The} say that ~llan Jahan Ladi, who became governor of the
I Variant Malhari. Perhaps -Bilehri in Ouel h. J arrett II. 174. 2 'MamUra is near Kabul. Elliot V. 316. l! Battle fou!lht 6 k08 from Al].ma.d-

'ARAB KHAN. His name was Niir Muhammad. In the reign of Shah Jahan he obtained a man~ab, and in the third year, when the city of Burhanpur was the royal residence, and three armies w;re sent, under the command of three leaders, to chastise ~han Jahan Ladi and to devastate the lands of Ni~amu-I-mulk Deccani, as he had taken Khan Jahan under his protect-ion, he was appointed t,o accomp~~y the 'A~im K. After that he was appointed to the Deccan contingent, and in the 7th year, when Prinee Shuja' came ~o the Deccan to take Parenda, and the Khan Zaman was sent III advance, he was left in ~afarnagar with MIo tl'Oopen; to guard the routes. In the end of that year he had the title of 'Arab K. and his rank was 1;300 with 800 horse. In the 9th year, when the Deccan was the royal abode for the second time. and an army marched to chastise Sahii Bhonsla, and to ravage 'Adil Shah 's country, he was sent with ~han Dauran, and did good Rervice in chastising 'Adil K. 's men. [n the 10th year his rank hecamo 2000 with 1500 horse ditaspa, and 8ihaspa, and he was made governor of the fort of I!'at-gabad Dharwar. Afterwards he received an increase of 500 horse. In the 24th year he was given drums. Afterwards, when he had for seventeen years spent his days with honour inguarding Fat-gabad Dharwar, he in the 27th year, corresponding to 1063,1653, went to Paradise. His son was Qil'adar K., and of him a separate account has been given. ARSLAN ~1I AN .1 Son of Ilahwardi K. the lst. In the 5th year of Aurangzeb he was made taujdar of Benares in the place of ~l1waja 9adi q Badakhshi. In the 7th year he became /(mjdar of Siwistan in Sind in place of Ziyau-d-din K. and got the rank of 1000 with 900 horse, of whom 700 were two-horse and three-horse, and the title
--------- - - - - - - - - l Maa~ir

nagar in 1033, 1624. IqbalnsII)a 236, Elliot VI. 416 Mulla MuJ:tamma.d was killed.. Elliot VJ. 394, 396.

'Alamgiri, 82.

270

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271

Deccan after the death of Sultan Parvez , used to rise np in honour of Fa~il K. .Aqa Af~al, who was diwan of the Deccan, but did not rise for Asad. The latter was much displeased and would say, . "He rises for' a Mogul, and does not rise for me who am a Saiyid. " In the beginning of Shah J allan' s reign he was removed from office and came to court, bringing l with him 14 elephants as peshkash. As at the time of the siege of Burhanpur his men had used foullanguage in the presence of Shah Jahan's men, he was much fri!zhtened , but as Shah Jahan was an ocean of kindness he received him well and comforted him. In the second year he was made! faujdar of La~hi Jangal (in Sind), and with a personal allowance of 500 was made man~abdar of 2500 with 2flOO horse. In the 4th year, 1041, 1632, he died' in Lahore. ASAD KHAN .ASAFU-DAVLA .JAMLA-AL-MULK. His name waS Mul.lammad Ibrahim, and he was the son of Ziil-fiqar K. Qaramanlii. He was the grandson of f;ladiq K. Mir Bakhshi and son-in-Iaw of Yemenu-d-daula A!;laf K. From his early years he was, on account of his personal beauty and external accomplishments, a favourite with Shah .Taq.an , and was conspicuous among his contemporaries. In the 27th year he received the title of Asad K. and was made Master of the Horse, and aftenvards 2nd Bakhshi. When the throne of the Caliphate was adorned by the acceBsion of 'Ala.mgir, he was encompassed by favours, and after having for a long time zealously served as 2nd Bakhshi, he was in the fifth year raised to the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse. In the 13th year, after the death of the prime minister J'aafar K., he was made Deputy Vizier and reoeived an ornament ed dagger and two quids' of pan from the king' s own hands. An order was given that he should be styled the risala 6 (dar) of Prince Mul.J.ammad
Piirlshiihnama 1. 197. Piidshfihnama L 2880 3 Piidshiihnama L 397. M.A. J03. 6 This is an obscure pl\8Bage. It is taken from the M&8!ir 'A1amgiri
I
~

. 'Mua?;?;am and that Dianat K., the astrologer, should be made his sealer. In the same year he was removed from the office of 2nd Bakhshi and in the 14th year made Mir Bakhsh1 on the death of Lashkar K. In the beginning of Zi-I-l;1ajja of the 16th year Asad K. resigned l the deputyship (of the diwani) and an order was issued that Amanat K., diwan of the Khal!?a, and Kifayat K., diwitn-i-tan, should put their seals below tha1i of the chief diwan, and carry on the affairs of the diwanL On 10 Shaban of the 19th year the Khan again received the ornamental ink-stand and obtained the great name of Grand Vizier. In the end of the 20th year, when Khan Jahan Bahi.dur Kokaltash was censured and dismissed from the Deccan, the charge of the affairs there was bestowed on Diler K., until a subahdar should be appointed. Jumla-al-mulk, with a large army and suitable equipment, was sent to the Deccan, and arrived at Aurangabad when the occurrence of much tumult was reported to the king. Shah' Alam was sent off to the Deccan as Na?;im, and Asad K. returned. In the beginning of the 22nd year he waited on the king at Kishngarha ~ in the province of Aj mere. When in the 25th year Aurangzeb proceeded to the Deccan to chastise l:'umbha Bhonsla (the son of Sivaji), who had given shelter to Prince Muhammad. Akbar, Jumla-ulmuJk was left in Ajmere with Prince'Azimu-d-din 8 in order that the Rajputs might not make a disturbance. After that in the 27th year he paid his respects at Ahma<1nagar and, after the victory of Bijapur , he was made Vizier. The chronogram is Ziba 8huda ma8nad wazitrat. 1097, 1686. "The divan df the Vlziership was
of the word risiila, but think it i. ull8d for risiiladiir as at p. 259 of B1Qchmann's Aino The fact that muhr is almost certainly used in the text and in the MIlair 'Alamgiri for muhrdii,. f..vours this view. see Blochmann's note 21. The verb nawistan is used here to sigllify ,. styled, or called." See a similar use in M. Alamgiri 460, l. 9 from foot. where we 8I'lIl told that the hall of justice was now styled (mi,..awisand) the ditDiitt-i-mat<iilim, and also Khiti K. II, 602, liDe 8. It is noticeable that in the M.A., pp. 103----04, the verbs are in the plural , viz., nawisand and ba,hand, instead of nawi.tad and biishad as in text. Risala or RisIJadar probllbly mellll8 either Secretary, or keepe1" of diary. LO. M.S. Ethe 628 has nawisan4 and biiallad. I M.A. 125-6. \I MoA. 172 .. Kishnglll'h is in Rajputanah, nor~h east of Ajmer." Irvine, ., Later Mughals," A.S.B.J. for 1896, p. 152. note. ~ That is, Prince Mu!)ammad l A~im. See Mll~r 'Alamgiri 212.

he word for 8strologer wanting there. However the text is probably right, for at p. 124 of the llame work Dianat K . is described as an unrivailed utrologer. I am not sure of the meaning
t

1O:{-4, but

(munajiim) is

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T
273

272

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

adorned." After Golconda was taken he had an addition of 1000 horse and arrived at the lofty rank of 7000 with 7000 horse. In the 34th year he was appointed to chastise the enemy on the other side of the Kistna (i.e., the south side) and to take the fort of Nandiall otherwise Ghazipur, and to arrange for the government of the Balaghat of the Haidarabad Carnatic. After taking Nandial, he encamped in Cuddapah, which is on ~he borders of the Carnatic. An order was given to Prince Kam Bakhsh to take the fort of Wakinkera. As Ru~ Ullah had been ordered to undertake that work he proceeded towards Wakinkera to assist Jumla-ulmulk. After the imperial army had arrived at Cuddapah, an order came in the 37th year that both forces should proceed to help Zulfiqar K., who was besieging Ginjee. After coming there a disagreement arose between the prince and Jumla-ul-mulk on account of certain matters. By the exertions of evil-disposed persons, this became venement. Jumla-ul-mulk, on the strength of the documentary evidence of some secret letters, which the prince had sent to Ramai \l. the governor of the fort by the instrumentality of some men who did not think of their latter end, wrote to the king and was authorized to keep Rao Dalpat Bundila night and day in attendance on the prince and to put a stop to equipages and councils (diwan) and to the coming and going of strangers. At this time it was ascertained by spies visiting the fort that Kam Bakhb, on account of his dislike of Jumla-ul-mulk, had decided upon going off to the fort on a dark night. Accordingly Asad ~. , after consulting with Zul-fiqar K. (his son) and other leaders of the siege-force, presumptuously entered the prince's quarters and put him under arrest. He removed from Gingee, and in accordance with orders sent the prince to court. He himself stayed for a time
l Nandba\ in text-: it is Ne.ndiyRl or No.ndia\ in M.A. 354 .. nd in LG. h is south of Kurnool. !& Text has Rai only. There is the variant Ramai, and this is supported by Maa!!ir A. 356 which has Riimai Je.he.n~roi "the he\lish Ramai.' He is the Rajah Ram of Grant-Duff I. 301. He was a son of

Sankar: l Afterwards,' when summoned to the presence, many apprehenslOns about the painful case of the prince occurred to him. ~n the day of his attendance when he came to the place of salutrog, MUlt~fat K. (Amir K. Sindhi), the sllperintendent of the pages, ;vas stan~mg near the' throne and whispered, " There' s a pleasure 10 pardomng which is not in,..evenge." The king said, " You have q~oted aptly." He permitted him to do homage and treated him WIth favour. When. Aurangzeb , in the 43rd year of his reign, after staying four years m I~lampuri commonly known as Bramapura,8 placed his w~rld-conquermg foot in the stirrup of a ;world-traversing steed WIth the laudable design of waging a holy war and of taking the forts and devastating the territories of Siva Bhonsla, in III O 1698-99, he left the holy Nawab Zinatu-n-nisa Begam (hi~ daughter) there with the servants of the harem and appointed Asad K. to guard them. In the 45th year, at the beginning of t~e affair of Khelna, he was summoned to court and received the tltl~ of ~m~ru,l-Umara. Fat~ Ullah K., ~amidu-d-din K. and RaJah Jal Smgh were appointed to act under him in taking the fortress ' lofty as heaven (Khelna) . After I't was t a k en, as the _ AmIru-I-Umara was feeble, a gracious order ii was issued that he should come out by a passage (rahra, a corridor) flom the inside of the Hal~ of ~ustice-which had received by command the name of Dlwan-I-Ma?;alim (" The hall of grievances ")-and sit
. I Text ~ Sankar. The passage taken from the Maa!!ir A. 364, third last line, where we have the state ro~nt that the Jumla-ul-mulk stayed, according to orders, in Na!!l'atibidSakkar. For an account of this mint-town see Irvine, A.S.B.J. for 1893, p. 264. 'rt is Sagar of the maps ~nd is in the Nir,am's territory, and IS W.S.W. HaidarabBd. :l Maa!!ir A. 364-65. The line quoted by Multafat occurs in Baa yiini 1.447. ! The Brimhapooree of Grant-Duff I. 378, 391. It WIlo8 on the Beema (Bhima) belowPunderpurandN.N.W.
18

Sivaji and succeeded to the throne after lurobhaji, id. 37 I. It wo.s from him that the English obtained the site of FortSt-. David For account of Karo BalID'!!!'s intrigucs, etc., Maa~ir A. 356', Khafi K. II. 420 Elliot VII. 348, and Grant-Dull I. 381.

~ijBpur. The text wrongly hllo8 1010 Jnstead or IllO. Siva had been dead fo~ 18 years when Aurangzeb mae thIS exptldition. Now VishaIgurh, Grant-Duff, l. 62 note and 377 Maa!!ir A., 445. It is in the Syahadri range or Western Ghats and is S. Sattara and W Pa~a1a, Le. Bani Shahdrug. Th~ takmg of Khelna is also described in l.f!Jiii K. II, 491. ii This is taken from the Maasir A. 460, though the staff is not me-ntiOlled there. The chamber WIlo8 probably Aurangzeb's private room.

35

_._._-

----.>-=-~---"---_:..

' , , - " " ' - r......, ....

274

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE. MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

275

within arailing (kathara) at the distance of one cubit from the steps of the chamber (~uira). For three days he was to sIt there, and after that he was to get a staff. After the death of Aurangzeb, Prince Mu};l.ammad A~im Shah also treated Asad It. with honour and made him Vizier. When the prince left Gwaliyar in order to fight with Baha.dur Shah he left him there with the baggage, and he also left there his fuU sister Zinatu-n-nisa Begam whom Bahadur Shah (afterwards) styled Begam ~al:Iib. When the breeze of victory blew, by the favour of God, on the standards of Bahadur Shah, that mild sovereign had tegard to Asad K.'s long service and his confidential position and summoned him to court. Some courtiers said that he had been the leading partner in 'A~im Shah's affairs. The king replied, l "If at that disturbed time our own sons had-- been in the Deccan, they would have felt themselves obliged to support their uncle." After he had presented himself, he received the title of Ni?!amu-I-mulk A!jIafu-d':'daula and was made Vakil-who in former times was master of all affairs, political and financial-and was allowed to have his music played in the king's presence. As the king considered it a matter of the first importance to conciliate Mun'im. K. the ~han Khanan-who had many claims to considerar tion and was Grand Vizier-and as it was proper~ that the Vizier should stand at the head of the divan and present the papers to the prime minister (vakil-i-matlaq) for signature, as other leading officers of departments did, and as this was felt by the~han ~hanan to be disagreeable ,it was arranged that as A!jIafu-d-daula was old and wanted comfort and repose he should go to Shahjahanabad (Delhi) and spend his days in peace, and that Ziilfiqar should carry on the duties of the Vakalat as deputy. But on account of preserving the dignity of Khan-~hanan no other vakalat duty was attached (to Ziilfiqar) except that of using the lJakalat seal which was to be put on grants and orders subsequent to the seal of the viziership. Asafu-d-daulah five 3 times
I Khiifi K. II. 600. ~ :Khafi K. II. 601. See also Siyaru. Muta!iliarin I. 15 and Iriidiit K. 's Memoirs, p. 46.

beat the music of success in the capital and possessed the materials of a prosperous life. When the sovereignty came to Jahandar Shah, and Ziilfiqar became supreme in the affairs of the empire, Asad K. gave up the iIlBignia of office. On the two or three occasions that he went to court, his palanquin was put down at the diwan-i-'amm and he sat near the throne. The King in conversation used to call him uncle. After Jahandar l Shah had been defeated and had fled from Agra he came to A!jIafu-d-daulah's' house (in Delhi) and wished to collect a force and to ma-ke another attempt. Zulfiqar too came 2. and was vehement about doing this. Asad K., who was an old and experienced man, of a good disposition and fond of repose, did not agree and said to his son: "M' uIzu-d-din is a drunkard and addicted to frivolity and low company, and is unappreciative; he is unfit to rule. How can it be right to support a man like this, and to stir up slurnbering strife again, and to cause evil to the country and ruin to the world. God knows what the end will be! It is right that you and l should support whatever scion of the Timurids is fit for the throne." On the same day he arrested Jahandar and sent him to the fort. He did not know that fate. was laughing at his plans. This thought for the end and prudence for self-interest. were the cause of the destruction of his son's life and the ruin of the honour and prosperity of his. house! But as inquiries about Fate and perspicacity about the Secrets thereof are not within human power, why should helpless man incur reproach and blame for such a purpose 1 The right 3 thing for the time and the best for the final
l ~iifi

K. II. 725.

Elliot VII,

4'0.
~ He arrived after the emperor.. This p8llllage may be compared with the 8iyar Mutakharin. Apparently both writers are following the sama original. Iraat K., Memoil'$, p. 95, says that the populace compelled Asad K. toimprilon Jiihandaf Shah. a I am not Bure of the meaning of this or the preceding sentence. I undsrstand the passage 88 meaning

8 Probably this reflll'll' to the fact that Bahiidur Shah reigned for five years. OI" perhaps it means that hig orchestra played five times a day.

that, seeing that the decrees of Fate cannot be known, man should not try to be too clever and incur blame by doing wrong in order that good may come. But perhaps the meaning is that ss the decrees of Fate cannot be known one should not be bla.med for being mistaken about them. The Blochmann MS. has a different ree.ding just before the passage .. But they say, etc;" It has goina inatead of hiitl. " They say what he did 11'88 ex-

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THE l\<IAASIR-UL-UMARA.

result may be one and the same thing. But people say that honour and a regard to reputation, or rather justice and humanity, did not require that, when the king of India, with all his rights, and after granting so many favour;;, had come to his house in reliance upon him at 8uch ll. time of misfortune, and consulted him about his plans, he ,should seize and make him over to hiB enemies to be evil-entreated. If he himself, from old age, was incapable of exertion, he might have let him go off with his followers. He would then have gone to whateveJ," waste or wild his ruined fortunes led him. Nor would Asad K. have pushed him further on the road he was going. Be this as it may, when Mul.tammad Farrukh Siyar perceived that the distracted king and vizier had gone off to the capital he was afraid lest they should turn again and there bel' new disturbance. So he sent through Mir Jumm Samarkandi comforting letters to father and son and soothed their troubled minds by flatteries and cajoleries. They say that the Saiyids of Barha did not share the king's counsela in this matter and di.d not know about this. On the contrary, they felt certain that they (Asad and his son) would come to the battle-field. Why would not they act in accordance with their own interests 1 They sent l them messages that they should enter into service through them, so that no harm might come to them. As the managers of fate had a different intention, father and son were deceived by the false promises of the king, and did not trouble themselves about the Saiyids, but regarded the applying to them as a cause of loss to themselves. When Mir Jumla heard of the Saiyid's message he hastily sent Taqarrab K. Shirii.zi to Asa.fu-d-daula (Asad K.), with the announcement that if they wanted to recommend themselves to the king they should be on their guard against joining Qu.~bu-l mulk and the Amiru-I-Umara. They say that he even swore tliis on the Koran. At any rate, when the. king arrived at Bara Pula,2 Delhi, At;lafu-d-daula and Ziilfiqar K. went and with perfect
pedieUt for the time and in agreement with the (probable) final result." For a full account of Jahindiir's flight to Delhi, and his capture by Asad K., see lrvine's L.ater MoghuIs, A.S.B..J. for 1896, p. 204. ete. l ~i.ifi K. II, 732. 2 ~ B)~ bara puZa. This must be

. serenitv waited upon him. The king comforted them by presenting th~m with jewels and robes of honour, and by gracious words, and then dismissed them. He ordered that Ziilfiqar K. should remain in attendance on account of certain business. At;lafu-ddaula perceived that something evil was going to happen and went to his house with a sad heart and inflamed eyes. On the same day they killed Ziilfiqar in the manner that has been described in his biography. Next day Asad K. was imprisoned and his house confiscated. Nothing was left to him, but a hundred rupis a day were allowed him from the treasury for his subsistence. At the feast of the Accession they wished to send him jewels and a robe of honour. J.Iusain Ali K Amiru-I-umara desired that he might personally convey them. They say that the Amiru-I-umara paid his respects according to the old formula, and that Asad K. also, according to old custom, when he was coming and going (maji-u-zahiib) , laid l his hand upon his (own) breast-and gave the pan with his own hands and dismissed him. In the 5th year, 1129 1717, when he was 94 years old, he departed from this world full of sorrow. Another AmIr of such a good disposition, 80 little injurious, and so patient, possessed of external beauty and of goodness, who treated his inferiors with kindness and gentleness, and was firm and dignified with his rivals, could not be found among his contemporaries. From the beginning of his career he was successful and alwa.ysthrew double sixes into the cup of his desires. Heaven-that deceitful dicer-played unfairly the last hand with him, and the doubling Qos8l\ck (qa~aq-i-inqifjjb)
the Bara Pool of Harcourt's Delhi, and Mr. Keene's map. and which is described by the former &8" a large native bridge with ele"en arehes, paved with' Iltone slabs. I t is jUllt beyond Humayiin'll tomb, on the' high road to Bullubghur." It ill therefore to the Ilouth of Delhi (about four miles away). Bi.ira Pul might mean the twelve arches. Pul ill a common Ilame for a bridge. The bridge was buiU in Jahangir's time and is described and figured in Syed A~ad's A!ir~nidid, p. 27.. It has only eieven arches. For an account of Asad K. and his son's presentation to Farru~ Siyar aud of the murder of Zii-l.fiqi.ir, see Irvine's Later Moguls, A.S.B.J. for 1898, p. 145, etc. l This passage seems to be illustrated by the note to Siyaru-I-Muta kherin i, 246. The old way of making obeisance was to place the hands over' the navel, which, according to the translator, is higher up in nati ves , and Asad Ullah probably did obe~ance in this way to the robes IIent him.

.!.....

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made a two-horse l attack upon the homI' of his peace when he was cloae to his goal. A morning of joy ne'er shone .from a pitiless heaven that evening did not darken : Nor a sweet morsel ever tickled the palate which was not blended with a hundred poisons. Whom did the fa,ithless one ever unite with that it did not cast away 1 Wherever it sate, it soon rose up.
Ver8e.

Heaven soon repents of its bounties; The sun bestows a cake 2 in the morning and takes it back at eve. Among the goodnesses of Jumla-ul-mulk they relate that when Aurangzeb in the 47th year, after the taking of the fort of Kandana known as Bakhshanda Bakhsh (the gift of the Giver), came to Ma!:tiabad-Puna to spend the rainy season, by chance the quarters of the Amiru-I-umara were in low ground, and the tents <lf 'Inayat Ullah K. diwan-i-kh,iU8a-u-tan were on high ground. After some qays had elapsed, when the said Khan had put an enclosure round his female apartments, Amiru-I-umara's eunuch Ba.sant,3 who controlled his household, sent a message to 'Inayat K. to clear out as the Nawab's tents would be placed there. The Khan said, "Good, but give time in order that I may find another place." The eunuch, a haughty Turk, replied by bidding him leave at once. As 'Inayat was helpless he moved to another place. The king came to know of this, and sent a message to Jumla-ul-mulk through Hamidu-d-dIn K. Bahadur directing him to give the place to 'Inayat K., and to move and take another place. Asad K. delayed a little, and an order was given that he should 'go to the quarters of 'Inayat Ullah and apologize. At, that time it chanced that 'Inayat Ullah was in his bath. .Jumlaul-mulk came and sate in the diwan!QIana, and 'Inayat quickly
J Duiispa talsllt. General Briggs, in a note to Ferishta, say8 t.hat the diiaspa or two-horse mode of attack is deecribed by Malolm in his bist.OJ'v. The Turkoman robbers often took t.~o hol'8M into the field.

came out. Amiru-t-Umara took his hand and brought him to his house (tent) and presented him with nine pieces of cloth and humbled l himself before him. He showed him kindness and friendship to the end of the interview and afterwards never showed lI.ny dislike or displeasure, but was more and more gr&cious. Such men have existed under the heavens! They say that the expenses of his harem and for the purveyors of music and song were so great that his revenues did not meet them. On account of chronic haemorrhoids he never sate on ,the ground if he could help it. Always in his house he lay on a couch. Besides Zulfiqar K. he had a son named 'Inayat K. by Newal Bai, who was called Rani. He ('lnayat) wrote a good hand, and became superintendent of the jewel-room and had a suitable man,!ab: By order of the king he married ~ the daughter of Abul~asan of Hyderabad, but he fell into evil ways and became msane. He got permission to ~o to the capital and there eonducted himself improperly. Gontinually there came complaints about him from Delhi. There he died in the same condition. His soil ~aliQ. K. obtained in the time of Jahandar Shah the title of 'Itiqad K. and a high rank. His brother Mirza Ka?!im, by associating with dancers and convivialists, ruined his reputation, and by his evil wavs opened the doors of disgrace on his career. A~AFU-D-DAULA AMIRU-L-MAMALIK. He was the third son of Ni?!amu-I-mulk Al?af Jah. His real name was Saiyid MuQ.ammad. In the life-time of his father he reoeived the title of ~pan alld the name ~alabat Jang Bahadur, and was appointed to the government of Haidarabad. After his father's death when Nal?ir Jang, the martyr, went to Pondicherry to suppress the rebellion of Mo?!affar Jang, ~alabat went with him. After Nasir Jang's martyrdom, he returned with
liqamat goyan-words expr!ltlsive, apparently, of earnest entreaty. More probably the meaning is " gave him them, saying they were in honour of bis visiting him," i.e. 88 his foolifllJ. The atory istold at
length in the Maa!!ir A., 475. etc. ~ :J;g1ifi K. II, 407, Abiil-1).asan was the unfortunate king of Haidarabad and Golconda. The marriage was in Il03, 1692.

4U

T he sun's disk is often com pared to a round cake of bread. g Nisbat in text, hut see Maasir A.,

.~

tr

280
Mo~affar

l'
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Jang. When, on the march, Mo~affar Jang was killed by the Afghaos, !;lalabat J. sate upon the masnad, as he was older than the other brothers. He received from the emperor Al).mad Shah an increase of rank and the title of Alilafu-d-daula ~affar Jang. Afterwards I he received the title of Amiru-I-mamalik. Rajah Roghanath Das, who was his minil!\ter, conciliated and took into service a body of hat-wearing Frenchmen who had come with Ma~affar Jang. ~aIabat K. came to Aurangabad in 1164, 1751, and attacked the country of the Mahrattas. Afterwards peace- was made and he came to Haidarabad. On the march Roghanath Das was killed II by his soldiers, and Raknu-ddaulah Saiyid Lashkar K. became his prime minister. In the second following year (1165) when Ghaziu-d-din Firuz Jang, his elder brother, was appointed to the government of the Deccan and came to Aurangabadalong with the Mahrattas, though he shortly afterwards died, the Ml!<hrattas on the strength of his grants took most of Khandes and some parts of the province of Aurangabad. His household affairs throughout his rule were dependent on the opinIQns of his officers. When the grant of the government of the Deccan w.as given from the emperor to his brother Ni~amu-d-daula Alilaf Jah-who had formerly been declared to be heir-apparent, and been invested with the duties of government-he was necessarily put into retirement. He died in prison in 1177, 1763, and a report spread that his guards had killed 3 him. Af;\AF' KHAN IUlWAJA GHIYASU-D-DIN 'ALI QAZWINl. He was the son of Aqa. Mulla dawa.t dar (inkstand-holder), who, it is notorious, was in the 'Iiime of Shah Tahmasp f;\afa.vl
l In the time of Alamgir the2nd (Gholim 'Ali Azil). ~ At Balkee on 7 April 1752. GrantDuff II, 54. Siyaru-l-M. III., 324 and note. On 13. Jumidaal-al9;J.iri 1165 (Gholam Ali). a He was imprisoned in July 1'762 and Wall mUlldered on 8 Rabi-al-awwal 1177, 16 September 1763. Grant-Duff

II, 167. The sll.me.date is given in

the Khazina 'Amri, Lucknow lith., He wasimprisonod in the fort of Bidar. This biography m.ay be compared witq that. in the Kbazina Amri, , Blochmann 433 arld 369. Be is

p. 71.

one of the privileged courtiers. His other sons M. Badi'u-zzaman and M. Al,1mad Beg became Viziers of Persia. They say that he was descended from the Shaikh of Shaikhs Shihabu-d-din l Suhrawardi, whose perfections it is unnecessary to describe, and whose lineage asoonded to Mul).ammad, the son of Abu Bakru-lil~adiq. In l;3ufism he (Suhrawardi) was allied to his uncle S. Najibu-d-din Subrawardi. He was a congeries of exoteric and esoteric sciences and was the Shailill of Sbaikhs of' Bagdad. He was the author of elegant treatises such as tbe 'Awa.rifu-I-m'uarif (Scientiae scientiarum). In the year 633, 1235-36, or 632, he died. Khwaja Q1riy~u-d-din 'Ali was distinguished for hil eloquence and indul!ltry, and was not without ~igour and courage. When he came to India he had the good fortune to be the recipient of favoursfrom Akbar and to be made Bakhshi. In the year 981, 1573, be took part in the nine days' rapid march o Gujarat and did good service in the battle with the rebels there who had besieged M. Koka in Ahmadabad, and received tlie title of A.,af K. At the time of the victorious return to the capital he was made Bakhshi of the province in order that he might co-operate with M. Koka in improving the army. ln the 21st year he was appointed with a number of other officers to the province of Idar, which is a dependency of Ahmadabad. He was to clear it of rebels. The zamindar Narain Das Rahtor presumptuously came out from the defiles to give battle, and there were great hand-to-hand combats. The imperial vanguard gave way and M. Muqim Naqshbandi, who was in command, was killed, and a disaster was imminent. .Alilaf K. and the leaders of the right and left wings redoubled their efforts, and the enemy was defeated. In the close of the 23rd year Akbar sent'him to Malwa and Gl1jarat in order that, having with the co-operation of Shihabu-d-din Al).mad K., the Na~im of that place, brought the army of Malwa to submit to the branding regulation, he might hasten to Gujarat. He was, with the co-operation ~
the A~af K. II of Blochm.nn. Hi. daughter married Ghiii'!! Beg aud became the mother of Nur Jahin. l Beale, p. 360, col. 2. He WaI bom in 1145 A.D . and died in 1234 according to Baale. See also Blochmann's nOte, p. 433. t A.~. III. 264.

36

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of Qulij K. the governor, there to improve the condition of the troops, and to ascertain their condition. A.f:Jaf K. performed the duty in accordance with the royal orders and acted with hone!lty and truth. In 989, 1581, he died in Gujal'at. One of his sons was Mirza Nuru-d-din. When Sultan Khusrau was captured and was placed by J ahangir for some days in the charge of Af:Jaf K:, M. J'aafar; Nuru-d-mn, who was A.~af K.'s cousin, went by himself to ~husrau a.nd kept him oompany and arranged that whenever an opportunity offered he would have him released and made prosperous. Afterwards, when ~husrau was made over to I'tibii.r K. the eunuch, Nuru-d-din.took into his confidence a Hindu who used tQ visit Khusrau and gave a list to him of all the devoted followers of Khusrau. In the course of five or six months nearly 400 persons had become bound by oaths that they would attack J ahangir on the road. By chance one of the party got offended (with his comrades) and gave information to Khwaja Waisi Diwan of Prince Sultan Kharram. The ~hwaja immediately reported to the Prince, and he conveyed the news to Jahangir. Immediately thosedoomed men were produced, and an order was given that Nuru-d-din, Mu~ammad Sharif, the son of I'timadu-ddaula, and some others should be executed, The list of the names which had been obtained from the Hinduservant of I'tibar K. was at the petition of Khan Jahan Lodi thrown by Jahangir into the fire unread. Otherwise many would have been capiially punished.' A.f?AF KHA.N MIRZA. QIWA.MU-l>-DIN .J'AAFAR BEG. Son of Mirza Badi'u-z-zaman, who was son of Aqa Mullai Dawatdar (inkstand-holder) of Qazwin.M. Badi-z-zaman was vizier of Kashan in the reign of Shah 'f.ahmasp f?afavi, and M. J' aafar Beg along with his father and grandfather was Olle of the Shah's courtiers. In the 22nd year, 985, 1577, he in the prime of his youth came to India and waited upon Akbar in company~ with
See IS!Jiifi K. I. 258 and Tiizuk J. 58. The conspiracy was in the 2nd year and was discovered when J. was in Afghanistan and returning from The ac
I

his paternai uncle M. GhiY8.!'!u-d-din 'Ali .Af;'laf K. Bakhshi. who had come to court after he had finished the affairs of Idar. Akbar appointed him to the rank of 200 in the contingent (dakhil) I of A.f:Jaf Khan. He was not pleased with the smallness of this appointment, gave up service and ceased to attend court. The emperor was displeaeed, and sent him to Bengal, which was an unhealthy climate then,and where criminals who were sent there did not survivc. They say Maulana Qasim Kahi' of Tran80xiana, who was one of the old poets and lived in a perfectly free manner, met in with J'aafar in Agra and enquired about his circumstances. When he heard his story he said: "My dainty youth, .don't go to Bengal." The Mirza replied : 'What can I do, I am going in reliance upon God." The jovial fellow said, "Don't go in reliance on Him. He is the same God who sent such a person as Imam Husain to the Karbala to be martyred." It chanced that whe~ the M'll'za arrived in Bengal, Khan Jahan, the governor, was ill, and after~ards died. Mo~affar K. Turbati then succeeded him. No long tIme had elapsed when the rebeI1ion of the QaqsQ.als and the turbulence of M'af;'lum K. Kabuli raised the dust of disaffection in that country. Things went so far that Mozaffar K. came to the fort of Tanda $.nd shut himself up there:' The Mirza was with him. When he was seized, many of his companions were held to ransom, but he by cleverness and plausibilityescaped 8uch demands, and came away and did homage at Fat~pur Sikri. As he had gone away in contempt and failure and had again owing to the guidance of good fortune, attached himself to th~ saddle-straps of fortune, Akbar approved of him and shortly afterwards gave lUm the rank of 2000 and the title of Asaf Khan He was also made 8 Mir Bakhshi in the room of Q&~i All, and was sent against the Rana of Udaipur. He did not fail to attack and plunder and to kill and to di8tinguish himself. In the 32nd year
I B. 231 and Irvine, M:oghul Army, 160. B. 411 following l\Putamid, Iqbii:lnii:ma 4 maklllI the appointment one of bi.ti, i.ll. 20. And evidently the 200 of the Maa~r is a mi.take. ~ Ba<ie.yiini III. 172 and B. 566~

'Ihe story comes from the Iqbilnama.

ly taken from the Iqbilnima, p. 28. It lloppe8l'l that the plot had ~ going on for five or six montl-.JI. l A.N. lU, 228.

p.5.
I Apparently he was mae Mir Bakbahi in 989 when Akbar was on the way to Kabul. See Tiizuk, J. 50.

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when Ism'aj} QuIi K. Turkoman was censured for leaving the passes open so that Jalalu-d-din Raushani got out, .At:ia.f K. was a.ppointed to succeed him and made thanada.r of Sawad (Swat). In the 38th year, 1000, 1592, when Jalala Raushani, who had gone to 'Abdullah K., the king of Turan, had come back UD8uccessful and begun a disturbance in Tirah, and had been joined by the Afridls and the Orakzai, A~af K. was sent from court to extirpate him. In 1001, 1592-93, he, in conjunction with Zain K. Koka, chastised l .Jalala and made his family prisoners together with Wa~adat 'Ali, who was said to be his brother, and other relatives and connexions to the number of nearly 400 persons, and produced them before Akbar. In the 39th year when Kashmir was taken from M. Yusuf K. and giv'en in fief (tantltwah] to A~mad Beg K.,~ Mu~ammad Qulai Mshar, :J:Iasan Arab and Aimaq Badakhshi,g .A~af K. was sent off in order to divide the oountry properly among the fief-holders. He reserved the saffron and the game for the exchequer and fixed the revenue at 31 lacs of karwars in accordance with the settlement of Qa~i 'Ali, each karwar being estimated at 24 dams. After dividing the fiefs properly he in three days made the journey from Kashmir to La.hore. In the 42nd year, when the territory of Kashmir became disorganized on account of the disputes among the fief-holders, .A~af K. was appointed governor. In the 44th year, beginllIng of 1098, he, in place of Rai Patr Das, was appointed to the Diwani-kul (the whole diwani) and carried on the duties for two years in a con8ummate manner. When in 1013, 1604-05, Sultan Selim (Jahangir) cast away the thoughts of rebellion, and on the occasion of condolences for the death of Miriam Makani waited upon his father and was for twelve days shut up in the ghusalkhana 8 and then was treated graciously, and it was agreed that he should get
l Elliot V. 467, Bad.yiini II. :l88, A.N. III. 640, etc. ~ Blochmann's MS. has Kabuli. a Perhaps the Aimaqs of Bad.khshar.. The original passage is A.N. III. 654. line a:l. There the passage reads ." Muhammadi Beg Aimiiq of Badakhshan. ' ,

.. A.N. Ill, 661. A. N. III, 832. 6 Private audience chamber, lit. bathroom. See Barnier. The ghuBalkhana ws.s another name for the diwan !dlana lilli!!. See Gladwin's Persian Munshi, "Rules observed during the reign of ~ah ,fahan," p. llI.

the province of Gu)arat in fief and give up Allahabad and Bihar 'Which he had taken possession of without orders , the subahdari " ~f Bihar was given to .A~af K. and he was raised to the rank of 3000 and sent oil to govern that province. When the crown came to Jahangir, Asaf K. was sent for and ma.degnardian of Prince Sultan Parviz. He was sent to chastise the RanA.,---a busi" ness which arose at that time-but on account of the rebellion of Sultan Khusrau he was recalled. In the 2nd year, 1015, 1606-7, when Jahangir proceeded to Kabul, he was made Vaki! in place of Sharif K., the Amiru-I-umara, who remained in Lahore on account of severe illness, and raised to the rank of 9000 a.nd r~ceived.a jewelled writing-case. The leading men ('danyiidaran, see B. 412, n. 2.) of the Deocan, especially Malik (Ambar the Abyssinian, after the death of Akbar put forth the foot of audacityand wrested many of the estates in the BaI.aghat from the imperial servants. The Khan-li-hanan frpm insouciance and factiousnesB did not strive in the beginning toextinguish the Barnes, and allowed them to rise high. Afterwards. when he did attend to the matter. and asked for help, Jahangir appointed Sultan Pa.rviz under the guardianship of .Afilaf ~}Ian, and also sent. one after the other. great officers such as Rajah Man Singh, Khan Jahan Lodi, the Amiru-I-Umara , the Khan A'zim and 'Abdullah K-.. . each of whom was able singly to conquer a kingdom-but from want of guidance on the part of the prince, excessive wine-drinking, and plundering enterprises, the work did not go forward. On the contrary, on account of the treachery of the officers, every time that they led an army into the .~aJaghat it had to turn back with failure and disgrace. In consequence of the8e oppositionS .A!ilaf K.'8 pla.ns did not 8ucceed. At last, in the 7th year, 1021, 1612,: he died there I "from natural causes." "A hundred regrets for At'laf Khan" gives the date 2 (~ad ~ait z A~at Khan, 1021. " One hundred regrets for Asaf K."). He was one of the unique of the age. He was sUl?re1he in every science, and complete in all knowledge. His swift intelligence and lofty capacity were
l Ha died at Burhinpiir at tht> age of 63. Tiizuk J. lOS. ~22 of translation.
i M'utamid K. in the Iqbalniima, p. 67, claims to have extemporized this chronogram.

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famou8. He himself used to say, "Whatever I do not comprehend off-hand will turn out to be without meaning." They sa.y he could reada whole series of lines at a. glance. In eloquence, skill and the disposal of financial and political matters he was pre-eminent. He was adorned outwardly and inwardly. He had great power in poetry and in polite literature. In the belief of a number of persons no one has treated better than he the subject l of Igi.usrau and Shirin sinc~ tbe days of S. Ni?ia.mi of Ganj.
(Ver8e8.')

They say he took much pleasure in flowers, and rosbeds, and gardens and parterres, and planted seeds and seedlings with his own hands. He frequently worked, spade in hand. He had also gathered 3 together many women. In his last HInes!! he sent away one hundred beauties. He left many children, male and female, but none of his sons distinguished himself. Mirza Zain-l-'li.bidin attained the rank of 1500 with 1500 horse and died in the second year of Shah Jahan.. His son M. J'aa.far, who had the same name and takhallal! as his grandfather , wrote good poetry. He had a passion for collecting animals in every Se&8on. There was great friendship between him, Zahid Khan Koka and Mirzi. SaqI: the son of Saif Koka, and Shah Jahan oalled them the "Three friends. " At last he left his office and settled in Agra. Shah Jahan made him an annual allowance, and in the time of Aurangzeb it was increased. He died in 1094, 1683. These verses are his.
(Verses.)

not keep his tongue in order, and often spoke without regard to time or place. In the Parendah l expedition he created dissensions i between Shah Shuja' and Mahabat K., the Commander-inChief. After that he received an appointment in the affair of Jujhar 8 Bandila. When the governor of the fort of Dhamiini~ came out in the darkness of the night, the soldiers entered it and c9mmenced to plunder. The ~han Dauran 6 was compelled to enter the fort in order to stop them. A man called out from the south side that in one of the bastions a number of the enemy were to be seen. 'Ali Asghar said, "I'H go and seize them." Though Khan Dauran dissuaded him, saying it was night and that it was not advisable in this kind of general confusion, when friend could not be distinguished from foe, to go out, he did not listen but went off. When he got to the top of the wall of the fort, suddenly the ashes of a torch which the plunderers had lighted in order to look for goods, fell upon a store of gunpowder which was at the bottom of the tower. The whole bastion with eighty yards of wall on each side, which wall was ten yards thick, was blown into the air. 'Ali Asghar 6 and some of his companions and the whOle of the plunderers who were on the wall were annihilated. The daughter of M' utamid K. was in his house but as the marriage had not been consummated, she was hY' the King's orders afterwards married to ~han Dauran. '
A~AF

K. known as A~AF JAHI.

Another of A~af K.'s sons. was Suhra.b K. In Shah Jahan's time he obtained an office of UiOO and 1000 hor8e,. and then died. Another waS M. 'Ali Asillar. Ile was the one of the brothers who was the greatest voluptuary and least restrained. He did
1 His poe,n .. aa called Ul. Niirnima and ..aa dedicated to Jahangir. TiiJ:uk, p. 108. Rieu, Supp. Ca~ 200. t See B. 572 for other 8pecimeQ8. g Cf. Iqbilnima, 67. ~ Buhaili, the .~ar Canopus, and perhsps a name for Ilo beautiful

He was M. Abii-Hlasan by name and was the son of I'timadud-daulah and elder brother of Niir Jahan Begam. After the Begam was married to Jahangir he receiyed the title of I'timad
l "Near the Sina river on the rQute from Ahmadnagar to Sholapur." Elliot VII, 22. See also id. 43. ~ The words are miyin Shah Shuja u Mahabat aangandiiziha namiid, .md Blochmann 413 translates: "he created disBensions between Shah Shuja and Mahabat Khan. " But though this may be the meaning, mngandiizi also ~eans to be continually drinking, and

woman. J'safar is freqU8lltly me.tioued in the Akbamima. S.. III, 3Oj, etr.. A,af K. .. aa one of ~he continuators of the T. Alfi, Rien, l, 118, and Badayiini, Lowe, 320. 6 Variant Shafi and in B.

possibly what is meant is that 'Ali A,sghar was continuaJIy drinking in the company of Shah Shuja and Mahibat. But we are not told anywhere that Mahabat was a drunkard. 3 P&dshihnima II, 94. ~ Elliot VII, 47 and 49. and Pidshihnima II. 109. 6 Khan Daurin No. 2 of Beale. 6 Pii:dshii.hnima II, 109, et Beq.

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K., and became the ~]lansaman (steward). In the 7th year of .lahangir, 1020, 161l, his daughter Arjmand Banfi Begam, who is known as Mamtaz Mahal and was the daughter's daughter of 2\1. iya~u~d-din }\~af K.,I was married to Prince Sultan ~harram who was called Shah Jahan. In the 9th year he received the title of A~af K. and had increases,one after the other, until he obtained the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse. At the time when there was the dust of trouble between Jaha.ngir and Prince Shah Jahan, intriguers and evil-thinking persons suspected A~af K. of favouring the prince, and alienated the mind of the Begam from a brother who was the pillar of the empire.

V ~r8e.

When self-interest appears, \Vit goes into hiding. A hundred veils spread from the heart to the eyes. As she considered him to be an obstacle to her designs, she had him removed from the court on the pretext that he should bring away the treasures from Agra. But as the prince (Shah ,Jahan) had arrived at Fat~pfir, A~af K did not think it advisable 90 to remove the treasure from the blessed fort of Agra and turned back to go to court. He had not reached Mathura when the counsellars of the prince urged that at such a time it was not advisable to allow a leader like A~af K. to depart and that the neglect of such an opportunity was contrary to prudence. The prince-whose sole desire was to win his father's favour--behaved with the utmost moderation. Afterwards, when the prince turned back from confronting his father and turned his rein to Malwa, A.i'}af K., in the 18th year, was appointed Governor of Benga,l. But when it became known that the prince had gone to Bengal, the Begam became apprehensive about the departure of her
J Niir Jahan's mal'l'iage took place in the sixth year, not in the seventh, and on New Year's Day of 1020. corresponding to 10 or II March O.S. of 1611. See the Iqbiilnma 56 and Blochmann 509. Arjmand Binu, the wife of I:iliah Jaha,n, was her niece,

brother I and had him turned back. When in the 21st year, 1035, 1626, Mahabat K. prevailed on the bank of the Jhilam, owing to A~af's negligence and perfunctoriness, and got possession of. Jahangir, A~af K -who was the cause of all this disturbancesaw after this ill-omened movement had taken place that his efforts had failed, and that it was hopeless to attain release from so powerful an enemy. He was compelled to go to the fort of Atak, which was in his fief, and to take shelter there. Mahabat K. sent a body of troops under the command of his son M. Bahrawar 90 to prosecute the siege with activity. Afterwards he went himself and brought him out by promises and agreements and guarded him near himself along with his son Abu 'ralib and son-in-Iaw 19}alil Ullah. After he (Mahabat) became a fugitive from court he delayed to release A~af, bu-t after the king became urgent he re01embered his oaths and promises and sent him to court. At this time Ai'}af was made governor of the Panjab and also had the high office of Vaki! conferred upon him. After that he obtained the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse. In the year 1037, 1627, and 22nd year of Jahangir' s reign, the king left the station of Rajaur on his way back from Kashmlr. On the road he asked for his accustomed cup, but when he put it to his lips, he could not swallow,3 TiH he reached the next station he was in this state. Next day, 27 f;lafr,4 he took the last journey (t!ajr). There was a great commation in the camp. Ai'}af K. released Dawar Bakhsh,IQmsrau's son, from prison and made him an imaginary king. He did not believe in tliis, bui they comforted him by strong oaths and he set out for the next station. The Begam who wished Shahriyal' to attain the sovereignty, wanted to imprisan Ai'}af K. and A'?iim ~., the Mir Bakhshi, both of whom were pillars of the empire and obstacles to her plans. But though she sent people to summon her brother he made excuses and did not
l Text wrongly has bClradClrzada. Blochmann's own MS. has only bar; dar. and this agrees with the source, viz. Iqbalnama 213. The meaning is, that Nul' Jahan was apprehensive fest her brother should collnde with ~ah Jahan, who was his son-in-Iaw.

her father being N iiI' Jahan'seIdel' brother. Arjmand Banu's mother was the daughter of iii~u-d-din Qazwini, the A~af K. II of Badayuni and Blochmann 433. He was s. Agha or Aqii Muliii Dawiitd1ir. 2 Elliot VI, 384-85.

His appointment to Bengal is noted at p. 205 of Iqbalnma. and it seemB that he actually left to take it up. " At vol. iii. p. 409, he is called ll. Bihruz. , Iqb1ilnama 293. 4 Should be 28=-28 Oetuber 11\37.

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go to her. The Begam also followed with the body. A~af K. sent off from the station of ChingizHati a Hindu named Banarasi, who was the accountant of the elephant-stables and was famous for his aotivity and swiftness, to wait upon Shah Jahan. And as there was not time for writing he gave him a verbal message and his own signet-ring as a, guarantee. l That night was spent in Naushahra, and n6xt day they came down from the hills and encamped at Bhimbar. They made arrangements for conveying and shrouding the body and sent it on lB order that it might be committed to earth in a garden on the other (i.e. other than Lahore) side of the river of Lahore (the Ravi) which the Regam had made. AI' everyone, high and low, was convinced that all these proceedings were but a smoothing of the way for the sovereignty of Shah Jahan, and that Dawar Bakhsh was nothing but a sheep 'l for the feast, they universally followed the orders of A~af ~.han He, who was not sure about the Begam, did not drop from.his hand the thread of caution and prevented peopl!:' from visiting her. Indeed, they say 3 that he brought her away from the royal quarters and assigned her a place in his own. When they were within three kos of Lahore, Shahriyar, who had lost his hair from the fox's disease 'fox-mange,dau-~-~alab, " alopecia ") and was blighted by syphilis, and had previously' hurried off to Lahore, gave himself the name of Sultan, and in the o'ourse of seven daYIi, by expending seventy lacs of rupees, gathered together an army and sent it across the river under the command of M. Baisanggar, the son of Sultan Daniel. He himself remained in Lahore with 2 or 3000 horse and awaited the doings of destiny. Ver8e. " Expectant of what the heavena would reveal" At the first 5 encounter his army dispersed, and went off.
J ElIiob VI. 437 and IqbIniima, 298. Banarasi accomplished bhe journey to Junair in the Deccan in twenty days. 'l gOB/and qarbiini. See Vullers s.v. and Khili K. L 389. II JS!1ifi K. l. 390 and lqb&lniima

Shahriyar, when he heard of this dismal news, did not understand what was tor his own welfare and entered the fort. With his own feet he threw himself into the net. The officers entered the citadel and put Dawar Bakhw on the throne. F'iriiz K., the eunuch, brought out Shahriyar, who had crept into a corner in the female apartments of Jahangir, and made him over to Ilahvardi ~han. He took off the string of his (Shahriyar's) waist and bound his hands with it and produced him before Dawar Bakhsh, and after he had performed the kornish (obeisance) he was imprisoned and two days afterwards he was blinded. l When these events became known to Shah Jahan from the letters of bankers 'l (of Gujarat) he sent3 off Ithidmatpurust ~han Re~a Bahadur from Ahmadabad to 'A~af K. and wrote with his own hands that it would be well at this time, when the heavens were troubled and the earth was seditious, if Dawar Bakhsh and other princes were made wanderers in the plains of non-existence. A~af K. on Sunday 22 Rabi-al-akhir, 21 December 1627 of that year, bound Dawar Balilish and had the proclamation made- in the name of Shah Jahan On 26 Jamada-al-awwal, 23 January, 1628, he brought him out ~ from the prison of life
I i"IakhUl, Iit,Wll.S ailointed with antimony. Elliot VI. 437 translates " blinded. " i Iqbilniima301., Sahi1kiiran., Soucars. Bee Wilson's Glossary. 3 Iqbilnii:ma 303. lqbiilniima 303 hil-S 22 Jamiida&l-awal, 19 January 1628, as the day of the proclamation. The IqbaInama and Igliili K. describe Dii:war Balill~ as having been put to death, and it is difficult to see hoVI" he could escape from Lahore, unless, indeed, A~af K. connived at this. But, as Elphinstonfl points out, Olearius in his tr<tvels speaks of having seen ab Qazwin l> Prince Polagi. Polagi may be the same as BoIaqi which, according t.o Blochmann, was another name of Dawar Balill~. But I rather think that there has been some mistakes

395 and Piidshii:hniima 1. 71. Elliot VII. 6. He went on to Lahore, in hopes of being cured, before Jahangir's death, Khili K. I. 390. 6 With A~f and Diwar Balill~'s troops. lqbiilnii:ma 296.

and that the Pola~i whom Olearius saw was some other prince and per haps a SOll of Shahriyar. Olearius's account is at pp. 253, 256, and 257. His I\arrative is not quite satisfactory, for it disagrees with the native historians, but is to the effect that Jahangir left two sons. The 9lder, he says, succeeded the father but soon after died, and then Shah Jahan lisurped the throne. The expression " cider" would make the reference be to Kbusrau, but thjln it would be incorrect to say that he survived his father, for he cI,ied some five years before him. Possibly Shahriyar is meant. He did sncceed his father, 'or at least claimed to do so, and then WilS put to death. He may have leHa son, Olearius speaks of Polagi 's being very young when his father died, but this does not fit Diiwar

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293 slippers fetched forty rupis and the shoeing of a horse ten rupis. Yemenu-d-daulah was obliged to leave Bijapur and to proceed to Rai Bagg and Mirach,l which were cultivated countries, and to plunder everything. When the rains arrived, he returned. They say that at this time Al?af K. had a private meeting and A'zimK. said, "The king now does not need you or me." Al?af said, ., The work of the State would not go on without you and me," This speech reached the king, and he disliked it. He remarked : ,. His good deeds are remembertld by us, but in future We must not trouble him with the affairs of the kingdom." After those discourses, though the position was "Hold (the cup) awry, but don't spill," 'J. there was not a hairbreadth 's difference in the respect with which he was treated. On the contrary, after the death of Mahabat K., he was in the 8th year made ~han Khanan and commander-in-chief. ln the 15th year, 1051, he died in Lahore of chranic dropsy. They say he had a great lik ing for good eating. His daily food came to a Shahjahani ma,n (maund). When his illness had lasted long a cup of vetch-water was enough for.him. "Oh the grief for Asaf ~han J" Zihe a/sos Al$a/ Khan gives the date 1051, 1641. He was buried in the neighbuorhood 3 of the tomb of Jahangir. In af1cordance with orders a building and garden were prepared. On the day that Shah Jahan visited him during his illness he, besides his residence in Lahore, which was valued at twenty lacs of rupis, and other houes and gardens in Delhi, Agra and Kashmir, wrote down 2 krors 50,000 rupis in jewels and coin and in gold and silver) etc., and showed them to Shah Jahan in order that they might be oonfiscated. The king granted twenty lacs to his three sonS and five daughters and gave the Lahore residence to Dara, Shikoh. The rest was resumed Al?af ~llan possessed something of every science. He was especially proficient in excogitated matters, and so in the titles which were applied to him in the royal books it was written
l Padshiihniima I. 416, where it is written Maraj. 2 A proverb meaning to do what is impossible. It is quoted by Bada.yuni. o .. The tomb of Asaf K. stands in

together with his brothers Garshasp, and Sultan Shahriyar, and r.a.hmura~ and Hushang, the two sons of Sultan Daniel. When Shah .Jahan arrived at Agra and became sovereign of India, A~af K., together with the princes Dara Shikoh, Muhammad Shuja, and Aurangzeb-who were his grandchildren (daughter's children)-and the officers, came from Lahore and on 2 Rajab, 27 February, 1628, did homage. Al?af received the title of Yemenud-daulah (right hand of the State) and was designated in correspondence by the name of uncle ('arnrnft, paternai uncle). He was made Vakil and had charge of the Azuk l seal and had the rank. of 8000 with 8000 horse of the two-horse and three-horse rank, a rank which no officer had hitherto received. After this, when Yemenu-ddaulah had paraded before Shah Jahan 5000 wellequipped cavalry, he received the rank of 9000 with 9000'1. horse and a jagir yielding 50 lacs of rupis. In the beginning of the fifth year he was sent off with a powerful army to chastise Muhammad 'Adil Shah of Bijapur. When he was encamped at Bijapur he stretched forth bis arm to bind and to beat, and Mustafa K. Mul).ammad A. Al).min, the son-in-law of MulIa Muhammad Lari ~llairit K., the uncle of Randaulah ~han, the Abyssinian, came out from the fort and made peace by tendering forty lacs of rupis and then returned to the fort. ~llawa:;; lillan, the centre of affairs in Bijapur, on perceiving the desalation of the country and the want of supplies in the imperial army, exerted himself to remedy this. They say that the searcity was such that a pair of
BBIID:h, who had a daughter married to Daniel's son Hushang who was put to death in 1628. It was in 1637 that Olearius MW I'oJagi. He never calls him Dawllr Ba~l,?!!, and Polagi after aU is not very like the name Bulaqi nor is it likely that Olearius, who was a Pet'sian scholar, would write Polagi instead of Bulaqi. Either Polagi was another prince of the blood than Dawar Ba~l:h or he was an impostar. The last sugges tion is by no mean, an improbable one. The author of the Jgbalnama could har<1ly be mistaken abo"t Diiwar BalID:h 's fate for he was probably in Lahore at the time. At least he was with A~af on the march there. See Igbalniima 296, seven lines from foot. Tavernier also speaks of having met Sultan Buliigi in Persja and of having caten and drunk with him. He adds that the prince had long wandered in India as a faquir and eventually had escapeo to Persia. II, 215 of ed. 1.676. l A small round seal. B. 52. 'l 2 horse and 3 horse, l'adshahnama Il, 258.

~jne wi~h the emper~r's, but separated

rom lt by an llllmense serai.' Keene's Agra, 37, note. He died on 17 Sh'abau 1051 12 November, 1641. Piidshiihniima II. 257.

....
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295

Light of the genius of the l1luminati (the Platonists), learned in the science of the Peripatetics. " He was also an elegant writer and had a correct idiom. He was a good accountant and versed in business. He personally examined the accounts of the officers of the exchequer and of the other officers. He had no need of any guide in this. The expenses and disbursements of his establishment were beyond comprehension, especially those which he incurred for the frequent visits to him of the king, the princea and the begams. Besides the peshkashes and the presents, which came to a large sum, what splendonr there was in eating and drinking! And what ornamentation and decoration there were inside and outside! His servants too were of the best, and he looked after them. Like his father he was very gentle and affable. The sons and other relatives of this great officer who attain-ed to high office in the State have been described in these pagesr each in his own place, but Mamtaz Mahal, his daughter, wa~ married to Shah Jahan in her twentieth year, and became pregnant fourteen times. Among them, four sons and three daughters survived' their grandfather. In the 4th J year of the reign, 1040, 1631, in the city of Burhampur, that chaste lady, whose age exceeded 39 yearil, immediately after giving birth to' a daughter named Goharara~' Begam, experienced a change in her condition and signed that the king should be sent for. He came. in an agitated state and had a final interview in which he gathered the treasure of the period of separation. On the 17th Ziq' ada, 7 July 1631, the Begam was buried temporarily in the garden Zainabad on the other side of the Taptl. ,C May the place of Mamtaz Mal,1al be paradise." Jai 8 11I'amtiiz lJIa~tal jinnat bad gives the date 1040, 16:n. They say that there was an exceeding love between the two noble spouses, so that Shah Jahan, after her death, for a long time abandoned coloured raiment and the hearing of music and the
,f

use of perfumes, and put a stop to feasts, etc. For two years he shunned every kind of delicacy. Half of the property left by her, and which amounted to more than a kror of rupees, was given to the Begam f;lal,1iba (the eldest daughter known as Jahanara), and the other half was divided among the other children. Six months after the death, Prince I Mul,1ammad Shuja, Wazir K., and Sati Khanim the f?adru-n-nisa (mistress of the women), cQnveyed the body to Agra and buried it in a place 2 south of, and close to, the river, which had belonged to Rajah Man Singh and was now the inheritance of Rajah J-ai Singh. In the course of twelve years, a tomb, such as has no parallel in India, was erected at a cost of fifty lacs of rupees. Thirty villages belonging to the Barkar of Agra and pargana of Nagarcand,8 yielding annually one lac of rupees, and the collections from the shops and serais attached to the tomb, and which amonnted to two lacs of rupees, were bestowed in mortmain (waqf). Af;lALAT K. MIR 'ABDU-L-HADI. Mir Miran 4 Yezdl who, along with his father Mir Kl,1alil Ullah, left Persia on account of oppression in the second year of Jahangir and came to India, the abode of security. Shah Abbas f;lafavi became alienated from the Mir (Kl,lalil Ullah) and was very wrathful with him, so that the morning of the Mir's prosperity ended in a gloomy hight. As he was helpless he fled to a foreign land. When he took him5eIf off, only half-alive; from the place of danger, he could not take his grandehildren 'Abdu-I-Hadi and Kl,1a1ll Ullah with him, on account of their tender age and the want of time. They were, therefore, left in Persia. When the KQ.an 'i\lam went on an embassy to Persia, .Jahangir, out of his great kindness and affection for the Mir :Mlran, mentioned the children in his
id., 493. It was laid in a spot in the garden. still pointed out, close by the mosque, until the IDausoleum was ready for her reception." Keene 's Agra, p. 23. 8 Perhaps this should be N ogarchiu. the well-known pleasure resort
l
2

I See Pii-:ishiihniimo. l. 384, and

~fi K. l. 459.
i Called by some Dahariirii, but Goharara is the Ilame in Padshiihgama, p. 2(13. She is the Genorara Begam of Manncci, I, 227.

3 Piidshahniima 1. 389. The chrono

gram was made by Bebadal Khan.

The tomb in which the body - wa~ temporarily placed was in' the middle of a tank, id., 386.

of Akbar. But it is Nagarcand in the Pi\dshilhnama II, 330. 'There is a full account of the building at this place, and the p.ames of the thirty vUlages are given, with the contribution fixed upon each of them. 4 Piidshiihnarlla II, 528, 629.

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letter and spoke to the Khan 'AJam about bringing them. The Shah sent the two suffering ones to India, and after they had kissed the threshold their griefs were washed away. In the third year of Shah Jahan, Mir 'Abdu-l-Hadi was the subject of favour and received the title of A~alat K1).an. By his good qualities, his loyalty and his zeal he became trusted, and in the 5th year was sent off along with Yemenu-d-daula to chastise '.~dil Shah, and to devastate the country of Bijapur. When they came to BhMki and besieged it, the garrison, after firing with guns and muskets during the day, evacuated the place during the darkness of night by going out at a place where there were no batteries. A~alat K., who was prominent in this campaign, mounted on the top of the fort on a wooden platform under which pyrotechnic weapons had been left. Suddenly, fire caught them, and A~alat K. was blown up into the air along with the platform, and carried into a magazine. A part of his arID as well as ofhis face were burnt, but by God'sprotection he was not ki1led.1 In the 6th year he received the rank of 1,500 with 500 ~ horse and was made bakhshi of the army which was setting out with Shah 8huja for the conquest of Parenda. In that affair he so distinguished himself by his activity that Mahabat K., the commander-in-chief, in spite of all the crookedness of his nature , had his attention drawn to him and made over to him the signing of receipts and orders, and made him his deputy. When he came to court from that campaign in the 8th year he was appointed governor of Delhi in succession to Baqir ~jlan Najmsani with an increase 8 of 1,500 and 1,700 horse, an increase ~ecessary for the management of the province, and made a man"i abdar of 3,000 with 2,500 horse, and the gift of a flag, an elephant and a special robe of honour. When Jagta ~
Padshahnama l, 412. Padshhnama l, Part 2, p. 67, says 800. It also says he was made bakhshi of thea~adis. 3 Piidshiihnama I, Part lI,p. 87. The fact that he now had 2,500 horse shows that 800, and not 500, was the ht amount above.
1 ~

the zamindar of Mau became ungrateful and raised a presumptuous head, three armies, composed of 30,000 horse, were sent against him, and one of these was commanded by A~alat K.. The Kl;J.an set about besieging Nfirpfir, and every day the besieged were more and more hard pressed. When the fort of Mau, which was Jagta's chief reliance, was taken, the garrison of Niirpiir fled at midnight, and that place was easily conquered. Afterwards, A~alat K. went with other chiefs to take Taragarha. This too was accomplished. In the 18th year he was appointed, on the death of ~alii.bat K., to the high office of Miri Bakhshi. When' the king determined on the conquest of Balkh, an order was given to the Amiru-I-Umara, who was governor of Kabul, that during the interval before the arrival of the army he should get possession of as much as possible of Badalilishan. In 1055 (the beginning of February 1645), Asalat K. and several man.~abdar8 and a1J,adis were sent off to Kabul in order that they might recruit . active men from among the Cag1).ata and other tribes in Kabul and in the passes (of Bada~hshan). The Amiru-I-Umara was to examine them and to assign man"iab8 to some, and to enroll the others among the a1J,adi8. They were also to acquaint themselves with the routes to Turan and to choose the easiest and to improve it. After A~alat had done these things he, in the 19th year, went from Ghorband in company with the Amiru-I-Umara and wished to make an attempt on Badalilishan. When they came to Gulbihar 8 it appeared that the road was exceedingly difficnlt, and that provisions were unprocurable. With the approval of the Amiru-lUmara, A~alat K. went off rapidly with 10,000 horse and eight days' provisions in order to attack Khinjan 'and Andarab. He crossed the Hindu 6 Koh and arrived at Andarab and captured
Pdshhnma II, 385. Pii:dshhnma II. 415, 416 . 3 Text Kulhar, but it really is Gulbihii:r, a well-known place north of Kabul. See Pdshhnma II, 462, eight lines from foot. , Khinjan and Andariib are in the north of Afghanistan towards Bada~ shn. 6 The text has only az Hind.
I
~

This. seems. an abridgrnent of the name J agat Singh. See Pdshiihnama II, 261. The Mau here mentioned is a hill state, and Niirpiir was one of its towns. 'rhe expedition belongs to the 15th year.

gu~ashta, .. crossed from India." but of course Asalat was then in Afghanistan and a long way out of India. The true reading is Hin~u Koh as appears from the P&dshabnama II, 462, whioh is the original of the passage before us. There we have az kotal Hindu Koh gu~ashta. " having croS8ed the defiles of the Hindu Koh." See also IS!lafi K. I, 614.

38

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298
TRE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. 'l'HE l\IAASIR-UL-UMARA.

numerous quadrupeds and other goods of the inhabitants. He then took with him the retainers l of 'Ali Danishmandi and of the summer-quarters of Karmaki, together with the K~wajazadas of Ism'ail Atai and Maudiidi, and Qasim Beg, Mir of the Hazaris of Andarab, and returned with equal rapidity. When in this year Prince Murad Bakhs~ was sent off to Balkh with a victoriaus army, Al;!alat was appointed to the centre (tara~) ~ of the right wing. He went on rapidly in advance from Kabul and worked with zeal and energy in widening the difficult parts of the road. 3 After the royal army had reached Balkh he, together with Bahadur K. Rohilla, pursued Na~r Mu~ammad K. theruler of Turan, and put to flight the vagabonds of the desert. He received an increase of 1000 and was made a panjhazari (5000). When the prince did not approve' of staying in the country, he turned back, and the government of the locality was made 6 over to Bahadur K. and Al;!alat K. To the former was entrusted the duty of extirpating the rebellious, while the business of the army and of the treasury and looking after the peasantry was committed to the latter. In the end of the Same 20th year 1057, 1647, :Ii-hiishi Labcaq, with 5000 almanan 6 (freebooters) horse, at the orders of A.bdul-l-' Aziz K., the ruler of Bokhara, crossed (the Oxus) at the ferry of Kilif with the intention of making a raid on Daragaz (tamItrisk vale) and Shadman which were the pasturage-ground of the quadrupeds of the imperial army. Asalat K. considered it his business to chastise those raiders , . . and so he went off swiftly and came up with them when they
i The word in text is ahsham, for which see Irvine A. of M. 160. 'Ali Danishmandi is, I suppose, the name of a place or tribe. The text has
~ l.534J. iyiUiq karmaki. I have taken the first word to be ailiiq "summer-quarters." Karmaki may be k6maki, "militia." The
Piidshiihnama has ~""~ J ~~ ~t Perhaps they are all ~ames of places. Apparently one object of A~iilat K. 's raid was to bring back some leaders of tho tribes. See Khiifi K. 1,614.
~

299

were driving off some of the cattle. He attacked them like a Rustam and killed many and rescued the animals, and then pursued the remainder who had escaped the sword. When night threw her dark pall he halted in Daragaz, andfor the purpose of renewing his ablutions threw off his doublet (chilta, lit. fortyfolds). The wind caught him and he got fever, and returned to the city (Balkh). From this blow he lay powerless on his bed, and in the course of two weeks he folded up the carpet of his life. Since as yet forty stages on the road of his life had not been passed, and he had performed noble deeds, the king lamented 1 his death and said if death had given him time he would have done still greater things, and have risen to high office. Al;!alat K. was famed for his good qut>Jities and good life, and was the unique of the age for gentleness and modesty. Harsh language never issued from his lips, and he never tried to injure anybody. Courage in him went hand in hand with counseP His sons were Sultan Husain Iftikhar K. J Muharn mad Ibrahim Multafat K., and Bahau-d-din. They have been mentioned in their own place. The last of them did not so much distinguish himself. '
o ._

Af;lA.LAT KHA.N MIRZA. MU~AMMAD. Son of Mirza Radia' of Mashhad, who was one of the great Saiyids of that holy place. His ancestars had been the guardians of the shrine of the holy eighth Imam 'Ali bin Musa-Peace be upon him and on his ancestars ! The Mirza came to India in the 19th year and entered the service of Shah .Jahan. He received a suitable office, and the daughter of Shah Newaz Safavi was "iven to him in marriage. When in the 22nd yea,~ Prince Murad Balill.sh was made governor of the Deccan and went off there Shah Newaz ~afavi, who had been appointed to protect the coun~
15.!J.iifi K. II, 660. Ai;lalat 'Khan died in l3alkh on 22 RabI-al-awall057, l7th April, 1647. He had attained the rank of 5000 with 4000 horse. Padshahnama II 720. Khafi K II. 566 mentions ~ sor:
2
~

Irvine 227.

Jvo

Piidshiihniima II, 509. Asiilat exerted himself to clear away' the snow, id. 513.
3

, Piidshiihnama II, VII,70.

6
ti

558.

Elliot

Piidshiihnama II, 560.

Piidshahnama II, 654, 656. See Pavet de CDurteille Dict. s. v. and his translation of Biibur's Mem. II, 363 n., and A. N. Trans. I, 269 note. ~iifi K. II, 658, has Almaniii:n; Elliot VII. 77 anI! 78 has A~an~.

of Ai;lalat named Mul~ammad S'aid. Khali! Ullah, the brother of Asalat went into re tire ment after his d~ath. Khii.fi K. II. 1l60, but after wards returned to service.

300
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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

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301

after the death of Islam K., was made vakjl and guardian of the prince. The Mirza on account of his marriage went with Shah Newil.z, and at the prince's request, obtained the rank of 2000 with 1000 horse. Shah Newaz made him general of the army of the Deccan and sent him against the ruler of Deogarha (afterwards Daulatabad).The Mirza at first was a great stickler for the etiquette of the Persian kings, and the imperial servants, who regarded themselves as his equals and as his fellow-servants, were much offended. Afterwards he adopted Indian mannera, and laboured to amend this dislike. As he had good sense, he soon conquered the country and brought things into order. Afterwards Shah Newaz arrived and arranged Deogarha in accordance with the Mirza's recommendations. When he returned to Burhanpur , he had a great gathering on account of the birth of a son, and brought Prince Murad Bakhsh and all the officer!!' to his quarters and lavished gold. When in the 23rd year the ~uba~dari of Malwa was given to Shah Newaz K., the Mirza was appointed to that province and received the jaujdari and fiefdom of MandaSOl'. In the 25th year he was made faujdar of Mandu. When in the 30th year Prince Aurangzeb was ordered to devastate the territory of 'Adil Shah, the Mirza was appointed to go with him. The work had not been finished when the times assumed another aspect and there was change and confusion in all the imperial territories. The Mirza remained in the Deccan. When Aurangzeb went off from Burhanpur to Agra he conferred on the Mirza the title of Al;Jalat K. and the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse and a togh (standard) and drums. After the beginning of the njign he had an increase of 500 horse and was sent to the Deccan. He conveyed Prince MUl,J.ammad Akbar, who was then a baby at the breast, and the ladies to the capital. At this time he went into retirement, but in the 3rd year he again became an object of favour and received the rank of 5000 with 3000 horse and was made jaujdar of Moradabad in succession to Qasim K. In the 7th year he had an increase of 1000 horse. After that he had a severe illness and was for a long time indisposed. In the 9th year and end of 1079, 1669, he died. His brother Mir MuJ:tammad arrived at court from Persia in the 14th year of C Alamgir and received the rank of 1000

with 4000 horse and the title of CAqadat Kl,J.an. Kabut Regam, the daughter of Riil,J. Uli ah K. the Ist, was given to him in marriage, and he soon afterwards died. >\SHRAF KHAN ..MIR MUNSHI. His name is Muhammad Asghar, and he belonged to the J.Iusaini Saiyids of Mashhad. The author of the ,!,abaqat AkbarI reckons him among the' Arabshahi Saiyids, and probably there ia not much difference between these two statements. Abul Fa~l's statement, however, that he was of Sabzawar is undoubtedly a writer's error. He was skilful in letter-writingartd in the niceties of words, and did not deviate a hair's breadth from correctness. As a calligrapher he was one who could write in seven stylea. He was specially skilful in the Ta'aliq and Naskh ta'aliq styles. in which he was unique of the age. He reduced the science of' jCajar (magic) into practice. He was in the service of Humayun and obtained the style of Mir MunshL After the conquest of India he was made Mir e Ar~ and Mir Mal. (Master of petitions, etc., B. 257, and Master of the Privy Purse, B. VI. note). In the battle which Tardl Beg Khan had with Remu Baqqal (grocer), he as well as others took to flight. He was imprisoned by Bairam K. along with Sultan'Ali Af~al Khan, and afterwards went off towards Mecca. In the 5th year, 968 (1560) he presented himself before Akbar when he was proceeding from Maciwara to the Siwaliks to make an end of the affairs of Bairam K. After that he was always treated with kindness and promoted. In the 6th year he received the title of Ashraf K. on Akbar's return from Malwa. He was sent off to Bengal along with Mun'im K. the Khan-Khanan. He died in Gaur in 983 i (1575-76) at the time of the pestilenee there. He attained to an office of 2000. He had a poetical turn and occasionally wrote verse. The following are his:Verse.

O God, burn me not with the fire of wrath, Light the lamp of peace in my soul's house,
I

Text wrongly has 973, having copied the Mirat 'Alam.

See Blochmann,

389 n.

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303

302

'tHE MAASIR-UL-UMARA,

Graciously knit with the thread of pardon This robe of service l which has been tom by trespasses. He made the following chronogram on the reservoir which Maulana 9. Mir constructed in Agra:Ye1'se. Mulla Mir made on Gad's highway A well to succour the poor and needy, Should a thirsty lip ask the year of building Sav , "Take some water from the boon reservoir.' , " His son Mir M:o~affar also obtained fitting rank during Akbar's . . rman an d'ln tl l e 48tll year was appointed to the government , of ~udh. Husaini and Barhani the grand-children of Ashraf K. held small ~ppointments in the time of Shah Jahan. ASHRAF K. KHW.AJA BARKHURD.AR. Son-in-Iaw of Mahabat K. and one of the Khwajazadas. of the Naqshbandl order. They say that when Mahabat K. marn~d his daughter to the ~hwaja, without informing Jahangl~, the latter became angry and summoned the ~hwaja to hiS presence, and had him whipped with a thorny 3 scourge. When
l This verse is quoted by Badayiini, III. 182, and he has zindagi " life" instead of bandagi as in the text her~. Bmldagi, however, seems more poetl-

:M:ahabat K. joined Shah Jahan the Khwajah came "ith him, and entered his service. In the first year of Rh&h Jahan he obtained a commission of 1000 with 500 horse. In the 8th year he got a commission of 1500 with 800 horse; in. the 23rd year by the increase of 700 horse his staffs (tiibiniin) was made equal to his personal (zat) allowance. In the 28th year of Shah Jahan he was appointed to the government of fort Usa (Owsa) in the Deccan and obtained the rank of 2000 with 2000 horse. In the beginning of the :reign of Aurangzeb he received the title of .A~hraf K. In the second year he was removed from the government of the fort above mentioned and Came to court. The year of his death is not known. .ASHRAF K. MIR MUI.IAMMAD ASH RAF. Eldest son of Islam K. MashhadL He possessed ~ll spiritual qualities, and was noted for his comprising all the excellences of humanity. When his father was Na~im of the Deccan he was appointed by him to take charge of Burhanpiir. When his father died he got an increase of 500 with 200 horse and obtained the rank of 1500 with 500 horse. ln the 26th year he was made superintendent of the branding. When in the 27th year Prince Dara Shikoh went with a large army on the Qandahar expedition, Ashraf had an increase of 500 and was made diwa.n of the force with the title of I'timad K. After that he was made superintendent of the royal library. In the end of the 31st year, when the reign of Shah Jahan was nearly at an end, he was made diwan and bakhshi of the army of Sulaiman Shikoh when that Mirza was appointed under the guardianship of Mirza Rajah Jai Singh, to act against Shuja.' . After the battle of Samugarh and the defeat of Dara Shikoh, when the standards of '.Alamgir were raised for wOrld-conquest, Ashraf separated from Sulaiman Shikoh's companionship and went from Islamabad-Mathura to do homage, and obtained an increase of rank. At the same time when the royal army cros>led the Sutlej in pursuit of Dam Shikoh, Ashraf was

f Apparently the Mulla Mir o Blochmann, 542, No, 73. He was a .. p h YSlClan. He may also be the Mulla Mir Tabib of the "fabaqat, or he may ~e th~ Mulla Mir Kalan of the same book. The chronogram is very ingenious. By saying "Take some water" iibi, it means that 13, the abjad value "f iibi, should be taken from the words baqii-i-lsh.air "The boon reservoir," the abiad value of which words is 987. If we deduct 13 from 987 we get 974, or 15137, which is the date of the making of the well.

cai.
2

This biography seemB to be one of those which was added to by 'Abdu-l Hayy for the poetry does not appear in the first edition. Ashraf's takhaIlas was Haif" Alas." He is menti~ned as ~ calligrapher in the Ain, Blochmann, 101. il Khafi K. l. 360. Elphinstone says he was beaten with thorns, but perhaps khiirdiir is merely arhetorical epithet. It even seems doubtful from KMfi K. if there was any whipping. ~d perhaps what was done was th&t Barkhiirdar had a belt of thorns put round him and was sent with naked feot to prison. Apparently, however this is ooly ~aIi K.'s rhetoric. Both the TUzuk 40) and the Iqbalnama 253 say the young man was

--------------flogged, though nei'ther speaks of thorns. He was the BOn of ~waja 'Umr Na<j.shbandi, and the whipping was in the 21Bt year of the reign of Jahaniir.

304

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMAR

made governor of KashmiI' in the place of Lashkar K. In the 10th year he received a robe of honour and was made diwiin of the estate of Begam $a\1iba (Jahanara, eideAt daughter of Shah Jahan) in the room of Re~avi K. of Bokhara. In the l3th year he obtained the rank of 3000 and was made li..hansaman. He served in this employment for a long time and in the 2lst year was Waq'akhwan (hiAtoriographer). When in the 24th year Himmat K. Mir Bakhshi died, Ashraf became Ist Bakhsb'i and did good service. On 9 Zilq'ada of the 30th year, 1097, 17 September 1686, the lamp of the life Qf that noble nature was extinguished He wall adorned with peacefulness, piety and purity. Inasmuch as he had a taste for Sufism, he made a selecijion from the Ma!:!navi of the Maulana (Jalalu-d-din) and had much pleasure in studying the poem. He also wrote l perfectly Nas]ili, Shikasta, T'aliq and Nast'aliq. High 2 and low made his shikast-writing their exemplar of good penmanship. He had no son. 'ASKAR KHAN NAJM SAN!. His name was' Abdullah Beg. In Shah Jahan's reign in the l2th year he received a suitable rank and was made governor of the fort of Kalinjar. Afterwards he joined Prince Dara Shikoh and was made his Mir Bakhshi. In the 30th year he had the title of 'Askar K., and when, after the defeat of Maharajah Jeswant Singh, Aurangzeb marched towards Agra, he, on the part of Dara Shikoh had in oompany with Khalil Ullali the charge of guarding the Dholpfir feny, and on the day of battle he was in the vanguard. At the second 3 engagement (the one at Ajmere) he was in the battery nea~Garha~ Pathl'i. When Dara Shikoh went off in confusion) and without announcement, to Gujarat , 'Abdullah heard of this at the end of the night and obtained quarter from f?afshikn K. and joined him. He was admitted into service and
There is in the British Museum &Il album presented by him. See Rieu's Catalogue II. 778. There ,is s.lso a reference tc A~raf in ~fi K. II. 38I. ~ Perhaps Young and old."
l

received a robe of honour. Afterwards he was enrolled amon the auxiliaries of the ~han-~hanan Mu'azzam K d t g .oo an wen to B ll enga . In the 8t~ year of Aurangzeb he went with Buzurg Umed K. to take Chittagong. Nothing more is known of him. ATISH K. I:IABSHI. One o~ the officers of the rulers of the Deccan. In the tin.. of JahanglI' he came to court and was promoted to a suitable man~ab, . After that, when Shah Jahan succeeded, he in the first year .recel~ed the rank of 2000 horse, and in the third year, when the lmpenal army ea-me to the Deccan, he received a reward of 25,000 rupees, and was chosen to accompany Shaista K . h' d't' . m IS expe l IOn to punish ~.han Jahan Lodi and the Nizam Shah ~fter tha.t he was entered among the Deccan auxiliary f~rces and m t~e Siege of Daulatabad in company with the Khan-Khanan Mah~bat K., and afterwards with ~han Zaman performed ;alous serVICe. .Afterwards he came to the Presence and in the l3th year receIved a ro~e_of honour and a horse and 10,000i rupees, and was m.ade fauJdar of Bhagalpur in Bihar. In the 15th year wh~n ShalstIl, ~han, the governor of that province, proceeded a~amst the zamindar of Palamau, he had charge of the right WIng. In the 17th year he came to court and presen t e d an elephant as peshkash. It appears that he was again appointed to the Deccan, and that he came back in the 24th year and presented another elephant. III the 25th year, 1061, 1651, he died. ATISH KHAN JAN BEG. , So~ of Balilit~n B ~eg RiiZbihalli, who in the first year of Aurangzeb s relgn was kIlled III the battle with MuQ.ammad Shuja.' . Jan Beg became known to the king in: his father's lifetim6, and in the 21st year obtained the title of Atish ~han. In the 25th year he
l 'Askar was at one time faujdiir of Benares, 'Alamgirnama 625, He was also in the A88am expedition, If!1itfi K. II. 171, and went to KOClh Behar, 'Alamgirnama 948. 2 Piidshahnama II. 180 has 2000.
3 J.glafi K. II. 57 where it is suggested that the name should be Biikh. tiyBr, and' Alamgirnama 262, last line. H~ ~~ ~n charge of the artillery. Ruzbiham was the title of two Mu~mmadan saints.

8 J.glBfi K. II. 73, 74. 'Alamgirnama 313, where the bat, tery, or entrenchment (Biba), is called Garha BethaJi. See also for name of entrenchment, id. 326.

39

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306

THE. MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

became Mir Tuzuk in the place of Salal:J. K. One of his brothers was Mansiir K., and for some time was Mir Atish (chief of the artillery) .of the Deccan , and afterwards became gove~nor of (.the fort of) Aurangabad. The second was YiisufK., who In the time of Aurangzeb was taujdar of Qaniarnagar, i.e. Karnii!' In the time of Bahadur Shah he was made Na~im of Haidarabad. lt was he who put to death the sedition-monger Papra. Their descendants are still in the Deccan. The brief account of Papra is as follows; he was one ~f lihe low tradesmen l of Telingana. In the time of Aurang~eb, when Rustum Dil K., son of Mukhtar, was the ~ubal:J.dar of HaldafR,bad, Papra killed his own sister, who was rich. and thereby collected footmen (piadas) , and having made himself a refuge on a mountain he stretched out the hand of robbery and oppression over the' travellers and the peasantry. The taujdars and landholders tried to seize him, and he hearing this went to Wankat (Venkat Rao), the zamindar of pargana Biilas,2 in the sarkar of Ilkandal, and became his servant. Aftel some time he began there to practise robbery, and the zamindar having proof of this put him in prison. As the zamindar's son fell 5 ill, he was ~eleased along with the other prisoners, and having gone to the village of Shahpfir in the pargana of Tarikanda(Narganda), sarkar of ~hun ger (Bhonaghir), which was a rugged place, he asso~iated hlms~lf with a turblllent person named Sarwa.. There he bmlt a fort and , openly practised attacking and plundering.Rustum Dil K. commissioned Qasim K. jama'dar, who was faujdar of pargana Kulak which was in the neighbourhood of Shahpiir, and strictly him to seize Papra. In the battle Qasim K. was killed,

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

307

~ha;ged

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and Sarwa having engaged in a foolish dispute with Pur Dil K., the jama'dar of his own piadas, about military matters, they fought a duel in which Sarwa was killed. l Papra was now supreme and set about building the fort of Tarikanda. He raided as far as Warangol and Bhunger, and set open the gates of calamity for the inhabitants of that country. Bahadur Shah after his victory over Mul:J.ammad Kam Bakhsh made Yusuf K. Riizhihani ?ubal:J.d,ar of Haidarabad and issued strict orders for the seizure of Papra. The said Khan appointed Dilawar K. jama'dar with a suitable force, and the latter attacked Papra at a time when he was pressing the siege of Kulpak. After a fight he defeated him and established a military station' (thana) in KUlpak. ~leanwhile Papra's father-in..:}aw's son had for a long time been imprisoned in Shahpfir along with others, and was subjected to severe treatment. Except his wife, who every day brought him his food, no one was allowed to visit him. By means of his wife, he procured several files, and with them he cut his leg-irons and also those of some other prisoners, and on a day when Papra had gone out of Shahpiir to fish, he came out of prison alQng with others, and killed the piadas who were guarding him, and also those at the gate, and took possession of the fort. On hearing of this Papra became agitated and came near the fort, and a gun was fired from the top of the fort. As his brothers 2 had informed the .zamindars of Kulpak that this (the firing of the cannon) would occur, so as soon as the report was heard, Dilawar K. set off with a force. When he came near Shahpur there Was a great disturbance and fighting. At last Papra was defeated and fled to Tarikanda,3 When Yiisuf K. heard this he fir~t appointed'
I Ji.hafi K. J L 633 saJ's they were both killod. Pet'haps the meaning is not that they quarrelled about mili, tary matters, but that like Rol<liers they challenged one another. Feri.hta refers to the frequency of duels in the Deccan. The text has jang ilang. ~iiti K. has iang ikangi, and this is right, yakang being a Deccani \\'ord"ne body. Instead of Pur Dil ~iin, which seems an unlikely title here.

I KhMi K. says he belonged to the caste-of the toddy-sellers, II. 631. See Elliot VII. 410 where he is called Pii:pR.>i. ~ Bulas is Kiilas or Kaulas in Khafi r. IL 631. It is marked on the maps "", Kowlass and Kaulas, and is in the Haidarabad State, N.N.W. Haidarabad and N. Bidar. Ilkandal is the Eilgundal of the map and lies

east of Kauliis. Kauliis is interesting as being the place where 'Abdu-l-J:.layy the son of Shah Newaz, and part author of the Maa~ir, died. See Rieu, Cat. 1. 342. 3 The boy's mother released all the prisoners in hopes that thereby her son would get better. J21Mi K. II. 631.

LO. MS. 628 has Z'abal .. drummer." I t also has ba jang yakang "in a duel. " 2 Baradaranash, but from l.f!1afi K: it appears that the brother-in-law told his wife to inform the zamindafs. Prob'lbly we should read baraaar ba zano a Here spel t with a long ii" J91afi K. II. 641.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

309

308

THE MAASIR-UlrUMARA.

M. Ali his manager, and then went himself with a suitable force, and besieged Tarikanda for nine months. Then he set up a flag l of truce (jhanda-i-qaul) to the effect that whoever came out of the fort would get a present. Papra changed II his appearance and came, out of the fort, but fell into the hands of the same brotherin-law and was arrested. When they brought him before Yusuf K. he divided him, limb by limb, and sent his head to court.
Verse. 3

How well did the old farmer say to his son, ., Light of my eyes, you'll reap naught but what you've sown." 'A?DU-D-DAULA IWA~ K. BAHADUR QA8WARA JANG
(LION OF BA'1'TLE).

His name was Khwaja Kamal and he was daughter's son of the sister of Mir Bahau-d-d:in of Samarkand. His father, Mir 'Iwaz by name, was one of the J:Iaidari Saiyids, and 'Azdu-ddaulah was mar.ried to Khadija Begam, the da.ughter of Qulij K. Saiyid Niyaz K., his mother's brother, held in the 47th year of Aurangzeb the rank of 1500 with ;)00 horse and the deputy-governorship of Bijapur. After that monarch's death, when Sultan Kam Bakhsh went against Bijapur, he, on the ground of making some inquiries, delayed a while (saying that he would) join Kam Bakh~ later. But without giving him notice he suddenly went off and joined A'~im Shah. Saiyid Niyaz K. the second, who was his son and was married to the daughter of I'timadu-d-daulah Qamaru-d-din, was ripped open in the time of Na.dir Shah on account Qf his exhibiting some insolence. 'A~du-d-daula came
Cf. ~iili K. II. 642. id. s This biography is marked Q, it being an addition h~ the author' s son 'Abdu-l-ij:ayy. It is abridge from Khali-K. II. 630 et seq., and even the c-;;-ncluding verse ie taken from there. The story of P'pr1i: is also toId in the ij:adiqau-I- 'Al~m of Abu-I-Qasim
l
2

II. 15 (lithograph). The verse is from ij:afiz. 4 This is 'Abid li!Iwiija, the grandfather of the famous Nir,1i:mu-I-mulk A.!}8f Jali. See M88ir II. 872 and Khafi K. II. 91B, where it is said that 'A~du-d-daulah was married to Fat4 Jang's, i.e. Nir,amu-I-mulk's. aunt.

from Turan to India in the time of Amangzeb, and by the influence of Khan Firuz Jang was given the title of 'Iwa~ K. and accompanied Firuz .Tang, and in the province of Al.tmadabad looked after his household. After Firuz Jang's death he came to court, and at first through the instrumentality of Mir Jamla (' Abdullah, Ma8.ir II. 761) he was attached to the province of Berar in the time of Farrukh Siyar. Afterwards as deputy of the Amiru-I-Umara J:Iusain 'Ali K. (one of the Barha Saiyids) he was made governor of the said province. He applied himself to the management of the province and displayed courage. In the 2nd year of MuJ:1ammad Shah, when Ni~amu-l-mulk A~af Jiih Bahadur went to the south from Malwa, he gathered the real meaning of the letters, and collected a proper force, and joined Ar;>af .Jah in Burhanpur. In the battle with Dilawar 'Ali K , who made a violent attack on him and killed many of his men) though his elephant l turned back a little, he did not lose courage and was not lacking in jeopardizing his life. In the battle with 'Alam 'Ali K. he was on the right-wing, and after the victory-which took place near Aurangabad-he received the rank of 5000 with 5000 horse and the title of 'A~du-d-daulah Bahadur Qaswara Jang (Lion of Battle), and was made substantive governor of Berar. Gradually he attained to the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse, and in the 2nd year when Alilaf Jah addressed himself to the task of settling the Bijapur province, 'A~du-d-daulah was left behind in Aurangabad as deputy. Af terwards, when Alilaf Jah according to the summons of Mul:J.ammad Shah proceeded to the capital, he left the offices of the diwani and the balilishiship with 'A~du-d-daulah and made him deputy with full powers. After going to court when he (Alilaf Jah) was ordered to chastise J:Iaidar Quli K. Nar;>ir Jang~ who was making a disturbance in the province of A~madabad (Gujarat) , 'A~du-d daulah was sent for by him and came with a force and for some time accompanied him, but at the stage of Jhabwa, a dependency of Malwa, he left him and obtained leave to go to his own estates. In the battle with Mubariz K. 'Imadu-l-mulk, he did good service
lf!1afi K. II. 879.

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310

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMAltA.

311

and afterwards, in the year 1143, 1730-31, he died of disease, and was buried at the shrine of S. Burhanu-d-dln Gharlb (may God have mercy upon him!). He had a share of learning, and strove to put it into pract,ice. He behaved with respect to learned men, and with courtesy to faquirs and pious persons. He used great exertions to put down the oppressors and to support the weak. He was swift in observing the rules of justice and in inflicting punishment. He built the mosque of Shah Ganj in Aurangabad, of which the chronogram is Khujasta l Banyad. Though the tank in front of it was made by I,Iusain 'Ali K., yet he widened it. The I:JawelI and Barahda.ri which he made in that city are famoue. He kept a good and abundant table. Of his sons, the eldest was Saiyid Jamal K., who in his father'slifetime attained to maturity and distinguished himself by courage in batties. After the battle with Mubari~ K. he attained the rank of 5000 with 5000 horse and was made his father's deputy in the government of Berar. When .A~af Jah went to court and left Ni?!amud-daulah in the Deccan, and the Mahratta disturbance increased more and more, he was appointed to the government of Berar and received the title of Qaswara Jang. After the return of .A~af Jah he went and sate with Na~ir Jang in the Rau~a of Shah Burhanu-d-dln @arlb, and he took part along with Na~ir Jang in the battle with his father. .A~af Jah pardoned his offences and sent for him and confirmed him in his jagir. He died in 1159, 1746. He left many sons. The second son (of A~du-d-daulah) was Khwaja Miimin K. who in .A~af Jah's ,time was made Naib-governor of Haidarabad and Mat~adI there. He did good service in chastising 'All K. Qarawal who was servant of Roghii Bhonsla. For a time he was governor of Burhanpur, and in the time of ~alabat Jang he obtained the title of 'A~du-d-daulah and was appointed to be governor of Nandair. At last he was contented with the jagir of pargana Patwar 2 ShailgJ. Babo. in Berar. He died some years ago. He left a large family. The third son was Khwaja 'Abdu-I-Hadi K. who for a long time was governor of the
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fort of Mahwar.' In the beginning of ~alabat Jang's rule he was removed and afterwards restored and given the title of ~ahIru-d daulah Qaswara Jang. He died some years ago. He too left ~ons. He was a princely-minded man and of an awakened heart, and had much affection for the writer. The fourth was~hwaja 'Abdu-r-Rashld K. Bahadur Himmat .Jang. The fifth was ~hwaja 'Abdu-sh-Shahld K. Bahadur Haibat Jang. Both are servants of Ni?!amu-d-daulah i .A~af Jah.
A'~IM

K. KOKA.

Known as FedaI K. Koka, his name was Mo?!affar I,Iusain and he was the elder brother of ~han Jahan Bahadur Kokaitash. In the time of Shah Jahan he distinguished bimself during bis long service of H.M. by his rectitude and trustworthiness. At first he was darogha of the court of justice, and afterwards he was sent as ambassador to Bijapur to convey some presents to '.Adil Shah. In the 22nd year he had an appointment in the Tiizuk department. In tbe 23rd year he was made bakhshI of the A1,ladls, and in the 24th year he had the rank of 1000 with 400 borse and was made balffishlof the manliabdars of Kabul, and darogha of the artillery there. In the 26th year he came to court and was made MIr Tuzuk. After that be was made superintendent of the special elephants, and eventually of all the elephants. In the 29th year he was made superintendent of the mace-bearers, and on the removal of Tarblyat K. the post of Mir Tiizuk was added to his duties. He had an increase of 500 with 200 horse, and in the beginning of the 30th year he had the title of Fedai ~han conferred upon him. After that when Aurangzeb became the ruler, he was, on account of his fosterage relation, the recipient of royal favours, and when the king, in pursuit of Dara. Shikoh, halted at the garden of AgharabacP near Delhi, he was given a drum and sent off
, The Mahur of Haig's Hist. Landmarks. p. 134. ~ The son of the original Ni~smu-I mulk A~ Jih. ~ N, of Del~ and the 88llle as Shilimar, Irvine, J.A.S.B. for 1904, 307. Text has A' zabid. and so has the Alamgimama 145. , 'Alamgirnsma 148.

1 The auspicious foundation. " The chronogram yields 1135. 1722-23. ~ Pitar Shaikh Bibu in Sarkir

Narnilah, .J. II. 234, the Pitur of LG. XX. 76. It is in the Berars.

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312

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

313

with the Amiru-I-umara Shaista K. to dispose of the affair of Sulaiman Shikoh who had hastened from Lucknow and was seeking to join his father. The ~_han (Fedai) went ahead of the Amiru-I-umarA to Buriya l and learnt that Sulaiman Shikoh wished to go with the assistance of Prithi Singh, the ruler of Srinagar, by the crossing at Hardwar to Lahore. Fedai travelled eighty kos in twenty-four hours and arrived at Hard war. On account of his arrival, Sulaiman Shikoh was unable to cross and had to go to the hill-count.ry, to Srinagar. 2 Fedai returned to court and obtained leave to go with ~llalI1 UlIah K. who had been appointed to pursue Dara Shikoh. At the time when Aurangzeb came to Qasur with the intention of proceeding to Multan, he was summoned to the presence, and on the death of !radat K., tp,e ~ubal).dar of Oudh, he was made jaujdar thereof and of Gorakhpur. After the battle with Shuja and his flight, he was appointed to assist 'Mua~~am K. Mir Jumla and attached to Sultan Mul).ammad and directed to pursue the fugitive Shuja'. When Sultan Muhammad in the very crisis of ~he struggle with his unole became vexed by the supremacy of M'ua~~am K. and joined Shuja' , and afterwards repented and became an object of ridicule by returning to the imperial army, M'1,la~~am K., in aocordance with orders, sent 3 Fedai with a body of troops to take charge of the prince and to conduct him to court. In the fourth year he became Mir Atish (superintendent of artillery) in succession to ~afshikan K., and received a robe of honour. In the beginning of the sixth year the delightful country of KashlUir was visited by Auran~zeb. There was the Sambal' tribe, whioh was a branch of the Afghan Niyazi tribe, and it dwelt on the other side of the Indus. In former times some of them dwelt in the village of Dhankot,6 whioh is known as M'ua~~am nagar 6 and is situated on this side of the river, and as they were

sources of wickedness and sedition, the (aujdar8 and governors had caused them to move from this side to the o1iher. At this time this tribe, on account of their ignorance, trod the path of disaffection and crossed the Indus and took possession of the royal thana. Fedai, who was on the bank of the Chinab with the artillery, was directed to uproot them, and he cleansed the country of the thorn of their existence. He made a settlement of the land. and after making over the administration to ~llanjar K., who had been appointed to the faujdari thereof, he returned. In the same year the king, when he was returning from Lahore to the capital, halted at the hunting-place of Kanwadahan l and sent FediH to chastise the seditious people of Patna-Jalandhar who had raised up the head of disaffection. In the seventh year he was made a man~abdar of 4000 with 2500 horse. In the tenth year he was made fau1dar of Gorakhpur with an increase of 1500 horse, becoming a man~abdar of 4000 with 4000 horse. . Afterwards the ~ubal). of Oudh was added. In the thirteenth year he came to court and was made ~ubal).dar of Lahore. When a strange (gharib) defeat happened at the station of Gharibkhana ll to Mu1).ammad Amin K. the suba1).dar of Kabul, Fedai hastened from Lahore to Peshawar and arranged for the subjugation of the tract. Afterwards he took part in the Jamii campaign. When in the 17th year the king encamped at l.Iasa.n Abdal, ]j'edai was appointed to the government of Kabul in succession to Mahabat K. and went off there with a suitable force and equipment. With Agnar 3 (Aghuz) K. in the van he endeavoured to chastise the evil-minded Afghans and fought his way by Bazarak and Sehcoba from Peshawar to Jalalabad, and from thence to Kabul. At the time of returning, the Afghans gathered together more numerous than ants or locusta and blocked the road. There
name to the village. 'Alamgirnama 828. Dhankot. or Dhinkot, the Dinkot of Erskine, Babar's Mem.,p. 140, note 4. appears to have been \ln the east sid6 of the Indus, as here stated. though the 'Alamgirniima has anriii instead of inri1i as in the Maa~ir. I ~."".iI,!:S" variant Kanu wa Ahn, but in Ain, Persian text I, it is Kanuw1ihan. Jarrett II. 319 has Kaol) Wiihan. It wa~ in the Bii~i Duab. ~ "Between Peshawar and Kabul." Khiifi K. II. 232. Amin K. was son Mir .Tamla. It is mentioned in A.N. III. 519 as a thana. 3 Khafi K. II. 240.

l The 'Alamgirniima speaks of Biiriya and Sahiira.npur. The Miriitul-'Alam has Biharpur Buriya.. ~ 'Alamgirniima 166. It is in the Siwiiliks. 5 Maa!\lir A. 30.

4 Perhaps the Samai- of Bellew. See 'AllloHlgirnama 827 and Elliot IV. 428--32 and 496, where they are called Sambhals. 6 Jarrett ll. 401. 6 Apparently Aurangzeb gave this

ot

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314

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A'~IM KHAN MIR MU~AMMAD BAQIR, OTHERWISE

was a severe engagement. The vanguard became I disorganized and the bulk of the artillery and the baggage was plundered. It was near being a great defeat. Fedai kept the centre firm and he recalled Aghar K. from the thana of Gandamak, and rearranged the vanguard. Again there was a severe engagement at the difficult pass of Jalak. 2 Resides arrows and bullets they roHed down from the taps of the hills stones big enough to carry awayelephants, so that the position of the imperial army became critical. Only by Gad's aid was there such brave fighting that at last the Afghans turned and dispersed. Fedai reached Jalalabad and set about building forts and establishing thanas. He made admirable exertions for the destruction of that turbulent tribe and for destroying their villages. He was Iauded for his endeavours and received the title of A'?iim K. Koka. In the 20th year he came to court and was appointed to the high office of the government of Bengal in succession to the Amiru-I-umara (Shaista K.). In the 21st year, when the government of that province was assigned to Prince Mul:J.ammad A'?iim Shah, he was nominated to the government of Bihar in succession to the Prince's agents. The ~han was arranging to go there when on 9 RabI'ul-akhir 1089, 21st May 1678, he went to the final stage 3 (died) (at Dacca). His house is in Lahore, and one of the finest mansions there. It was' long the residence of the f?ubal:J.dars of that province. His eIdest son f;jalif,i K., who obtained the title of Fedai ~llan, has been separately noticed. His second son f;jafdar K.4. was the son-in-law (and nephew) of I~]lan Jahan Bahadur. In the 33rd year of Aurangzeb when he was faujdar of Gwaliyar he died of a gunshot wound while attacking a fort.

IRADAT KHAN. He belongs to the noble Saiyids of Sava which is one of the old towns of 'Iraq. The drying up of its lake l (bu1.laira) at the birth of the seal of the prophets-thf\ peace of God upon him-is well known. When the Mir first came to India he was appointed on the part of .Af?af K. Mirza J'aafar to be faujdar of Sialkot, Gujarat and the Panjab, and afterwards became his son-in-law, and so became known to Jahangir. After that he got promotion through Yemenu.d-daulah Af?af K. and became khansaman (steward). As in this service he showed loyalty and much economy he received much favour and in the 15th year was made governor of Kashmir. From there he went to court and became Mir BakhshL After the death of J ahangir he was associated with Yemenud-daulah in the affair of Shahriyal', and did good service. He waited upon Shah Jahan at Agra before Yemenu-ddaulah came there' from Lahore. He had an increase ~ of 500 and 1000 horse and he obtained the rank of 5000 both ziit and cavalry, and a drum and flag, and was confirmed in the appointment of Mir Bakhshl. After that, at the requ~st of Yemenu-ddaulah, he on 5th B Rajab, 2nd March 1628, at the beginning of the reign was made Vizier. In the second year he was appointed to the Deccan. When in the beginning of the third year, Burhanpur was visited by Shah Jahan, Iradat K. had the honour of paying his respects and wat exalted by having the title of A'?iim K. conferred on him. He was sent 4. off at the head of three bodies of troops, composing 50,000 horse, to defeat Khan Jahan Lodi
I The Burhn Qati' says that Sav had a small lake or stream (daryaca) which every year drowned a man. and that it <lried up on the night of Mu1)ammad's bi.J:th. See also Yaqiit in Barbier de Meynard. Sava lies between Rai and Ramadan, being 30 jar8akh8 from each. lt is S.S.W. Tehran. It is from this town that Yusuf 'Adi! Shah of Bijapur took his name, which the Portuguese changed

J J~hiifi K Il. 241. Ag:har K. was not th .. 'l with thA YflflgUfil'd. bu~ came hurriedly from Gandamak on being sent for. 2 id. Chalak. Perhaps it is the famous J agdalak Pass. 3 See for the English estirnate of Fedai K., Stewart's Hist. of Bengal, 302, where it is said that Aurangzeb ordered him to leave Dacca and re-

side at Kidderpore (Iihi~rpiir), but that he died 011 25th May J 6iS before h .. had left Dacca. The date of his <leath given in the Maair A. 168 is 12 Habiu-Iakhir and not 9 as in the Nlaair U.; 12 corresponds with 24th May 1678 and so nearly agrees with the date given in the English records. Fedii is also mentioned by Manucci. ll. 197. 4. M88~ir A. 335.

into Cabaio. There is an a.ccount of Sava in the Nuzhat-al-qalub which C. Scheffer has extracted in the Supplement to his translation of the Siasatnama See p. 185. It seems that the lake did not dry up, but flowed away underground. ~ Pidshahnama 1. 159. 3 Do. 186, where the date given is 8 Rajab. ~ Khafi K. l. 424.

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and to conquer the territories of the Ni?iam Shah. He had spent the rains in Dewalgaon and then enca-mped in Rampiir 1 on the banks of the Godavery, and when it appeared that IQlan Jahan had not come out of Bir, he left his camp in Majligaon ,9. made a night-march and suddenly came upon lQJan Jahan. When the latter saw that the road of flight was closed, and that he could not escape, he of necessity had to fight. But as many men of the imperial army had turned to plundering his baggage, the troops were out of order. By this opportunity ~han ,Tahan came out on to the hill and fought stubbornly. At last he took to flight. Though it was difficult for him to escape from the clutch of so powerful an army when also Bahadur K. Rohilla and some Rajputs did their duty in exposing their lives, yet as the imperial army had marched more than thirty kos it had been exhausted and could not follow. After that Khan Jahan crept into Daulatabad, and A'?iim K set himself to punish Ni?iam Shah. When he arrived within three kos of Dharwar ~ he wished to attack the town and to leave the taking of the fort which was famous in the Deccan for its difficulty and for its abundance of munitions, and was on the top ofa ridge and had on two shIts streams which were not easily crossed, to another opportunity. The garrison employed themselves in discharging mU:lkets and arrows, and the townspeople, who had brought their goods to the moat, took to arms in order to protect them. In consequence a number of men got up to the rooat and carried off much plunder. A'?iim K. with cousummate COUI'age came on foot to the moat at night and ascertained that in one place (in the wall) ~ there was a window (or door) which had been filled with stones and mortar. If that were opened out by pick-axes and mattoeks and filled with gunpowder it would be possible to get into the fort. He also found that there were no sangandiiz J b and that t,he methods of defending a fort were not observed. He set his heart upon taking
l Riimbhiiri in Piidshiihnama L 321. lQ1iifi K. 430. It is lV1acligii:on in Piidshii:hniima T. :l21. S pii:dshiihn1ima 1. 331, 339 Grant Duff III. \46 and 1. G.
2

Piidshiihnima 1.341See'

the fort. When the garrison saw the skill and valour of the besiegers they withdrew from fighting and on 23 Jumada-al-a1Qliri of the 4th year, 1040, 17th January 1631, Khan A'?iim and the other officers entered by the little door. Sidi Salm, the governor, and the family of I'tibar Rao, and the household of Shams,l the uncle of Malik Badan, and the maternai grandmother of Ni?iam Shah, with all the establishments, were made prisoners. Much booty was obtained. The fort received the name of FatJ.1abad and the charge of it was made over to Mir' Abdullah Re~avi. A'?iim K. was raised to the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse. As the affairs of the Ni?iam Shah ceased to be prosperous, and Muqarrib I~jlan, his general, submitted to A'?iim K. and entered the imperial service in that year, the Ii..han A'~im came to the river Manjara in aocordance with a message from Randaulah ~han of Bijapur to the effect that "if by your instrumentalitya pardon is obtained for the fauIts of 'Adil Shah I shall guarantee that he will never be disobedient again." By chance, one day, a party of the enemy made an attack and wounded and captured Bahadur K. Rohilla and Yiisuf K. of Tashkend. Many others of the royal troops were killed or captured. A'?iim K. proceeded to Citkiiba,2 Bhalki and Bidar, thinking that he might amend matters. On account of want of food and barley he had to return and cross the Godavery. When it appeared that the Ni?iam Shah had come to the Balaghat with the intention of reconciling himself with the Bijapuris, and had gone towards the fort of Parenda, A'?iim K. hastened off in that direction, and invested the fort. As no grass was to be found within twenty kos of the place, he turned back after failure and came to Dharwar. In the same year he came to the Presence in obedience to orders. Shah Jahan said;) that in this campaign he had done two excellent things, viz. the driving away ~jlan Jahan and the taking of the fort of Dharwar, and that he had also committed two fauits , for after Muqarrib K. had submitted hc should not have gone to Bidar, and when Parenda could not be taken, why did he delay
l filiaman ip Piidshahnama. 1. 343.
2

o Embrasures or loop holes through

which stones were discharged. Irvine, Army of the Mogula, 266.

Piidshiihniima l. 356.

Jitkapa.

Pooshahnama l. :194. At p. 395 we have Na.nda.r instead of Bidar.

;)

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there 1 The ~han acknowledged his mistakes, and as the affairs of the Deccanhad not been properly managed by him he was in the 5th year sent to the government of Bengal on the death of Qasim Khan Javin'i. There he l collected a good set of men, and there were many Persians among them. In the 8th year he was made governor of Allahabad, and in the 9th year he was appointed to Gujarat. As the wife 2 of Prince Mul)ammad Shuja' , who was the daughter of M. Rustum ~afavi, had died, A'~im K.'s daughter was married to the prince in the 12th year, 1049,1639-40. Sultan Zainu-l-'abidin was the fruit of this marriage. A'zim K. long governed the extensive territory of Gujarat, and in the 14th year marched against the zamindar of Jam who did not, like the other landholders , submit to authority. He arrived at Nawanagar, the zemindar's seat. The Jam came to his senses and presented 100 CiItch horses and three lacs of mal)mudis and destroyed his mint where mal)mudi8 used to be coined,and waited upon him. He returned from there to Ahmadabad. After that he was made fief-holder of IslamabadMathura and built a serai and quarter (pura) there. After that he was made governor of Bihar, and in the 21st year he was summoned to take charge of Kashmir. He represented that he could not stand the cold of that region, and he was appointed to Jaunpur in succession to M. I.Iasan ~afavi. In the 22nd year, 1059, 1649, he died after attaining the age of 76. The chronogram of his death is A.'~im Au1iya "greatest of officers," 1059, 1649. He was buried in a garden which he had made before the end of his government on the bank of the Jaunpiir river (the Gumti). The date of .making it is. Bihisht naham bar lab ab jiti "I m~de B a paradise on the bank of a river," 1058, 1648. His sons attained high office, and they have been separately noticed. They say that .L\'~im K had excellent qualities, but that
sentence about the collecting a good set. of men is abrupt and obscure, but it seems to be in all the MSS 3 Or is naham here ninth. There are eight paradises, and perhaps the. meaning is that this was the ninth.

319

be was harsh in financial matters. During the sovereignty of the Timurid princea he did good service and from first to last lived with dignity and honour. Certainly he could not be without purity of disposition seeing that up to the present day-a period of nearly one hundred years--'his descendants have always been distinguimed. This work has a record of each of them. 'AZIZ KOKA M. KHAN A'~AM. Younger son of Shamsu-d-din MUl,J.ammad K. Atga. Of the same age as Akbar, and also his playma te. He was always his intimate and always an object of his grace and favour. His mother Jiji Anaga also held a close relationship with Akbar, who used l to show more. affection to her than to his own mother. Hence it was that the king always passed 'over the insolences of the ~han A'~am. He used toll say" between me and A'zizthere is the link of a river of milk which cannot pass away." When the Panjab was taken from the Atga clan because they had been long established there, the Mirza was excepted and maintained iu Dipalpur and other estates which he had long held. When in the 16th B year, in the end of 978, 157-l,afterAkbarhadvisitedthe shrine of Farid Shakrgallj-may his grave be holy!-which is in the Panjab Pattan , commonly known as Ajiidhan-and had made Dipalpur his camp-he, at the request of M. Koka, visited his residence. The Mirza prepared a great feast and tendered ahundant presents of Arab and Persiah horses with golden and silver saddles, as well as strong elephants with harness,' and chains, golden vessels, seats, precious jewels, choice stuffs of every 6
I For a similar remark about ij:iji Begam, see A.N. III. 77, line 12. The Maa~ir copies the Iqbalnama, p. 230. 2 For 'Aziz Koka see B. 325, Badayiini III. 280, Igliiti. K. I. 201, Darbiiri Akbari 759, and Jahangir's Memoirs. Blochmann has .. between me and Aziz iS'a river of milk which I cannot cross." But this is not intelligible and the Persian in the V&a!!ir is natuwan. guzlJ8ht and not natuwlinam. T think. therefore, the

l According tl' the Riy1i~H-s-sala tin and S.tewart he managed very badly in Bengal. The appointment is mentioned in Piidshiihniima I. H4. i She died in the 7th year of the reign. Piidshiihniima II. 137. The

meaning must be that the oonnection cannot die out. The Iqbiilnoma, however, 231, has namieawCin(lm. 8 The T. A. has the 15th year, EU. V. 336, but A.F. has 16th, II. 363. The delOription of the entertainment is fullest in the T.A. and the Maa!!ir has oopied it. The T.A. has ct gold and silver ohains." 6 The T.A. has stutfs of Europe, Riim and Ohina.

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country, and was encompaesed with unexampled favours. He also presented valuahle gif ts to the princes and the ladies. The other officers, and the learned znen, and indeed the whole of the camp, participated in his bounty. Shaikh Mu};lammad I Gha.znavi found the date of this banquet. .llfihmanan-i-'Aziz 'nd II Shah u Shahzada (978). (, The Shah and Shahzii.da are 'Aziz's guests." The author of the 'raba.qat says there seldom has been such a splendid feast. In the 17th year when A};lmadabad-Gujarat came into Akbar's possession, the government thereof up to the Mahindri was given to the Mirza, and Akbar himself went off to take the fort of Surat. The rebels, that is to say, Mul,lammad J.Iusain M. and Shah M., in conjunction with Sher K. Fuladi, finding the field left open to them, surrounded Pattan. M. Koka with Qu~bu-d-din K: and other officers-who had lately come from Malwa-hastened there and drew up in battle-array. Though at first there was an appearance of defeat, yet at last the breeze of victory blew from the quarter of Divine power. They say that when the right wing, the vanguard and the vanguard reserve (altamsh) could not resist and lost courage, the Mirza came forward with the centre andwished to make an attack in person. The veterans turned his rein saying that for the leader to make an attack was to cause dispersion among the troops, especially at such a time. The Mirza stood flrm, and at last the enemy, many of whom had gone off in pursuit and had turned to plunder, became disorganized and broke. The Mirza returned victorious to Ahmadabad. When the king returned from the Gujarat expedition and came to Fatl,1pfir' on 2 (?afr 981, 3 June 1573, Ikhtiyar-ul-mulkwho had taken refuge in Idar-came ta the neighbourhod of Ahmadabad and made a disturbance. Mul.lammad J:Iusain M. returned from the Deccan and devastated the country about Cam'bay. After that they joined forces and wished to take possession of Ahmadabad. Though the ~ban A' ?:aID had a large
I A.F. caIls the author of the chronogram Mo~affar :ij:usaiq and saya he was a servant of the Mirz ii, II. 364.
2 Unless the alif of and be elidad the chtonogram is 979. See also A.N. II. 363. The date corresponds to 1571.

force, Yet he did not see in it loyalty and singleness of .mind. He therefore did not hasten to engage, but remained on the alert ili the city, and busied himself in strengthening the fortifications . The enemy came in great force and besieged it, and began the hattle ot the batteries. The Mirza. sent off expresses to the king, and begged for his coming.
Verse.

Sedition has raised its head and fortune is adverse.

Verse.

Save for t.he swift deeds of the Shah Nothing can remove this dust out of the road. Akbar sent SOme officers ahead, and proceeded r,apidly himself on 4 Rabi-'al-awal of that year, 4: July 1573, with a few of his immediat.e attendants mounted dn camels.
Verse.

The heroes were on camels, their quivers in their waist. The camels (shutur) flew like ostriches (shutur murgh). In Jalaur the officers of the advance joined, and in the town of Balsa.na, five kos from Pattan, Mir Mul.tammad K. joined with the troops of that piace. Akbar divided the forces (among the leaders), which were in all 3000 horse, and himself remained in reserve with 100 horse. He advanced without delay and arrived within three kos of Ahmadabad, and sounded his drums and trumpets. Mu};lammad ~usain M. came to the bank of the river to get information, and asked Sub};lan Qull Turk who was in advance what army was it. He said it was the royal standard. The Mirza said, "It is fourteen days to-day that trustworthy scouts left him (Akbar) in the capital: if the king has come in person, where are the war-elephants1" Sub~an Quli said, "They have spoken the truth. It is nine days since the king marched. It is clear that the elephants could not come so quickly." Mu};lammad J.Iusain M. became alarmed and left Ikhtiya.ru-lnlUlk with 5000 horse to guard the gates so that the besieged might be debarred from exit, and himself engaged with 15~OOO 4l

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

horse in drawing up the battle-array. At this time the imperial army cro88ed the river and encountered him. The imperial vanguard was nearly being defeated on account of the large numbers of the foe when Akbar himself fell on with one hundred horse and routed the enemy. Mul.J.ammadJ:Iusain M. and then Ikhtiyarn-I-muIk became the harvest of the sword. This has been described in the account of the Mirzas. Such rapid marches as this have been told of former princes in books, as, for example, the l'Ush of Sultan Jalalu-d-din Mankbarni from India to Kirman, and from there to Garjistan (Georgia), the conquest of Qarshi by Amir Taimur Giirgin, the taking of Herat by Sultan J:Iusain M., the taking of Samarkand by Ba.bur Padshah Bu't it is not hidden from investigators that all these princes attacked under nece88ity or oecause they saw that there was negligence or scant opposition. Theirs was not the case of a king who could command two lacs of cavalry, and who voluntarily, in spite of his' knowing the numbers of enemies and the leadership of a brave bahadur like Muhammad Husain M ., . . -who had already wrought deeds in battle exceeding the power of contemporaries,-and this after a march of more than 400 current k08 from Agra to Gujarat. No such other story has been told since the creation. I In fine, after this victory, the Mirza got (resh life and came out of tbe citJ" He caught the dust of the royal army aa if it was a salve for his waiting eyes.. Next year, when Akbar went to Ajmere, the Mirza. came into the presence with delight. Akbar advanced some steps to meet him, and embraced him. When the sons of IMttiya.ru-l'-mulk Gujara'ti had raised the head of sedition, he took leave from Agra. In the 20th year when Akbar had firmly determined upon introducing the branding of soldiers' horses, many officers refused to act. The Mirza. wassummoned to court in order that he might make the branding
This is an eloquent pWlSage, but it _mB to me to contain an anacoluthon, and I do not understand the statement about M. ij:ulIain's lIurp"l!Sing the deeds of contemporariell. "00 think it must be intended to refer
l

popular. But he objected more than &Q.ybody else. The king, who loved the Mirza more than his own children, was displeased at this and for -a while degraded him from the position of an Amir, and contined him to the garden which he. had made in Agraand was called the Jahanara Garden. In the 23rd year the Mirza was again an object of favour and was restored to his former rank. But at the same period, the Mirza became a recluse on account of some unfounded suspicion that the king was unfavourably disposed towards him. When in the 25th year, 988 J 1580, there occurred the rebellion in the eastern provinces and the killing of Mo~ffar K: the governor of Bengal, the Mirza, who had been made a Panjhazari, received the title of Khan A'?i&m and was sent off with a large force. On account ofthe distUrbances in Bihar, the Mirza did not go to Bengal , but took proper measures for administering the country and for extirpating the rebels, and took up his quarters in J:Ia.jipiir. When in the end of the 26th year Akbar returned from the expedition to Kabul and came to Fatl.J.piir, Mirza. Koka waited upon him and was exalted by various favours. When in the 27th year Jabari, Khabi.~a and Tarkha.n Diwa.na came from Bengal to Bihar and took J:Iajipiir from the M'irza's men and stirred up strife, the. Mirza took leave in order to puniah the Bihar rebels and then to address -himself to the conquest of Bengal. Though l before the arrival of the Mirza these rebels had got their deserts from the victorious army ,and the rains began and the Mirza did not advance, yet when the rains had ended, he, in the beginning of the 28th year, marehed to Bengal along with the fiei-holders of Allahabad, Oudh and Bihar and easily took ~ Garhi, ~hich is the gate of the country. M'al!iim Kabuli-who was the head of the disaffected ingrates-came and encamped on the bank of the Katia Gang. Though every dayengagements took place, yet
t The sentence ia rather obseurely worded, but the meaning ill that TarJm,in Diwina and others had \leen punished before the Mirzi arrived. U was hi. abienoe that had enQOursged their attack on ij:ijipur. See

to Akbar. Akbar's rapid maroh was long remembered asa great feat. Captain Hawkins heard of it when he Wall at Agra and mentiODe it in his narrative.

Elliot V. 427 and A.N. III. 384. 387. ~ G..rbi was taken before Mirza Koka arrived. Bee A.N. III. 399, 3 Text Ghiii Gang. see A.N. III. 399 and variant: also E1Jiot VI. 66.

T
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the imperialists were alarmed at the rebelB and did not venture to have a pitched battle. Meanwhile a diBagreement (hitherto they were united in rebellion) arOBe between M' ~um and the Qaqsha.IB, and the Khan A'~am arranged a reoonciliation with the latter and took from them promises of good servIce. It was agreed that they should keep aloof froni fighting (the imperialists), and should go to their homes, and from there join the imperial army. M'all'um K. grew bewildered and fled. The Khan A'~am sent I a force against Qatlu Lohani, who in the confusion had prevailed over Orissa and part of Bengal. He himself wrote to Akbar representing the unhealthiness of the climate, and an order was given that the country should again be left to Shahbaz K. Kambu who was approaching about this time, and that the ~han A'~am should return to his fief in Bihar. In the same year, when Akbar came to Allahabad, the Mirza arrived from ~ajipfir and did homage and obtained Garha and Raisin. In the 31st year, 994, 1586, he was appointed to conquer the Deceal1. When the army had been collected he set out, but the two-facednes8 and the ten-tonguedness of his companions created confusion, and Shihabu-d-din Al,J.mad K., who was the a.uxiliary, behaved treacherously on account of an ancient grudge. The Mirza fell into an evil way of thinking (became suspicious) and on account of ill-timed delays, and motives for dispersion, few 80ldiers were obtained. The enemy, who had been alarmed, were emboldened and set off to fight. The Mirza did not find himselt .strong enough to encounter them and retired and hastened to Berar. On the day of the New Year he found Elichpur undefended and sacked it and then marehed to Gujarat with much plunder. The enemy were astonished at his retreat and hastily pursued him. The Mirza from alarm proceeded rapidly and did not turn. his rain till he got to Na~rbar. Though the enemy did not catch him, yet territory which had been taken was lost. The Mirza went on rapidly from Na~rb.ar towards Gujarat in order to collect troops. The Khli.n-Khanan who was in command there showed great zeal and in a short time brought together a choice army.
l

But owing to men's foolish ideas the enterprise nUscarried. In the 32nd year the Mirza's daughter was married to Prinoe Sultan Murad, and there was a splendid feast. In the end of the 34th year the government of Gujarat was given to him as suooessor of the ~ha.n-~ha.nan. Tbe Mirza preferred Malwa. a.nd dela.yed to go to Gujarat. At last in the 35th year he went to Al,J.mada.bad. When Sultan Mo~affar with the help of tbe Jam, the zaminda.r of Kach, and the ruler of Jiinagarh, stirred up strife, the Mirza in the 36th year came to that oountry, and inflicted a heavy defea.t on the"enemy. In the 37th year the Jam and the other zamindars submitted, and Somnath etc.-sixteen ports in all-ea.me into possession, and the siege of Junii.ga.rh-which is the oa.pita.lof the territory of Sorath-wl1.S undertaken. Miyan K. and Taj K. the sons of Daulat K., the successor of Amin K., Ghori, surrendered, and made over the fort. The Mirza gave each of them a ouJtiva.ted jagir as an allowance, and devoted his energies to the seizing of Sultan Mo~atfar-who was the thorn-bra.ke of the rebellion. He sent an army to Dwarka, whither Mo~a.ffar had orept by the protection of the landowner thereof. That landowner tried a fight a.nd was worsted. Mo~affar fled to Kaoh (Clltch). The Mirza went there in person and proposed to give his (the ruler of Kach's) home to the Jam. He submitted, and made over Mo~affar. They were bringing him to the Mirza when he witkdrew to a. retired spot on pretext of easing himself, and cut his throat with a razor which he ha.d with him, and so died. When Akbar sent for the Mti-za ,in the 3{lth l year, 1001, 1592-93, he became Buspicious of Bome evil intention and went off to the I,Iijaz. They say that as he could in no way accept the prostra.tion to the king (8ijda), the shaving off the bea.rd and the other innovations which had become esta.blished at oourt, but in opposition to them kept on tl. long baud, he peroeived that going to the Presenoe would be disagreeable and so wrote exouses. At last the king wrote in reply, "YOll are ma.king all these delays in coming; evidently the wool of your beard weighs heavily on you." They say tha.t 'he Mirzi alBa mote sharp and saroastic
l Should be the 38th year. The Mirzi sailed for M:~ in March, 1694, in the beginning of the 39th year. A.N. III. 638.

Akbatnama.

In.

401.

--------------'-'---'-326
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THE M".AASIR-UL-UVARA.

Cf

I
I

327

things about the matter of religion such 1 as that "Your Majesty has put Fai~i and Abul-Fa~l in the place of 'O!!man and 'All. Well, whom have you appointed in the room of the two Shaikhs1" In fine the Mirza set I out on the pretext that he was going to attack the port of Diu, and then he made peace with the Franks, and, at the port of Balawal-which is near Somnath-embarked on the ship "/lahi" with his six sons ~harram, Anwar, 'Abdullah, 'Abdul-La~if, Murta~a and 'Abdul-l-gh,afiir, and his six daughters and their mothers and. one hundred servants. Akbar was much grieved, but favoured the Mirza's two elder sons, Shamsi and Shadman, by giving them rank and good jagirs. Shaikh a (Abdu" Qadir Badayfini found the chronogram.
Ver8e.

The Khan A~am took the position of the righteous Though in the king's idea he went astray. When I asked my heart the date of the year, It said Mirza Koka went on pilgrimage (1002). They say that he spent much money in the holy places, and showed much respect to the Sharifs and leaders, and made over to the Sharif fifty years' cost of keeping up the blessed tomb of
1 ~ K., who sa.ys it is better not to give all the Khin A'zim's rem,rk" i# e:l:teft80, a~ then proceeds to give the worst of them. Mirzi Koka's original letter is given in the Darbir Akbari, p. 759. The author does not lay where it is to be found, and his transcript is not always intelligible. t A.N. III. 638 and Badayiini, Lowe 400-04,. The ship .. Ilahi" is appuently the "Divine" ship which went yearly to Meoca. Ak:bar's letter to 'Ask Koka when he went to Meoca is in A.F.'s lettera, Book I. a The chronogram is given in BIl.dayiJni II. 387, but he does not aay that he composed it, and the fact that he says (incorrectly) it mues the date one tod many seems to show 1,0 . he did not write it. Badayuni

see

admired the Mirza's going, but was disgu8ted by his return (see his vol. III, p. 282) and subsequent conforlIIity to Akbar's innovations.'Aziz landed at Baliwal on his return in November 1594 and presented himself before Abkar 24 days afterwards. A.N. III. 655, !lO that he was only away about eight months. The et.te ment in text that he returned in the beginning of 1003 is apparently Dot quik correct. It was in the third II10Ilth of that year. The Iqbiiloama i31 says that '~ziz had to spend so muoh money at Meoca that at 18llt he fell into contempt. Badayiini also ..,., Lowe 412, that A'zirn Koka 8UfJered rnuClh harm (aUi~ bi8gar, .. much annoyance U) at the hand. of the Sharifa.

the Prophet-Peace be upon him and his family. He 80180 bought cells (~ajarhii) and dedicated them to the holy buildings. And when he got fresh news. of the kindnesseB of Akbar he traversed the ocean and landed at the same port (Balawal), and reentered into service in the beginning of 1003. He was restored to his rank and his fief in Bihar, and in the 40th year was highly exalted by receiving the great post of Vakil and the charge of the royal seal which Maulina. l 'Ali Al;I.mad had engraved with the names of the sa.cred ancestors up to Timur. 111 the 4lst year the province of Multan was made liis jagir. In the 45th year, when he was in attendance on Akbar at the siege of the fortreBs of Asir, his mother Bica JiU (Ji Ji) died. Akbar took her bier on his shoulder and in his grief shaved his head and his moustache. Though an endeavour was made to prevent others besides her BOns from shaving they could not be forbidden. A whole tribe of people did the same thing. At the end of this year Bahidur K., the ruler of Khandes, submitted through the intervention of the Mirza and surrendered the fort. As the Mirza's daughter waR married to Sultan Khusrau, the eldest son of Prince Selim, and who was sister's son of Rajah Man Singh, these two pillars of the empire used great endeavours to promote the cause of Sultan Ii.,husrau. Especially the Mirza-who loved him-used to say, "I am willing that they (the fates) should convey the good news of his sovereignty to my right ear and should seize my soul at the left ear." During Akbar's deathbed illness springs were set in motion for the heir-apparency; but they were not successluI. A I breath of Akbar's life still remained when Sbaikh Farid Bakhshi and others joined Prince Selim, who at an indication from the king and from apprehensions of the plots of his iIl-wishers, shut himself up in Iiis house outside the fort. Rajah Man Singh came out of the fort with Khusra,u with the understanding that he shouJd take him with him to the province of BengaI. The Kha.n A'~am got alarmed and sent his family to the Rajah's house with the instruction that he was coming too, but that it was necessary to oarry funds, and that he had no porters. 'fhe Rajah too made
I B.52.

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328

THE MAASm-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

329

the same excuse. The Mirza was helpless and remained alone in the fort and looked after the interment and the funeral ceremonies. Aftel' that, ~husrau rebelled against his father in the first year of Jahangir., and the Mirza fell into disgrace as being his instigator. They say that the ~han A' ?!am used to go to court dressed in his shroud and that he expected that they would kill him, but still he could not control his tongue. One night he had hot words with the Amiru-I-Uma.ra. The king broke off the meeting and took counsel in private. The Amiru-I-Umara l said that they should not delay the putting him to death. Maha-bat K. said, " I don't understand discussions. I'm a soldier. I have a strong sword, and I'll strike his walst, If it does not divide him into two pieces, you can cut ott my hand." When the Khan Jahan Lodi's turn to speak came he said, " I am confounded by his good fortune, for wherever "JI. M.'s (Akbar's) name has gone, his too has been bruited abroad. I do not perceive any manifest indication of wrong-doing on his part which would make him worthy of death. If you kill him, all the world will regard him as a victim." The king's anger was somewhat appeased by this remark, and at this moment Selima Begam, the king's stepmother, called out, from behind the purda, ' , Your Majesty, all the Begams are assembled in the Zenana for the purpose of intereeding for M. Koka. It will be better if you come there. Otherwise they will come to you." Jahangir was constrained to go to the female apartments,and at their expostulation to pardon his offences. He also gave him his accustomed opium-which he had not taken-from his own special pellets, and dismissed him. But one day at about the same time ~waja II Abu-I-J:lasan of Turbat produced a letter which M. Koka had written to Rajah 'Ali ~han, the ruler of Khandes, about Akbar in language which was not fit to be used
Sharif K. B. 517. I:Q1afi K. I. 256 BaYs the letter was produced by the librarian, i.e. ~wiija Abu-I-hasan Turbati known as Ruknu-s-sult.anat:-see Maasir l. 737. He is different from A~f K. the brother of Niir Jahan who was
l
~

about any individual. This had fll-Uen into the hands of the ~hwaja after the .taking of Asir, and he had kept it to himself for some years. At last, he could keep it back no longer and producodit before Jahangir. Jahangir put it into the hands of the Khan 'A'zam' and he without hesitation began to read it aloud. y Those present un every side abused and cursed him, and the king said. "Even now the intimacy which 'Arah Ashiyan! (Akbar) had with you restrains me, otherwise l'd lighten your shoulders of the burden of your head." He deprived him of his rank and jagir and kept him under surveillance. In the 3rd year, the government of Gujarat was entered in his n~me, and his eldest 80n o!ahangir Quli K. was appointed to guard the country as his deputy. When the affairs of the Deccan were not being brought to a conclusion owing to the discord among the officers, the Khan A'zam was sent there ln the 5th year with 10,000 horse. Mterw~~ds he petitioried from Burhanpur to have the affair of the Rana committed to him. He used to say that if in this war he were ki1led, he would become a martyr. 1 In accordance with his request he received the necessary equipmen~ for the e:s:pedition. When he began the work, he repre.sented that the diffi.cult knot would not be untied without the coming of the royal standards. Aocordingly, in the 8th year, 1022, 16J,3, Jahangir ca~e to Ajmere, and at M. Koka's request Prinoe Shafl",Jahan was appointed, though the centre of the work rested on \he Mirza. But on account of his partiality for Khusrau, he behaved improl' perly~ to Prinoe Shah Jahan, and.BoMahabat K. was sent to bring him from Udaipur to court. In the 9th year he was mades over to Asaf K. in order that he might be confined in the fort of Gwaliyar. They have reported a saying of the Mirza to the
l Tiizuk J. 126, where the whole saying is given. ~ The text has omitted the prepoeition ba befere pam.hlihzada and so made it appear as if it was Shah Jahan who behaved improperly. See Tiizuk J. 126 for Jahangir's lengthy e:qlOstulation with the K. A'~im, and also Elliot VI. 338.

see

also called ~wajah Abul ij:asaJ;l. The incident of the letter isdescribed by KiimgllI' :ij:usaini, B.M. MS. 01'.171, p. '1l7 b. See also Tiizuk Jahingiri. p. 38, where it iii said that ~w&ja Abul-hasan found it in Burhanpur among Rajah 'Ali ~8D'. effects.

8 Tiizuk 127-28, al.&d Elliot VI. 338. The Asaf here mentioned is B's No. VI and Shah Jahan's father-in-Iaw. KhiifiK. l. 280. He used to be llII1led l~iq&d .Khan and got the title of ~f K. in the beginning of Jahangir's 9th year, Tiizuk 127.

42

330

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

331

effect "I never thought of using incantations." A!?af K. represented (to Jahangir) that "a certain person is practising incantations in order to destroy me." As solitude and the abandonment of animal food and i!!lexual intercourse are conditions of success, and they are all present in a prison, an order was given that at meal-times exquisite dishes of fowl and partridge should be served up to the Mirza.

Verse.

When God wills., an enemy may be productive of good. After a year when he was released from prison they in the first place took a writing from him to the effect that he would not speak in the Presence unless he was asked a question, for he had no control over his tongue. One night Jahangir said to J ahangir Quli K. J cc Will you become security for your father 1" Jahangir Quli replied, "I am his surety for evereything of him, but I cannot be surety for his tongue." When it was desired to notify to him his being confirmed in his appointment of Panjhzari, Jahangir said to Shah Jahan, cr When C Arsh AshiyiDi (Akbar) wished to give the ~han A'~am an increase of 2000, Shaikh Farid Bakhshi and Rajah' Ram Das were sent to his house to congratulate him. He was in the bath, and they waited at the gate for a watch of the day (pas, perhaps here an hour). Afterwards, when he came to the audience-hall, he sent for them and heard their felicitations. He sat down and puta his haud upon his head. He then said that he must arra:nge another meeting for their busin~ss, and dismissed them without any politeness or
\ The meaning is that Al[l&f's fears led to the Mirn's getting better treatment. For an instance of the belief in a prisoner's power of practising incantations see Iqbiilnima 26768, where there is an account of an unfortunate :ijiifi~ MuTI Mu-1}.ammad of Tatta who was killed because ho was suppoll6d to bemuttering incaritations. See also the account of this Mulli's death in Maa~ir III. 372. ~ntly 'A~~z Koka's remark ~bout his nIIver having thought of using incantations waa understood to mean that he had the power to use them, and that he had neglected tO' exercise the power. II Rajah Karan B. 483. s dcu" bar sir gu;.GIl!t. Perhaps as a salutation, or perhaps as an indication that the audience was at an end. Possibly it merely means that be fell in'to a reverie. In Maa!jir III. 855,1. 6 from foot, the phrase da"t ba "ir gu;.asht is nsed to express a salllta tir,I1,

ceremony. I remember this story, and it would be a shame it you, eC Babi," should have to pay.youf respects as his deputy and should have to stand and salute him for the purpose of confirming the Mirza Koka in his appointment." In the 18th year M. Koka was sent off as guardian and companion to Dawar Bakhsh, the son of Khusrau, who had been appointed governor of Gujarat. He died l a natural death in Al;lmadabad in the 19th year, 1033, 1624. He was unique for sharp.nese of intellect and fluency of speech. He was also excep tional for historical knowledge. He sometimes wrote poetry. This verse is hi8.

Verse.'
As I've not got happiness from name and fame, After this I'H throw a stone llt fame's mirror. He wrotie NastCaliq exceedingly well. He was a pupi! of M. Ba.qir,a the son of MuHa Mir C Ali, and in tlJ.e opinion of judicious critics he was in no way inferior for elegance of writing to the famous masters. In drawing up statements' of claim (mudd ea(4 navisi) he was deeply sk,illed. Though he was not an Arabic scholar, yet he used to say that in Arabic he was an Ara.b's slave-girl. 6 They say that in conversation he was unrivalledand had a com. , mand of striking expressions. One of them was; "A man said something, and I thought it was true. He was vehement about it, and I began to doubt. When he swore to it, I knew itwas a lie." One of his jesting remarks was, <eA man who isweH':off needs four wives-an 'Iraqi (West Persian) for companionship, a li,hurasani for housekeeping, an Indian for sexual intercourse , and a Transoxiana one for whipping so that the others may take
l Tuzuk J. 395. If he was born in the same year as Akbar he must have been about 82 when he died. t Badayiini III. 281. aang bar ahiaha zadan is a phrase fQr renouncing wine. s The M.ulini Baqir of B. !Q3. , I am not sure of the meaning. The expreBSion ocours in Iqbiilniima 230.

6 Apparently meaning that he had a. coHoquial knowledge of the language. Dah-i-' Arab is a proverbiaI expression fora p.eraoll in wretohed circumstances See Vullers s,v. dah, I. 807110. The fqbatnima 230 has II different reading. It is in Arabic" I am a poor ma.id-servant (dah ,"ari-

bam} .,

b.

r
'l'HE MAASJR-HL-UMARA.
THE MAA81R-UL-UMARA.

332

333

warning." l But he was at the head of all his contelLporaries for sensuality, treachery and ha!,sh language, and was e~oeedingly passionate. Whenever one of his collectors came before him, if he immediately paid up lihe money for which he was regarded as accountable, he was liberated, otherwise he was heaten ti1l the links of life were loosened. If, after this, he survived,~e was not further troubled, though lacs of rupees remained in his charge. And there was no year that he did not shave the heads of hiB Indian writers one or two times. They say that on one occasion many of them took leave to go. and bathe in the Ganges. He said to his Dewan Rai Durga Das, "Why don't you go'" He rep1ied, "The Ganges-bathing of your slave is under your Highness's foot." On hearing this he stopped the .practice of letting them go (to bathe). Though he was not llegular in his prayera, he was a great bigot. On thisacoount he in no way gave in to the apostaoies and impieties whioh the reigningking had adopted, and without reserve he detested and abominated them. He was absolutely not a time-server. In thereign of Jahangir during the vogue of l'timadu-d-daula's family he never went to any of their houses, not even to Nur Jahan Regam's door. This was the opposite of what the Khan-I{hanan M. 'Abdu-r-Ra\lma.n did, for he hurried to the house of Rai Govardhan , the Dewan of I'timadu-d-daulah. As the subject of Akbar's apostacy has been mentioned, it is necessary to say something about it, though the matter is more notorious than the apostacy of Jblis (Satan). Though authors and news-writers of the time have, from fear of loss and injury to themselves, ignored the thing, yet some have made al1usions to it, and Shaikh 'Abdul-I-Qadir Radaynni and his like have written openly about it. Accordingly Jahangir ordered that the booksellers within the empire should not sell or buy the Shaikh's history. On this account the work is rarely 2 met with. The expulsion of the 'Ulama, the introduction of the prostration and
l
'!

other customs, are clear proofs of Akbar's views. What more eyidence can there be than that 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, the ruler of Turan, wrote to Akbar in language which would not be used to an ordinary individual-far less to a great king. In reply he wrote much that was sanctimonious and absolving and made excuses for himself by this verse.
Verse.

Of God they say he hitil a Bon, Of the Apostle, they say he was a charlatan,l Neither God nor the Apostle has escaped Men's tongues, much less I. This is recorded s in the Akbarnama and also in Shaikh Abil-lletters. But from consideration of the evidence it appears to the writer of these pages that ~kbar did not lay claim to Divinity and prophecy-God forbid that he should! In fact, the king ha.d not acquired the elements of learning, and was not in the least in touch with books. But he was very inte1ligent and his understanding was of a very high order. He wished that whatever was consonant with reason should prevail. Most of the 'mama, with a view to worldly advantage, took the course of assentation, and of flattery. The advancement of Fai~i and Abu-I-Fa~l was due to this. They indoctrinated the king with rationalistic and sophistical (safa8{iyy) principles and gave the appellation of Inquiry (ta1J,qiq) to the severing of the cable of the observance of antiquity. They styied him the" Assayer of the Age and the Mujtahid of the Time." As the abilities and learning of the two brothers were of such a high order that none of their contemporaries could grapple with them, they, who in origin were no better than the sons of amendicant (darve8hziida) and were in indigence , all at once attained to intimacy and influence with the sovereign. Envious people-of whom the world is ever full-and especially the rival -mullii.hs who were desk-ridden (8aqiqaband, and gave to their dislike and envy the narne of "Defence of Faith"Fa~l's
l Ktah"". D. 461\ haB "Borcerer. " Seo Vullen II. 929.

See Iqbalnima 23031, and B.

327, whpre the translatioD is veiled.

497.

See .I;g1ifi K. l. 197 and Elliot V. i\ccording to Iglafi K., l.c., the

history of Badayiini was more com' mon in the booksellers' shops tl}an any other!

~ A.N. III. 493 allu Abiil Letters, Book L

}'a~l's

THE MAASm-UL-UMA.RA.

set no limIt to the lies which they circulated. There were no commotions which they did not excite. From fanaticism and partizanship they sacrificed their lives and their fortunes. May God have mercy upon them! The Khan A'?;am ha.d many children. The eldest was Jahangir QuIi K. of whom an account hu. been given. Another was Mirza Shadman who in Jahangir's time received the title of Shad Khan. Another was M. ~harram who in Akbar's reign was governor of Jiinagarh in Gujarat, which was his father's fief. In Jahangir's time he became known as Kamal K. and was appointed to accompany Prince Sultan Kharram (Shah Jahan) in the expedition against the Rana. Another was M. 'Abdullah who in Jahangir's time received the title of Sirdir K. The king had imprisoned him in the fort of Gwaliyar &long with his father. After his father's release he too became an object of compa.88ion. Another was M. Anwar l who married the daughter of Zain Khan Koka. Every one of them obtained th-e rank of 2000 or 3000.'1 'AzIz ULLAH KU.AN. S. Yiisuf K. S. I:Iusain Tukriyah, of both of whom accounts have been given. e Aziz Ulla.h was appointed to Kabul, and at the end of Jahangir's reign had the rank of 2000 with 1000 horse. After Shah Jahan's accession, he was confirmed in this rank, and in the 7th year had the title of 'Izzat K. and the gift of a flag. In the llth year he held the rank of 2000 with 1500 hor~e, and in the same year as he accompanied se aid K. Bahadur to the battle near Qandahar against the Persians in which the latter were defeated, he had an increase of 500 horse. From Qandahar he went with Pur Dil K. to take the fort of Bast.. In the 12th year he received drums and was appointed to defend the forts of Bast and Girishk-which had been taken. Jn the 14th year his
l Apparently this is the M. Nur of J ahangir' B apocryphal :Memoirs, Price. 4,2, who was put to death on a charge of homicide. !l There is a good account of M. Koka A '.m Khan in Blochmann 325. The D";bir A. bas omitted biui.
Ni~imn-d-din says very little about M. Koka in his notices of distinguished men. He states that at the time of writing he was in Mecca. He alludes briefly to his depatture there. Bee Elliot V. 466.

rank wu 3000 with 2000 hone aDd he had the title of Aziz U1lah K. In the l7th year 1054, 16U, he died. (Q)
eAZIZ

ULLAH IUI .AN.

Third s. Khalil Ullah K. Yezm. After his father's death he received a suitable rank and the title of KMn. In the 26th year Aurangzeb made l him Mir Tuzuk in Hucoession to Muhammad Yar K. In the 30th year when his brother Ruh U1lah K was m~e governor of the province ~f Bija.pur he 'was mad~ governor' of the fort. In the 36th year after Ruh Ullah's death his rank became 8 1500 with 600 horse. Mterw~rds he was' .qllrbegi, and in tbe 46th year he was made governor of 'the fort of Qa.ndahar (in the Deccan) in luccession to Sirdar K.i His rank beoame 1300 with 1000 horse. Nothing mo-re ia known' of bim. B.ABA IgJ.AN Q.AQSHAL.
After Majnwi 'J K. QiqahA1 he was at the head of the Qf.qshl.l officers in Akbar's reigu. He distinguished himself in the campaign against KhJ.n ZamAn. In the 17th year, 980, U72, on the first expedition to Gujarat, Shahbiz K., the MIr Ttlzuk, was arranging 8 the troops "When the t&ctless Turk (BAbi K.) in his a.rroga.nce and presumption felJ out with him. and beh&ved rudely to him. The King, in order io punieh him and to correct other trangressors, ordered him to be severely ohu'illed (8i~' 'ajim). At the ~me period he, on account of his good eervlce, f>ecame an obJect of fal'Our. After the conquest of Bengal, when the province of Ghorighit (in nonhern Bengal) was &8IIigned in fief to the Qiqshils, though, after the death of Majniin, the headship wa~ nomina.lly with his 80n Jaba.ri Beg, yet the oontrol was with BA.bA K. who was the greybeard (aq8iqal) of the tribe. When there were disturbances on the introduction of the branding regulation the gra.sping clerka opened shops of
MU@ir A. 222. Do. 282. 3 Do. 349. Do. 481. i The Ma&!!ir A. 461 bas Baziwir
l
~

K.

6 An unole of RUb. Ullah named Aziz UUah, is mentio~ed at ;. .93 of do. , Blochmann 369. 8 Akbarnima U. 371.

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THE MAASIR-ULUMARA.

33"1

336

THE MAASlR-UL-UMARA.

avanoe and covetousness and, owing to the neglect and connivance of the head officer, the sUhordinates taxed even the minutest things (lit. priced the head of an ant). Accordingly Baha K. plainly said toM:o~affar K., l who was the governor of Bengal, that he had given Rs. 70,000 in presents to the officers and had not yet succeeded in having one hundred horsemen passed. In fact Mo~affar paid no attention to rectify this. When, on account of similar grievances M'a~i.im K. Kabun and others of the Behar fief-holders stirred up the dust of strife in the 24th year, Baba K., who was seeking for his opportunity, with some jagirdars of Bengal entered upon rebellion. In the year 989,'1. 1581, they in concert with ~haldin K. shaved their heads, put on their caps 3 and went to the city of Gaur which was formerly called Lakhnauti. They several times fought with the imperial troops, and were a.lways defeated. At last they were reduced to become suppliants and to ask for quarter. Though Mo~affar K. heard of the disturb.ances in Behar he would not accept their apologies. At last M' a~i.im K. and other rebels left Behar on the approach of the imperial forces and joined the rebels of Bengal. These two bodies recommenced disturbances and in the 25th year they seized Mo~affar K. who had shut himself up in Tanda, and put him to death. When for some time they were successful a.nd things went (lit. the wheel went round) according to their wish. they divided the territory and distributed titl~1 and offices among themselves. BabA. K. took to himself the tiMe of KhankhlLnan, and gave himself the government of Bengal. ln the same year and in the midst of his success he was attacked by cancer (khurah). Every day two sirs of flesh was put into the
l A.N. lU. 291. It is not s_ted there that BaU K. eaid this to ~~af. far. I lt should be 987. for the rebellion bmke out in the 24th year, and the lIIth -bepo in the firet month of 988. ses El1io1O V10 and A.N. Ill 291. 8 The word for cap is tiJqillo, and Elliot V. .15 rendM'll this ., high capa," but it rather appears that the tJjqiyiJ was a small cap, of the nature of a skoll cap. worn under the turban or helmet. see Vullers s.v. Ap parently the putting o~ of this cap was a sign of mourning for the death of Roshan Beg. or an indication that they were no longer in uniform, or in the king's service. , Blocbmann 369, n. 3, calls it cancer in the face. See A.N. III. 321. Perbap!l it waa a form af lupus.

oleer to feed the maggots. He used to say, "Faithlessness to my salt has brought me to this misery." In the Same state he died. BAHADUR. Son of S'aid Badakhshi who was for a time collector of the Sarkar of Tirhut. In the 25th year 'of Akbar's reign when the Bihar officers raised the dust of sedition S' aid left his son on the estates and joined the rebels. Bahadur spent the revenues of the crown-Iands on the soldiers and hoisted the stand/lord of disaffection, and struck coins and recited the ~hu~ba in his own name. They say that this legend was pUf; upon the coinage.

Ver8t. 1
Bahadur ibn Sultan. bin S'aid, ibn Shah Sultan Pisar Sultan, pidr Sultan, Zihi Sultan bin Sultan BahA.dur son of a Sultan. s. S'aid, S. Shah Sultan fl The son of a Sultan. the father a So.ltau. Bravo Sultan s. Sultan. When S'aid at the request of M'a~iim K. Kabuli"went' off in order to bring his son-that sedition-monger-to united action, Bahiidur had the effrontery to put his father into confinement, and the father in a short time obeyed him. When ShA.ham K. JalA.ir attaoked Patna and was viotorioU8, S'aid fell a in that battle and BahA.dur marched out of Tirhut and laid hold of many cultivated traets. Sarkli.r J:lajipi.ir was in his possession. and he stretched out hichands everywhere. At last ~a.diq K. sent a fQrce against him, and there was hand-tc hand fighting. He lost his life there' in the 25th year corresponding to 988.
l This COu.plet is quoted in Baa yiini, Lowe. 307, but the reading is difterent. Bahiidur is also mentioned in the Tabaqat A. where he is styled Bahidur 'Ali. see Elliot V. 426. It is not clear why tbis biography. which was added by AbduH~ayy. finds a place in the Maa!ir for it dOll8 not appear that Bahadur ever held office
.
-~

under Akbar. His name does not oc(J~r in Blechmann. i see Akbarnlim& III. 306. 3 Elliot V17. , There appean to be Bome. mistake here. Bah&dlD' did not die tili the 26th year 989, 1581, and he did not fall ill battle but waa put to deat.h by Akbar at court. He was

~-

'1'HE MAASIR-UL-UMAR

339

338

THE MAASIR-UL-UYlABA.

BAHA-DUR

i.'.

B.AQI BEG.

He was servant of Prince Dara Shikoh, and by his good service and skill obtained a place in the prince's heart. He was more trusted than his contemporaries and rivals. He obtained the rank of 1000 with 400 horse and was made governor of Allahabad on behalf of the prince. When he was engaged in settling that territory, he was summoned to court in the 22nd year, and appointed to the charge of Gujarat, and obtained the rank of 2000 with 500 horse and the title of Qllairat K. In the 23rd year he was raised from the position of being the prince's servant and placed among the king's servants and received the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse and was given a flag. When the prince undertook the cha,rge of the affair of Qandahar and hiB eldest son Sulaiman Shikoh was appointed governor of Kabul, the settlement of that province was a88igned to Ql1airat K. In the 28th year he by successive promotions obtained the rank of 4000 with 2500 horse and the title of Bahidur K. While governing Afghanistan he was appointed to Daur, l Banu and Naghz and chastised the Afghans there who seditioualy did not pay the proper revenue, and he fixed upon them as their tribute one lac of rupees. But the government of Kabul was not properly con~ ducted by him. In the 30th year the government of Kabul W8,S assigned to Rustum ~ K. Firuz Jang, and the charge of Lahore , which was in the prince's fief, was made over to Bahe-dur K. In the year 1068, 1658, near the end of Shah Jahan's reign, his rank was increased by 500 horse and he was appointed as deputy for the prince in the province of Bihar, and was sent off with Sulaiman Shikoh who had been appointed to oppose Shuja'.
caught not by ~idiq but by Mirza Koka's servants, or rather he surren dered to one of them, Ghazi K., who sent him to ~!ijipiir. See A.N. III. 374, Elliot V.426, where his 'death is put into the 27th year, and Bada. yiini, Lowe, 307. The text says that it W&8 M'asiim K. Kibuli who sent the father S'aid Bade.khshi to admoni8h the soa. But A.N. III. 306 only says oo M'a~1I1m K .... .od it loon as if M'a~iim K. Faran\Uuldi were meaut, as he had not then become a rebel A. F. adds that the father soon fol lowed the son's lead. l see Jarrett II. 3~3 end 398, note fi. Text has Daurnabii fi Naih", 2 Khafi K. L 755.

Though the guardianship and the mana(ement were nominally as8igned to Mirzi Rajah Jai Singh, in reality Darlt Shikoh made Bahadur guardian and made him the person in power over the army. When Sulaiman Shikoh after defeating Shuja' pursued Amir K. to Patna, and then on hearing of the march of Aurangzeb was returning in all haste, he on passing Allahabad heard at Karra of his father's defeat and became di8heartened, and the Mirza. Rajah and Diler K., as is the way of old servants, left l him. Sulaiman Shikoh was helpless and wished to go to Delhi and to join his father by any possible means. Baha-dur K. did not approve of this idea" and turned Sulaiman Shikoh's rein towards Allahabad. There too Z he (Sulaiman) could not abide, and after leaving his superfluous baggage and some of the ladies in Allahabad Fort he crossed the river at Kutal 3 and wandered about on the other side in failure. At every stage his forces diminished, tiH at last he passed Laknaur' and came to Naginah. As at every ferry that hc came to and tried to cross the Ganges at the boats had been removed to .the other side of the rivet, a~d he could find no means of getting across he went on from Nagina 6 with the idea that opposite Hardwar he might with the help of the zamindar there and the help of the ruler of Srinagar (in the Siwaliks) perhaps get across. He passed Moradabad and came to Ca.ndi 8 which is opposite to Hardwar and near the borders of Srinagar, and sent people to the ruler of that country to obtain assistance. He waited in expectation of a reply. Meanwhile the troops of Aurangzeb came against him. He was obliged to fly and thought that the hill-country of Srinagar would be an asylum. When he entered the hill..,country and arrived within
Manucci L 284. 286. 'Alamgimima 17 I. g Qu? Kotli or Kotilah in the Sarkir of Kana West. J. II. 168. It may. however, merely mean a pas.s or ferry. Luoknow in text, and this agrees with 'A1amgirnima 171, but Laknaur in Sambhal must be meaut. See Elliot IV. 384. note and BUPP. glo8I J

sary II. 138. Naginah isa1.so mentioned there, 136. J;t is Nadinah in text and in Alamgima.ma. 6 Nadinah in text. It was in Sarkir Sambh~l and is now in Bijnaur. l. G. X. 159. and Jarrett II. 290. ti The hill opposite Hardw5r. 'Alamgimima 173.

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four sta.ges of Srinagar he was met by the ruler. l The latt~r ~a~d that his country was small, and could not support all Sulalman s men and that there was no road for elephant!! and horses. U h~ desired to take up his quarters in the country he must dis miss hil:! soldiers and come to Srinagar with his family and a few servants. At this time Bahadur K. who had fallen ill after leaving Allahabad had a dangerou~ attack of disease, and lost the use of one eve , and was in fact reckoned among the dead. . But out of fidelity and honour he did not wish to remain behind. Of necessity he had to separate from Sulaiman Shikoh, and when he came out of the hill-country he died. 2 BAHADUR KHAN ROHlLA. Son of Darya K. Daudzai. In his father's lifetime he became known to Prince Shah Jahan for' good ~ervice; and when his father became unfaithful and left the prince, he only attached himself more firmly to Sha.h Jaha.n and departed not from his stirrup. After the accession he was' promoted to the rank of 4000 3 with 2000 horse and given t the fief of Kalpi and sent off to punish the rp.calcitrants there. When in the first year of the reign Jujhar became a rebel and fortified himself in Undcha (Orcha) , and armies marched against him from every side, 'Abdullah K. F-~rfiz Jang came wi~h Baha.dur K. from Kalpi, which is east of that country, to the fort of lrij.6 every bastion of which rose up high as heaven, and displayed alacrity and zeal. The enemy attacked the heroes, and there was a hot fight. Bahadur and his followers went on foot, and keeping a rank-breaking ~ elephant in front of
l Prithi Singh. He afterwards delivered up the prince. li...hafi K. II. 123. Soe also id. pp. 41,42. Alsu Alamgirnl\ma 174. '1 id. 42. ';\lamgirna.ma. 174. 5 Piidshahniima L 117.

&

Do.

191.

Erich of the maps. Trich of the I.G. It i8 in the JhaDBi diBtrict. The PidBhahniima L 247 Ba.y& Babiidur came from the North, and BO he

would if he came from Kii.lpi, which is N.N.E. of Erich. 6 file safshikan bar dashta. The phrase is taken from the Pdshiihnama L 247. five lines from foot. There instead of bar ru df:uhta we have puh dallhta. The Ta~kira of Kewa.l Ram. I. O. ~. S. 2685 also relates the incident. lt seems to say that it was a wild elephant that Bahiidur drave before hilU.

ru

them, they ran to the gate, swift as the wind, and by the help of that Ahriman-like anima.! broke down the gate and quickly entered the fort. With the lily-white sword they turned the swarthy Hindus into the colour of tulips and painted a rose-dyed victary on the face of bravery. As a reward for this exertion and victory he got the honour of a kettle-drum. After that he was appointed along with A'?;im K., the. governor of the Deccan , to extirpate 1i..han Jahan Lodi. When the A'~im K. made a rapid march and attacked ~han Jahan Lodi in Rajiiri-Bir, the latter came out with a small body of 350 horse which was with him and marched off firmly and in good order, and whenever the imperial korces came near him he turned back, and drove them off by archery. When he came to the hill of Rajiiri, Bahadur Rohilla quickly arrived there and entered into conflict with ~han Jahan's brother's son Bahadur z K. who held the rank of 1000 and was distinguished for courage. HaMdur Rohilla displayed great valour so that it seemed like the story of Rustam 3 and Isfandiyar. But at last owing to fewness of companions he was brought into difficulty, and dismounted (or was unhorsed) and went on like a moth, continually hurlinghimself against the fire of the sword. They say that when he fell on the ground with two wounds from arrows on his face and side, his opponents wished to cut off his head, and that he cried out "I am the memorial and son of Darya Khan and a house-born one of you." The Khan Jahan forbade his men to kill him. After that when the A'~im Khan in the 4th year after taking the fort of Qandhar' encamped on the bank of the Manjara with the design of attacking Bhalki and Chatkoba, he directed that at the time of encamping and tilI the tents of the tl'OOPS were put up on the ground assigned to them, each corps and some officers should remain on guard by turns, for the distance Qf a kos from the oamp, until the men had
l Piidshiihniima L 321, where it is said to be 240 kOs from Machligaon. ~ See PiidBhahniima 1. 323, and Jg11ifi ~iin I. 432. There were two Bahiidurs a.nd they were On opposite .ides. The Ba.hidur K. who fought

with Bahiidur Rohilla was Khin Jahlldl's brother's son. 3 This rhetoric is taken from ~iifI K. id. id. t Pidsbiihnima 1. 377.

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gathered firewOQd and straw. On the day of Bahidur's turn, (to collect forage) as there was no sign of the enemy, he had cast away the thread of caution and was seated with a few men at a greater distance from the camp. By chance there was a village near there, the men of which gave battle in order to protect their cattle and other property from the camp-followers. BahA.dur K. heard of this and hastened with other officers I (and men~) who were not more than 1000 in all, to render assistance. Randaulah K. 'Adilkhani with all the rabble made an attack, and the officers opened the hand of courage and fought. When the contest became critical they dismounted, and their minds were bent upon sacrificing their lives. Shahbaz K., who was one of the officers of 3000, spent the coin of life, and Bahadur K. and Yfisuf Mul,1ammad K. of Tashkend became senseless from wounds. The enemy carried the~ off and imprisoned them in Bijapur. When Yeminu-ddaulah in the 5th year was appointed to devastate the 'Adilshahi territory and came to Bijapur , 'AdU Shah released' both of them. Bahadur paid his respects at court and had his dignities increased 8 and was the recipient of royal favours. He was appointed again to Qanauj and its appurtenances. Baha.dur proceeded to chastise the rebels of Malkfisah' who are conspicuous above the other recalcitrants in that country for violence and numbers. No one there, whether peasant or soldier, goes without weapons so that eveJ;l the cultivator at the time of ploughing has his loaded gun fa.stened to the plough, and his match burning. On this account they do not fully apply themselves to agriculture. At this time they were gathered together in Birgaon, which was the strongest of !iheir places, and had revolted and absolutely refused to pay their rents. Relying on God's aid, he- at once fell upon those
Pidm5hn5ma I. 380 and There appears to have bMn some confusion in the MSS. The 8tatement that the officel'$ were not more than 1000 _ms odd, and the words in brackets in the text are not; in 1.0. MB. 628. The Pidsbiihnama, p. 380, jive lines from foot, saya
l

wicked men and a wonderful battle took place. Ba.hadur placed the shield of God' s protection above his head and came to the gate. The rioters were not slow to meet him. At length there was a hand-to-hand fight, and after many were killed the rest of them took flight, and Baha.dur after destroying the place returned to hil residence. A victory was gained over the aeditious such as never before had happened in that country. After this he distinguished himself in the pursuit of Rajah Jujha.r Singh :BandI1a. He was in the vanguard of 'Abdullah K. Fi:rfizJang and Kha.n Daura.n Baha.dur. When that wretch left Garha and La.nji and came to the country of Chanda, Baha.dur; who was following at his heals, sent on his uncle Nekna.m with a few men, as he himself had had an illness (ckun ko/ta l daskt) in order to check his flight. JujUr on perceiving his boldness turned round and attacked him, and Neknim fell fatally wounded ~ along with seven others. Meanwhile Baha.dur K. came up along with Khan Dauran and attacked JUjhar's8 main body, and the latter scattered like the "-Daughters of the Bier" (the stars of the constellation of the Great Bear). As' Abdullah K. Firfiz Jang neglected' to extirpate Champat 5 BandI1a,'Bahadur K. was sent off in the 13th year to the fi~f of Islamabad 6 in order to put down that sedition-monger. But mterested people did not permit this-, and impressed the emperor with the idea that it was not advisable to convert Bandalkand into a Rohilkand. He was soon removed. After that he gave proof of courage in the affair of Jagta' and the
I Ko!t mea.nB a blow. It may also mean an illness of some sort as ko/tan.,dil is given in Vullers as meaning palpitation of the heart, and a kind of diseue. l Zakllmhiiimunkir. Munkir is one of the angels who lIxamine the spi~its of the departed. The phrase, whIch occurs aleo in Piidshahnlima II. 691, line lO, means mortal wounds. The aocount of Neknarn is in P8dshahnima J, Part II, p. 113. There is however a Nekoim K. mentioned in Jf!lifi ~in I. 649, 8011 alive in 1056. and in &8sOciatioQ with Biihiidur.

JBtSft .I.Q1in 1. 458.

see

~here were not aore than on,. thouIJ8nd horse with Bah&dur and his companions. ~ id.416. a id. II. 87. , Malkousah of Supp. Gloss. II. 90. See aI.O J. II. 185.

a The. account of the oampaign against Jujhir is contained in P8dshihniima J., Part II, 106 et .~., and in I.Q1Kf'j K l. 509 et .eq. , Piidsh5hnKma II. 193 et .~. and I.Q1afi 191iin l. 578. 5 Pidshiihnama II. 136, 193, 221, etc. He was a connel:ion of Jujhiir and a supporter of his aon Prithiriij. 6 This waa a Sarkiir in Bandalkand and among the .tates included in i~ were Irij, Bhander and Panwar. see Piid,shihn5ma II. 307. 7 The J.,.t Singh of thePi1dahihnima II. 2.7, etc.

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taking of Man. His companions under the superintendence of their leader made a. ladder l of the slain and ran up to the batteries of the foe. On that day 7009. Afghans among his followers were killed. In the 22nd year he was appointed to gua.rd Multan, and as during the cold weather harvest (tal!l rabi) he was' without a jagir, an order 8 was given to the diwanI clerks that they should allow bis salary C(alab-i-aora) to be set off against the demand. In the Balkh campaign he was in the vanguard of Murad BaJill@'s army and distinguished himself by his courage. When the prince came to the foot of the TuI pass-which was the boundary between the empire and the territory of BadakhshanA!1alat K. with the imperial pioneers (bildar) and some thousand labourers, whom the Amiru-I-umara 'Ali Mardan K. had collected from the districts (balftkat) of Kabul. was appointed to clear the road of snow as far as the Serai"Bala (the upper serai) for the distance of one k08 and the height of two royal yards, and for half a kos and in some places for about 21 k08 to the Serai Zer (the lower serai) which is towards Badakh@an, and to ~ake the road passable for laden camels. In oth~r places they were to be~t down the snow so that horses and camels could pass. As thiS work was not completed by them (the pioneers) , Bahadur K. and A!1aIat K. set all their troopers and foot soldiers to remove the snow and open out the road. The soldiers used all their efforts and dug up the snow and scattered it on the side of the roads with their hands and aprons. .By the energy of Ba.hadur Khan a road two yards wide was made for the distance of one kos where there was much snow. When the prince (Murad Bakhsh) cast the shadow of his arrival there, Na~r Mul:).ammad

l Piidshiihnaffia II. 270 -id. id. 3 lihafi K. L 683. The allowaneo> which Bahiidur should have got as a jagirdar but which he did not get a~ he was without one, were to 'be set off against the demand for the spring harveilt of Multan. Copied ffem (;he Pidshihniima
9

II. 513. See also Khafi K. L 62:l. This' refers to the e,q;edition against Badalill!?han and is anterior to the Multan incident. The march and encounter with the snow occurred in 101i5, 1645, and in the 19th year, while the grant of Multan was in the 22nd year 105'1. The l'ul Pass is referred to in Jarrett II. 399,400;

K., the ruler of Turan, pretended that he was going to Bagh l Murad to arrange for a banquet and hastened off to Shaburghan.' At an indicat.ion from the prince, Bahadur K. and Asalat K. followed him. About 8 10,000 Uzbeg and Alaman horse who had gathered round Na~r Mu1:lammad K. went off with their families and properties to AndaJillud on the approach of the imperial army, being afraid of being plundered and made prisoners Na~r M:nl:).ammad K. with a small force prepared for battle and engaged at the distance of four kos from Shaburghan. As soon as the encounter began and when scarcely had the sound of conflict reached his men's ears, they gave up and took to flight. Na~r l\Iul:).ammad became helpless and turned his rein and went to 'Andakhud, and from there he went to Khurasan. Though Bahadur K. had received an increase of rank, yet at this time, which was that of pursuit and when it was certain that with lt little exertion' Na~r Mul)ammad K. would have been made prisoner, this brave officer purposely robbed himself (of his opportunity). Either the sluggishness of his companions affected him or there was some other cause which prevented him from finishing the work. And this impression became fixed in the mind of the emperor. When Prince Murad Bakhsh was disinclined to stay in that country and left it without permission from Shah Jahan and proceeded to Kabul, the government of B~lkh and the guarding of the country fell upon Bahadur along with Asalat. After Prince . . Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur had cast his shadow over that country, Bahadur K. was in the vanguard and performed feats of valour in battle with the Uzbegs who were more numerous than ants and locusts. At the time of retreating from the country the rearguard was under his charge and he underwent much toil in bringing off the camp. When he reached the pass of Panjshir 5 which is two stages from the Hindu Koh and is a

Padshiihnama II. 539. The Sapurgan of Marco Polo. 90 m. west BaJkh. 3 id. 550. Pidshahnama II. 553. fi Text Tankshir j!l:i. Thie is
I
9

.4

the wellknown Pass of Panjshir in northern. Afghanistan referred to in the Ain A'kbari II. 399 and no(;e 3. A note to text of the l\Iaair says that in some copies of the Akbarnama (by which is meant the Ain) the word ie

346

THE MAASIB-UL-UJUlU.. THE M..U .SIR-UL-uM:AR.A.

defile which is difficult to traverse, it began to snow, and this continued the whole night and till two par (midday) of the next day. With a hundred diffioulties the remainder of the camp and of the soldiers were taken through the p,... At this time on account of the exceseive 8D.OW a halt of twenty four hours was made. The narrow-eyed Ha.ziras (referring to their Mongolian origin) opened out their eyes from the lust of robbing and the baggage and attacked the people of the camp. But Baha.dur K. with the help of fortune repulsed them every time. When the army got into the Hindu Koh Pass he halted for one day in order that all those who had fallen behind might join. and after that he himself crossed. Owing to the difficulties of the road, the sharpness of the air, and the abundant snow, there were lost on the march from first to last 10,000 men, or n,early half of the force and all the quadrupeds. Much property t'oo remained under the snow. When Bahiidur l K. came to the head of the Pass, Zil-al-qadr K. who had charge of the imperial treasure wall obliged to halt on account of the exhaustion of the carriers. Baha.dur unloaded his own ca.mels and those of. others, whatever remained, and put treasure on them. The rest he divided among the horses and camels (mules) of the soldiers. He also contended with the Hazaras and entered Ka.bul fourteen days after the Prince. Thoug4 Bahadur K. had made great exertions in the campaign, yet owing to the representations of some people, Shah Jahan became impressed with the idea that he had been remiss in the matter of pursuing N a~r Mul,l.ammad K. and in a.ssisting S'aid'
written TangShir. But in Bib; Ind. ed. of Ain I. 590, and 595, the word is written Panj hir with the variant Panjshir. See the account of the crossing in ~ifi K. I. 676. See also Elliot VII. 82 for a trana\ation of the Shah Jahannima of 'Inayat K. The pa811 is there called Nek Bihar (1). Apparently the author of the Maapr got hi8 account of the crossing of the P&B8 fl'Qm th. ~Qrk of M1Jl?ammad
Wiri~. aa the son doea not mentil>n 'Ina.yat Ullah's work among the sources. I I~hafi K. 1. 677-678. ~ See Kh1ifi K. I. 663 and P1idshahnama II. 691-692. S'aid K. was wounded and his 80ns were killed. The 8upinenll!l8 of Bahadur is comment.d on by the author of the PlIid8hahn&ma, dQ. 692.

Mul,1ammad at the time of the Uzbeg victory. Therefore, in spite of a.ll the ha.rdships and afilictions he ha.d undergone, he was de prived of SarkAra Ka.lpi and Qanauj. which were his fi ef and for twelve mOllths of the year yielded si retum, they being confisca.ted l to the crown (kha~a), in lieu of thirty lac8 of rupees which were claimed by the government. This made him grieved at heart. In the 23rd year he was appointed to the. Qandahar expedition along with Prince Aurangzeb. In the siege of that strong place he set up a battery in front of the Mii.liin (variant Ma.lw'a) Gate, and on 19 Rajab 1059, 19th July 1649, he by reason of asthma emerged from the fenced city of life. The prince and Jumla.-ul-mulki Slaid UI1a.h K. gave fitting office'and allowances to everyone of his followers, who were 2000 horse in number, who was fit for service, and kept a number on their own establishment. Other officers took the rest. Shah Ja.han raised his eldest son Dilii.war ,t. who was 15 years of age, to the rank of 1500, and gave offices to each one of his six other liOns. All his property, except the elephants, wa.s relinquished to his sons. They say that hIS zea.l and loyalty in the king's service were 80 great that they quite removed from Shah Jahan's heart the cloud which had been caused by his father's orooked ways. They say that Ba.ha.dur K. always lamented that he had not had his revenge on the BijapUTis, and that as long as he livad the shame of this affair appeared on his face. 'Aziz K. Bahiidur was one of his sons who in the 49th year of Aurangzeb distinguished himself at the siege of Wi.kinkira. On account of this the title of Chaghata.i I was graciousl,. accorded to him.

l See 8tatement repeated U. 42 in the aocount of Diler K. I am not sure of the meaning, and I have not 110_ to the authority for the statement. II it refers to the 22nd year it is opposed to K.hlli K. 1. 683 which states appare;;tly that Bahidur received the charge of the province of Multan, and that his pay for the time he waa without a jagir, was to be

set off against the goYWDJlJeni d.. mand. The affair of S'aid K. oocurre4 in 1056, in the 19th or tOth year of the reign, and probably Bahidur wu punished by being deprived of hie jagirat that time and recompeDHd in the 23rd year. ~ Dam in Khafi K. I. 695. s According to KewII Rim the title waa given $o Bahidur himself.

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BAHADUR ~IIAN SRAIBAN!. Ris name was Mu1).ammad S' aid, and he was the brother of ~han Zaman 'Ali QulI K. He was one of the PanchJ,zaris (5000) of Akbar. At the time of Humayun's expedition to India, he received the territory of Zamin Dawar. After some time, he out of an evil disposition got the idea of taking Qandahar, and sought tosucceed by dint of stratagem. He did not 8ucceed, and when he failed, he collected some vagabonds and prepared for battle. Shah Mu1).ammad K. Qilati,who was guarding the fort on behalf of Bairam, saw that help from India was far off, and so strengthened the fort and applied for help to the king of Persia. At his request an army of Persians came and suddenly fell upon Bahadur K. He made a stont resistance, but was not successful and had to fly. As he could not remain in the district, he, in the second year of the reign, and when Akbar was besieging Mankot, presented himself at court in a shame-faced fashion. On the recommendation of Bairam K., his offence was pardoned, and he obtained Multan as his fief in the room of Mu1).ammad QuIi Birlas. In the third year Bahadur was appointed along with many other officers to conquer Mii.lwa. At the same time there occurred the downfall of Bairam, and the latter recalled him in order that he himself might take possession of that territory. But afterwards he abandoned this idea. Bahadur came to Delhi and on the recommendation of Maham Anaga was appointed to the high office of Vakil. A few days had not elapsed when Etawah was made his fief, and he obtained leave of absence. In the lOth year, when Khan Zaman his eldest brother became rebel1ious, he was sent along with Sikandar K. Uzbeg to Sarwar, in order that he might come to Upper India by that route, and make a disturbance. On this account Akbar appointed a force under Mir M' uizu-I-mulk of Masuhad. Though Bahadlit made submissions and said that his mother had gone to court with IbrahIm K. Uzbeg, and had obtained forgiveness for his and his brother's offences, .Mir M'uizul-mulk would not agree and came forward to give battle. Though Sikandar K. who was with Bahadrir turned to flee, Bahadur fell upon Mir M'uizu-I-mulk's centre, and Shah

Budagh K., who was one of the soldier-like officers, was made prisoner, and the Mir was defeated. As Bahadur's and the ~han Zaman's offences had been pardoned, this act of his was not inquired into. But as the pardon was conditional l on the ~han Zaman's not orossing the Ganges so long as Akbar should be in that qua.rter, and as at the time when Akbar visited Chunar, 'Ali Quli neglected this condition, and crossed the Ganges, the king was angry and made a rapid march against him. Re issued an order to Ashraf K., who was in Jaunpur, to imprison Bahadur's mother. Bahadur heard of this and made a rapid expedition to Jaunpur and took the fort. He impl'isoned Ashraf and released his own mother, and plundered .Jaunput and Benares, and then went off on the return of the king. But once more on aocount of the pardoning of the Khan Zaman's offences, and the entreaties of M' unim K., Akbar did not direct his attention to suppress the immoderate conduct of Bahadur. At last in the 12th year 974, 1566-67, he, along with his brother, with utter want of decency or gratitude entered upon a contest with Akbar. When Baba K. Qaqshal fell upon the army of Khan Zaman, Bahadur K. faced him and overthrew him. Suddenly his horse was struok with an arrow a.nd reared, and Bahadur wasthrown. When his men saw this, they dispersed, and the brave men of the imperial army attacked him, Wazir JamIl Beg, who was then an officer of the rank of 700, vvickedly and avariciously took something from him and let him go. Just then another man came up, and placed him in pillion OIl his horse and brought him to the king. Akbar said, "Ba.hadur K., what evil did we do to you, that you have made all this commotion and strife?" Bahadur replied,' "GQd is to be praised for whatever happens ! " Perhaps his disloyalty had not yet been entirely extirpated, otherwise he would have expressed his repentance. At the importunity of well-wishers an order was given to Shahbaz K. to cut off his head.
A. N. II. 265. A. N. III. 294, and Badayiini, Lowe 99. The Darbiir A. 222 understands Bahlidur to have m".mt that
1
II

he praiaed God for giving him a eight of the emperor. Probably Bahiidur merely implied that; whatever was, Wll8 right.

350

mw JU48m-UL-mU.1U.
He had a p~tical vein and wrote ver8e8. This opening is by

THE MAASIR-UIrUMABA.

351

BAHADUR K.UZBEG.
His name was Abu-n-Nabi, and he was one ot the nobility of TUran. In the time of 'Ahdu-I-mumin K. he attained to high office and was made governor of Mashhad. When' Abdu-I-mumin was killed, Baqi K. (the ruler of Turan) tried to conciliate. BahAdur, but he got free by pretending that he was going on a pilgrimage to Mecca and came to India. In the 48th year he entered I into Akba.r's service, a.nd received suitable rank and the present of a jewelled waist-dagger. After the accession of Jahangir he received ~ Rs. 40,000 for e.x;penses and went off with 57 officers to assist Sbaikh Farid Murta~a K. who had been appointed to pursue Sultan ~husrau. In the 5th year he was made faujdar of Multan in succession to Taj K. In the 7th year he obtained a manf}OO of 3000 with 3000 horse and the title of Bahadur K., and was, on the death of M. @azi, appointed 3 to the government of Qandahar. Afterwards he got successive increases and attained. the rank of 5000 with 3500 horse. In 1ihe 15th 5 year he pleaded defective eyesight and resigned the appointment of Qandahar. They say that when 'the approach of the king of Persia's army was bruited abroad, he out 8 of carelessness could not make up his mind to remain (~) and so distributed two lacs of rupees among the royal clerks as bribes, and left the p1o.ce. After that he obtained a fief in the Agra province and was prosperous. When Shah Jahan's standards moved from Ajmere towards Agra he came 7 forward and did homage. Nothing more is known of him.

him.
Ver8e. 1

That sauoy tyrant took another stone, As if to war with me the wounded one. BAHADURU-L-MULK. They say that his real native country was the Panjab. After serving the kings of the .Deccan for a long time he came to Akbar's court, and became his servant In ~he 43rd yea~ he took the fort of PunAt' in the province of Berar. That for~ IS on a hiH and has a river on three sides which is never fordable. After that he distinguished himself in various battIes. In the 46th year when he W8o$ left with ~amid K. to guard the country of TelingA.na Malik 'Ambar brought an army from the country of Barld and stirred up atrife. They in the pride of their valour opp08ed him with a small force and a. battle took place on the bank of the Ma.njarA. By the fatefulness of heaven they were defeated and ~amid K. was made prisoner. BahAdur l by great efforts croseed the river and gained a place of safety. In the 8th year of Jaha.ngir he obtained the gift of a dag. In the 9th yearhewu disiinguished by increase of rank and the gift of an elephant. He died at the appointed time. They say that this line was engraved on his signet.
J

Ver8~.5

Whoever is a good friend is a valul\ble pearl. (BahA.dur).

These lines with a difference in the first line are quoted by BadayOOi Ill. 240, in his account of the ~in Zaman who had the ta\gla1l&~ of Sultan. See also Darbir A. 227 '1 Panar of Ain J. II. 227 and 233. In A. N. III. 743 it is POOi. The Paunir (Pownar) of the' I. G. XI. 119. It is in Wardha dillmot and on river Dhim. I.G. new ed. xxiv. 368. 8 A. N. Ul. 796.
l

BAHARJI,

LANDHOLDER OF

BAGLANA.~

In the 10tb year of J ahingir. Tuziik 139, he was raised to the rank of 3000, and 2300 horse. 6 Apparently the point of the line is that it is lO. play on the name of the owner of the .ienet. lIahiidur seems here to be taken 8!1 .. Persian word and to mean a preeious pearl, or simply anything Y~uable. Perhaps it should be .. Whoever is the acceptable friend of anyone is a precious pearl."

His ancestors held this territory for 1400 years. They regard themselves as descended from Rajah Jai Cand Rathor who was
l A. N. III. 820, and 839. He is there called Abu-i-Baqii:. 2 Tiizuk J. 28. 3 Tiizuk J. 109. lt is mentioned under the llth year of the TiiZuk 162, that he got an increase of 500. I Tiizuk 323. O The sentence is obscure. Apparently it means that he was afraid to stay, and 80 left, but sent two laca of rupees to the clerks at headquarters to secure a favourable representation of bis case. 7 Padshihnima I. 82. .8 J. II. 251, Elliot VII. 65. ~Iifi K. I. G6I. Pidshihnima 11.105.

352

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

THE MAASIR-UIrUMAR.A.

353

Rajah of Qanauj. Whoever ruled this country was called Baharji. In former times they coined money. As it was between Gujarat and the Deccan , the ruler served whichever side was strongest. After having long been tributary to Gujarat, the rulers of Khandes came tQ prevail owing to their proximity. In the year 980, 1572, when Gujarat came into Akbar's possession,. and the royal standards were planted in the delightful spot of the blessed port of Surat, B aharj i submitted and produced l M. Sharafu-d din ~usain (afterwards) the king's brother-in-law, who had rebelled and had entered Baharj!' s territories with the intention of going to the Deccan, and had been imprisoned there. In consequence BahaTji was treated with favour. After this the ruler of Baglana always Rubmitted and paid tribute, and when necessary made his appearance when summoned by the viceroys of the Deccan. As Baglana on one side adjc;ned Gujarat, and on the other Khandes, and waS in the middle of the imperial territories, Prince Mui).ammad Aurangzeb in the time of his first viceroyalty appointed Mu1).ammad Tahir, who received the title of Wazir K., with Maloji Deccani, ?ahid K. Koka, and Saiyid 'Abdu-l-Wahab of Khandes, to conquel' Baglana. After a siege, the fort of Mulher, which was the capital, was taken, and Baharji sent his mother to make a reconciliation, and after making a treaty he in the 12th year (of Shah Jahan) surrendered the fort and waited upon the prinoe (Aurangzeb). Shah Jahan made him an officer of 3000 with 2500 horse and at his request assigned to him as his dwelling-place pargana Sultanpiir, which had been lying waste since the time of the famous famine' in the Deccan. The territory of Baglana was included in the province of Khandes. Ramgir ,3 which is a district of B aglana , was likewise taken out of the possession of Siim 4 Deo, the son-in-law of Baharji. As the expenditure on it exceeded the income, Baharji received it back, and Rs. 10,000 was fixed as the annual tribute. After Baharj1's death Shah Jahan converted his son Bairam b Sah to Muhaml

madamsm and gave him the title of Daulatmand K " and tIle k ~~~ _ o~ 1~00 and the pargana of Piina.r Khandes (Paunar) as ln a~ m heu of Sultanpiir. He lived into the reign of Aurangzeb and.m th~t town (Paunar) erected splendid buildings of which vestIges stIll remain. Verse. From the marks of broken gates and walls The signs of foreign (or of Peraian) princes are visible. Baglana is mainly a hill-country. Its length is 100 kos and .t . breadth 30. l On th tl eas t are Galna and Nandarbar. 'Vest l is _, S Sorath. No:th, Tipli (Rajpiplah) and the Vindya range. South, the Sambh~ range on the top of which are Nasik and other places. Formerly lt was rated at 3UOO horse and 10,000 infantry. It had two great cities Antapiir and Cintapiir. At present there are not many villages. It 4ad seven forts of note and' all h'U f ' were I - orts. Two were espeqially famous, Mulher (Muleir of the maps) known as Aurangarh with a town one kos off Th . . M' 3 fl . enver osan ~ws 60 kos west of Aurangabad. Salher is called Sultangarh and IS the loftiest of forts and summits. ..
Verse.

For Salher is the son of high heaven In height he is as tall as his sire. places are Hatgal'ha, 4 J ulher, BesuI, Naniya and Sal- t ThiS country 6 is well watered and has abundant orcha d II ad' . k' cl l' S an varlOUS " m s of crops. It has abundance of mangoes and choic(. . . nce whICh IS the best in the Deccan . In the t' Ime of, former~ au1ers the collections were ten lacs of rupees. Six and h If kr d.t fi d a ors of ams were l s xe revenue As it had been devastated by famme .
l Padshahnama has 70 for the breadth, i.o. length from N. to S. But A.N. III. 30 has 30. ~ SO . . m. text, but the va.riant Sahyach~ IS right, the range in question belOg the Sahyidri hilJs of the I.G. XII. 137 old edition. 3 Mus or Mos in text, bQt variant

Ot~er

bas Mosan. LG. VI. 192 has M It is a tributa.ry of the Gl'rna WIch _- hs~m . fl ows lOto the Tiipti.
4 Se~ Padshiihnama II. 106, which h~_ Hatgarha, Pepiil (qu. Bhusawa1)

~ In 1630-31, Padshahnama I. 362,

A. N. III. 29.

Ramnaga.r in plidshahniima II. 109. 4 pBdshiihnama II. 109.

8

.Elliot VII. 24.

Iglafi K. l. 564

Bauna and Sa/lida. ' b see IgIafi K. L 561-562 who speaks from personal knowledge.

45

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355

and the repeated marchings of troops the revenue after the conquest was fixed at four lacs of rupees. At present Rs. 11,000 has been deducted from this also in the offices. The parganas were in old times reckoned at 32, and of these 27 have now been included in three or four estates. Also the villages of t.his country which are in the hill-tracts towards Jawar l (Jawhar 1) yield little and are in the possession of the Bhi:Is. (I'TIQAD K. MIRZA) BAH MAN YAR. Son of Yaminu-d-daulah ~han-~hanan A~af K. He was nf an independent disposition, of a careless nature, and a lover of comfort and pleasure. He spent his life in a delightful manner and had a sufficiency of the means of enjoyment. He did not deal with armies or marching: In perfect tranquillity and freedom from care he spent his days and nights. When he was Mir Bakhshi he corttinually by feigning illness abstained from waiting on the royal stirrup, and spread the carpet of ease and comfort. Sometimes he went to the Deccan to visit his brother Shaista Khan, and sometimes, on the same pretext, he went ofi to Bengal. Many of his saUies and expressions are on the tip of people's tongues. From a regard to the merits of his ancestars and to his connection with the royal family both Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb excused him from many of the disagreeabies of service and strave to make him comfortable. In the lOth year of Shah Jahan he held the rank of 500 with 200 horse. After hiR father's death he got an increase and was always treated with kindness. In the 19th year his rank was 2000,with 200 horse, and in the 22nd year it was 3000 with 300 horse and he had the title of Khanzada Khan. In the 25th year he returned from the Deccan, where he had been to visit his brother Shais!a Khan, and entered into the royal service. In the end of the same year he had the rank of 4000 with 500 horse and the family title of I'tiqad K. which his father and uncle had both held. And he was made Mir Bakhshi. As frequently, he on the pIea of
l

illness was unable to carry on the duties, he in the 26th year at the time when the king was returning from Kabul to the capital begged, when the army reached Lahore, to be allowed to halt for a while and to adopt remedies. This was granted and a yearly allowance of Rs. 60,000 made him satisfied. After he got well, he in the 27th year attended court and was out of kindness restored to his former rank and service. In this service he continued tilI the end of the 30th year without covetousness or selfish designs, in perfect independence and freedom from care, and gathered the treasure of a good name. After the battle with Dara Shikoh at Samogarha, which is a famous huntingplace, he had the distinction of entering into the service of Aurangzeb. In the 5th year he got the rank of 5000 with 1000 horse and received royal favours. In the l0th year he obtained a flag and took leave to go and see his eIder brother (Shaista K.) who was then governor of Bengal. He stayed a long while in that country, and spent his time in enjoyment. In the l5th year, 1082, 1671, he died. l May God have mercy upon him! He was a very honest man and free from anxieties. HEt was pious and had a perfect love for the poor. They say that one day he had gone off into the lanes without ceremony to see an enthusiast. As this was contrary to the diginity of an Amir the emperor asked him by way of rebuke , <' Were any of the king's servants with you 1" He replied, "One was there-this ashamed one (lit. thi& black-faced one); all the others were servants of God." His son Mu~ammad Yar K. was also the unique of the age for his good qualities. He has been noticed separately. His daughter Fa~ima Begam was the wife of Muftakltir K. the son of Fakhr K. Najm-!:jani:. In the end she found favour with Aurangzeb and became ~adru-n-nisa" "Mistress of the Harem." BAHR.AM: SULTAN. Third s. Na?!r }lul).ammad the ruler of Balkh, As some account of Na?!r Mul,1ammad has been gIven at the end of the
) In Bengl\], Ma.allir A. 114.

Somt jawar.

.Perhaps" the villages in the neighbourhood of the hill

country. "

,THE MAA,SIR-UL-UMARA.

357

350

THE l\IAASIR-UL-UMARA.

biography of Khusrau Sultan (his second son), and his final fate has been mentioned in the biography l of 'Abdu-r-Ral).man Sultan, it is necessary to give in this place some account 9. of his ancestors. He and his elder brother Imam Quli K. were the soni> of Din Muhmmad K. commonly known as Yatim Sultan and who was s. J~nI Sultan, s. Yar Mu1).ammad K., who was the cousin of I.Iajim K., the ruler of Vrganj, the capital of Khwarazm. When the country of Sher s ~hii.n (i.e. Astrachan) had been taken bv the Russians from his ancestors,' Var Mu1).ammad came away i~ a destitute condition. Perhaps he was influenced by the improper conduct of I.Iajim towards himself. Anyhow , when hc came to Transoxiana, Sikandar K. (Le. lskandar) the father of the famous' Abdullah K perceived that he was a young b man of ability and lineage, and gave him in marriage his daughter (Zahra ~hanim) who was the full sister of 'Abdullah K. The fruit of this union soon appeared in the person of Jani: K. He had five 6 sons, viz. DIn Mu1).ammad, who was the eidest, Baqi Muhammad, Wali Mul).amma.d, Pavinda Mul).ammad Sultan and Al1I~ Sultan. All these five brothers submitted 7 to 'Abdullah K. a.nd pa-i>sed their da.ys in Tun, Qiilq ~ and other countries of QuhisI See Mallsir L 767 and II. 812. Copied f~m Plidshiihnama L 216217. z This seems to be a mistake for Hashtar Khan or ~ajj Tar\d1an, Le. Ast;akha;-at the mouth of the Volga. It is Ha'!htar Iglan in the Pii:dshahnama I. 217. 'Text iibiiish "his ancestors," which seems to have no sense here. for Astrakhan was taken from Yar Muhammad himself, who was then an old ~"n. The Padshhnama I. c. has amiilish " his hopes, " and the sentence see~ to mean that Yar Mul}.ammad fell from his hopes of power and away and had to come in a destitute condition to Transoxiana. This was in 975, 1567. Desmaison's AbliIGhazi, p. 188, n. ~ajim Tarlillan is frequently mentioned in that work. The Astrakhan dynasty is known as the Janids.
'l

It came to an end, according to S.

Lane PoDle, in 1554, p. 229 Yiir Muhamma.d's genealogy is given in Va~berv's Hist. o.f Bokhara 305, n. 2. 6 ~as Jiini Beg the son of Yar Muhammad who received in marriage the' daughter of Iskandar, and sister of the colebrated 'Abdullah K. See Howorth, Part II" 744. Vambery's nokhara 305, and Stanley hane Poole's Muhammadan Dynasties, p. 274. 6 So in Padshahnama. According to VamMry, p. 306, he had only three-Din Muhammad, Wali Mu1).ammad, and Baqi Muhammad. 7 Az qibal 'Abdullah Khan, .. under his suzerainty" (?). S Qain in pdshahn&ma. It lies between Yezd and Herat, Blochma.nn 591. It is the old capital of Kohistan and is the Kayin of the maps.

It

tan (for Kohistan). AlIm Sultan died there. When there came a, rupture between 'Abdullah K. and his son 'Abdu-l-Mumin, the brothers had regard to their obligations to 'Abdullah and did not submit to (Abdu-l-Mumin. When the la.tter became ruler of Tiiran, he got rid of all his relations, wh0m he suspected of good' conduct and propriety, and so raised smoke (dud which also means sighing) from his own family (dudman). He also proceeded to act badly to Yar Mu}j.ammad K. and dl'Ove him out from Balkh, and he seized Jani K. and imprisoned him. The brothers sounded the drum of opposition in Khurasii.n, and behaved presumptuously. As it chanced, in the year 1006,1598, when 'Abdu-I-Miimin was. march ing with a large a,rmy from Bokhara with the intention of attacking Khurasan he was killed one night by an arrow shot by an Uzbeg who was grieved for the sorrows of the afflicted and was lying in wait. DIn Mu~mmad regarded the coin of opportunity as a 'great treasure and placed the cap of jo.y on the apex of fortune. He came to Herat and took possession of it, and appointed Wall Mul).ammad to the charge of Merv. As there was great commotion throughout Turan, every head (sir) was a sirdar (leader) and every door (dar) was a caucus (darbiir) and the Uzbegs being without remedy agreed to his suprem~y in Khurasan. He established his power in Herat and had the K!tU.~ba recited and coin strl,lck in the name of his grandfather Yar Mul).ammad K. Yar Mul).ammad l after beingturned out of Balkh ha-d gone to India, and waited upon Akbar and been treated with royal favours. After some time he took leave to go on pilgrimage and had come to Qandahar, when the heavens caused this trampling upon dominion. DIn Mul).ammad K. had not yet moved some

Jarrett III. 86,. n Apparently: it i~ the Ghaein of Macgregor'ii Khuriisn II. 148. 1 This account of Yir Mu1).ammad is copied from the Padshahnima. But it dise.grees with Vambery who say. that Yr Mu1).ammad (of Astrakhan) died soon after hie arrival' in TrallBoxiana. Nor is there any men tion of a Viir MuJ:1ammad Sultan 's

coming to India in Akbar's time. Perhaps the YaT Mul).ammad of Pad. shiilmama l. 217 ia not the father of Jani Beg and grandfather of Din Muhammad. But see i.ntra in this notice. The" trampllDI UpoD dominion " referred tp ill the death of Abdu-l-M:iimiD "hich took place in 1598 (1006).

358

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359

steps towards the accomplishment of his wishes when Shah 'Abbas ~afavi who was waiting for an opportunity of extricating his hereditary terri~ories, equipped an army for battle and came to Herat. Some well-wishing and far-sighted people said to him (Din Mu1.lammad) that it was not advisable to make a disturbance about Khurasan which for a hundred years had been the territory of the Persians, and of which a part was in his (Din M.'s) possession. The proper COUTf'!e WUl:! to propose friendship to the king of Peraia, and to arrange the affairs of Turkistan, which was his old and hereditary possession and was without a fitting head. After slIbduing that country he might without objection, if he were abI to do so, address himself to the conquest of Khurasan. Din Mu1.lammad K. at the instigation of warlike young men for whom the pleasures of the government of Khurasan had not lost their taste, and also because iQ. the time of 'Abdullah K., and of the confusions in Khnrasan, war had been successfully made against some of the officers of that country, thought that the contest would be an easy one. At the Raba.t Pariyan near Pul Salar, which is four farsakhs (leagues) from Herat, an engagement took place. Tlrere was a great battle I and the Uzbegs were defeated. Nearly 5 or 6000 of the best men in the army were killed, and Din Mul)ammad fled. When he came to Marucaq weakness overpowered him on account of his wounds, and hiB companionB laid him down in a corner in order that he might get repoBe.There he died. Some say he took refuge with one of the servants of the soldiers in a tent. He was not recognized and was ill-treated by the men, and when they did recognize him they were frightened of reprisals and so put him to death. Payinda Mu1;lammad Sultan went to Qandahar, and Shah Beg K.~ the governor there impriBoned him and sent him to Akbar. He made him over to I,Iasan Beg 3 Sbaikh Umari who was going to Kabul, and he made him'
Vambery, Hist. of Bokhara, p. A. ~. III. 803, where Din M. is appArently called Hashim K. See also 'AJam Arii, iitb., p. 392. The Hshim K. of the A.N. is apparently a mistake for Yatim Sultan or Yatim
l

r J6.

K., which was another name for Din, Mul).arnmad. ~ Blochmann 377. 3 Do. 454. ~san Beg la the man who afterwards joined ~UliIrau and was put to death with torture. by Jahangir.

over to Qulij K. the governor of the Panjab. After one year he died in Lahore. Wali Mu1;lammad K. came away from the battl~ field with 30 to 40 servants without knWing what had become of his eIder brother Din Mu1;lammad and hastened to Bokhara. There he joined Pir :M:u1;lammad K .. who was one of the relatives of 'Abdullah K., but whom' Abdu-I-Mumin had not put to death as he thought I him an opium-eating dervish because he always spent his time in opium-shops (kok'fl.ii,r Jekanlta) in poverty and wretchedness, but who had afterwards been seated on the masnad ;)f Turan. When at that time Tawakkal K. Qazzaq on finding that Transoxiana was destitute of apowerfuJ ruler led an army against it, Baqi Mu1;lammad (a son of Jani K.) distinguished himself in the battle, and received from Pir Mu1;lammad the government of Samarkand. Baqi Mu1;lammad after behaving obediently for some time perceived that he was fitter for rule than Pir Mu1;lammad and conceived the idea. of being sovereign and called himself Khan. He also marched out from Samarkand to take Miyankal. Pir Mu1;lammad was made miserll-ble and restless bv this news and came to Samarkand with 40,000 horse. Baqi MUl;la'mmad craftiIy had resort to supplicatioris, but though he tried to clear himself it was of no avail. When he found himself helpless he opened the gates of contest and one day he came out of the fort and fell upon Pir Mu1;lammad's centre and defeated him. He was wounded and captured and was immediately put to death by Baqi Mu1;lammad's order. Baqi M. then proceeded to Bokhara and sate upon the throne of rule. By ability and courage he also brought under his sway Balk4 and Badakhshan. Yar Mu1;lammad his grandfather , who was still in Qandahar, on hearing this news gave up the thought of going on pilgrimage and proceeded to Turan, Baqi M. welcomed him with honour and seated him on the masnad, and had the khutba recited and coin struck in his name. But when after two years he perceived that his grandfather was eager to advance, his sons 'Abbas Sultan, Tarson Sultan, and Pir Mul;1ammad Sultan who were not by the same mother as Jani K;, he deprived Yar Mu1.lammad of power, and placed his
l 'Alam Arai, p. 381, where he is caJIed Pir Muhammad Sultan.

.---.-----,~-,.==-=".,=,

..=.,==.:o.-"............ ....

.
t'1

--------~~._ .. _--~-_

....

~i

'I

360

THE ,MAASm-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

361

tather Jani K. in his room. After this when Yar Mul;J.ammad K. and Jani K. died, Baqi M. recited the khu~ba and struck coins in his own name and his power rose as high as the Pleiades, and the vault of Orion. When he died in 1014, 1605-06, Wali :Mul:J.ammad succeeded to power. He made over Balkh, AndaJillud and their appurtenances-whieh were on this side of the Oxus-and which during his brother's time had belonged to him (i.e. Baqi M.) to his brother's sons Imam Quli and N a~r M. Sultan who were the sons of Din M. K. They for a long timtt were obedient to their uncle, but at last they on account of thei\' youth and the instigation of ignorant companions became disobedient and took the road of rebellion. They made l their honoured uncle suspected in .the matter of religion on account of the coming and going of the Persian ambassador, and induced most of the Uzbeg officers to have an aversion to him. At last ~hwaja Abu Hashim the Khwaja of Dahbid , and Mul.Iammad Baqi Qalmaq who governed Samarkand on behalf of (az qibal) Wali Mul:J.ammad K., and I1angtosh Be Ataliq who was there as his (Wali's) auxiliary, and who had been vexed by the evil conduat of WaH Mul:J.ammad, recited the Khu.~ba and struck coin in the name of Imam Quli and summoned him from Balkh. He with his brother Na~r :Muhammad crossed the Jalhun (Oxus) anq wished to come to Samarkand by the route of Koh-i-Tan.!!. Wall M. on hearing the news gathered together an army from Bokhara and blocked their path. When they came near, as Imam Quli had not power to fight, he stirred up questions and brought forward charges. Wali M. too wish~d that things should not come to fighting. Suddenly, by accident, one night two or three boars came out of a reed bed into Wali's camp. People made a noise and came out of their tents and proceeded to fight with them. There was a great outcry that Imam Qull was making a night attack, and people assembled in WaU :M.'s enclosure. No trace could be found of him, as he out of suspicion against his own people had withdrawn himself with some persons that he trusted. Crowds of men joined the two brothers. Some are of opinion that these nacturl See AllUD Ariii.lith. 589.
t

nal rumoUI'S did not spring from mean and riotaus fellows. Rather '"Vali M.'s chief officers who from unfaithfulness and avarice had shut their eyes to their obligations to their master a.nd looked at his failure as their success raised the cry of a night a.ttack and turned the face of hope to his enemies. However this may be, Wali M. after being for some time a speotator of the catastrophe went off to Bokhara in complete mortification and despair. There too he did not see his way to settle, and went off J with failure to Persia. Imam Qull having received unexpected good fortune hastened to Bokhara and sate upon the masnad, and gave Balkh and Badalill~an to Na~r M. K. Ai Khanim was the daughter of 'Ibad Ullah Sultan, younger brother of 'Abdullah K., and was first married to 'Abdu-I-~lumin. After his death she came into the possession of Isham K. Qazzaq, after that she was married to Pir Mul:J.ammad K., after that to Baql M. K.; after that to \ValI lVI. K. She was famed among the Uzbegs for good looks and beneficent influence (? yamn qadam).z When Wall M. was going to Persia, he, on account of want of time, had left her in Carju fort on the bank of the Jaihun (Oxus). Imam Qull now sent for her and wished to cohabit with her, but as she did not agree, he laid his hand on the skirts of the Qazi and the Mufti and sought for subterfuges. No one would come forward to help him. But. one Qazi who was worldly gave his religion to the winds and gave a decree to 'the effect that as Wali M. K. had shown a heretical disposition and gone out of the Muhammadan circle his wives were husbandless. 3 That audaciaus (Imam QuIl) and incontinent one took in marriage the undivoreed wife of his living uncle, a thing which is not allowed in any religion. Wall ;\-1., who had come to Ispahan, was welcomed by Shah Abbas the Ist, and although he ignorantly interviewed the Shah from on horseback , the Shah behaved with gentleness and corl Vambery I, c. 311. See also account of the uproa.r caused by the boars in the 'Alam Arai, 590. ') Possibly it means .. graceiul figure."
3 M'uaUaq, literally suspended. See Lane 2137. co!. 2, .. a woman whose husband has been lost to her, neither having a husband. nor divorced."

Pidshiihnama I. p. 219. line 2.

46

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dia.lity and did not forsake the rites of hospitality. The chronogram was Amada p{u1shah Turan, " Arrived Turan's king" 1020, 1611. 1 Though the Shah increased his affectionateness and heartiness Wali M. remained depressed and did flot expand. After some time when a musical entertainment came to an end, and political questions fell to be discussed, the Shah said: <, This year the Turk (Rumi) has come to Tabriz ; I must dispose of him; next year I shall myself accompany the ~han and establish him on his ancestral thl'One." The Khan said: II ,< Delay and procrastination won't do. As yet the power of Imam Quli has not been established. The help of the Qizilbashes will be an object of horror to the. Uzbegs." By chance at that time, letters came from the Uzbeg chiefs, whose unfaithfulness had made him an exile, full of repentance for the past, and of service and devotion for the future. By urgency he got leave from the Shah and proceeded to Bokhara. After six months, which were spent in going and coming from Persja, he came to Turan, and with the help of some of the officers, who were penitent for what they had done and wished to repair it, he got possession of Bokhara without a battle. Imam Quli fled from Bokhara and came to Qarshi. There he left Ai Khanim and came to Samarcand. Wali M. in the pride of success and from adistracted disposition set about taking vengeance (on his enemies), and without getting together a suitable force he trusted to the words of recalcitrants and traitors and proceeded aga.inst his brother's sons. The two parties came to blows at two farsakhs (leagues) from Samarcand. Many of the leaders turned away from fighting and withdraw to the rear. He could not bring himself to incur the disgrace of flight. but attacked Imam Quli with 2 or 300 of hi~ own men and was wounded and fell. They lifted him up and brought him before Imam Quli, who immediately ordered him to be put to death. 8 Thus the sovereignty of Turan became established in Imam Quli without a partner o:r rival, while the government of Balkh and

Bada~~han fell to Na?;r M. After thirty-five years of sovereignty he (Imam Quli) in the year 1051, 1641, became blind and the affairs of the country fell into confusion. Na~r M. shut his eyes to his obligations towards his brother l and set before himself the seizure of Samarcand and Bokhara. Though the Uzbegs were so pleased with Imam Quli's excellent behaviour that they unani- mously said that though eyesight (bal!arat) was gone, foresight (ba8irat) was apparent, and that in spite of' his blindness they were pleased with his rule, yet as Imam Quli \vas from the bottom of his heart willing that Na?;r M. should take' his place, they were obliged to bring him to Samarcand and to recite the lrl1ut.ba in his name. Na~r M. sent him off by the route of Persia to the holy place though he wished to travel by India, and did not permit any of his ladies to accompany him; not even his beloved Ai Khanim. He also laid hold of all his accumulated treasures. I~am Quli in great distress and in company with ~hwaja Naljlib, Na~r Beg Taghai (uncle by mother's side), Ra1:).im Beg and ~hwa jah Mirak Diwan-about 15 persons in all, Uzbegs and alaves-set out, and after interviewing Shah 'Abbas the 2nd and receiving his hospitality, went off to the Kaaba. He then proceeded to Medina, and there he died 3 and was buried in the Baqi' cemetery. t As the establishment of N a?;r M. on the throne, the commotion of the Uzbegs. and the coming of the armies of India to that country (Transoxiana), have been fully detailed in the accounts of Khusrau Sultan the 2nd, son of Na?;r M., we now proceed with our narrative. When Prince Murad Bakhsh arrived at Balkh in the month of Ist Jumada 1056, .June 1646, Bahram Sultan, Sub1:).an Quli Sultan and some great men and nobles of Balkh entered 6 the victorious camp. The prince sent Aljlalat K. the Mir Bakhshi to bring them in, and Amiru-I-umara Ali Mardan K. received them at the door of the diwankhana. The prince treated them with much respect and placed them on the right
l He WIlS only his half-brother. Vambery 318. See account of Imam Quli and Na~r M. in Pidshahnama II, 252, etc.

Wali Mu4ammad left Tiirb in 1019, bat I\let Shah Abba. in the beginning of 1020. 'Alam Arii 592,
l

where several chronograms are given. ~ id. 593. 3 Vambery 321. Alllom Arli 599.

~ Vamb6ry 319, and Pidshii:hnama II. 255-256. 3 Vambery 319. 4 LaDe'. Diet. 235b. 6 Piidehahniima II. 536.

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hand of the masnad on the state carpet (sozani). He showed them various kindnesses , and then dismissed them in order that they might go and exert themselves for the comforting of the Khan. They were to tell him that every kind of aid and service in chastising the malcontents and factions would now be translated from intention into deeds, and tha,t untii the settlement of the ~han, the victoriaus army would not set their feet on the skirt of repose. As the fortune of Nazr Mu1.Iammad had come to an end, agroundless suspicion too-k possession of him, and he announced that he was going to prepare a banquet for the prince, and went off to Bagh Mura. He took some jewels and ashrafis along with him and fled with his two sons Sub1.Ian Quli and Qutluq Sultan. When this news reached the prince he directed Bahadur K. Rohilla, and Asalat K. to pursue him, and occupied himself in making arrange~ents for the country and for confiscating the Khan's property. Twelve lacs of rupees worth of jewelled vessels, etc., and nearly 2500 mares,! ,~ere received into the royal establishments. Thouah ~he amount of his accumulations which he had himself plac:d lD chests, and the details of which were written in his own hand and left by him there, and the keys of which were always kept by him, were not found, yet from the verbal statemBI~ts of the clerks it appeared that his treasures amounted to seventy lacs of rupees in money and goods. None of his ancestors had had as much. In the disturbance of the Uzbegs and Alman, and the time of flight and confusion, a little was spent and much was plundBred. The revenue of Balkh and Badakhshan and the whole of Transoxiana and Turkistan-which w~e in the pos~ession, of the two brothers--according to a copy of the regIsters, lllcluding the regular land revenuc and the miscellaneous receipts, the payments in money and in kind the ' lllcreases 2 anel t l le tithes amounted to about one kmr and twenty
Horses and mares, Piidahahnama. II. 540. t Cf. II. 8J 4 in the account of 'Inayat, a.nd ~Iso PidehihniimaU. 542.Th. exprellSioD in text is iami"1chirlij
I

lacs of khanis~which is the currency of the country, and which came to 30 lacS' of rupees. Of this, 16' lac,," of rupees were received by Imam Quli K. aad !4 by Na?;r M. In the month of Jumada-al-algiir, in the beginning of the 20th year of the reign of Shah ,Tahan, the lihu.tba was recited in his (Shah Jahan's) name in the city of Balkh. Bahram and 'Abdu-r-Ra1.Iman, the sons of Na?!r M., together with Rustum the son of Khusrau Sultan-all three of whom on acoount of want of information had not accompanied Na?;r M. and had remained behind in the citadel of Balkn with his household-were , together with the wives and daughters of the ~han, kept under surveillance and sent off to the Presence. 'Vhen they came to Kabul, Saiyid JalaI :;;adru-r;;-:;;adiir received them at the avenue (khiyaban) and conducted them to the Presence. Bahram Sultan received the rank of 5000 with 1000 horse and Rs. 25,000 in cash and other favours, and was always treated with respect, and spent his time in tranquillity. When Na?;r M. was again estalr lished in his hereditary territories his connections in obedience to summons went off in the 23rd year to Balkh. Bahram Sultan could not withdraw his heart from the pleasures and delights of India and was unwilling to go to Tiiran, and spent the rest of his days in India in the enjoyment of a suitable pension, and lived on tilI the reign of Aurangzeb. BAHRAMAND KliAN. He was Mir Bakhshi and his name was 'Azizu-d-din. His father Mirza Bahram was the 4th son of the well-known :;;adiq I K., who was the sister's husband (yazna) of Yeminu-d-daulah i Asaf K. When I)adiq K. died, M. Bahram, who was of tender a~e received the rank of 500 with 100 horse. After that he had
of rupees. I he ir/iju' spoken of here and in the account of lnaya.t Ullah a.re the increases to the l'evenue ef fected by Na~r MU!).llmmad's careful ma.nagement and greedy ways. See Piidshihllma Il 642, where it is mentioned that Na~r Mu!).ammad increased his revenues, whereas Irnim Quli allowed his to deteriorate. J $adiq K. :\-!ir Bakhshi ' Maasir-ul Umara II. 729-31. 'oo ~ Brothel' of Niir Jshin and father of Mumtitz Mll!).a.l,

irtif(.. 'at corresponding to the irtilii' of II. 814. The Piidshhnma l.c. puts the total revenue of Na1.r M.'s kingdom at about one kror of -lIhaMIl, i.e, khanill, which was equal to 25 lace

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not much promotion but was sometimes daroghah of the gold~ smith's office and sometimes steward. He had the rank of 1500 with 300 horse. When his elder brother Umdatu-I-mulk J'aafar K. was made governor of Bihar he also was appointed to that province. When in the 3rd year it was arranged that Sulaiman Shikoh, the eldest son of Dara Shikoh, should be married to his daughter, he was summoned from Patna, and Shah Jahan ~ave jewels and ornaments to the value of one lac of rupees as a marn~ge present. After that he lost his eyesight and lived for a lon~ tIme in retirement in the capital. He had two sons, 'Azizu-d-dm and Sharafu-d-din. The first obtained in the lOth year of Aurangzeb the title of Bahramand K. As he possessed ability and rectitude he performed his duties well and there were few services in which he was not employed. He was promoted from being daroghah of the elephant stables to be bakhshi of the A!.Iadis, and then became Master of the horse (akhtabegi). In the 23rd year he was made Mir Atish (artillery-officer) in the room of f;:lalabat K., and in the same year Ajmere became the abode of the king. While the Khan was on the other side of the Ana Sagor and had his lodgi~g in the garden, he happened to be sitting in the shade of a tree when there was a stroke of lightning, and the Khan jumped and fell into the tank. For some time he. was ~nser~sihle. In the 24th year he became Master of the Ceremomes (MIr Tuzuk), and after that he, in successioIl to Lu~f UlIah became daroghah of the ghuslkhana. After that when the imperial retinue marched to the Deccan, and encamped at Ahmadnagar, the Khan, who beside being a good office-man, was a capable leader, was appointed to attack the banditti. When in the 2Sth year his father died in the capital, Ashraf K. the bakhshiul-mulk wcnt by orders and brought him to the Presence, where he was comforted by receiving an orphan's robe of honour. Asad K. the Jamla-ul-mulk, aS he was the sister's son of the deceased, received a nima astin (tunic) which the king was wearing. In the 30th year after the battle of Bijapur, Bahramand was 2nd bakhshi in succession to Ru!.I Ullah K., who was raised to the post of Ist bakhshi. When the Jumla-ul-mulk Asad K.. ,~as sent off to take the fort of Ginjl, Bahramand was made VIZWT.

In the 36th year he was, on the death of Ru1). U11ah, made I Mir Bakhshi, and had the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse. Mterwards he had the rank of 5000 with 3000 horse. During this time he w.ent several times against the enemy and in the 45th year when Marwangarha;' which is two kos from Khataniin, was taken by the excellent exertions of Fat1). Ullah K. Baha.dur, and its neighbourhood became the imperial camp, a large army was sent under the command of the K,han BakhshI-ul-mulk (Le. Bahramand) to take the fort of Nandgarha, which is known as Namgarha, as also the forts of Candan 8 and Mandan , which wer~ known as Mifta1). (the key) and Maftu1). (opened). He with the help' of Fat1). Ullah K. took all three forts in a few days and then returned. In the 46th year, after the taking of the fort of Khelna, he died 6 on the 5 J umada-al-akhir 1114, 16 October 1702. As the daughter of Jumla-ul-mulk AmIrul-umara Asad K. was married to Wm, Prince Kam Bakhsh, in accordance with orders, removed her from her sorraw and sent ft her to oourt , where she was comforted. Bahramand had no son. One . daughter was married to Mu1).ammad TaqI K.BanI Mukhtar, and her son is the present Bahramand K. who has been described in the biography of Dara.b' K. Another daughter was married to Mir K., the eldest son of Amir K. deceased. This ll1arriage took place after Bahramand's death. Mir K. had in Aurangzeb's time the rank of 1000 with 600 horse. In the beginning of Bahadur Shah's reign he was for some time governor of Lahore as deputy of A~afu-d-daula. Afterwards he waS the governor of the fort of Kalinjar, which is a celebrated fo:r:t in the province of Allahabad. To sum up. Bahramand K. was an officer possessed 9 of gravity and modesty, li, master of dignity and firmness, of a pure
l
t

Ig1iifi K. II, 407. Qu. Wardiit)garha.

M.' Alamgiri,

442.
g Do. The Kahiiw.n of lf!1iifi K. II. 490, and Elliot VII. 370. 'Chandan and Wandan.Elliot VII. 370, note. They are N. Sattara of Maasir 'Alamgiri 442. 6 Khiifi Ig1iin II. 491. The three

forts were Niindgir, afterwards called Namgir,Candanarrd Wandan. Maa!!ir' A.440i. 6 M. 'Alamgiri 461, where the date given is 25 Jumiid-al-a1IDir. The death was from paralysis. , M. A. 461. s M&a!!ir, IL 40. 9 lL A. 161.

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disposition and good morals, and also pleasant and affa,ble. In his latter days he had an impediment in his speech. They say that when in the Deccan campaign he had become Mir Bakshi and a great officer, he often said that if the king would give him leave of absence for one year to Delhi he would give a lac of rupees as Peshkash (present). His companions said to him, " Are not the society of the emperor and the respect of the public worth the pleasures of Delhi ~" He replied , " True, these are great blessings, but the joy would be if I could go to my own city ~nd be my own master (shahryar). Nothing can be pleasanter to the vain soul than that in the place where I was seen in my former condition I might be beheld in my present circumstances."
l

BAIRAM KHAN IQ;IAN-KHANAN.l He was separated by three intermediates from 'Ali Shukr Baharlu who belonged to the great Turkman tribe of the Qaraqmnlii. At the time when this tribe was in its glory and there were such chiefs aS Qara YU$uf and his sons Qara Sikandar and Mirza Jahan Shah who were mlers of Ara.bian Persia and A~arbai jan, 'Ali Shukr held the territories of Ramadan, Dinawar' and Kurdistan, and up to this day those countries are known as the possessions of 'All Shukr. Ris son PIr 'All Beg came to I.Ii~ar Shadman at the time of F.Jasan (Uzzun F.Iasan) the king of the White Sheep who contrived to extirpate the Black Sheep, and was for a. while with Sultan Mahmud Mirza, and then went off to Peraia. He fought a battle with the ruler of Shiraz and was defeated. At the same period he fell into the hands :of the officers of SultanI.Jusain Mirza and was put to death. After that his son YA.r Beg left Persia in the time of Shah Ism'ail Safavl and came and settled in Badakhshan~ From there he went to Amir Khusrau Shah in Qanduz, aud on the termination of the latter'-s authority he with his son Saif 'Ali Beg, who was Bairam K.'s
l B. 315. Darbiir A. 157. Elliot V. 215, note 1. A.N. trans. I. 381. Bairam was the fourth descendant of 'Ali Shukr. 2 Desoribed in Burhan Qa~i, Appendix, as a large city of Persian Iraq. It is in N.W. Persia alld lies N .W. Hamlidiin. See J. III. 82, note. This part of the account seems taken from the Haft Iqlim.

father, becaqle the servant of Babur. BairAm K. was born in BadakhsMn, and on his father's death went to Balkh and acquired learning. In his sixteenth year he entered the service of Jinnat Ashiyani (Humayiin) and grew daily in the shadow of his favour, till at length he became his companion and an Amir. He hazarded his life in the disaster of Qanauj and went towards Sambhal. There he was received with kindness by Raja Mitr Sen, who was one of the important landholders of that country, in the town of Lakhniir. When Sher Khan heard of this news, he sent for him and had a meeting with him on the ro:td to Malwa. Sher K. rose up and embraced him. Re sought to attract him by enticing words, and ramarked; "Whoever acts sincerely does not err." Bairam answered, "So it is, whoever acts sincerely shall not go astray." Neal' Burhanpur he after a thousand difficulties and with the help of Abu-l-qasiru gOVf~rnr of Gwaliyar made his escape and went off to Gujarat. On the road Sher Khan's ambassadol', who wa.s coming from Gujarat, heard of him and sent men and had him and Abu-I-qasim -who was of distinguished persona] -appearance-arrested. Bairam K. out of high spirit and courage objected, saying, " I am Bairam K." Abu-l-qasim out of generosity said: ,. This is my servant, and he wants to devote himself for me." They withheld their hands from him and so Bairam K; escaped and went to Sultan Mahmud in Gujarat. Not recognizing Abu-l-qasim, they put him to death. Sher K. used often to say that ,C When Bairam K. said, 'Whoever is sincere , shall not go aS1iray,' I perceived that he would not arrange matters with us." Sultan Mahmud Gujarati also tried to win him, but Bairam would not consent. Re took leave to go on pilgrimage and came to the blessed J port of Sur-a.t and from there he went to the cou.ntry of Hardwar. z With the idea of serving Jinnat Ashiyani he took the road to Scinde and on 7 Muharram 950, 13 April 1543, at the time when Humayun had returned from the country of Ma}deo and was in the town of Jun-which was on the bank of the Indus

So called as the pilgrim8' port. AklJarnima translation 1. 382, note 4. AU thi8 part of the BCJ
-l Sell

count of Bairiim is taken from Abu} Fa;1.

47

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THE MAAStR-Ut.-UMARA.

and was remarka.ole for the number of its gard,ens and streams. By chance on the day that he came to Jiin he had to appear on the battle-field before he could pay his respects to Humayun, for the latter's forces had a fight with the Arggfinians. Bairam took part in the fight and fought bravely so that the soldiers- thought he was a heaven-sent ally. When it appeared that he was Bairam K. thereca.me a cry of joy. In the expedition to Persia he was the best and most faithful of servants. The king of PersiaalBo admired his abilities and loyalty. As that sovereign sometimes feasted with Humayfin for the sake of enjoyment, and sometimes had a hunting party with him, he, one day, when there was a display of polo and of tilting (qabk andiizi), gave him (Bairam) the title of KUn. After the return from Persia he was sent with a letter of royal advice and a firman of favour to Mirza Kamran. He considered -within himself that it would not be right to present the two rescripts to Kamran who would doubtless be sitting,and whom it would be difficult to induce to Pl;l'y the respect of rising up to receive them. He therefore took a copy of the Koran in his hand and tendered it as a present. The Mirza stood right up out of respect to the volume, and just then Bairam presented the two documents. When Hnmayfin after taking Qandahar made it over to the Persians according to the promise he had made to the Shah and decided upon conquering Cabul, it became necessary to have a place of safety for his family and domestics. . Accordingly he took Qandahar by force f.rom the Pel'sians, and made it over to Bairam. K. and wrote to the Shah a letter of apology saying, "Bairam K. is the trusted servant of both of Uli We have made over the fort to him." When in the year 961, 1554, some make-bates spoke to the king untruethings about Bairam K., he came to Qandahar and ascertained that the reports were false. He treated him graciously, and Bairam became in the expedition to India the best of aU the leaders and was a forefighter in battle, and was victorious. Especially, in the battle of Maciwara, when with a few men he attaked a numerous army of Afghans and defeated it. He obtained the pal'ganas of Sirhind, etc. in fief, and received the lofty titles of Yar Wafadar (the faithful friend), Baradur Nekii-siyar

(weU-conditioned brother) and Farzand S'aadatmand (auspicioU8 son). In the year 963, 1556, he was made the guardian of Prince MUQammad Akbar, and was appointed to suppres8 Sikandar K. Si.ir, and to manage the affairs of the Panjab. In the same year on 2 Rabiu'-l-akhir, Friday, 14 February 1556, when Akbar sate upon the throne in the town of Kalanfir, Bairam was made Vakilu-s-sultanat. He had the control of affairs) and' had the title of Khan-Khanan and was styled in correspondence Khan Baba. In the year 965, December 1557, Selima. Sultan Begam, whom Humayfin had promised to Bairam, was given to him in marriage. She was the daughter of Mirza Niirud-din Mul;tamma.d, and the niece (half-sister's daughter) of Humayun. M. Ntil'u-d-din was the son of Ali:i.ii-d-din Mul,1ammad who was the ~()n of ~hwii.ja J:Iusain known as the ~hwajazadaof Caghanian, and who was greatgrandson of ~}lwaja J:Iasan AMiar, who was the immediate son of ~hwaja Alaii-d-din who was the successor (khalifa) of Khwaja Naq~hband. The daughter of Shah Begam, the daughter of 'Ali Shukr, the great-great-grandfather (text, third grandfather) of . Bairam, who was in the household of (i.e. was married to) Sultan Mahmud the son of Sultan AbU e'aid, had been married to the ~hwajazada. It was on account of this connection that Babur gave his daughter Gulbarg I to M. Niiru-d-din, and for the same reason was this marriage made. The Begam (Selima) had a poetical vein and wrote under the name of Makhfi (concealed). This verse of hers is famous .
Ver8e.

In my passion I called thy lock the" thread of life " ; I was wild and so uttered such an expression.
l Jhangir, Tiizuk 113, calls her GulrulW. See Akbarniima translation II. 97.98, and note. Selima is said by Jahangir to have been sixty years of age wh~n she died in 1021,or 1611. If so, she must have been a child of sili: when she was married to Bairam in 1557. It appears, however, from a note by Mirza Mul].ammad in a MS. of Kiimgar ij:usain Ghairat K.'s his-

tary, and which is one of Col. Hamil(on's MSa. in the B. Museum, that Selima was really 76 when she died, she having been born in Shawwil 945, so that she was some three years older than Akbar. The ohronogram of her birth is !illu!!9Qal, whioh yields 9~5, 1538-9. See A.S.B.J. for 1905 and Tiizuk J. trana., p. 232, and note 6, p. 5011.

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After Bairam's death Akbar himself married her. She died in the seventh year of Jahangir. Good God! In spite of this proximity, solidarity, influence, and all that wisdom, experience, abundant loyalty, and devotion, some marks of the caprice of fate appeared upon the tablet of manifestation, so that the disposition of Akbar became alienated from that great man. In fact strifemongers who were full of envy, out of spite and self-interest, exaggerated matters (lit. made one a hundred) and perverted the feelings of the young monarch. Also flatterers and overturners of houses altered the nature of the aged Amir, so that he did not pay Akbar the deferenee that was due to him. Fot instance, one day Bairam was taking an airing on the river Jumna, and one of the royal elephants rU8hed into the water and made for Bairam's boat. Though the driver by great efforts got him under control, the Ii.han Khanan suspected something, and was much disturbed. The king, out of consideration for him, sent the driver to him, and Bairam without paying regard to court-rules, put the driver to death. The king was much displeased ; and determined to free himself from his minister. Accordingly, he in 967, 1560, left Agra on pretence of hunting and went off to Delhi. When he arrived there he summoned the officers) and, on the recommendation of Maham Anaga, Shihabud-dinAl;1mad K. was appointed to the charge of affairs. The Khan Khanan wished to present himself, but Akbar sent him a message that he oould not see him at this time, and that it would be better for him npt to come. Some are of opinion that the king did go off in order to hunt, and that when he came to Sikandarabad in the Delhi district, Maham Anaga instigated him to gallop off to Delhi to wait upon his mother Miriam~Makani. There was no cloud then on his heart with regard to Bairam K. though sinful and envious people were trying to produce suoh a feeling, and said things to him with this object, and Adham K. and his mother were especially active in this respect. But as the idea of Bairam K.'s unsullied loyalty was firmly rooted in the royal mind such representations had no effect. But as has been said-

Verse

Whenever rivals are regarded with favour l ass~re them that words have their effect. The strifemongers, who had their opportunity, at this time implanted ideas of aHe-nation. In short Bairam himself from a right conception of the situation sent the insignia of office along with the principal officers 1;0 court and asked permission to go on pilgrimage. Afterwards at the whisperings of some evil-disp03ed persons he proceeded to Mewat. When it was reported tha" the royal army had gone in pursuit of him, all the king' s servants left Bairam; and he sent the tuman-togh, the standard, the drum and other insignia of office to court by his sister's son I;lusain Quli Beg. He wrote to the officers who had been told to pursue him that he had withdrawn his hands from everything, and asked why they tormented him. He had for a long time desired to visit the holy shrines ; now the thread of the accomplishment of his desire had fallen into his hands. The officers were obliged to return. As Rai MaIdeo the Rajah of Jodhpfir was on the road to Gujarat (Le. his lands lay on the way) and was on bad terms with Bairam, the latter went from Nagor to Bikanir. Rai Kalyan Mal the landholder of that place came befoTe nim with loyalty and gave him hospitality. At this time a report arose that MuHa Pir Mul.lammad had come from Gujarat and had been ordered to follow Bairam. Strifemongers stirred up Bairam, and byexciting him to resistance inade him turn back to the Panjab. Owing to the deceitfulness of foolish talkers he removed the veil from his aotions, and set his face towards the Panjab. He busied himself. in collecting men, and wrote to the variousofficerB, " I intended to go to the J:Iijli,z, but when it became known that Maham Anaga
l These linea are quoted by Feri.h. ta. but in the first line he hu nihayat instead Qf jinayat. see New.J Kishore',lith., p. 248. It is, however, 'inayat in a MS. of Ferishta and it seems to have the negative nist in the first line. The" them" in second

line is perhaps honorific for the king or minister concerned. The verse is alao quoted again in II. 568, where insan is incorrectly substituted for ishan. See note to translation of life of filiihiibu-d-din.

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and others had perverted the royal mind and were plotting my ruin, it occurred to me that I should first puniah those evil-doer~ and then proceed on the blessed pilQTimaae, and also that :i: should o o lay hold of MuHa Pir Mul,lltmmad Shirwani; who has now obtained a flag and has been appointed to expel me." In short, all these things having irritated him he became overpowered by wrath, and could not restrain himself. Strifemongers too got their opportunity and aggravated his disposition Rtill more. When the rebelliousness of the ~han~~llanan became manifest, Akbar sent on the Atga !ip.an in advance and also set out' himself from Delhi. At that time the .Iglan-~hanan was scheming to take Jalaq.dhar. When he heard that the Atga ~p.an was coming, he advanced to meet him. After a severe engagement he was defeated and took refuge in Talwara-a strong place in the Sivalik hills-'-with Ganesh the Rajah thereof. When the report of the arrival of Akbar's army reached the hill-country, his men came out of the fort and fought. They say that in that encounter Sultan I;Iusa:in Jalll,ir of the kIng's army was killed, and that his head was cut off and brought to the Khan-~hanan. He burst into tears and said, "My life is not worth my being the cause of the killing of such men." In great grief he sent his slave Jamal ..(i.han to H.M. and bJgged forgiveness of his offences. Akbar sent Mun'im K. with other officers into the hills iD order that they might assure him of safety and bring him into the Presence. In Mul,larram of 968, October 1560, the 5th year of the reign, Bairam came into the camp, and all the offlcers received him with honour. When he came before Akbar 'he had a handkerehief (rupak) round his neok and he flung himself at the king's feet, and wept greatly. Akbar with consummate graciousness embraced him and removed the handkewhief from his neck. He enquired after his health and bade hIm be seated according to the established custom (Le. on his right hand). He also presented him with a glorious robe which he himself was wearing and gave him leave to visit the holy shrines. When he came to the city ofPattan in Gujarat, which was formcrly known as Nahrwala, he remained there for some days in order to rest his cortege. At that time Musa Khan Fo.ladi was

governor of that city, and a number of Afghans had collected about him. Among them, one Mubarak,K. Lohani, whose father had been killed in the battle of Maciwara, cherished the idea ofrevenge. Also the Kashmiri wife of Selim Shah was in the caravan with her daughter by him. She intended to go to the ~iiaz ,and it was arranged l that the daughter should be married to Bairam's son. The Afghans were also displeased at this. On Friday 14 Jamada-I-awwal, 31 January 1561, Bairam went boating on the lake which is the recreation-ground of the city, and is known as the Sahas Lang, because there are a thousand idol-temples on its banks. When he was disembarking from the boat that savage represented that he had come to pay his respects, and during the interview he struck him with his dagger and killed him. The ~han-Khanan uttered the kalma Allah Akbar and departed from this world and obtained the martyrdom which he had long prayed for" and had begged from the men of God. They say that for years he' had never omitted to shave and bathe on '\Vednesdaya ~ in accordance with the intention of martyrdom, and that on one such occasion a simple-minded Saiyid, who had heard of this, said to him as he left the assembly, "We shall repeat the fatil,Ia with the intent that the Nawab obtain martyrdom." Bairam smiled and said, "Mir, what kind of sympathy is this? I desire martyrdom, but not so soon as this." Upon the occurrence of this catastrophe everyone of his servants ran off, and Bairam lay there in blood and dust. A number of Faqirs took up his bleeding body and committed it to the earth in the tomb of Sbai~ I:Jisam-who was one of the great Sbaikhs there. Afterwards the body was, by the care of ~usain Quli K., buried in holy Mashhad. Qasim Arslan of Mashhad made the chronogram of the event. They say that he, a long time before the occurrence, had been warned of it in a dream and hl\d made the varses.

I This is stated by Abul Fa~l hut' seems unlikely. The girl must have been several years older than Bairam's son, for her father died in 1554,

whereas 'Abdu-rRa~im was not born tili the end of 1556. ~ It was on a Wednesday that Mu~ammad bathed for the last time.

376

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

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Vera.
When Bairam donned the i1J,ram to visit the K'aaba His purp9se was effected by his martyrdom on the way. In truth a spirit uttered the chronogram "MuJ:1ammad Bairam was made martyr." (968) (Shahid ahud Mu1J,ammad Bairam.) His body was removed to Delhi, and in accordance with his will it was taken to Mashhad in 985, 1577. Bairam was greatly skilled in poetlY. He composed I brilliant odes and made fitting insertions in the poems of the masters. He collected these i}nd gave them the name of dakllliya. They say that when Bairam was in Qandahar Humiyun wrotR. this quatrain:-

Verae.'
O thou friend of my saddencd heart, How thy I!lweet nature is well-balanced! I'm never at any time without thought of thee, But what sa.dBe8s hast thou in thought of me ? Bairam replied. :-

Verae.

o thou who art incomparable shade (protector),

Greater than any praise I can offer thee, When thou knowest how it passes without thee Why ask, " How feelest thou, when parted from me? " They 3 !'lay that one night. Humayun was conversing with the Khan, and that the latter became inattentive. The king said, "We are addressing you." The Khan woke up and said, " My king, I was attending, but I have heard that in waiting upon
I am not sure of the meaning. The verb dar-ad is wanting in the text after ghara, but OOCUl. in a variant and Se6ms required Also it is found in Ferishte. from whom the paBIIllge ill borrowed. Bairlm'll ades were compoeed in honour of 'Ali. l Humiyiin is said by Forillhta to ha\e sent thi. quatrain to Bairam at
l

princea one should have heed to his eyes, and when serving dervishes should have heed to his heart, and in presence of the erudite should guard his tongue, and so I was thinking that as all three personalities were collected in your Majesty, which of them I should observe." The king wa.s pleased with this extempore pleasantry a.nd praised him. The author of the ,!,abaqat Akbari writes that twenty-five of Bairam's servants attained the rank of 5000 and receivedfiags and drums. The truth is that Bairam was adorned with ability, exoellence, probity, vigour, genius, and generosity, and was strong of heart and profound. He was devoted to the house of Timur. At suoh a crisis when Humayun was removed before his empire was stablished and the prince was young and inexperienced, and 'all the territory except the Panjab had been lost, and when the Afghans were numerous and were raising the standard of empire, and in every hole and corner, waiters upon events were beating the drum ot opposition, and the Chaghatai officers who were not well affected towards staying in India were advising a departure to Kabul, and Mirza Sulaiman had seized his opportunity and .recited the Khu.~ba in his own name in Kabul; Bairam, by the sole influence of his courage, firmnes8, and excellent arrangements, made the stream which had left its course return to its channel, and re-established the sovereignty. Akbar also by many favours and attentions entrusted the management of affairs to him in order that he should carry out what he thought proper, and should not pay heed to anyone else, and be without fear of censure. He also quoted this verse.

Verse.
Grant a loving friend, and let botl:l worlds be foes.

Qandahar after the taking of Kiibul, and Bairam is said to have written th" quatrain whioh follows in reply. See Darbir A. 163-64. As the first word of the fourth line of Humiiyiin:s quatrain Ferishta has aya " come" instead of ama but." 3 B ad ay iini Ul. i 92.

When the power of tQ.e Kl!an :Khanan became greater day by day, the thorn of envy broke off in the hearts of others. Envious per/lOlls mixed up calumnies with truth, made one into a hundred, and so alienated the king's disposition. The Khan-Khanan also, in his might and grandeur, gave no consideration to others and did not ta.ke them into account. He was suspicious of them and

48

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THE MA.ASIB-UL-UMABA.

THli: MAA.SJ&.UL-UMA.RA.

379

thought that they would soon take up a new position towards him (1). Even after his downfall he had no real intention of rebelling. As soon as he received the king's message, which was conveyed by Mir Abdul-La~if Qazvini, he sent the insignia of office to H.M. and showed a desire to go to the ~ijaz. Strifemongers on both sides did not allow him to do this. Opponents wrote to the landholders on the route that they should not allow him to pass through in safety, and his associates urged him and said, "Men who are of no rank have leagued together to overthrow you and so are having recourse to intrigues, and are seeking to cast you, in spite of all your rights, into contempt and, misery. 'Tis better to die with honour than to live with disgrace." In this way they succeeded in ruining him, according to the flaying (nukta). Presumption and the love of glory bring a man to evil days, and cast him into dangers and sorrows." Hence it is that the love of the world is the head of errors. V erse. l
cC

Ambition is the ruin of the brain. 'Tis the property of a hood to extinguish acandle. BAIR.AMBEG TURKAM.AN. He was Mir Bakhshi in the time when Shah Jahan was a prince, and was then one of his principal officers. He held high office and had the title of ~hap. Dauran. When the prince on account of the treacbery of Rustam K. Sbigbali turned back before Sultan P.arviz and crossed the Narbada, he took the boats to his own side and made the ferries strong with cannon and muskets, and left Bairam Beg in charge on the bank of the river, and hastened off to Burhanpur. When Mahabat K.arrivcd with Sultan Parviz at the river-bank he proceeded to engage Bairam Beg. There was a battle of guns and muskets on both sides, and when Mahabat K. saw that crossing was difficuJt, he had recourse to craft. He wrote to the Khan-lQl,anan M. 'Abdu-r-Ral,1im
l Sir u barg is a phrase meaning the l>rain, and also pride. putting a hood (kulah), Le. an ll:l[tiDguiaher, on acandle.

through Rao Ratan, and set in motion the chain of peace The Igli.n-~hanan too expostulated with Shah Jahan, and requel"ted that peace might be established on his guarantee. If the servants (of Jahangir) were not conciliated by him,his ('Abdu-r-Ral,1im) sons might be put to death (by Shah Jahan).. He added strong oaths to these representations. When the 80und of peace was spread abroad, the guarding of the farriea was neglected and Mahabat K. crossed the river at night before the arrival of the Khan!Qla.nan. The Khan-Khanan too forgot all his promises and joined the imperial army. Bairam Beg was obliged togo to Burhanpur. After that in the expedition to Bengal when Shal;l Jahan was at Bardwan, f;lali};1 Beg, the brother's son of .Al[laf K. Ja'afar who was faujda.r there, in spite of the weakness of the fort, shut himself up in it. 'Abdullah K. proceeded to besiege him and reduced him to extremities so that he came out and was imprisoned by Shah Jahan's orders. The Sa.rkar of Bardwan was given in fief to Bairam Beg and he was sent off to administer it. When the prince, after subduing Bengal, went to Behar and took pOllsession thereof, Bairam Beg came from Bardwan and took charge of Behar. After that, the prince .encountered the imperial army at Benares, and Wazir K. was appointed to the charge of Behar; and Bairam Beg was summoned to the Presence. One day when Sultan Parviz had sent his bakshi Mu};1ammad Zaman across the river, Bairam Beg Khan Daura.n was ordered to seize an opportunity for attacking him. He from pride and arrogance did not regard Mul}.ammad Zaman &ufficiently and attacked him with a few men at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges and waS wounded. He sacrificed l his life. His son :ijasan Beg escaped from the field of battle wounded and also died after a few days. B.ALJU QULIJ SHAMSHER KHAN. Brother's son and son-in-Iaw of Qulij K. Janis Qurbani. In the 8th year of Jahangir's reign he obtained the rank of 1000 with 700 horse. In the 9th year he attained the rank of 2000
l

E:l[altation is like

Piid8hihniima I. lU. , Said to be ~he name .of a tribe.

See B. 35 and Badayiini III. 188.

-----

.. _.

__

............. - . ,

380

THlE MA.A$IR-UL-UMAIU.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

381

with 200 horse, and was appointed to Benga!. Afterwards he was for a long time. stationed at Kabul, and in the first year of Shah Jahan's reign had the rank of 2000 with 1500 horse. When after the death of Jahangir, Na~r MuJ.1ammad K. the ruler of Balkh came with an army to Kabul, and the dust of commotion rose high, he (Na~r) sent a threatening message to the king's men who were in the city, but they out of loyalty refused to listen, and l Balju Qulij who was among them, impressed his fidelity more than ever on the mind of the king. In the 2nd year he at the instance of the governor Lashkar K. marched with a force against ~oJ.1ak and Bamlan. The Uzbegs out of terror abandoned the forts and fled. In the 3rd year he in company with S' aId K. distinguished himself in chastising KamaIu-d-din Rohilla, the son of Raknu-rl-dIn, who in the time of Jahangir had been raised to a manl!ab of 4000 and afterwards had out of a seditious mind been lifting the head of presumption in that country. s He received a manl!ab of 2500 with 1800 horse and the title of Shamsher K. In the 4th year the thanfJ8 of both parts a of Bangish were entrusted to him~ and he had amfJnl!ab of 3000 with 2500 horse. In the 5th year corresponding to 1041, 1631-32, he died. His son H~san K. received a manl!ab of 800 with 300 horse and 'Ali Q~I his brother had a manl!ab of 900 with 450 horse and died in the 17th year of the reign of Shah Jahan. BAQI K. CELAH QALMAQ. One of the trusted slaves of the king. Bya happy horoscope and good service he had a place in the heart of Shah Jahan. Ih the 6th year he obtained the rank of 700 with 500 horse, and in the 9th year he had the rank of 1000 with 1000 horse. In the IOth ye&r he got an increase of 1000 zat and 1000 horse and his rank became 2000 with 2000 horse, and he was given a flag, a horse,
J Piidshihnii:ma I. 20. lt is Hii:lcii there. Biiljii does not seem to be mentioned in the Tiizuk I. He is called Bii:llIDii in Pidshii:hnii:ma I. 183. 2 id. 311. The country was Peehawar.
B That is Upper and Lower Bangii:sh. The term Uppel:' and Lower Bangash occurs several times in the Maa~r, e.g. II. 239.

and au elephant and made laujdiir of Catra l which is apargana belonging to Orcha in Bandelkand. When this territory was taken from Jujha.r Singh and became imperial property, that pargana which contained 9JO villages and yield~d eight lacs of revenue, and was adorned by ample territory and abundant rivers, was made ~hii.l~a and received the name of Islamabad. i At this time Baqi K. was made the faujda.r thereof, and distinguished 8 himself by putting down the malcontents of the country. When Campat Bandila the servant of Rajah J ujhar Singh made, after the death of the latter, his son Prithiraj the instrument of sedition , and plundered the villages of Orcha and Jhansi, 'Abdullah K. Fi:riiz Jang was made the jagirdar of Islamabad,. and appointed to extirpate Campat. When he came there he wished that Baqi K. , who had already exerted himself in chastising the wretch, should personally march against the recalcitrants. The ~han from love of work promised that if 'Abdullah lent him his troops he would finish the affair. Firuz Jang out of indolenee did not go himself but turned back, and Baqi K. in the 13th year made a rapid march and took the rabels unawares. Campat with great difficulty saved himself, and Prithiraj was capture. In the I 7th year Baqi K. was made darogha of the ghu~lkhana and afterwards he was made governor of the fort of Agra. In the end of the 27th year he- died on his fief of Bari which belongs to the province of Agra, and his jagir became crown-land. His sonsSirdar K. and Baqi K. were distinguished in the reign of Aurangzeb, and have been separately noticed. They say that Baqi Beg in the beginning of his career was kotwal of Lahore which was then in the fief of Yemenu-d-daula A~af K. On behalf of the latter, Baba 'Inayat Ullah Yezdi, who was a trusted servant of A~af K., was the governor, and as he did not esteem Baqi K. he engraved on his ring the words" The work is 'Inayat's6 and Baqi is a pretenee."
J arrett II. 182. Kar b'inaytJt aBt u biiqi bahana. The words pun upon the meanings of 'inayat and bagi, the first meaning favour, and the .econd, remainder.
4

I Pii:dshii:hnma l, Part II, p. 277. Catra or Jhatra was formerly in Rar kr Irij. J arrett II. 188. Orcha is written in text as Andcha. 2 l.f!1iiii K. I. 454. a Pd8hii:hnima II, 136. and 193.

382

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THEMAASIR-UL-UKABA.

383

BAQI KHAN ~AYAT BEG. Younger brother of Sirdar K. KotwaI. In the 23rd year of Aurangzeb he received the title of J:Iayat K. In the 28th year he received the charge of the palaoe-guards (amaiiat-i-ha/t cauki)l in succession to Mir Abdu-I-Karim. Afterwards he was made darogha of the ghuslkhana of Mul,1ammad M'ua?;?;am commonly known as Shah 'A.lam. When during the siege of Bijapnr the disposition of the king suspected the prince of disloyalty and was unkind to him, and ordered his advisers, such as Mumin K. Najm ~ani, the darogha of t,he artillery; Multafat K., the 2nd bakhshi, and Bindraba,n Diwan, to be expelled, the prince did not take warning but during the siege of Haidarabad carried on a correspondence with Abu-l-l,1asan, with whom he had previously had relations. All his endeavours in this respect were that the knot (of the siege) might be untied by his hand, and that his father might connect the taking of the fort with his name. Illwishers and envious persons represented these excellent endeavours in a bad light and alienated the king's affections from him. One day the king in his private chamber examined l J:Iayat K.1I about this affair, and though he strongly asserted the prince's innocence, he did not produce any effect. The king ordered that an intimation should be conveyed to the prince to the effect that Shaikh Ni?;am Haidarabadi would on this night make an attack on the camp, and that the prince should put his servants in the front parts of the camp, in order that they might resist the attack, and that when his men had gone off in that direction,' Ihtimam K. Kotwal would guard his tents. Next day, which was the 18th Jumada-al-akhir of the 29th year of the reign, the prince came to the Dai-bar in accordance with orders, accompanied by Muhammad M'uizzu-d-din and Mul,1ammad 'A?;im (his sons.) At this time the king was seated in the hall of state. After he (the prince) had sat for some time the king said, " Certain matters have been mentioned to Asad K. and Bahramand K.-go into the Oratory and have a conference with them." The prince was helpless and
l

had to go. Asad K. asked for his arms and said, "You must spend some da.ys in quietness." He was then conducted to a tent which had been set up close by. They say that at the time of taking his arms M'uizzu-d-din meditated doing something else (Le. he thought of resisting) but that his father looked sternly at him, and that thereupon he subsided The imperial clerks took possession in the twinkling of an eye of the insignia of office. The king left the hall of audience and came to the female apartments. He cried" Alas' Alas! " and laying his hands on his kneei! said, " I've reduced to dust the labour of forty years." After this catastrophe as Sirdar K., the eIder brother of ~ayat K., was a favouritc, the Khan also was not censured, and became a zealous servant. Afterwardshe received his father's hereditary title of Bii,qi K. and in the 48th year obtained the rank of 2000 and in succession to Kamgar K. was made governor of the fort of Agra, wb.ich is for strength distinguished from all other forts. On this account it is reckoned above all the other forts in India, and the royal jewels and treasures are preserved in it. After the death of Aurangzeb, Baqi K. determined with himself that he would give the keys of the fort, and the treasures, to whomsollver among the heirs of the kingdom should M.'rive first. These treasures oonsisted of ashr~ and rupees and surplus l presentation-pieces, besides unooined gold and sil.,.er in the shape of vessels, and amounted, according to a statement ( qaul), to niJe krori! of rupees, and' according to rumour (revayit) to thirteen krors. Though the idea was that Muhammad A'?iam Shah would be the first to arrive, yet as the Jiters of the book of destiny had insoribed it with the name of Bahadur Shah, it came about that the latter oame first, and the former last. Mul,1ammad l A?;im (Bahadur Shah's son) who had been dismissed from the Government of Bengal was travelling with the intention of coming to the Presence (of Aurangzeb); on hearing the news (of his death) he oame to Agra by relays of horses. Baqi"
I U 'urli u gharibnewiiz. The passage seema to be copied from ~ifi K. II. 568, fOUf lines from foot, but the word urti which I have coojecturally rendered. "8urplu8," dO&,lnot ocour.

Blochmann 257.

I ~ifi
i

K. II. 331,

Professor Dowson rendere .he words ,-upira gharibnewaz BBpreeentationmoney, Elliot VII. 389. and this seems to be right. ~ifi K. goes on to say tbt tho gharibnewiz _hra!v and

c--r~~ -~

.,

"---',,=,_.-~--,

384

THE

MAA~JR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

385

K. refused to give up the fort and alleged I the compact he had made with himself. The prince erected batteries, and some cannon-balls reached the Begam's mosque (Jahanara's) At last the prince saw that the attempt was vain and withdrew his hand from battle, and entering the gate of conciliation sent Baqi K.'s petition and compact to his father. Meanwhile Bahadur Shah's standards had traversed a great distance and reached the capital (Delhi) On hearing the news he increased his speed and reached A/l:ra, and Baqi K. delivered up the keys of the fort and the treasure, and congratulated Bahadur Shah on his accession. He was rewarded by princely favours. Bahadur Shah rapidly took four krors of rupees from the treasury and made presents to the princes and nobles according to their rank. He a.Iso paid the old servants their wages and gave two months' pay to the new servants, and gave something to the female department, and something to t.he poor and needy, and spent two krors. He left Baqi K. as before in charge of the fort. He died in the beginning of Bahadur Shah's reign. He had many sons and and sons-in-Iaw.

out of his affection for her, came to the entertainment. Baqi K. obtained the rank of 3000, and from Baayuni's history it appears l that he died in the 30th year of the reign in Garba Katanga, which was his fief. BAQIR K. NAJM ANI. This family goes baCk to Var A~mad of Ispahan. He (Yar fi1'8t gained a name for rectitude and ability when he Wa8 in companionship with Mir Najm Gilani, the Vakilu-s-sultanat of Shah Ism'ail Safavi. When Amir Najm died, the Shah made over the bridle of' affairs to Yar Al).mad and gave him the title of Najm Sani (second star), and raised his rank above that Gf all the other officers.
A~mad)

Verse.

Najm ani who had no second in the two worlds. They say that his magnificence and grandeur \Vere such that nearly two hundred sheep wel'e daily used for his table (shilan) and that a thousand dishes of excellent food were his daily portion. On marches forty str.ings of cameIs carried his kitchen. In the Transoxiana campaign, though he was marchiog rapidly, thirteen silver ca1drons (deg) were used in cooking. When his magnificence and greatness had got to such a pitch, and he had become arrogantand proud, he was appointed to conquer Turan. The Shah sent him to assist Babur who had left that country oo account of the predominance of the Uzbegs, and had applied for aid to th*, Shah. Najm ani crossed the Oxus and set himself to commit massacre and rapioe. The Uzbeg p:dnces barricaded themselves in Ghajdawan and prepared for battle. The QizilbAsh officers, who were insincere and treacherous, prosecuted th.e siege nllgligently. Consequent,ly Amir Najm planted his foot firmly, and made great efforts and was made prisoner. In the year 918 (1512), Ubaidullah K. Uzbeg put him to death. TAey say that the fathe:r of Baqir K. wll'& for a time diwan of
l Badayiini, Lowe 351. It really was the 29th year: _ A.N. 436. date of his death was early in September, 1584. See alBo Blochmaan 381.

BAQI MUlJAMMAD KHAN. Foster-brother of Akbar and elder brother of Adham K. His mother was Maham Anaga, who was closely connected with the king (Akbar). At the time when the reins of power were in her hands she celebrated Baqi Khan's marriage, and the king
rupees, for he mentions both. weighed up to five hundred tolaB. So I suppose that the piecea meant are those whioh were etruok at coronations. eto., and distributed. The word urli , whioh the Maasir has added. means, I .upposa, acoumulations of these coins, or surpins remaining over aftl;lr distribution. An enormoU. gold piece, above 70 ounoes in weight, of Shah ahan's time is described in RichardT 80n's Dict. ed. 1806, under the word S;kka, by Sir Charles Wilkinll. The same or a similar eoin is figl1red in the J.A.S.B for January 1883, p. 2. It was a 200 rnohur piece. In the Maa~ir ttlxt there is a conjunction between urli -and gharibn8wiiz, but the Blochmann MS. has not this and it seems better away. A variant to the text omite it. Gharibnewiiz is perhaps used aa a synonym for the Arabic WOfd nil!iir, Mr. Gibbs points out that Tavernier mentions the distribution of large gold coins. The word tro.aziiin in text .means both treasures and treasuries. According to Abul F~I. Bloohmann. p. 14, Akbar had twelve separate treasuries. I The prince was not the heir, as his father was alive.

The

49

386

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMAltA.

387

Khurasan. By heaven's decree he underwent deprivation and Baqir K. came to India in great distress'. As he was a youth of merit he became enrolled among Akbar's servants and obtained the rank of 300. Some say that in the time of Jahangir he came from .Persia and that he was made a day-servant l and received the rank of 200 with 5 horse. By chance li..han Jahan Lodi came to court, and asked the king who the young mall was. Jahangir told the whole story of Najm ~ani:. ~han Jahan represented that it was a pity that with such a record his rank should be so small, and accordingly he was promoted to 900 with 30 horse. As his horoscope was fortunate they married him to the daughter of ~hadija '/. Begam the sister of Nur Jahan. Immediately the gates of power were thrown Qpen for him. He obta.ined a man"!ab of 2000 and the government of Multan with the faujdiiri of the '.AIam Khan 8 river. By his ability' and industry he produced great tranquillity and took presents (peshka8hhii) from the BiluCis, the Dudayan. fi and the Nahar. e who form another wQrld between Multan and Qandahar, and became possessed of much money and goods. Baqirabad-Multan was named after him. Jahangir out of great affection called him farzand "child." In the time when Shah Jahan was a prince, he became governor of Oudh. He .came with a well-equipped army to the Presence, and received praise and compliments. In the end of Jahangir's reign he was made governor of Orissa, and there too he distinguished himself. In the 4th 7 year of Shah Jahan he led an army to
l rW: malazamat. The Rouzinpar (riiz8nadiir) of Bernier. 'l She WB8 wife of J.Iakim Beg, Maa!!ir 1. 574.
fi Text 1:ll:!1,)~ Dudayan. Perbap8 the Dadi tribe is meant. 1.0. MB 628 has apparently Daud Khin. Diiidzai is named as a tribo in J-:-n. 402. 6 Variant Thar and so in 1.0. MS. Perhaps it should be Nild!ar, J. II. 402. More probably it is the N azhari or Tazhari tribe of Balllchistau mentioned in J. n. 337, and note. 7 It was the third year. Pidshahni ma I. 332, etc. See also id. 373, Elliot VII. 17.

8 Text !:JI!.. lib-i Alam IgIin. Apparently this is the Shah Alam river mentionedinI. G. XIV, 247. It is the southern brauch of the Kabul river.

rL: ,,:,'

J.(hairapara, two kos from Chhatardawar,l which is a defile between Orissa and Telang. and is so narrow that if a small body of musketeers or archers took possession of the pass it would be impossible to get through. On the other side of Khaira.pii.ra at the distance of four kos is the fort of Man~f1rgarha which Man~ilr, a slave of Qu.~bu-I-mulk, had buiJt and called by his own name. Baqir neglected nothing in the way of ravaging the country. When he came to the fort he fought bravely and defeated and drove off the enemy. When the garrison beheld his courage and vigour they got frightened and begged for quarter and delivered up the fort. He remained for a time in the province of Orissa. His father whose condition had been changed by his groot age and who lived with his son died there. In the 5th year on account of his behaving badly and unjustly to the inhabitants of Orissa he was removed ", and when he came to court in the 6th year he 'was made governor 3 of Gujarat. After that he was made governor of Allahabad, and there he died' in the lOth year and beginning of 1047 (1637). He was unequalled for courage and he was the first of his. age for military skill. He was deeply skilled in archery. Ja.hangir has written in his diary 5 that "One night. Baqir K. in my pregence placed a slender white glass in the light of a torch and made something of wax: of the size (qadr) of a fly's wing and stuck it on the (top of the?) glass. Above it he put a grain of rice and above that a pepper-corn (f'Ulful). With the first arrow he shot away the pepper, with the second the rice, and with the third the wax, without ever brushing the glass." They say that Baqir K. delighted much in bearing the sound of a trumpet, because Rustum used to listen to it; and he had a well-equipped orchestra (naubatkhiina). One day ~akim Ruknai ~
I Apparently it is the defile men tioned in the Tiizuk I, p. 302, by which Shah Jahan entered Orissa. i ibid., 430. I ibid., 451. ibid., Part II, pp. 274 and 295. , This apocryphal story is told in Price's ...ersion of the Memoirs, p. 113.

. Text ~l ,) ) ls' jI'"

IJO

az ~ardiini but

the 1.0. MS. No. 628 and alao Blochmann's MS. have awiiz-i-kardani, The report of his skill," and this SellIllS more probable.

Apparently the author of the Maasir or his son, considered the work auth~n: tic. Cf. Elliot VI. 279. The peppercorn w8sprobably " long pepper," i.e. a chiUi. The f1y's wing might be a butt4trfly's wing. The story is not in the authentic Memoirs. 4 Padshiihnima I, Part LI. 349.

388

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MA ASIR-UL-UMARA.

389

r
I

Kashi came to see him. The trumpet was sounded in his presence and the !.lakim said, e, Nawab Salamat, Hail to the Nawab: Rustum sometimes listened to the trumpet." Ba.qir K. was much skilled in prose and poetry and ~n calligraphy. He composed a diWiin. The following is an extract. (Seven li.nes follow.) M. Sabar .his eldest son , died in the beginning of his youth. ., The account of his second son Fakhir K.I has been separately given. BASALAT K. M. SULTAN N~R. He belonged to the Caghatai tribe of Arlat. His father M. Mu~ammad Yii.r waa a native of Balkh and came to India in the time of Shah Jahan, and was enrolled among the manl!abdiirs. M. Sultan N a~r was born in India and after coming to years of discretion obtained an office and attached himself to Mu\lammad A'?iim Sh~h. At last he was the prince's agent and remained at court. After the death of Aurangzeb, Mul.lltmmad A'?iimShah gave him the rank of 3000 and t.he title of ~alabat K. anq made him darogha of the diwan-i-khii.l? He was wounded in the battle with Bahadur Shah and fell upon the field. Afterwards he joined Bahadur Shah and received the title of Basalat K. and as made Bakhshi of the Risala (troop of cavalry} which was known by the name of Suitan 'Ali Tabar.' At the time of returning from the Deccan he was retired on its being found that the pay (of the soldiers) was left in arrear and 'that the men of the risala were in evil case. In the time of Jahandar Shah he was, by the exertions of Zu-I-Fiqar' K., confirmed in his manl!ab and former jagir. In the time of FarruJm. Siyar, I,Iusain' Ali K. remembered old associations and made him hakhshi of the force which had been appointed to chastise the Rajputs, and took him with him. Afterwards. in the march to the Deccan, he also accompanied I,Iusain' AliK. In the year 1167,1754, he was killed in the battle with Daud Pani near Burhanpur . and was buried in
Ethe, I.G. Cat. 858. Rieu II. 603a and li88R. His poetic,.\ name was MllBil:I. I do not see the point of his remark.
l. Maa~ir

his estate in the Sanwara quarter of that city. He was famed for his friendliness, and he was also very well spoken. His eldest son had the name of M. I,Iaidar. By the help of I,Iusain 'Ali he got his father's office of bakkshi. After the deaths of the SaiYlds he went into retirement. His second son, who was called by his father's title, was a companion of .A~af Jah. The WrI1ier has s.een him. He had two sons who are still living and who hold small offices and jagirs. (Q) BARKHURDAR.I (M. Khan '.Alam). Son of M. 'Abdu-r-Rahman Duldai whose a.ncestors long served the Timuride family. Ris forefathers had from the time of Timur been Amira, generation after generation. His ('Abdur-Ra\lman's) great grandfather Mir Shaq Malik was one of the great officers of Timur, and was always renowned for his rightmindedness and loyalty M. Barkhfirdar held up to the 40th year of Akbar's reign a manl?ab of 250. In the 44th year when Dalpat Ujjaini 2--who was one of the contumacieu8 in the provinee of Bihar-was released 8 from prison and obtained leave to return to his home, the Mir~a, out of revenge for his fathel"s having been kil1ed in battle with that landowner, fell upon Dalpat in the fields with some followers, but Dalpat escaped. Akbar ordered that the Mirza should be bound and sent to Dalpat, but this -was remitted at the intercession of some courtie1'8, and he was imprisoned. It chanced that he was much engaged in the service of Sultan Selim, and after the accession as he was much skilled in the duties of chief huntsman he was madeCh1ef Falconer (qitshbegi). In the 4th year he became known as Khan eAlam, and when in the 6th year 1020, 1611, Shah 'Abbas ~afaYi, the king of Persia, sent Yadgar 'Ali Sultan 'raHsh to offer condolences for the death of Akbar, and to congratulate Jahangir on his accession, ~han 'Alam was in the 8th year sent back with Yad gar Ali as envoy. As the Shah had gone to A~arbaijan to attack the Turks, ~han 'Alam was desired to stay for some time in Herat and Qum.
J

III. ,26.
~O

Household troop8. Cf. Irvine,

and 44,

B. 5\2 and 465. , Dalpat belonged to the Dum1'aon family.

A.N. III. 758.

,390
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391

~i

They say he had many men with hitn, viz. 200 falconers and huntsmen and 1000 of the trusted ,servants of the king, On account of his long stay he sent most of them back from Herat. In the year 1037,1627-28, when the Shah returned to Qazwln the capital, Ihhan Alam . who had with him 700 or 800 servants, arrived at the city with ten powerful elephants with gold and silver trappings, a number of beasts of prey, and war-horses, ~ird~, including birds that talked, Gujarat cattle, ornamented charlOts and palanquins. All the principal officers came ,mt to welcome him, and b~ought him to the S'aadatabad garden. Next day theShah had polo and tilting (qabaq andi.izi) in the S'aii.databad plain. Khan 'Alam paid his respects, and the Shah showed him much honour and obsetved that 'I- as between us and the noble king Jahanoir there is the relationship of brotherhood, and as he has called '"you brother, the brother of a brother is also a broth " _er. Thereupon he embraced him in brotherly fashion. Ihhan 'Alam wished to present one of the presents each day. The Shah wished to go to Mazandaran for zanqUlI hunting, which is specially practised in that country and for which the time was now passing. Accordingly he produced the special rarities on one day, and the other things were made over to the Biyuta.t (the housekeepingdepartment), in order that the Sha.h might inspect them gra.dually. The Shah was so captivated by his company that if it was all writttm down it would be taken to be exaggera.tion. In the exce.3s of his graciousness he used to call him Ja~ 'Alam (life of the world) and could not spend a moment without, him. If by day or night it chanced that he did not come, the Shah would "'ithout cere.. mony go to his quarters and show him still greater favour. One day 3 when he had taken leave of the Shah and made his quarters
l gardunhii. Is this a mistak! for the Karkadan (rhinoceros) of the 'Alam Arai? The same book speaks of deer as among the animals. , Shik'iir zangul. Zangiil means a bell or a rattJe, and th.. reference may be to the kind of nunt.ing called Ghantaharah, B. 292. The 'Alam Arai, Tehran ed.,p. 663., 32nd year of

reign, says it is a kind of boar-hunting, ahikar gur1iz. Can zangUl be connected with Latin singularis-Frepch sanglier? B Khifi K.I. 300. Perhaps t his refers t;- the day when Ig1an I Alam took his fir...l leave of the Shah and went outside of Ispahan . The apologies the Shah made were in case he had un-

outside of the city the Shah came to him on foot and made apologies. Certainly Ihhan 'Alam performelI his mission weU and spent much money and acquired a great name. Sikandar I Beg Munshi, the author of the' Alam Arai history, writes that he saw the pomp with which Khan 'Alam entered Qazwln, and that he heard from credible people that from the beginning of the f;!afavI dynasty no ambassador had come from India or Turkey with such splendour. Nor was it known if any had come so grandly in the time of the Khosroes or of the Kayanian dynasty. Ihhan' Alam returned from ;Persia in the beginning of the year 1029, 1620, which was the end of the 14th year of Jahangir and ai a time when the king was going for the first time to Kashmlr (as king). Ihhan 'Alam appeared then before the king in the town of Kalanuri and paid his respects. The king from excessive graciousness kept him for two days and nights in his own bedchamber and gave him his own blankets. As a reward for his having accomplished the embassy he raised him to the rank of 5000 with 3000 horse. It is strange that Shaikh 'Abdu-ll,1amld of Lahore has written in the Padishahnama ShahjahanI that lQJ.a:n 'Alam was wanting in cajolery and tact, and so did not conduct the embassy well. One does not understand why he has so written, and what his authority was. When the sovereignty came to Shah Jahan, Ihhan 'Alam was raised to the rank of 6000 with 5000 horse and received a flag and a drum, and was made governor of Bihar in succession to M. Rustum ~afavI. Ason account of excessive addiction to koknar (opium) he could not transact business, he was removed in the same year. In the 5th yea,r, end of 1041, 1632, when Shah Jahan returned to . Agra from Burhanpur, Khan 'Alam paid his respects. On account of his great age and his addiction to opium the King excused him from service, and allowed him a lac of rupees a year. He spent
intentionally failed in any of the duties of hospitality. Compal'o Tiizuk J. 284, etc. l Tuzuk:J. 285. ~ 'A1e.m Arai, account of 32nd year, p.662. As B. remarks 513, the author of the Padshahnama says ~hin 'Alam was a failwe as an ambauador. ~fi K. l. 299, :mo, says he did excellently.

,392
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I
!

393

his days with tranquillity and comfort in Agra, and died a natural death. He had no children. His brother M. e Abu-s-Subl).an was faujdal' of All&hab~d and did his duties well. Afterwards he W&s appointed to Kabul and was killed J in a, fight with the Afridis. His son Sherzad K. BahA.dur was full of courage. He fell in the battle of Sahindah fighting against Khan Jahan Lodi on the king's side. The author of the e ilam ArM writes 9. llhat li-hau 'Alam received from Jahangir the title of brother," but this is not mentioned in the Indian histories, nor is it commonly reported. But as the Shah mentioned this at the interview, as has been related above, it appears to be genuine for without inquiry the Shah would not have said such a thing. But God knows!
eC

(Rajah) BASU. He was the zamindar of Mau s and Pathan (Pathankot), which is a tract in the Bari Diia.b in the Panjab and near the northern hills. When the inevitable event (the death) of Humayiin disturbed the world, and the somnolent sedition~ awoke in every quarter, Sultan Sikandar Siir, who had crept into the defiles of the Panjab hills, and was watching for his opportunity, raised the head of rebellion. Bakht Mal, who was then the chief of thc tract, raised the head of influence, and was prominent in exciting sedition. He joined Sultan Sikandar and stroveto support him. Afterwards, in the 2nd year of Akbar, when Sikandar was besieged in the fort of Mankot , and the distressed condition of the garrison became more apparent every day, inasmuch as it is the way with most of the zamindars of India, toabandon the path of straightforwardness, and to watch every side and join whoever is the stronger and is being victorioult, Bakht Mal &cted in accordance with za.miudari wiles and joined the royal army. After the fort had been taken and Sultan Sikandar had withdrawn, and the city of Lahore had become the halting place of the imperial standards, although severity towards those who have come irr be not ap-

__

_~_----__~_-~---I------~__-

-------------_._--~~--

l B. 514. Tiizuk J. 158. This \Vas in Jahangir's time, 1025=1616, and when Khan Alam had been appoin ted ambB8S8dor to Penil'.

, 'Ajam Aiai 662, top line. S Jarrett II. 319.

proved of, even though they have yielded out of necessity, yet Bairam K. took into consideration hisseditious spirit, and judging it right to destroy him, put him to death, and appointed his brother Takht Mal in his room. When the proprietorship of the tra.ct came to Rajah Bisu, he always trod. the path of obedience, and performed good service. When Akbar, after the death of M' Mul).ammad I,Iakim and the taking possession of Afghanistan, perceived that the settlement of the Panjab was the important matter and fixed upon that province as his residence, Rajah Basf! from shortsightedness and foolish thoughts proceeded to be seditious. Ac?ordingly, in the 3lst year I,Iasan Beg 6baikh 'Umari was Sent against him. His orders were to puniah him if he did not listen to advice. When the royal army came to Pathan (Pathankot in Gurda.spur) the Rajah was roused from slumber by a letter from Rajah Todar Mal and came to court with I,Iasan Beg and submitted: Afterwards, in the 41st year he brought over many of the landholders to his side, and again became disobedient. Akbar gave Pii.than and its neighbourhood in fief to M. Rustum Qandahari and sent him off to chastise BaslI. A!jIaf K. was also sent with him to give assistance. But the two leaders did not act tog,ether and so the work wa1'3 not accomplished. M. Rustum was recalled and Jagat Singh, the soJi of Rajah Man Singh, was appointed. The royal servants made promises of working in harmony and addressed themselves to the task. They invested the fort of Mau, which was famous for its strength. and was Basu's residence. Fighting went on for two montha, and at last the fort was surrendered. In the 48th Ydar when news of his recalcitrancy was brought, another army was ordered against him. Jamil Beg, l the son of Taj K., was killed by his (Basu's) men. After that the Rajah attached himself to Prince Sultan Selim, in order that by his representations he might obtain pfl,rdon for his offences. Again he became turbulent, and in the 49th year, when the prince f(}r the second time submitted to his father, he came with him in the hopes of his intercession. But, on account of dread, he remained 9 bn the other side of the river. Before the
I
i

B. 457. Akbarnama III.

833.

Midhii

Singh was Raiab Min Singh'sbrother's son according to the statement thElre,

50

394

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

the prince had spoken for him, Akbar sent Mii.dhu Singh Kachwaha to seize him. He got news of this and fled. When Jaha.ngir came to the throne he received the rank of 3500. In the 6th year he was sent off to the Deccan, and in the 8th year he died,l i022, 1612. His sons were Rajah Suraj Mal and Rajah Jagat Singh. Both of them have been separately noticed. BAZ RAHADUR. His name was BayazId and he was son of Shuja' at, K. who was generally known in India as Sajawal K. When Sher Shah took Malwa from Malu K. who has known as Qadir Shah, he made Shuja/at, who was one of his officers and of his clan, the governor of that country. In the time of SelIm Shah he went to the Presence, and after ~ome time he became displeasedand went back to Malwa. SelIm Shah led an army against him, and he took refuge with the Rajah of Dungarpur. At last SelIm Shah summoned him to his presence by making promises and oaths, and kept him under surveillance , and distributed MaIwa among his officers. After that , in the time of 'AdlI he again got possession of MaIwa and wished to recite the khu~ba and to coin money in his own name. In the year 912, 1555, he died a natural death, and Baz Bahadur succeeded him. In 963, he defeated most of his opponents and hoisting the umbrella over his head recited the kl1U~ba in his own name He brought the whole of Malwa in subjection to himself and led an army against the extensive country of Garha. He was defeated by RanI Durgavati, who was the ruler of that country, and did not attempt to retrieve himself, but occupied himself in pleasure and dissipation. He let the foundation of his power go to the winds and waves, that is, he became so addicted to wine and music that he made no difference between night and day, and gave heed to nought except these two things. Physicians have prescribed wine according to fixed quantities and seasons with reference to the bodily frame and certain constibut it appears from Blochrnann 437 that Miidhii was Rajah Bhagwan Das's son and consequently Man Singh's brother. Jahangir also speaks of Madhii as being bis wife's brother. I Tiizuk 123., He died at Shah.bad in Rajputana.

"-iiiiiiiiii-===~"-""""-'-'"

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

395

tutions, and prudent and wise persons have sanctioned mu~ic at the time of care and melancholy-such a.s are produced by engrossment in worldly matters, with the Gbjec~ of recruiting the faculties, but ha...e not approved of making these two things the great objects of life and of ever sacrificing to them precious hours for which there is no exchange. Baz Bahadur who was himself the teacher of the age in music and melody, employed all his energies in collecting dancing girls (pataran). They were all famous over the world for music. The head of the troop was named Rupmati. They say that she was a "PadminI," I which is the first class of the four kinds of women, according to the division made by Hindu sages, that is, the class which is compounded of excellent qualitie!J. Baz Bahadur was wonderfully attached to her, and continua-lly wrate Hindi love-songs about her, and emptied his heart for her. Stories about their love and beauty are still upon poople's tongues. In the sixth year, 968, 1560-61, Adham K. and other officers were sent to conquer Malwa. Baz Bahadur had made a fortification two kOB distant from Sarangpiir, which was his capital, and he showed fight. His men were vexed and did not show alacrity. At last there waa a !ltubborn battle, and he was defeated. As he had left some trustworthy men with his women and dancing girls in order that if news of his defeat should arrive they should put them to death as is the custom of India, when his defeat was known, some were put to the sword, and a large number were wounded, and still had some flickerings of life, while others were yet untouched. The imperial army came to the city and there was not time to kill the rest. Adham K. got possession of everything and made search for RupmatI, who had been severely wounded. But when this news (" naghma" melody) came to her ears her fidelity grewardent and she quaffed the cup of poison and man{ully died for love of Ba.z Bahadur. When the government of Malwa was taken from Baz Baha) Padmini is incornparable for her beauty and good disposition, and is tall of stature. Her limbs are perfectly proportioned: her voice soft,
her speech graciolls though reserved, and her breath fragrant as the rose. She is chRste, and obedient to her husband. " Jarrett III. 243.

396

THE MAA8IR-UL-UK.ARA.

THE MAASm-UL-UMARA.

397

dur and given to :Pir Mul).ammad ShirwaD1, Baz Bahadur, who was wandering in the jungles between Khandee and Ma.lwa, collected an army and came forward to fight. He was again defeated by Pir Mul).ammad and took refuge with Miran Mubarak the ruler of Khandes, who gave him his army. On this occasion he again opposed Pir Muhammad, who after taking Bijagarh hastened off with a few men to plunder Burhanpur and was returning laden with booty. As fate would havE' it, Pir Mul.lammad was defeated; and in his Hight and confusion he was crossing the Narbada. He got separated from his horse and was drowned, and the fief-holders of Malwa lost heart and went off to Agra. Baz Bahadur again became securely possesed of Malwa. On hearing of this occurrence, 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, who was one of the great officers, was sent off along with a number of other officers, in the 7th year, to conquer the country. Ba.z Bahadur gave way before thfl arrival of the imperial army and fled. At the sound of the pursuit of the victoriaus army he threw himself into the mountain-defiles, and spent his days in wretchedness. For some time he went to Baharjl the landholder of Baglana, and from there he went to Gujarat to Cingez K. and Sher K. GujaratL After that he went to Ni~amu l-mulk in the Deccan, and being unsuccessful everywhere, he took refuge with Rana. Udai Singh. In the 15th year Akbar sent J:Iasan K. Khazanoi to make him hopeful of favour and to bring him into serviee. At first he received the rank of 1000, and finally got the rank of 2000 zat u 8awar (personal, and cavalry). Baz Bahadur and Riipmati both sleep l OD a ridge in the middle of the wide lake of Vjjain. BEBADAL KHAN SAIDAI GILANI. He was a good poet. He came to India in the time of Jahangir and became one of the king's servants, and was included in the list of poets. In the time of Shah Jahan he on aMount of his sagacity and skill received the title of Bebadal (Incomparable) Khan, and was for a long time darogha of the goldsmith's office
l Through th. kindne. of Captain Luard I have _rtained that if 'Bill Babiidur WAI ever buried be.ide

in the royal establishment. The jewelled throne-known by the name of the Peacock-throne-was finished by him in the course of seven years at the cost of a kror of rupis , or 333,000 tomans of Persia, or four krors of the khani coinage of Transoxiana. As a reward he was weighed against gold. In fact so valuable and adorned a th1'one was never seen in any other age or race, nor at the present day is there anything like it. Verse. No second to it has come to view However many side-glances l have been thrown. When by the revolutions of Time various kinds of costly jewels had been gathcred together in the royal jewelchamber, it occurred to Shah ,Jahan in the beginning of his reign that the sole object of collecting such eye-pleasing rarities was to add lustre to the sovereignty and therefore they should be so made use of that both sightseers might share the beauty of these product9 of the mine and ocean , and also that a fresh glory might be added to the . , Sultanate. After reserving the private jewels which were in the [emales' appartments, and which were of the value of two krors of rupees, it was ordered that jewels to the value of eighty-six lacs of rupees should be selected out of the jewels in the store-rooms, and which were nearly three krors of rupees in value, and made over to Bebadal ~han so that with them and one lac of tolaks of pure gold, corresponding to 250,000 mi.qals, the valne of which w~s fourteen lacs oi rupees, he might make a throne three and a quarter yards (gaz) long, two and a half yards broad and five yards high. The inside of the canopy was to be chiefly of enam'elled work and with a few jewels, but the outside was to be inlaidwith rubies and cornelians and the canopy was to be supported by twelve emerald-coloured pillars. On the top of the canopy there were two (1) peacocks made of jewels, and between every two (?) peacocks there was a dirakht (tree, the, bouquet of Tavernier) set with rubies, dia,monds, emeraids and pearls. In order to a.soend to the throne there was a stair of three steps which was adorned
l

Rupm.. ti, there i. nothing to show

the fact at pre_t. AJ;lwal. lit. "squints."

THE :\fAASIR-UL-UMARA.

399

398

THE: MA.A.StR-UIrUMARA.

with lustrous jewels. The middle one of the eleven jewelled balustrades (takhta) which went round the tl).rone in order to retain the pillows, and which is the one on which the king rests his arm, carried jewels worth ten lacs of rupees, and among them was a ruby I the price of which was one lac of rupees. Sh ah 'Abbas Safavi had sent it as a present to . Ja.hangir a.nd the latter had given it to Shah Jahan as areward for his conquest of the Decca.n. At first the names of Amir Timur, M. Shahrukh and M. Ulul.dJ, Beg were engraved on it. Afterwards when by the revolutions of Time it fell into the hands o~ the Sha~ (of Persia) he had his own name cut upon it. Jahangn had hIS Shah own name and that of Akbar engraved on it, and afterwards ~ , Jahan had his own name engraved on it. At the New \' ear s feast of the sth year, 3 Shawal 1044, 12 March 1635, he sate upon this incomparable throne. J:Ia:ji Mu~ammad K. Qudsi~ made the chronogram. _ A urang Shahinshah 'Adil. "The throne of the just Sha.hin-

Thou wilt last as long as God exists For substance is ever accompanied by its shadow. In the beginning of the reign of Aurangzeb the PeacockThrone was by orders of the reigning sovereign still more adorned by Amina at a cost of a hor of rupees. In the year Il52, 1739, when the great Shahinshah Nadir Shah filled the capital of Shahjahanabad with glory by his power, he took away the throne l from the kir:g of the time as part of the spoils of India.
REGLAH KHAN.

shah" 1043, 1633-34. h J He also wrote a ma~navi . ' of the throne, of wh' h t e m pr&l8e IC following is averse.
Verse. If Heaven approached to the throne-foot 1 It would give Sun and Moon as guerdon.

His name was S'aad' Ullah and he was the son of S'aid K.-l Caghatai of Akbar's time. He had all the advantages of an Amir's son. He was Jamed for personal beauty, the strength of his limbs, and pleasant speech. He surpassed his companions in skill in polo and in military aptitudes. In the lifetime of his father he ga.ineda name for reliability. II).the 46th year Akbar gave M. 'Aziz Koka's daughter in marriage to him. He had a lofty mind and behaved like a prince in matters of etiquette, and was always in quest of fame. When his father died he, though his rank was small, did not disrniss his father's servants. In the beginningS of
) For Tavernier's description see vol. II, pp. 241, 242, ed. 1676. He speaks of only one peacock. The account in the Maa!!ir is copied from the Pidshihnima l, Part II, pp. 78, etc. See the translation in Elliot VII. 45. This .translation has been useful to me, but the descr'iption is still somewhat obs~lUre. AccordiDg to Elliot's venion there were two peacocks on the top of each pillar. Though..Tavernier speaks of only one peacock, I think there were two for Bemier speaks of two, II. 53, ed. 1699. The peacockthroDe was first used at Agra. ID my father's History of India, II. 705, a representation is given of a jewelled peacook which was ODe of the ornaments of Tipu Sultan's throne. See also Keene's Delhi, p. 19. The total cost 01 the materials of the throne according to the Pidshihnima was a kror of rupees, that is one million sterling. TlWernier's account of the cost, p. 242, as stated by his inforrnants, is much greater and "presumably includea workmanship, etc. He saw it after Aurangzeb had spent an additional kror of rupet"s on it, but still two krors are far less than the 107 thousand Jacs mentioned by him. According to Beale, Bebadal is probably a sobriquet of the poetAhii l'alib Kalim. Elsewhere hc oalls Saidai Saidai Gilani and says his poetical name was BediJ. See pp. 106 and 344. Saidii is the MuHa Shaidi of Rlcu. Cat. III. 1083a and I. 251a. But if Shaidi lived tili 1080, 1669-70, he must have bean a very long-lived man. 2 B.331. B Tiizuk 96. It WIl8 in the 6th yelU'.

Bebadal K. also wrote 134 couplet!!, every firat line of t.wel ve coupleta gave the date of the king's birth, every firs~ Ime of the 32 f?llowing couplet.s gave the date of the AccessIon, and every first line of therl;lmaining ninety co~plets gave the ~ates of the ex edition from Agra to Kashmir whIch took place ~n 1043, p . d f th 'tt' on the peacock 1633-34 of the return to Agra, an o e Sl mg . throne.' The following famous quatrain is also a productIOn of Bebadal. Quatrain. That which was your throne majestic &ft heaven Was thl'l orna.eni of your justice over the world
See Tfizuk 202. A_ther raby wurth a lac il men~ioned ill J!!I&fi lt. I. 293.
I

~ .Rieu II. 6(8b and EtM' 845.

a riinamai. ullv.iling.

Present to a bride on

400

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

401

.Tahangir's reign he obtained the title of Nawazish K. When in the sth year, 1022, 1613 J Aj mere became the residence of J ahangir J it was perceived that the reItledy for the long-standing trouble of the Rana, which had not been brought to a conclusion, lay in appointipg Prince Shah Jahan to the task. Beglar K.l was his assistant. When U daipfir, the Rana's residence, was occupied by Shah Jahan, Nawazi@ K. and some other officers were sent to Kambhalmi:r, which was in the hill country, and there was such a want of grain that a 8~r of it could not be had for a rupee. An universe of men gave their lives for want of bread. At this time the ~han in his zeal and generosity shared his food every day with a hundred others. As he had no money, he sold his dishes of gold and sil ver and expended the proceeds. When dissension brake out between Jahangir and the heir-apparent, and love became hatred, and the dispositions of both parties were turned towaTds strife, the imperial retinue proceeded with a small force from Lahore in order to collect troops on arrival at Delhi. Nawazish K. also zealously came to the Presence from his fief in Oujarat and did horoage. As such times were tests of the jewel of loyalty, he was the recipient of a thousand congratulations and was the subject of favourH. He was appointed to accompany 'Abdullah K. who was in charge of the vanguard of the army. It happened that as soon as .the imperial army and Shah Jahan's men encountered one another, 'Abdullah K. in accordance with a secret treaty galloped off and joined the prince. Nawazish K. waB ignorant of what was beneath the surface and thought that the urging on of the horse was for purpose of battle. He and some other officers and followers fought bravely and acquired fame for courage. He became more and more an object of favour and received the title of Beglar K. He obtained the taujdar~ and the fief of Sorath and Junagarh, the rank of 2000~ with 2500 horse, and hoisted the flag of glory. He stayed long in that country with honour and respect, and after the accession of Shah Jahan
I In the 8th year he got an increalle of !iOO horse so that his rank became 2000 personal and horse. TU1:uk J.
i In the 15th year of j ahangir he obtained the rank of 3000 with 2000

though he received all increase of 100D zat yet in the same year he was removed, and in the third year, 1039, 1630, he died. He was buried in Sirhind in his father's tomb. After him. none of his family became distinguished.
J

(RAJAH) BETHAL DASGAUR .They sa~ th~t formerly Marwar and Meywar wer-e in the pos seSSIon of thIS tnbe (the Gaur tribe) before they came to be held by the Rathor and Sisodia tribe!!. After the latter became victorious, several parganas of those districts remained in the possession of the Gaur tribe. Bethai Das was the second son of Rajah Gopa.I Das Gaur who, at the time of the return of SultanKharram from Be~gal and of his coming to Burhanpur, was governor of the fort of Asir. After that the prince summo~ed him to his presence and put Sirdar K. in his place. At the siege of Tatta he with his son and heir :Balaram bravely saorificed their lives. Bethai Das came from his home to Junair, and entered into service. After Shah Jahan had &.Scended the throne he obtained the rank of 3000 with 1500 horse, the title of Raj ah , a flag and a horse with a gilded saddle, an elephant, and a present of Rs. 30,000. Afterwards, he was sent under ~ha.n Jahan Lod! to chastise Jujhar Singh Bandi:la. In the 2nd year he was sent off, along with KhwAja Abfi-l-~a.san; in pursuit of ~_han Jahan Lodi:. In the keenness of his zeal he did not wait for the cOD;lmander but went off like a whirlwind. Near Dholpfir he oame up with Khan Jahan and engaged him. After the manner of the Rajputs he dismounted andbehaved with gallantry, and received several wounds. As a reward, he received an increase of 500 horse, and the present of a drum: ln the third year, when the king came to the Deccan and sent three arniies, under three leaders, to chastise Khan Jahan Lodi and to devastate the country of Nizamu-I-mulk he wu sent off along with Rajah Gaj Singh, and did '~ood 8ervic~ in the battle against Khan Jahan Lod!. As his a.nd his father's fidelity had been witnesse by the king, aad he was desirous of becoming the governor of a fort-without which the title of Raj~h did not carry influence-he was made 51

h01'l1l'l.

116.

402

THE MAASIR-UL-U'MARA. 'l'rtE MAASIR-UI.-liMARA.

403

governor of the fort of Ranthambur in place of Khan Cela. In the sixth year he was made faujdar of Ajmere in succession to M. Moza-ffar Kirmani. Afterwards, he was appointed to the Deccan in ~ttendance on Prince Mul).ammad Shuja.' and did good service at the siege of Parenda. As the fort could not be taken, and the prince was summoned to court, he in the 8th year, after coming to court, was sent to Ajmere. In the 9th year, when the king came to the Deccan and sent three armies under three leaders to chastise Sahii Bhonsla, he was placed in the contingent of Khan Dauran When out of great liberality, the country of Dhandera had been given to his brother's son Siv Ram, and the latter had gone with a body of troops and driven out Indarman the zamindar .. the said zamindar collected a force and retook the territory from Siv Ram. Thereupon, in the tentih year, the Rajah was sent with a force-of which the leader was Mut'amid K.-to set the territory free. After he came there, he erected batteries over against the fort of Sehra. The zamindar got hard pressed and waited upon Mut'amid K., and the Rajah came to court and received the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse and the territory of Dhandera as his home. In the llth year when the king was going to Lahore, he was made the governor of the fort of Agra. In the 12th year, he, by orders, conveyed treasure from Agra to Delhi. In the 14th year he, on the death of Wazir K., was left in charge of Agra, and in government of the fort. In the 16th year, after the arrival of the royal retinue at Agra, he received the rank of 5000, with 3000 horse, and in the 19th year his rank WII-S 5000 with 4000 horse. He was now sent in the vanguard of Prince Murad Bakh!ill to ~ake Balkh and Bada~.bshan. After Balkh was taken, when the Prince became discontented and returned to court, and S'aad UlIah K. went off to settle the country, he in the 20th year came to court with the persons left behind by Na~r Mul).ammad. In the 21st year, when the king entered the newly-erected buildings of Shahjahanabad, his rank was 5000 with 5000 ca-valry of which 1000 were two-horse, and three-horse, and was appointed to Kabul. In the 22nd year he came to court and another 1000 of the cavalry of his contingent were made two-horse and three-horse. In company with

Prince Aurangzeb he distinguished himself in the battle with the Persians, which took place during the siege of Qandahar. When the fort could not be taken, he came with the prince to court in the 23rd year. He obtained leave to go home, and he died there in 1061, 1651. As he was noted for his fidelity and loyalty, the kinggrieved for .his death, and favoured those whom he had left behind. His eldesL son was Rajah Anurudha,l of whom a separate account'has been given. The second was Arjan who became known to Shah Jahan during his father' s lifetime. On the day when Rao Amar Singh ki1led l;lalabat K. in the king's presence, he behaved bravely and struck Amar Singh twice with his sword. In the 19th year he was appointed with Prince Murad Bakhsh to the Balkh campaign. In the 21st year his rank was 1000 with 700' horse, and in the 22nd year he had an increase of toO hOl"3e, and in the 25th year, aftel' his father's death, he had an increase of 500 with 700 horse and was appointed to Qandahar in attendance on the prince. In the 32nd year he accompanied Maharajah Jaswant Singh to check the advance of the Decca.n army, and was appointed to Malwa. In the battle which took place between the Maharajah and Prince Aurangzeb near Ujjain, Arjah behaved bravely and sacrificedhis life. The third son was Bhim, who af.ter his father's death received a proper rank and who fought well at the battle of Samogarha on the side of Dara Shikoh and came near the qur of Prince Aurangzeb, and was killed. The fourth was Harjas, who entered into service in the time of Aurangzeb. After the Rajah s death the ten lacs of rupees which he had left were divided as follows', six lacs , and also goods, to Rajah Anuriidha, thfee laos to Arjan, Rs. 60,000 to Bhim, and Rs. 40,000 to Harjas. Girdhar pas the younger brother of the Rajah was, in the 9th year of Shah Jahan-, after the killing of Jujhar Singh Bandila and the capture of the fort of Jhansi, made governor thereof. In the 15th year he had the rank of 1000 with 400 horse, and in the 22nd year he had an increase of 1000 horse. After the Rajah's death his rank wa.s 1500 with 1200 horse. He was appointed to the siege of Qandahar and in the 29th year he

Maa!!ir II. 276.

404

'fHE 'MAASJR-UL-UMARA.

'DRE MAASlR-UL-UMARA.

405

was made goverpor of the fort of Agra in succession to Siyadat K., and had the rank of 2000 with 1200 horse. In the 30th year he was made faujdar thereof in addition to his governorshipand had an inetease in his contingent of 800 horse. In the battle of Samogarha he was .in Dara Shikoh's vanguard, but it appears from the' Alamgirnama that he was also actively employed during the reign of Auraog~eb. (RAJAH) BHAGWANT DAS. l Son of Rajah Bihara Mal Kll.chwaha. He distinguished him self at the battle of Sarna) in 980, 1572, when Akbar after the Elonquest of Gujarat made an onset with 100 troopers on Ibrahim ~usain Mirza. He was rewarded with a flag and a drum. He also did good service in the nine days' expedition to Gujarat and thereafter was sent by way of Idar to the Rana's country, in order that he might put down the rehels there. The Rajah brought aJI the landownera of Budhnagar and Idar into the highway of good service, and had an interview with Rana Kika and brought his son Amr Singh to court. In the 23rd year, when the jagira of the Kachwaha family were placed in the Panjab,the R~ah was' made governor of that province. In the 29th year hiS daughter was married to Prince Selim (Jahangir).
Ghronogmm.

Rajah was made a panjhazari, and in the year in which Kunwar Man Singh was appointed to the Yiisufzai affair. the Rajah was made governor of Afghanistan. He formed some unfitting desires and the king recalled him. The Rajah repented and had recourse to entreaties, and his apology was admitted. But when he crossed the Indus and came to ~}lairabad he was seized with madness , and they brought him back to Attock. A physician was feeling his pulse, and the Rajah drew his (the physician's) dagger and stabbed himself. The king's physicians were app'ointed to treat him, and afte.' a long while they cured hiqJ.. In the 32nd year he and his tribe had a jagir in Bihar, and Kunwar Man Singh was sent to look after that country. In the beginning l of 998, 1589, he died in Lahore. They say that when Rajah Todar Mal was cremated , he was present. When he came to his house he vomited ~ and had an attack of strangury. After five days he died. One of his good works was the building of a Jama' 8 masjid in Lahore where many men collect and sav their prayers on Fridays. (RAO) BH!O SINGH HARA. Son of SatI' Sal who had a place in Dara Shikoh's vanguard at the battle of Samogarh, and bravely lost his life. Bhao 4 Singh in the first year of Aurangzeb came from his home to court, and did homage. He received the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse , the gift of a flag and a drum, and the title of Rao with the zamindari of Bundi, etc. which had belonged to his ancestors, In the battle with Shuja' he was appointed to the king's artillery which was in front. When Shuja' had fled, he, in company witu Prince Mul,1ammad Sultan, was appointed to pursue him. Afterwards, when the prince'8 army had passed Birbhum 5 on the way to Bengal,
I Apparently both officers must have died in the end of 997. for Akbar got the news at Kabul in that year or very early in 998. ~ A.N. III. 570. 1'he word is isttarag! and perhaps it mellns .. overst,rained himself," 8 The Jm'a Mosque in Lah,ore W8ll buiH by Aurang~b in 1674. It

The Moon and Venus were conjoined. (993) Akbar personally went to the Rajah's quarters, and the latter gave a splendid feast, and produced the bridal present and tribute which came to a large sum. They say there were strings of Persia.n.. Arab, Turkish, and Cutch horses, together with 10()elephants,and many male and female slaves, Abyssinian, Circas8ian and Indian. The dow-er was two krors of ~upees.1I The king and prince were conveyed in litters, and on the whole road ~are cloths were spread. In the year 995 (on the 4th August 1587), Sultan ~pusrau was born of this marriage. In thc 30th veq,r the ,

B.333 The T A.. and' Badayuni say it was tankaa. i.e: diiftl8..

Booms unlikely that Bhagwiin would build" mosque. He erected a famous temple to Hari Dev at Mathur, Growse, 304. 4 'Alamgirnii:ma 231. Satr Sal is the Chuttar Siil of Tod who describes his death in battle. 5 'Alamgirniima 498. The RajputB left becau~ they had heard false

406

THH MAASm-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

4:07

Bhao Singh left the prince without leave and returned. He was appointed to the Deccan, and in the third year in company with Shaista K. the Amiru-I-umara he was engaged in the siege of the fort of Islamabad l or Cakna, which had been constructed by l\falik'u-t-tajar the general of (Alau-d-din A~mad Shah Bahrnani, who had heen appointed to conquel' the Kankan. The garrison fell into difficulties, and by BhaoSingh's intervention made over the fort. Afterwal'ds when Shaista K. was removed from the Deccan, and l\Iaharajah Jaswant Singh stayed in that quarter to punish Siva, Bhao Singh also remained with him. As Rao Bhao's sister was married to the Maharajah, the latter sent for her from her native country in order that she might make friendship between them, but Rao Bhao Singh was faithful to his salt and did not agree. After the arrival of MIrza Rajah Jai Singh at the Deccan, he made campaigns along with him. In the 9th year he went with DiHer K. against the zamindar of Chanda 2 (in the Central Provinces). From the Naskha Dil Kusha 8 it appears that he was for a long time in Aurangabad. He had formed an intimacy with Sultan Mu~ammad M'ua~~am. In the 2lst year corresponding to l088,~ he died. As he had no sons, the rule of his native country fell to the grandson 5 of his brother Bhagwant Singh, who wag called Anurudha Singh and was son of the Kishn Singh whom Sultan
reports about the result of the battle of Ajmer with Da,aShikoh. Atp.496 of the 'Alamgirnama mention is made of one KamEiI Afghan the zamindar of Birbhulll. This would seem to indicate that the Rangal Rirbliiim was meant. for an Afghan family did get possession of that zamindari about 1600. See Hunter's Rural Annals of Benga,l. App. F., whore II Kamal K. is mentioned. At p. 496 of the 'AJam girnama Birbhum is spoken of as a village and at 458 as a station. Apparently the geography of the 'Alamgirnama is vague. Mir J urnla did try to take Shuja' in the rear by marching via Bishanpur etc. See Steward 's Bengal, 269. The raiM obliged Mir Jumla to retum to Rajmal;1al. Perhaps the defection of the Rajputs also contributed to this. l Elliot VIJ. 262. 2 'Alamgirniima 1023. 5 Rieu's Cat. r. 271a. It is a book of historical memoirs relating to the Decean, and was translated by J onathan Scott, and published under the title of a " Journal kept by a Bondela officer." Tha author was Bhim Sen Kayath. ~ 1677. Tod sfLys he died in 1682 in Aurangaba1. 6 The Maair A. calls Anurudha grandson of Bh1io. p. 227. But Tod agrees with the Maa!!ir Umara, which perhaps he hag copied.

Muhammad Akbar had summoned when he was governor of Ujjain, and' who had been killed I with a dagger on account ofinsolence. After his death hiB son Budha Singh was raised to the leadership, and was for a long time in the contingent of Bahadur Shah in Kabul. When after the death of Aurangzeb there was disagreement between Bahadur Shah and A '?!im Shah and the former was victorious, he received the title of Ram Rajah, a man~ab of 3500 and the zamindari of Mumidana,9. and Kotah-whih (Kotah) belonged to Ram Singh the grandson of Madhu Singh Hara, who had been killed along with A'?!im Shah. There arose a quarrel between him and BhIm Singh his (Ram Singh's) son. After his death, his soh Umed Singh for a time ruled and then left the property to his sons. At the time of writing Kishn Singh 8 his grandson holds the property. (RAJAH) BHARATHA BANDILA. Grahdson of Ram Cand who was (the elder) son of Rajah Madhukar. As Jahangir had a special regard for Bir Singh Deo, in the end of the year of his accession, 'Abdullah K. went' rapidly from his fief of Kalpi on the day of the DUBserah to Undchah (Oorcha), and arrested Ram Cand, who in that rugged place was showing the appearance of aedition, and produced him before the king, in chains, in the second year. The king removed his chains and gave him a robe of honour and made him over to Rajah Basu who was to take security from him and let him go. From that day Undchah belonged to Rajah Bir Singh Deo. In the fourth year Ram Cand's daughter 6 entered the royal harem, at his request. When he died, his grandson Bharatha received in the seventh year a suitable rank and the title of Rajah. After the presumption which Mahabat K. showed on the bank of the Bihat (Jhelam) and his subsequent flight to the Rana's country,
IMaasir A. 161. which 88YS that a quarrel ;~ose at the time of putting on the robe of honour. and that Kishn Singh killed hime\f. This was in 1088. 1677. Tod in his account of Bundi aays Kishn was put to deBt,h by Aurangzeb. \! J. II. 275.

s Called by Tod Bishn Singh. Tuzuk J. 39. where Ram Cand is called the 80n of Nand Kuor (N ankiimar). Abdullah reached Undchah on the Du_rah day. See also fl. 487-88. Bir Singh 11'88 R1im Cand's youpger brother. 5 Tiizuk J. 77.

408

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAA.81R-UL-UMARA.

409

BharQ,tha l was one of the officers whom Jahangir appointed to pursue him, and who halted at Ajmere. Meanwhile the aspect of circumstances cha.nged. Jahangir departed to another world, and the standard of Shah Jahan brightened Ajmere. Bharatha hastened to serve him and received an increase of 500 trQopers so that his rank became' one of 3000 with 2500 horse, and he had the gift of a flag and a horse. In the first year he became 8 faujdar of Etawah and its neighbourhood-which was crown land -and after some time had' the present of a drum. In the second year he went with Khwaja Abul-l).asan in pursuit of ~han Jahan. LodI, and in the third year was appointed, along with Rao Ratan Hada, to conquer Telingana.. Afterwards, he had an increase of 500 horse and did good service, along with Na~IrI K.,I in the siege of Qandhar in the Deccan. When the garrison got into difficulties, they, at his recommendation, Burrendered. 6 In the fourth year he came to court and received an increase of 500 zlit and had alto~ gether the rank of 3500 with 3000 horse. Afterwards he was appointed to guard the borders of Telingana. In the 6th year he took the town of Waklur 8 (1) together with the family of Bola, who, along with SIdhI MiftaJ:!, held the town on behalf of the rulers of the Deccan. When this news reached Shah Jahan, he raised his rank to 4000 with 3500 horse. In the 7th year, when the court was at Lahore, the news came 7 that the Rajah had died in the year 1043, 1633-34, in Telingana. His son was Rajah Deb Singh of whom an account has been given. (RAl) BH9J.8 Younger son of Rai Surjan Hada (pronounced Hara). When his father attached himself to Akbar, he too always did good ser~ice, and was the object of special favour. In the 22nd year of the reign the fort of BundI Was taken from Duda his elder brother and given to him. After that, he was for a long time
Paushiihniima 1. 82. Do. 120. 3 Do. 191. 'Do. 229. 6 Piidshiihnlima, 377.
l

included ID the contingent of Kunwar Man Singh and did brave deeds in the batties with the Afgha.nsof Orissa. Afterwards he was appointed to the Deccan along with S. Abu-l-fa~l, and always distinguished himself. After Jahangir's accession, the king desired to marry the daughter of Jagat Singh, the 80n of Rajah MAn Singh. Rai Bhoj, who was the maternai grandfather of the lady, objected,and this displeased Jahangir, who resolved to punish him on his return from KabuL In the same year, which was the second of the mign, and correeponded to 1016, 1607, he loosed l the thread of his life (committed suicide Up to the 40th year of Akbar's reign he held the rank of 1000. They say that the daughters of the Rahtor and Kachwa.ha families have entered the harem of the house of Timur, but that the Hada tribe has never consentedto such an alliance

(RA.JAH) .BIH.ARA MAL.' Son of PrithI raj Kach~aha. In this tribe there are tw~ sections-Rajawat and Shaikbawat. Bibara Mal belonged to the Rajs.wat sectlon, and was settled at 'Amber, which is a dependency of Ajmere and is east 3 of Mlirwar. Though it is inferior to Marwir in extent, it is superior in productiveness. He was the first Rajput who entered into Akbar's service. After the death of Humayun, when disturbances arose on every side, ~ajI K., a slave of Sher Khan, also became seditious and besieged Narnaul which was in the fief of Majnun K. Qa.qshal. The Raja at that time was friendly with him, and from goodness and right-thinking he in"terposed and took amicable possession of the fort, and procured an honourable departure for Majnun. .\Iter Hemu had been .81~in, and tbe report of Akbar's fortune had become current, Majnun QaqshaI represented the choice fidelity of the Rajah, and an order
I B. Lc. says he committed suicide. Tod in his chapter on the Annals of Haravati (reprint II 521) Stloy8 Rai Bhoj died in his palace at Bundi, btlt does not Ay he committed suicide. The expression in the M.asir is ambiguous. Rai Bhoj 's grand:daughter maniad to J ahanglr in the third

It is Dikliir in Piidshiihniima 1.

534.
7 Piidshihnima

I Part II, p. 13.

a B. 458.

.ea

year, 1608, 'rii?:uk J. 69. Rai Bhoj hlld a d~tjnguishcd son, RiLo Ratn, who reoeived the title of Sarbuland Rai. See M06ir U. JI. 208. , B. 328, where the naru" is spelt Bihiiri. 8 Text has "west." . Probably thir i. a printer'. error.

52

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - . . . : . -..........~'-"'-~= ..... --===."..,...... . --------.."',. -,....-.. -iiii ..

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

411

410

THE M:AASIR-UL-UMARA.

was sent for his appearance. The Rajah paid his respects in the end of the first year. On the day of taking leave, when the Rajah and his sons and other relativ~s had been clothed in robes of honour and presented, the king mounted on a furiaus (mast) elephant. As the elephant was furiously moving from side to side, the people everywhere dispersed, but when it ran to where the Rajputs were, they stood still. This pleased Akbar greatly, and he graciously said to the Rajah that he would cherish him. In the sixth year. when Akbar was proceeding to Ajmerc to visit M'uinu-ddln's shrine, it was represented to him in the village of Kalali by Caghatai K. that Rajah Rihara Mal-who ~as'; distinguished for intelligence and courage, and who had waited upon him in Delhi-had become apprehensive and taken refuge in the hills because M. Sharfu-d-dln J:!usa,in the governor of Ajmere had, at the instiga tion of Suja the son' of the Rajah's e1der brother Puran Mal, led an army and had fixed a sum of money as tribute, and had sei2;ed Jagnath the son of the Rajah, Raj Singh the son of Askaran, and Kangar the son of Jagmal, who were the brother's sons of the Rajah, and wanted to seize' Amber which was the Rajah's ancestral reski.clnce. From appreciation of his merit the king sent for him, and his brother Rupal appeared at the station of Dt30sah along with Jai Mal his son, who was the headman in that neighbourhood , and did homage. In the town of Sanganlr the RaJah himself appeared with moat of his relatives and' was graciously received. The Rajah, from his good sense and foresight, wie-hed to emerge from the crowd of landowners and to be enrolled among the special intimates of the court, and so expressed a de~ sire that his daughter might enter the Harem. The king assented , and the Rajah took leave to accomplish this affair, and at the time of Akhar's return he sent his daughter, with all ceremany, to the royal ,palace at the station of Sambhar. He himself, his son Bhagwant Das, and Kunwar Man Singh the son arthe latter, waited on the king at the station of Ratan. 1 Akbar honoured
I This apparently should be Rantanbhur. Man Singh was only the adopted Bon of ,Bhagwant. Bihara Mal's daughter became the mother

him more than all the' other Rajahs and Rais of India and hestowed high dignities and offices on his sons and grandsom and on his tribesmen and made them the pillars of India. The Rajah was raised to the rank of. 5000 and dismissed to his home, while Rajah Bhagwant Das an Kunwar Man Singh together with many of his other relatives attended the king to Agra, and rose by degrees to high honour. t (RAJAH) BIKRAMAJIT.2 His name was PatI' Das and he was a Khatri: hy caste. At first he was accountant of the elephant-stables of Akbar. He received the title of Rai Rayan, and afterwards attained to high rank. In the 12th year at the siege of Citur he, along with J:!a,,:an K. Cagatai, looked after the royal battery. In the 24th year he was made diwan of Bengal in partnership with MIr Adham. In the 25th ye.'l,r when the rehels killed MO?iaffar K. and imprisoned PatI' Das, he cleverly manag~d to escape, and was for some time afterwards employed in the province. In the 31st year he was made diwan of Bihar. In the 38thyear he was sent off to take the fort of Bandhu-which was one of the strong forts of the age, and where, on the death of Ram Cand Bagh'ila and his son, the men of the place had set up the grandson who was of tender age After besieging it for eight months and twenty-five days the garrison surrendered from want of food, and the fort was taken. In the 43rd,. year he was made Chief Diwan,B and next year he was removed from that post and sent off to the fort of Bandhu. In the 46th year he received the rank of 3000. In the 47th year, when the slaying of S Abu-I-fa~l by Bir Singh Band'ila was reported to Akbar, an order was given that PatI' Das should exert himself to extirpate that evil-doer, and not give up until he sent his head He in repeated comhats fought bravely and
of Jahangir For account of the marriage, e~c. see A.N. II, p. 240, etc, of translation. I It would seem that Bihiira Mal died about 1569. for in 1570 amonu' ment was erected !lot Mathurii, to the memory of his widow who committed Sati. GroWSl', Mathura 148. Therl' is also a temple at Mathura to Hari Dovi which was erected by Rajah BhagWRll Das. do. 304.
~

B. 469.

A.N. Itl. 741 and 758.

412

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

413

defeated Bir Singh, and when the latter took refuge in the fort of trij Pa-tr Das proceeded. to invest it. When Bir Singh made a breach in the wall of the fort and came out, the Rajah followed him tilI at last he escaped into the jungle In the 47th year the Raj~h came to court according to orders and kisseO the sublime threshold. In the 49th l year he received the rank of 5000 and the ti.le of Rajah Bikramajit. After the accession of Jahangir he was chief officer of the artillery and was ordered to collect 50,000 artillerymen (1) Fifteen lt parganas were assigned in tankhwah for the expenses When the disturbance caused by Mo~affar Gujarati's sons 3 and the slaying of Yatim Bahadur in Gujarat were reported, he was sent there with a large force, and an order was given that he should appoint officers, from among those who appeared before him at A\1madabad, to the rank of yiizbashi (centurion), or if they had held higher commands he was to report the circumstances in detail. The year of his d~ath does not appear.' (RAJAH) BIKRAMAJIT RAl RAYAN. He was a brahman, and his name was Sundar 6 Das. He was a writer in the service of Prince Shah Jahan, and for his uprightness and zeal he was made Mir Saman (ma.jor domo). On account of his high spirit and lofty nature he was raised from the ~n to the sword. In the affair of the Rana he attacked with a gaUant army the country of the latter and devastated it, and killed many and made many prisoners. By his inst.rl1mentalitv the Rana subl Jahangirin the Tiizuk, p. 9, speaks of having conferred the title on him. His father, he says, had made him Rai Rayin. He was to collect 60,000 artillerymen (topcis) and 3000 guncarriages. II Cf. Price's Jahaogir, 28. The Tiizuk, p. lO, doe. not mention the 15 parganas. 8 The Tiizuk J. speaks of one IlOn, and of the death of Yatim Bahadur in the first year. see p 23. Yatim ill there called Pim. The .Maa\lir has the variant Talim. There is no mention of Yiizbiishis etc. in the authentic Tiizuk. Perhaps the permission to appoint ~i. 11'811 a consequence of the former order for collecting 50,000 ~unn.erl. The Mirit A~madi lit.h., p. 192, ny. M~atJar Gujarati left two BODil and two dall8h.

j
.ir

mittad and waited upon the Prince. In return for this good service Rai Sundar Das had an increase of rank, and the title of Rai Rayan. When tbe Prince left for the first time for the business of the Deccan he sent him along with Af~al K. to give counsel to Ibrahim'!dil Shah of Bijapiir. He transacted that affair in a proper manner and obtained fifteen lacs of rupis of tribute With two la08 of rupis which 'AdU Shah had given to himself he purchased at Goa a ruby weighing 7 mi~qiils, 5! 8urM8, and which was unrivalled for colour and water, and presented it to the Prince at the time of paying his respects. The Prince made it the head of his own present to his father, and the Rajab had an increase of rank and the title of Rajah J Bikramajit, which is the.highest honour in India When in the end 1026 (1617) Gujarat was assigned to the Prince as his fief, the Rajah was appointed to the charge of it as his deputy. He lcd an army against the Jam and the Bihara, who are the principallandholders of tbe province. The territorv of the first of these is bounded on one side by Sorath, and on the other by the ocean. The other is on the seashore and marches with Scinde. Both landholders are men of substance, and who ever holds the properties is styled the Jam, and the Bihara. Up to this time they had never waited upon any king. By the Rajah's dexterity they became obedient, and did homage to Jahangir in A\1madabad. When Siiraj Mal, the son of Rajah BAsii, who had been appointed to take the fort of Kangra, beca-me treacherous and rebellious, the Rajah waa sent in the end of the 13th year with an army consisting of the Prince's servants, and also of Jahangir's, viz. Shahbaz K. Ladi and others, to take that inaccessible asylum, which no Delhi sovereign had hitherto thrown his lasso over. He first addressed himself to the putting down of Siiraj Mal. After a short struggle he put him to flight, and won the forts of Mau and Mahari which was Siiraj Mal's residence. In reward for this he was given drums. In the 16th year, 1029, 1620, he was sent to besiege Kangra, the city of which is called Nagarkot. He pressed hard upon the besieged and in the beginning of 1030,1621,
I

ter.
t Jahangir, Tiizuk translation, p. 104, speaks of a son named Kalvan whom he severely punished. 6 He was a native of Bandhii, i.e. Binda, in the Allahabad Division. Tiizuk tranll~tien. 325.

TilzuJ< J. translation, p. 402.

----414
THE l\1AA8IR-UL-UMARA.

-'

_.------

THE MAASIR-UL-UMA.RA.

415

they after a siege of fourteen months and odd days sucd for quarter and surrendered the fort. The fort is famous for it.s strength. It lies in the hill-country north of Lahore The belief of the landholders of the Panjab i~ that no one but God knows when it was buHt. During all this time it had never passed out of the hands of one tribe. No stranger's hand had ruled over it. Among Mul:tammadan Sultans, Sultan Flruz Shah went with all his grandeur to take it. When he found that this was impossible, J he had to be content with an intel view with the Rajah of it, and to withdraw his hand. They say that the Rajah took the Sultan and a number of his followers inside the fort to a feast. The Sultan said to the Rajah that it was indiscreet to introduce him to the fort: if he and his followers were now to attack him, what could he do 1 The .Rajah made a sign to his men, and immediately crowds upon crowds of armed men came out of ambushes. The Sultan became apprehensive,-but the Rajah represented that nothing hut ohedience was in his mind, hut still it was right to take precautions. No Delhi Sultan had ever succeeded after this in taking the fort. Akbar, with all his appetite for conquest, and length of reign, did not 8ucceed in taking Kangra, though the country adjoined his dominions. Once when the Rajah of it had become an object of censure, Akbar made over the country to Rajah Birbar and appointed an army under I,Iusain Qull K. I5,.han .Tahan, the governor of the Panjab. While he was pressing the siege, there arose the rebellion of Ibrahim I,Iusain Mirza. The li.-han Jahan was compelled to make peace with the Rajah and to go after Ibrahim. After that, Rajah Jai Chand, the lord oJ the fort, showed proper respect for the emperor by continually sending tribute, and doing homage. In the b~ginning of the 26th year, 990, 1582, when Akbar was marching towards the Indus, he went to see the wonders of the temple of Nagarkot~, which has from old time been a place of pilgrimage. At the first stage Rajab Jal Chand did homage.
I According to Shams Siriij's history. 188, ihe Bosjlili surrendered the fort. See also Elliot III, 317.

When Akbar halted for the night at the town of Desuha, which was in Rajah Bit Bar's fief, the spiritual form,' of which strange stories are told, appeared to him in a dream. She rehearsed the greatnessof the emperor, but warned him against his intentio~. In the morning he related his dream and turned back. HIS fo)lowers, who had been wearied by the diffioulties of the roa.d, and the ruggedness of the defiles, but had been afraid to make any remonstrance, were greaUy delighted at ~is change of plan. When Jahangir came to the throne he resolved to take Kangra and in the first place sent Sb1tiIill Farid Murtaz;a K" who was the governor of the Panjab, to take it. He died before he had accomplished the task, and Rajah Suraj Mal was appointed to the undertaking. As everything has its appointed time, that scoundrel went the other way about. Meanwhile by the auspiciousness of the Prince the heir-apparent, and the excellent measures of Rajah Bikramajit, the long-standing knot was unloosed, and in the 1.6th year Jahangir visited the fort and introduoed Mu1,J.ammadan rItes there The 'fort is situated on the top of a lofty hill, and has 23 bastions and 7 gates. Its inner circuit is one kos and 15 .~anlibs. Its length is a quarter kos and two #.anabs, and the breadth is more than 22 taniibs and less than 15. Its height is 114 cubits There are two large t~nks i~ide. The temple 2 of Maha~aya is near the city, and is known as Durga Bhavani. It is regarded as a representative of the deity. Pilgrims come ,to it from a distance and obtain their hearts' desire. A strange thing is that in order to obtain their wishes they cut their tongu~s, and that some of them have their tongues restored in a few hours ,and otb-ers, after one or two days. Though physicians regard the tongue as capable of regrowth, yet its.restoration in so short a time is very extraordinary. In the legends they call the goddess Mahadev's wife (viz. Mahamaya), and the learned of the sect representhis energy by this name. They 8 say that on seeing the evil she had done (to her
l Taken from A: N. III. 348.
2

Taken from Ain, Bee Jarrett II. 312.

3 Jarrett II. 313, n. 2.

4]6

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

417

husband) she commit,ted suicide, and that her body fell in Jour places. Hel' head and some of her members fell towards Kamraj in the northern hiUs of Kash mir, and this place is called Sarada' Other portions fell near Bi~apftr in the Deccan. That place ig called Tulja Bbavani. The place to the ea.stward where portions fell is called Kamakhya. The .place where portions remained on the original spot (of the suicide) is called Jalandhari. This is the place (near KangrlI.) , and near it flames burst out. Some places burn as if they were tallow, and this is called JaHi.mukbi. It is visited by pilgrims, and they throw various things into the flame and draw favourable omens from this. On the top they have built a lofty dome, and there is a great assemblage of people. Apparently it is a sulphur mine, but the common people regard it as a miracle. Even Mu1).ammadans gather there, and some of them take part in the spectacle. Some say that when Mahadev's wife ended her life, he out of excessive grief carried the body about for a while. When the cohesion of the members was dissolved, portions fell in various places. They worship at each place in proportion to the dignity of the member that fell there. As the breast fell there (at Kangra), that is regarded as the hoJiest of the places. Some say that a stone which the infidels used to worship was removed by the Muhammadans and thrown into the river. Afterwards a cheating brahman showed another stone as that one. Afterwards, the Rajah, either out of simplicity , or from cupidity-fof much was obtained from offerings-set up this stone in the village. It is written in histories that when Sultan Firiiz Shall came to this neighbourhood he heard that the brahmans had from the time when AlexanderZiiI-Qarnin came there, set up an image of Naushaba and worshipped it. The Sultan took the image and sent it to Medina. It was cast into the highway in order that it might be trodden under foot. Ferishta ~ relates that there were in this temple 1300 books written by brahmans of old times. Sultan Firllz Shah sent for the learned men of the sect and had portions translated. Out of these
I Text has an alif SIl the first letter, but the name is Sarada, or Sharada. See Jarrett l.c. For Tulja Bhavani see I.G. XXIV, 52. !l Newal Kishore'lllithograph, Part I, p. 148.

I
I

abstracts 'Izzu-d-din Khalid Khani who was a poet of the timecomposed a book in verse on the science of omens, etc., and called it Dilail Firiiz Shahi. In truth, it contained much about practical and theoretical sciences. When Rajah Bikramajit, after the taking of Ka.ngra, joined, with a weU-equipped force, Shah Jahan in the 15th year, news came that the Deccan rulers had, on hearing that Jahangir had gone offto Kashmir, become refractory, and extended their feet beyond their proper limits. Especially, Malik' Ambar had done this, for he had taken possession of the territories of A1).madnagar and Berar. The imperial servants, who were gathered together in Mahakar, had contended with the enemy, but from want of provisions had gone to Balapiir, where too they could not ma-intain themselves. They had gone to Burhanpiir apd joined the Khan Kha.nan. The enemy had attacked the imperial dominion and besieged Burhanpiir. As the settlement of the troublo\is Deocan depended upon Shah Jahan, he went off there with the great officers in this year of 1030, 1621. After Shah Jahan had reached Burhiionpiir, five armies of 30,000 cavalry were dispatched to put down the rebele, under the command of Da.ra1;l K., 'Abdullah K., ~hwAja Abu-l-f.Iasan, Rajah Bikramajit, and Rajah Bhim. Though Daril.b was nominaUy Commander-in-Chief,yet in reality the whole l management was in the hands of Rajah Bikramajit. The Rajab marehed in eight days from Burhiionpllr to Khirki-which was the residence of Ni~a.m Shah and Malik 'Ambar-and thoroughly destroyed that city. When Malik 'Ambar saw destruction in the mirror of his situation he approached the Rajah with representations of repentance and humility. It was agreed 9. that lands of the value of 14: krors of dams out of the lands of the Deccau which remained in the possession of the Deccanis sh(mld be given up, together with lands which were imperial property, to the imperi~lists, and that 50 lacs of rupis should be paid as tribute from the f .A. dilsha.hi and Qu!bshabis, and that the Rajah should retum with all the troope to the town of Tamarni (!) and encamp there. The
I ~fI

K., I. 317.

t Cf.

J;g1ifi K. I. 81!.

63

418

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR -UL-U"MARA.

419

Rajah in accordance with Shah Jahan's orders built near that town and on the bank of the river known as Kharak Pu rna. a very strong fort and called it ~afrnagar. He spent the rainy season there. When Shah Jahan had settled the Deccan, time played another game. The particulars are that when Nur Jahan got complete sway and had control of political and financial matters and nothing but the name of king remained to Jahangir, she athinking that if Jahangir's long illness ended in his death , the e~pire would become Shah Jahan's. Though he was perfectly friendly to her, how would he permi t her to exercise all this power 1 Therefore she married the daughter that she had by Sherafgan to Sultan Shahriyar, the youngest son of Jahangir, and set about patronizing him. She became hostile to Shah Jahan and turned Jahangir's feelings that way also. So he was sent for to court for the affair of Qandaha,. When he came to Mandu he wrote to his father that on account of the mud and slush of Malwa it was advisable to remain in Mandu tilI the end of the rains As the Shah of Persia had to be opposed, it was necessary to collectequipments, and he asked that fort Ranthanbhur might be assigned for the harem and for the families of the officers. Also that the province of Lahore, which was on the road to Qandahar, might be given to him in fief in order that he might bave facilities for colleoting provisions, eto. He also asked that until the termination of the expedition he might have the appointment and removal of officers. The Begam, wh.o was all powerful, represented these requests as improper and made Jahangir believe that the prinoe's design was to .take possession of the empire. She so worked upon Jahangir that he assigned the Qandahar expedition to Shahriyar, and took p.way the fiefs that Shah Jahan had in Upper India, and summoned his officers to court. Though Jahangir perceived the e vils of these orders he could not help doing what pleased the Bagam. He did whatever she said. At last it came to fighting. On the one side J ahangir left Delhi, and on the other side the prince came to Biluchpiir. There were only ten kos between them. The prince's confidants represented that things had got

fell

beyond a peaoeful settlement, Jahangir would not be quiet. The prince's army was better in quantity and quality than the ~mperor's, and they should engage. The prince replied that he oould no~ behave so presumptuously, and in a way that was displeasing to both creature and Creator. If H.M were defeated and he obtained the victory, what advantage would he get from suoh a sovereignty 1 And what pleasure would it give him 1 His only desire was that the evil advisers and stirrers up of strife might be punished. At last it was arranged that the prince should turn aside to the left to a distance of 4 or 5 kos and halt in Kotlah whieh is in Mewa.t, and that three forces under the charge of Dara.b K., Rajah :aikta.majit and Rajah Bhim should attaok and devastate the country round about the imperial camp, and so prevent the coming in of supplies. Possibly, this would lead to peace. When Alilaf K. on behalf ef the king came in front of the prince'8 troops, with' Abdullah K. in the vanguard, the latter had previously said that when an encounter took plaoe, he would join the prince's troops. No one knew of this except the prince and the Rajah. 'Abdullah in accordance with the agreement urged on his horse, and the Rajah perceiving this went to Dara.b K. to inform him. Suddenly Nawazish K., son of S'aid K. Chaghatai-who was in the imperial vangtJ.ard-thought that 'Abdullah was making a charge. He too urged on his horse and his contingent. He fell in with the Rajah who was coming back with four or five men from seeing Da.rab. He hastened to oppose. Before assistance came up abullet struck his temple and he gave up the ghost. Both sides withdrew from fighting and returned to their own place. The Rajah had attained the rank of 5000 personal and horse, and there was no greater officer than he in the prince's service. His brother K unhar Das was his deputy in Al;1maabad. (RAJAH) BIR BAHADUR. Son of Ba;hroji Sirkar (1), which is a seotion of the tribe of Dhangar. His ancestorslived in the neighbouthood of Anagundi l
I

l Vijaynagar or Hampi in the Bellary

diBtric~.

TIlE MAASIR-trL-l1MARA.

421

420

THE MAASIR-UIrUM.ARA.

onthe banks of the Tungabhadra, and which was fo~merly a seat of kings. It chanced that they had to move from there and come and dwell in villages near Bijapur. Bahroji in consequence of his connections with Nima I Rajah Sindiah-who had obtained an important offioe and extensive fiefs-reoeived in the time of Ni?;a.mul-mulk ~af JA.h a suitable office and the fief of pargana Palam in the province of Bidar, and entered into servioe When he died, Akiji his eldest son took his place and gradually attained to the rank of 7000 and the title of Rajah Bir Baha.dur, and got additional fiefs. In 1190, 1776. he died. He was. acquainted with the Persian tongue and was skilled in poetry, and in duhara (dohra), whioh isan expression for rhyme in the language of the men of the Dua.b. After him his son Sadharm and his nephews divided the hereditary properties, and continued in service. (Q) (RAJAH) BIRBAR.~ His name was Mohesh Das, and he was a brahman and a bard (badlar08h). In Hindi suoh a person is called a Bhat. This set of men are the panegyrists of the wealthy. Though Mohesh Das was without means and was in distressed circumstances, yet he was a conge~ies of eloquence and understanding. By his abilities he be'ea-me Br favourite with his contemporaried, and when by his good fortune he entere1 into Akbar's service, he became by his wit and bUIriOl1t one of the favourite companions, and gradually took the lead of all the other intimates. As he was skilled in the composition of Hindi verses, he received the title of Kab Rai, which resembles the phrase Maliku-sh'aara (king of poets). When in the 18th year the king was displeased with Rajah Jai Cand, the Rajah of Nagarkot, a.ndimprisonedhim, his son Budh Gand, who was young in years, assumed the position of his father's representative and entered on the path of rebellion. The king presented the territory to Kab Rai, who had a fief there, and issued an order to J:Iusain Quli K., the Khan Jahan and governor of the Panjab, to the effeot
l Tex. Tima. But the word is Nima. lt seelll8 tb hea family name and is used by Tod in his Annala of Meywiir. Jf!1ifi Ko haa th& word

eeveral times in bis second volume; in the Bib. Ind. ed. it is written Nibi. ~ B. ~04.

that he should march. there with the officers of the province and take Nagarkot from Budh Cand and give it to Kab Rai. He also conferred on the latter the title of Rajah BIrbar , Le. the brave Rajah, and sent him off there. When the Rajah came to Lahore, I:Iusain QulI K. and the fief-holders led an army against Nagarkot and besieged it. By chance, just when the garrison had got into difficulties, the disturbance of Ibrahim J:fusain M. broke out, and as the suppression of it became the pressing work of the hour, the taking of the fort had to be put off. On the recommendation of the Rajah, I:Iusain Quli had to be content with receiving a tribute of five man~ of gold from Budh Cand, with reciting the khutba and ha.ving cains struck in Akbar's name, and with laying the foundation of a mosque in front of the gate of the fort of Kangra. When in the 30th year 994, 1586, Zain K. Koka was appointed to chastise the Yusufzai-who are a large tribe in the hill-country of Bajaur and Swad~ he after ravaging Bajaur came to Swad, which lies to the north of Peshawar and east of Bajaur, and is forty kos long and 5 to 15 kos broad, and has 40,000 householders, and punished it. As the army waS wearied out by traversing the defiles, he asked the king for reinforcements S. Abu-I-fa~l in his zeal and devotion begged to be placed on this service, and Akbar cast lots between him and Rajah BIrbar. As it happened, the dice gave the name of the Rajah. After he was appointed, Akbar, out of cautIOn, sent after him an army under the charge of J:Iakim Abu-I-fatl,1. When both leaders. had entered the hill-oountry, d,lthough there was a dislike between the Kokaltash and the Rajah, the former prepared a feast and invited the new arrivals. The Rajah displayed resentment and ill humour. The Koka exercised self-res-' traint and went to see the Rajah, but when they consulted to_ gether, the Rajah, who was also previously on bad terms with the l,IakIm. sroke with flippancy and rudeness, and ended with contumely and abuse. In fine, the mist of dissension arose between them, and each, . from envy, tried to discredit the other' s opinion. At last, on account of presumption and discord it came to their entering the defile of Balandi without proper arrangements. The Afghans

422

r
THE MAASm-Ur.-UMARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

overwhelmed them from every side with stones and arrows. In the confusion, men, horses and elephants got mixed, and a large number of men lost their lives. Next day they made an ill-concerted march, and in the darkness tht"y got entangled in defiles, and many were kiIled. Rajah Birbar also fell. They say that when they came to Karakar some one said to the Rajah that the Afghans intended to make a night-attack, and that if he could get through the defile-which was less than three or four kos long-the danger of the night-attack would be at an end. The Rajah without informing Zain-K. Koka, started off at the end of the day, and the whole army followed him, and what was to happen, happened. A great defeat befel the royltl army, and nearly 8000 men with some officers and notabies were. killed in those two days. Though the Rajah tried all he could to get out, he was killed.. Whenever anyone in his ingratitude and incognition of what is right treads the path of calumny instead of rendering thanks, he soon is pierced by the thornbrake of the results of his actions. They say that the Rajah whilst traversing these mountains was continually frowning in his heart and his brow, and would say to his confidants that the times seemed out. of joint that he should have to accompany the I:Iakim and assist the Koka in traversing hills and deserts. What would be the end of it all 1 He did, not perceive that the furtherance of his master's projects and the carrying out of his commands was the main thing and the source of good. Though it might be a cause of dissatisfaction , it was evident that Zain ~han, on account of his fosterage and rank, was the superior, and that the Rajah had only latterly attained the rank of 2000. But his presumption was caused by his companionship and intimacy with the king. They say that on receiving the news of Birbar's death, Akbar refrained for two days from eating and drinking, and the letter of sorrow which he wrote to the :K,.han--Khanan 'Abdu-r-Ral).im, and which appears among S. Abulfa~l's letters, shows what a place the Rajah had in the king's heart, and how close his connection with him was. Accordingly, after expressions of praise, and mention of his loyality, he says, " Alas, a thousand times, that the wine

of this wine-cellar has become lees, and that this sugarcane has become poison. The world is a deceiving and thirst-producing mirage, and a station full of heights and hollows. Crapulousness follows the drinking at this feast. Some obstacles have prevented me fromseeing the body with my own eyes so that I might testify my love and affection for him."
Verse.

" What heart is there that bleeds not for this sorrow, Whose eyes are not blood-shot from this grief 1 " In fine, Rajah Birbar was among the singular of the age for liberality and generosity, and was famed for his gifts. He had perfect skill in music. His poetry and distiches l are well known. His takhalla~ was Baramba z (1) His eldest son s had the name of Lala, and he received a suitable man~ab. Owing to bad behaviour and self-indulgence he exceeded his income. When this waS not increased, he took into hi8 h~ad to live in a free and easy manner, and in the 46th year he obtained permiSEion to leave the. court. (RAJAH) BIR SINGH DEO BANDILA. Son of Rajah Madhukar. From the first he joined the service of Prince Sultan Selim, and attached himself to his fortunes. When he showed andacity in slaying Abu-I-fa~l, Akbar repeatedly sent troops against him. In the 50th year it was reported that he with a few followers had gone off to the wilds, and that the royal troops were pursuing him. When Jahangir came to the throne,
l Text duhaza, but should be dahara or dohra. ~ The Darbir A. 295 Baya that many people say his takhallal} was Burhiya. Badayiini, Lowe. 164 Das Brahman Diis, but the Persian text II. 161 has BirhaIDo Diis, and it may be noted that a section of the Bhiits is called Birmbh6t. Elliot, Supp. G!o'Jsary, 1. 18. The editors of the M&8!!ir give the variant Ba,.hana naked."

a There was another son, Har Har Rai, who is mentioned in the 48th year, A. N.III. 820, as having brought a letter from Priuce Daniel from the Deccan. '1'here is along notice of Birbar in Darbir Akbar;, p. 295 et Beg., and there is also a Hindustani pamphlet about him. It lIeema that he was a native of Kilpi. There is a tradition that bis daughter was one of Akbar'a wives. Bloohmaun 488, etc

l
424
THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

425

Bir Singh Deo was raised in the first year to the rank of 3000. Iri the 3rd year he was appointed with Mahabat Khan in the affair of the Rana, and received a khilat and a horse. In the 4th year he went with ~pan Jahan to the Deccan, and in the 7th year his rank was 4000 with 2200 horse. In the 8th year he hastened from the Deccan to join Sultan Khurram, who had been appointed to chastise Rana Amr Singh, and again came to the Deccan. In the 14th year, when the prince aforesaid went to the Deccan , he distinguished himself in battle with the Deccanis, when he had under him 2 or 3000 cavalry and 5000 infantry. When a disagreement occurred between Jahangir and Sultan Khurram (Shah Jahan) Bir Singh came to court with a well-equipped force, and in the 18th year accompanied Sultan Parvez in his pursuit of Sultan Khurram. When in the end of Jahangir's reign, things assumed a different aspect, and there was much intriguing, Bir Singh, with the help of bribery extended his power over the estates of the neighbouring zamindars and acquired a wide and fertile territory. He acquired such power as scarcely any other of the Rajahs of India had attained to. In the 22nd year, corresponding to 1036, 1627, he died. The idol temple in Mathura which was converted (1) by Aurangzeb into a mosque was built by him. As Jahangir had been impressed l by his good service, he.. from indifference, preferred pleasing this villain to observing the gloriaus Law, and gave him permission for building this idol-temple of a wretched religion. He spent thirty-three lacs in making it strong, and especially in decoration and ornamentation. 2. He also made in Undcha (Orchha) lofty buildings which for size and ornamentation surpass all others. Especially there is an idol-temple by the side of his palace which is very lofty and grand. A large amount of money wal; spent on it. There are the tank Shersagar, which has a circumference of 5! royal kos, and the tank of Samandarsagar, which is twenty kos
I The good service was the -killing of Abul Fa~l. See Maa~ir A. 95. 96 for an account of the building of the mosque. II l'wk1iri, or ptil'k1iri. PerhaPB the

round, in the pargana of Mathu~ii..l In this estate there are nearly 300 large tanks. He had many sons. Among them were Jujhar Singh and Pahar Singh, of both of whom accounts have been given. BIYAN K. He was a Fariiqi Shaikh and like the Fariiqis of Khandesh he was styled ~han. He attained to the rank of 2500, and held a fief in the Deccan , and entered into service. He had the mannera of a dervish, and his disciples speak of his extraordinary customs. He had an old friendship with Saiyid 'Abdullah K. Qu~bu-I-mulk (the Barha. Saiyid). When in the year 1129, 1717, the Amiru-I-umara J.Iusain (All K. proceeded from the Deccan towards Delhi in order to seize FarruJW Siyar, he was ill, and in the year] 130, 1718, he died and was Quried in his own abode in the quarter of Fa~ilpiira in the city of Aurangabad. Hiseldest son obtained his title. His second son Mul,lammad Murta~a K. gained high rank and was made governor of the fort of BIdar. He wa8 a pious man and one contented with fate. He was a good friend. Re died in 1189, 1775, and is buried outside Raidarabad near the FatI). gate. (Q) BURHANU-L-MULK S'AADAT K. His name was Mul).ammad AmIn, and he belonged to the Miisavi Saiyids of Nishapiir. At first he had the rank of 1000
l This must be a pargana in Bandelkhand. In the history of Bandelkhand, A.S.B.J. for 1902, p. 114. it is stated that Bir &ingh cnstructed the tanks of Bir Siigar and Barwa Sagar, and many others, in all 52. Bir Siigar is in Orcha, 12 m S.S. Fl. Orcha, 1&nd Barwa Sagar is 12 m. E. .Jhansi. It seems probable that the Mathurii of text is a mistake for Maraura which ill a pargblla of Jhiinsi. Mr. Silberrad mentions apargana Moth in Jhiinsi which IDlLy be what is meant. Bir Singh built a great palace at Datia, id. 114. The temple which Bir'Singn buHt in Mathurii and which Aurangzeb destroyed in 1570, Mna!!ir

word refers to the filling of the temple with idols. The account of the destruction of the temple is taken from the M~ir A. 95.

A. 96, has been described by Taverniero, If, p. 403, Chap. XII. It sl,lems to me that Taverniere's description applies better to the tampIe of Govind Das in Brindiiban. He seems to speak of it as an old temple, and not one less than 50 years old. It was d"dicated to Kesava Deva (Krishna) See Growse's Memoir on Mathu&. pp. 37 and 127. The site is now occupied by Aurangzeb's mosque, Growse, id. 127. The Maa~ir A. calls it the temple of Keshav Rai. It would seem that some of the idols were savad and taken to Niithdwiira in Meywiir, Growse. 130. POBllibly Mathura in text! is 8. mistake for Jhatra or Chatra.

54

426

THE MAASIR-UL-UlltARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

427

and was enrolled among the Walii. Sha.his (household cavalry) of Farrukh Siyar. After the accession of the latter he was, by the instrumentality of Mu1}.ammad Ja'afar,-who then had the title of Taqarrib K. and was ~hli.nsa.man, and in the beginning of the reign was, when there was a famine, also made in addition krori of the market (gani) ,-made his deputy-krori. Afterwards he was made fflujdar of Hindaun Riana-which is a turbulent placeand obtained a name for energy by his chastisement of the contuma.cious and seditious there. He received a.n increase 01 500. When Agra became the encampment of Mul).ammad Shah, hecame there and joined him with a good force. Together with M~ammad Amin K. Bahadiir he was an important sharer in the killing of ~usain Ali K., and in the subsequent commotion of Ghairat K. and other friends of ~usain 'Ali he [ought and distinguished himself. As a reward he received the rank of 5000, 5000 horse and the title of Bahadur, and the grant of a flag and a drum. Afterwards in the battle between Mul).ammad Shah and Sultan Ibrahim,l eldestson of Sultan Rafi'u-~-wan, whom Qu~bu l-Mulk (Saiyid Abdullah the elder of the Barha brothers) had raised up (as emperor), after the assassination of ~usain 'Ali, Burhanu-lMulk was a leader and fought well. After the victory he was raised to the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse and had the title of BurhanulMulk Bahadur Bahadur Jang and was made Subahdar of the capital (Agra). When Ciira,man Jat, who had been one of those brought forward by the Saiyids of Barha, was killedi in this battle by the imperialists , and his sons had 'strengthened their forts and raised the head of arrogance, Burhanu-I-Mulk was appointed to chastise them. But as they had thick jungles and
] See Siyaru JMutakherin (reprint) I. 186. BU1han received the insignia of the FIsh for his conduot in this battle. Sultan Ibrahim's title apparently was Rafi'u-1Qadr. See Scott's Hist<>ry of the Deecan II. 179. The Hadiqau-l-Aqiilim, p. 384, says he was made governor of Agra in lIOl, 1.690 (but there must be a mistake in the figures here) and that he was made

strong keeps, they were not punished as they deserved. Afterwards he was removed from his ~u'bahdari and made darogha of the Headquarters' artillery-to which a daily salary was annexed {1)-in addition to the government of Oudh. 1 He became renowned in that pr~vin~e ~or havin~ .a large army and park of artillery and from hIS bmdmg and kIllIng the rehellious. In the 21st year {)f Mu1}.ammad Shah, corresponding to 1151, 1739, when Nadir S~ah came to India and the emperor went to KarnM to engage hIm, Burhanu-I-Mulk had fallen behind, but by long marches he brought himself on. As his baggage was behind and on the road the Persian army, on learning this, made a rapid movement and fell on it. As soon as Bnrhanu-l-Mulk heard of this, he, in spite of the prohibition of the emperor and his aivisers, acted hastily and went off to fight with the Persians with the force that he had with him. They turned back and he went in pursuit, and then they joined with other troops and turned round and aS3a.iled him. He was w-ounded, and by chance the elephant of Nisar Muhammad K. Sher .Tang his brother's son was mast and ran ~this eiephant, and drove it into the Pe11lian arm.V'. There was no means of stopping him so that Burhanu-I-Mulk w!tS made prisoner. After i that he became an opportunist and impres'!ed upon Nadir Shah the weakness of Mul).ammad Shah, and it was agreed that he should cause the giving ofa large sum fr()m th1'l ca.pital. After that an arrangement was made between Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah, and Burhanu-l !\fulk was ordered to go with l.'ah~asp K. Jalair to Delhi. Accordingly he hastened there and arranged a lodging for the Shah jn the fort. On 9 Zi'.:l-l).a.jja, 9th March 1739, both kings Came to the city and on the night of the IOth 1I5I, Ioth March, Burhanu-I-Mulk 3 died of his former wounds. I~
l Topkhana-iz;ta~jjr. ProbRbly this has the same meaning as the phrase toplmanai rikab. for which see Irvine's Army of the Moghuls, p. 134. -Appa.rently both phrases mean t the light artillery which attendeo on the emperor. The original of the words" to which a daily salary is annexed ,. is ke riiz t.alab mokarrari (Ut. I presurne

governor of Olldh in succession to Rajah Girdhar. i Perhaps this statement is due to wrong pointing of the \;ext. In the notice of Churimlln 1. 545. it is not said that he was killed in the battle. and though Beale says he wlls,the statement seems incorrect. See ElUot VIII. 360.

that the words rf'fer to thE' office of superintendent of the artillery and not to the government of Oudh. 2 The Si) Br M says he became disgusted by bearing that he had been Bupp1'8eded, id. I. 313. s see Beale, s.v. S'aadat K . where some additional particulars are given. He was tl!e son of M. N i!!ir and was

428

THE HAAS1R-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIRUL-UMARA.

429

fact, he was an energetie' officer and was bold and good to the people. He left no SODS. His daughter was married to Abu-lMa~iit K. (~afdar Jang). A separate notice of him has been given. BUZURG UMED KHAN. Son of Shaista K.I In the beginning of Aurangzeb's reign he was raised to a suitable man~ab and was appointed, along with his father to obstruct Sulaiman Shikoh who wanted to cross the Ganges and join Dara Shikoh (his tather) Afterwards he got the title of Khan and in the first year of the reign, when the imperial army, after defeating Shuja' , proceeded to Ajmere to confront Dara Shikoh, he came with his father from the capital and gained the bliss of service. In the 7th year he had the rank of 1000 with 400 horse J and in the 8th year, when the port of Chittagong was conquered" .by his efforts, he obtained the rank of 1500 with 900 horse. Chittagong is on the borders and is contiguous to the territory of the zamindar of Arracan wbo belongs to the Magh tribe. The subjects of that za.mindar were always attacking the imperial possessions when they had an opportunity, and committing plunder and carrying off prisoners. After Chittagong was
originallyamerchant. See also Elphinstone. Sir Henry Lawrence, in an article on Oudh in the Oalcutta Review for 1845, denies that he was ever a merehant, The Siyar-I-MutikherIn says nothing about Burhan's being wounded or of his dying of his wounds. It speaks of him as Sal!odat K. and 8ays he died of Ito cancer in his foot, T. 316. There are several notices of Burhanu-I-Mu1k in Elliot VIII. There is also an account of him in the He.diq..u.I.Aqiilim under the article Nish5piir, p. 383 of Newal Kishore's lithograph. It says he began his career as a servant of Mubirizu1 Mulk Sirbaland K. 1 Kewal R5m saY8 he was the third
IlOn.

..

conquered, it was included. in Bengal. In the 30th year he was made governor of Allahabad in succession to Himmat K.~ the son of Khan Jahan Bahitdur KokaItash. Afterwards, he was made governor of Bihar. In the 30th year corresponding to 1105, 1694, he died. They say he was of a very haughty disposition. Musavi I K. Mirza Mu'izz whose pen-name wM Fitrat, and who was the son-in-Iaw of Shah Niwaz K. ~afavi, and was a learned man and a good poet, was made diwar. of Bihar during Buzurg Umed's governorship , and went there. On the day of his first interview, as there was a small water-basin in the portico of the governor's house and it had running water, the Mirza without thinking put his hands into it, and rinsed his mouth once or twice. The governor was offended at this uncouth proceeding and reported against him to the Presence, and to gratify him Musavi was removed from his appointment. (RAJAH) CABILA2 RAM NAGAR. The Nagar is a branch of the Brahman caste, and they chiefly live in Gujarat. Cabila Ram was the brother of aya Ram, and both were revenue-servants on the establishment of Sultan A~imu sh-@an. Daya Ram, after some time, died, and Cabila Ram became faujdar of Karra-Jahanabad. When Mul).ammad Farrukh Siyar, in order to claim the sovereignty and. to fight with his uncle Jahandar Shah, marched from Patna, Cabila Ram first 8 joined with Sultan A'zzu-d-din, the son of Jahandar Shah, and afterwards he came with some lacs of rupees from the collections of his t'aliiqs and with a suitable force and joined Mul).ammad Farrukh Siyar. In the battle he was opposed to Kokaltash K. and did good service, and after the victory he received the rank of 5000, the title of Rajah and the office of Diwan of the Ii..hallila. As this post, which is subordinate to the viziership, was given him without the approval of Qu.~bu-I-mulk the vizier (Saiyid 'Abdullah), it became a cause of disagreement between the king
I For Musavi's biography see III. 633. See also Sprenger s Cat. 109 and 408. He died in 1106 The Taz kira ~u8Bini 263 has a short notice of him.

named Buzurgumedpur. The fullest account of the taking of Chittagong is in the 'Alamgirnama, p. 94,0, etc. A Captain Moore* (1) is mentioned iri connection with the Yictory, pp. 9'48 and 9;>2. Chittagong was taken it;l 1665 There is a translation of the 'Alamgirnama account of the taking of Chittagong in the translation of the Riyi~u.-s.salatin, p. 228, etc. * Captain Moore, as my friend Mr. Irvine h&B8ulOgested to me, is probably Captain Mor, i.e. Chief Captain. See Danvers' Portuguese in India, Ir. 371, where it is ml:lutioned aa a title of Francisco Pereira da Silva. Bu!Zurg Umed took Chittagong in January 1666. See two valuable articles by Jadu Nath Sarkir in A.S.RJ. for June 1906, p. 257. and J une 1907, p. 405.

"Khifi Khan lJ.

188.

A large

f1/Jrga- in the Bakarganj district is

t Clliplain text. See Irvine, A S.B.J. fQr 1898, p. 156 and note. S See Irvine, A.S.B.J. for 1896, 185, etc.

THll: MAASIR-UIrU1VlARA.

431

430

THE MAASIRUL-UMARA.

and the vIZIer, and there were long arguments between them about it. At last he received the government of the capital, and afterwards he was made governor of Allahabad, and went off there. In the beginning of the reign of Ratiu'-darjii.t when seditious men raised to the sovereignty in Agra Neku Siyar the son of Sultan Mul.tammad Akbar, it was reported that Cabila Ram wished to join him. But as he was on bad terms with the zamindar of his own province he could not arrive. After Neku Siyar had been got hold of, ~usain 'Ali K. sought to punish Cabila Rim. Before he set out, Cabila Ram suddenly died in the first year of Mul).ammad Shah's reign, corresponding to Il31, 1719. After him his brother's son Girdhar, who was the son of Daya Bahadur, and was called his chief swordsman (MIr Shamsher) attended to the collecting of troops and the putting in order of the fortifications of Allahabad. Though an army was sent against him, under the command of ~aidar Quli K., yet at last, by the mediation of Rajah Ratan eand, he received the rank of 5000 with 5000 horse, the title of Rajah Girdhar Bahadur, and the .charge of the provin.ce of Oudh, and went off there. When the Saiyid's downfaU arrived, he came from Oudh to court and did homage. In the 7th year he was made governor of Malw& in succession to A~af Jah, and in the 9th year when Holkar came to Malwa from the Deccan and stirred up strife, he opposed him and was killed in 1139, 1727. Ti11 the arrival of another governor his sons took charge of the defence of the citv of Ujjain.

Verse. 1
The fold of the poor man's turban brushes the sky When the shadow of a monarch like thee laus on his head. Later on, this verse rose to his lipsWhate'er comes on my life from thee is oause for thanks, Be it shaft of iJruelty or dagger of tyranny. The king, who was a world of compasaion and gent1eness, showed sympathy, and bade him adieu. Next day he ordered that all his servants who wished to do so were permitted to accompany the Mirza.. No one volunteered. Those who had boasted of their love for him abandoned him. Humiyiin said to Calma Beg Koka who was attached to his court: "Will you go with him or will you stay with me ~ " He, though ne was in service at the court and enjoyed the king's favour, preferred fidelity to temporal pleasure, and said, "I see that it is right for me that I,at this dark time and clouded nights of solitude, should be in the Mirza'.s service." Humayun highly approved of his fidelity and ga-va him leave, and made over to him the money and effects which had been settled upon for the Mirza, and sent him to the Mirza. When the Mirza died, Calma Beg obta.ined his desire of serving Akbar, and soon attained to the rank of 3000 and got the, title of ~han 'Mam. When in the 19th year Akbar, at the request of the Khan19ta.nan, who had been besieging Daiid Kararalli who had hoisted the flag of claim to the countries of Bihar and Bengal , came to that neighbourhood and perceived that the taking of ~ajipur, which is a fort over against Patna, while between them there rolls with great violence the Ganges with a breadth of about two k08, was necessary to the conquest of Patna, he appointed a force under the command of the Khan 'Alam to go by boat. He went up stream towards the Gandak, and in spite of a rain of cannon from the fort he disembarked and entered on the arena. Many of the enemy were killed in that man-testing fight, and the fort
l

(IUIANl 'ALAM) CALMA BEG.

He was the son of Hamdam Koka, the foster-brother of M. Kamran. 'By his fortunate horoscope he became a favourite with Huma-yun and was made his table-attendant. When in the year 960, 1553, Kamran was bIinded he made from the bank of the Indus the request to go to the ~jjaz. Humayun went with a number of his intimates to take leave of him. The Mirza after paying his respe.cts reci ted tbis verse.
I B. 375, 378, and Badayiini III, 385, who calls him M. Barkhiirdii:But this title aeems to belong to anoth&r ~n <Alam. B. 512.

See A.N. translation 1,606. The ftratcouplet isimitatedlrom the QuJiatan,

III.U.

432

TH.

llUA8IR-Ul.-U.M.ARA.

TH'E MAASIR-UL-UlIIARA.

433

was taken. The Khin e Ala.m was the object of thousands of thanks and praise8. When in the same year Bengal , which was in Diud's possession, was conquered without a' battle, and Diud went to Orissa and there displayed arrogance, the Kht.n-khiLnin went to extirpate him, with the Khin 'Alam in the vanguard. On 20 Zi~l-q'ada 982,3rd March 1575, there was an engagement at Takriii (Tukaroi), a dependency of Orissa. The ~ha.n 'Alam, on account of being in the prime of life and of his exce88ive courage, dropped the thread of deliberation, and galloped too far. A body of archers exerted themselves against him. The !glA.nkhinin got angry at this recklessness and spoke roughly .and made him turn back. His men had not been properly drawn up when Gujir K., who was the head of the hostile army, and whose swift elephants had their heads, necks and trunks dressed up with black Yik tails and the skins of wild beasts so 8S to inspire terror, arrived. The horses of' the imperial vanguard were frightened at this extraordinary spectacle and fled. The ~hA.n 'Alam, who was mo'unted on a veteran horse, remained firm and behaved with courage and slew many of the foe. Suddenly his horse reared on account of a sword-cut and KhA.n 'A.lam was thrown. He quickly remounted , and then a mlJ8t elephant came and flung him to the ground. The Afghans crowded round him and finished him. They say that before the battle he said, "Something tells me that I shall yield up my life in this engagement. I am confident that my devotion will be told to the king." He 'had a, poetical vein and wrote poetry. Hamdami was his pen-nome. This verse is famous.

Quatrain.)
O thou, why ruin your white beard, You pull out white hairs one by one, but the whole shows (white). You surrendered your youth to folly, It boots not now to pluck out your beard.
) These linN may remind us of the famous
and 'Jowett used 'tO quote.
V81'8e' of

Rochester which Goethe

) Thi. is not the P~cmai).al ot t.he I.G. west of Hyderabad.

Thil! Pancmai).a1a lay in Bidar and

55

-------,,
THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

435

434

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

A~af Jah. He was confirmed in his rank and fief. When at la"t he did improper actions, confidence in him was lost and A~af Jah put him under surveillance and shut him up in the fort of Golconda. There he died. He left two sons who obtained a small fief out of the hereditary possessions.

(MIRZA) CIN l QULIJ. Son of M. Q\llij Muhammad K. of Akbar's time. He was learned and excellent. He studied under Mulla Mustafa of J aunpur, and read the current books He was ad6rned with many good qualities, and was very liberal. Nor was he wanting in courage and greatness of heart He advanced far in administrative matters and for a long time was faujdar of Jaunpur and Benares. They say that he was skilful in entertaining, anel that his assemblies were so delightful that they inspired desire to centenarian ascetic~ when they beheld them Whm his father died in the reIgn of Jahangir, his younger brother M. Lahori,' who was his father's favourite and had been brought up with excessive kindness, b~t whose disposition was enough to leaven a whole world with petulanee and turmoil, !tnd whose Jlavel-strings had been cut in devilry, joined him. No long time had elapsed before his disordered brain had made him stretch out his hand aoainst the king's territory. In Jaunpur he raised the head of pre:uinption, and became notorious for sedition. So far was this that M. Cin Qulij Was killed in consequence of his wickedness, and his property confiscated. They say that it took the clerks a whole year to make out lists of his property. In the year 1022, 1613, when Jahangir was in Ajmere , MuHa Mustata, who was one of the learned men of Jaunpur, was SUffimoned to the presence with the intention of censuring him for .his teaching of the ~irza. MuHa Mul;1ammad of Tatta was the spiritual. teach~: of A~f Khan,8 and on account of the profundity of hIS Jearnmg was an intimate friend of that noble ~hiin. He
l

, ,
i
,

, I
i

(lntered iuto disputations with the MullA. and carried them on for a week without interruption. When he became acquainted with MuHa. Mus~afa's erudition, he intereeded for him and saved him from calamity. The Mulla resolved to go to Meeca, and after that he went to his native country and died. M. Lahori was a terrible specimen of the Divine Wrath, and full of wickedness. He had no good quality. He was a hideous lump of flesh, and his pleasure was eonfined to hearing the sound {Jf the whip. It was necessary that he should hear it all day long. He never paused for an instant in his ill-treatment of God's people. He used to bury his servants alive that they might bring him tidings of Munkir and N akir! When they opened the grave afterwards, the victim was found dead. In the la.nes and the bazaar he rode over men's shoulders, and on account of his father's high position no one ventured to complain. When his father was governor of Lahore he one day heard there was a wedding in a Hindu's house, and he went there and carried off the bride by force. Whenever her kinsfolk complained to the father, he, in spite of his learning and piety, which made him regard himself as the . itahid of the time, was so overcome with fatherly affection that the reply he gave was that" it is just as jf you had made a good connection with us." When M. Cin Qulij was involved in his wickedness, M. Lahori was seized and brought to court. He was imprisoned for a long time. At last he was released and l'eceived a daily allowance. He lived at foot of the Dar.8an {window) of Agra on the bank of the Jumna and kept a number of pigeons. He lived by begging and passed his time in misery .and suffered the retribution of his evil deeds until he died. Of the sons .and relatives of Qulij l MUl;1ammad K. there were M. Cin Qulij, Qulij Ullah, Balju Qulij, Bairam Qulij, and Jan Qulij. Most of them had suitable appointments.
l cin Qulij's father. See B. 354 and 601, and T1izuk J. 148, where, ~ 1'8ma.rked by B.. the story is told difJerently. The account of M. LAhorits character ill borne out by Father Pinheiro. letter quoted by General Maci agan , A.S.B.J. for 1896,p. 99. Pinheiro ..ys that One of Qulij K. 's Ions (doubt1ess M. Lahori) ordered a man who Wall going through the buaar to be lIung merely that he might see how it. "U done !

B. 500, Tfizuk J. 148.

'Qu.

The Mirzi of Lahore. a Text Jib. He was Abul ~e.san,

elder brother of Ntir Jahan, and Shah Jahan'" father-inlaw: B.. 569. For Mulla Mu~amma.d,see Maa!!ir 111.369.

-----_.
THE MAASIR-UIrUMA.RA.

437

436

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

CURAMAN I JAT. The Jats are a proud and seditious tribe. Plotting is their profession and their hearts are stony. Though they live in the land. of Pannah I under the pretext of being agriculturistfi\, and have populaus habitations and strong 8 forts , yet they have always practised thieving and robbery from the environs of Agra to the borders of the province of Delhi Repeatedly have the imperial fauidars become the victims of those rioters and have thrown away the coin of their lives. For instance, in the time of Shah Jahan, Murshid' Quli K. Turkman, the fauidar of Mathura, Mahaban and the Kumaon hills, was killed by a musket-shot while attacking one of the strong villages of that country. Those banditti have often been chastised by the imperial troops, and have given their honour and their lives to the winds of destruction. But after some time one of the tribe again raised the hand of violence from out of the skirt of sedition and reared the standards of insolenee by plundering the highways. In the time of
. J The author treats c and j as the samo letter 2 Sarzamini-pana. A variant gives Patna, and M. Alamgiri, p. 93, 2nd last I irie, has sarzamin i-Patila. The Jata belonged neith$r to Patna in Bihar nor to Pannah in Central India, and it is clearfl'om the passage in the M. 'Alamgiri that some place near Matburii and in or near pargana Sa'idibid in that distriot is meant, and it is also olear that that passage is the source . of the statement in the te~t, l have ~xamined two MSS. of the Maasi r 'Alamgiri and also two MSS. of the Maa!!iru-IUmarii, in the B. M., but they do not altogether clear up the difficulty. What they seem to have is Battiah, or Bettiah or Battih. Lieut. Perkins, who tranalated the Maasir 'Alamgiri for Sir Henry Elliot. has T'"abill., but I can find no such place. and l think it is clear that the first letter is a P. or IL B. The Maa!!ir A. says that t.he Kokila Jat was a leading

man of the vi-llage in question and that he was the cause of th. kin .g uf 'Abdu-n-nabi and oi the d.v....tion of pargana Sa'idl\biid. Now'Abdu-nnabi was killed at Sahora, a vnlage of the IIIahiiban pargana, Growee, pp, 36 and 151. See also Maa!!ir A. 83 where it is written Sora or Sahora. P088ibl:r the word intended is patti, " Yillage or share, for there a~ many pattis in Mathura : see. Cro\Vse, p. 340. It is also possible that the word is l\fathurii, there being not much differenoe in Persian writing between ~ and ~. lt may be noLed here that Ciiriiman was the son of Bh"jjll. Text, ,a~ih. but ra~na seems to be the true reading. , Biidshiihniima Il. 7 and K. K. I 552. The occurrenoe was in the llth year o( the TE-ign, 1667., Apparently th. fight was in pargana Jadwir, Sambhal aarkar, J. II. 290 and Supp. Gloesary II. 137. For an account of the Jate see Supp. Glo88ary I. 130.

Aurangzeb, Kukla i JAt by name, by his insolenee and turbulence became the terror of the countryside. He plundered and bumt the town of S'aidAbA.d l near Mathura.. 'Abdu-n-nabi ~., a famous faujdar of that place, a.ttacked, in the 12th year (of Aurangzeb), the village of SuraJ-which was the abode of the miscreants-and sent many of them to annihilation. In the battle. a bull~t caused his death, and he attained martyrdom. Aurangzeb Bent off from the capital ~asan 'Ali K. Bahadur to be faujdar of Mathura and gave him a brave army and a park of artillery. The ~han bv his courage and excellent dispo~tions made that rebel, as well ~ his companion Sangl (te:l!:t Sanki). prisoners and sent them to court. The royal wrath caused both of them to be cut to pieces, limb by limb, while the son and daughter of that scoundrel (Kukla) were made over for theit upbringitlg to Jawahir K. Nazir. The dalighter was given in marriage to Shah Quli cela, a w~ll known officer, and the son got the name of Fa~il and became a I).iifi~ (reciter of the Qora.n). In Aurangzeb's opinion no other I).a.fi~ was so much to be relied upon. When the royal standards want off to take the forts of the Deccan, this seditiou8 tribe seized the opportunity afforded bv the sloth of the offi.cers who laid their heads within the coUar ~f comfort, and wrapped their feet in the skirt of perfunctoriness and at once severed' the chain: of obedience, and stirred up a tem~ pest of evil, and, under the leadership of one colled Rajah 6 Ram, oppressed many of the parganas a.nd plund~ed caravans and travellers. Leading members of society were imprisoned and disgraced. The honour of bahiidurs trickled into the dust of contempt, and l!itbahdars had to prostrate 8 themselves before this impudent fellow. O( necessity Prince Bidar Bakht and Igla-n
93. M. 'Alamgiri, pargana S'aidibid. 'Abdu-n-nabi built the Jama' Masjid at Mathuri iri 10(1 or 1660-61. See Murray's Handbook to Bengal, 269. According to Tiefenthaler 'Abdu-n-nabi was a convert from Hinduism. a M. 'Atamgiri 83, where there is the variant. Baaahrah. It really ill
l M. 'Alamgiri
i

Sahora in pargaDa Mahiban, E. of t.he Jumtta. See Murray's Handbook to Bengal, 270. M. 'A1amgiri, 94. For dakhtaron read dakhIaN-on. 6 M. 'Alamgirl, 31l. Lit. Had tQ draw a line with their nosea.

T
438
THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. 'fHE MAASIR..,UL-UMARA.

439

Jahan Bahadur ~afr Jang were appointed from the Deccan, and they took much trouble and made great exertions. On 15 Ram~an,1 4th July 1688, in the 32nd year, that warlike bandit received a gunshot wound and became a resident in hell, and the countryside was cleansed of his contumacy and violence. His head was sent to court. After that, in the 33rd year, 16 Jamadaal-awwal ll HOO, 26th February 1689,the fort of Sinsini, 3 which was the residence of that miscreant, was taken from the hand of the infidels by the exertions of the fortunate prince (Bldar Bakht; nevertheless the crew was not extirpated. Reports of their oppression were continually brought to the emperor. In the 39th year the eldest son of the Caliphate, Baha.dur Shah, was appointed to chastise them. And after that, Curaman renewed the disturbances. When Shah 'A.lam and A'~im Shah joined in battle, this evil-minded one collected a number of robbers and kept near the two armies and WaS prepared to plunder the vanquished. As soon as the defeat of one party was reflected in the mirror of his observation, he opened the hand of plunder and carried off goods and cattle. He also laid' hands on the treasure and jewels, and in a moment got po<jsession of what his predecessars had not acquired in a lifetime. When Bahadur Shah, after returning from the Deccan, came to Ajmere, to punish the Guru ithe Sikhs), and the line Qf march passed near their houses, Cfira.man made & his appearance and removed the stain of contumacy from his countenance. He was ordered to accompany Mul;1ammad AmIn K. Cin Bahadur who had been appointed to proceed in advance against the Sikhs. Afterwards, he bound up the waist of service and accompained 'Umdatu-I-mulk the I5._h&n Ii.hli.nan who was besieging the Guru in Lohgarha near the Barti Koh' (snowy mountains) among difficult hills. Afterwards, when the sovereignty was changed. and the ruler 'became suspicious, he, in his own native
l M. 'Alamgiri, 311. do. 334. a Text Sansini. .. A village situated between Dig and Kumbher." Ellio' VIII, 360. It is called Bana! in do,. VII. 61t"
i

K. II. 668. K. II. 669. II see Elliot VII. 424 where it is stated that Barfi BlIjah is ft name JiV8D to &he RAjab of Sirmiir. Se& J!!1Ifi K II. ns..
,
~Ifi

~ifi

oountry, returned to his old ways and increased more and more in insubordination and contumacy, and by devastation and plunder produced insecurity and ruin up to the capital. In the time of Farrul&h Siyar, Rajah Dhiraj (RajadhIraj) Jai Singh Siwa.I led an army against him, and Saiyid Ii.han Jahan the maternai uncle of QQ~bu-I-mulk (one of the two Saiyids of Barha), went off to assist with a proper force. The rebel shut himself up in the fort of Thun. When after a year's siege .and after severe engagements he got into difficultiell, he begged pardon from Qu.~bu l-mulk, and asked for an increase of rank, and promised tribute. Though the Emperor was unwilling, yet in Rpite of his dislike, he (Qu~bu-lmulk) oontrary tQ the wish of the Rajah (Jai Singh) persisted, I and summoned him, and gave him a place beside himself. The emperor was helpless and ordered that he shOUld be received into service. He was not again admitted to an audience, but by the favour of Saiyid .Abdullah K he was raised to a high rank and was elevated from the low position of a robber to the zenith of Amirship. He strengthened the chain of unity and concord with the Saiyids of Barha and gave himself out as one of the loval and devoted adherents At the time when the Amiru-I-umara "removed the sovereign and set off to the Deccan, and Qu~bu-l-mulk hastened to the capital, Curaman enrolled himself among the AmIrul-umara's companions. After that brave leader was killed, Curli.l man stayed for some days in the Imperial army in a hypocriticamanner and wished to set fire to the Imperial p'owder-magazine, or else to drive off the artillery-bullocks. He did not succeed on account of the carefulness of the officers and the arrangements made by the Head of the Artillery. When Qu~bu-l. mulk approached the Imperial army with the intention of giving battle, the scolindrel stoje some sets of camels and three elephants and left the Imperial camp a.nd joined Qu.~bu-I-mulk. On the day of the battle he made great attacks upon the Emperor's baggage, and as his men held possession of the river-bank, he allowed neither friend nor foe to quench their thirst. Whoever approached the water was destroyed. The men who were assembled on a
l Siyar II, L lOe, 107 and Elliot VII. 631.

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Ul

sandy hill by the bank of the Jumna were aU plundered by hi~, so that even the office-papers l (da/taT ,!adarat) were looted. HIS aOtivity and insolence were such that the Emperor himself took a bow into his hand and shot arrows at him twice or thrice. The special musketeers alao discharged their musket8 at him. When signs of defeat showed themselves, he went round and round in the neighbourhood of the camp by the route of Delhi, and feJI upon the vanquisqed. Wherever his hand could reach he took wh~t Was left. After tha rope of his life was severed t by thetractlOn of death, MuQ.akam Singh and others of his sons made disturbances by means of their strong forts. With the fire of injustice and oppression they burnt up everything (lit. the dry and the wet). S'aAdat K. Burha.nu-l:mulk the governor of Agra. used all his energies to chastise them, but his sword did not cut, and the strength of his arm could not uproot the thorn. The Emperor sent Rajah Dhira.j 3 with officers and artillery against them. The Rajah first attended to cutting the jungle j and with the help of the Moghul and Afghan heroes took two or three fortlets. In less than two months-during which there were mauy fights and night-at.tacks on both sides-he made the position of the besieged difficult. At this' time Badan Singh, one of their cousins, on account of quarrels and disputes about property, separated himself and joined the Rajah. He showed him the way to take the fort, and they at once lost confidence, and set fire to their own powder-magazine. The fort was taken possesion of. But no trace was found of the . treasures which were everywhere famous. When the zaminda.ri was by the Rajah '8 recommendation given to Badan Singh, MuQ.&kam Singh also chose submission, and by the instrumentality of :MozafJar K. the brother of Khan Daura.n came to Court and made ma~y efforts. As he did not 8ucceed, he from that time made. his castle (badna) and his home at Deeg. Up till now he has not withdrawn his foot from the circle of obedience, and he makes a
Elliot VII. Ml. Beale lay. Curiman "88 killod ~n battle between AbduJlah and Mul].. Shlh, but thia Hema a mistake. A~ parently be eventually oOlllmitted .lliJ
t

oide. Bee Elliot VIII. 360, and -8iyar M. 239, &180 EJphinatone 61'8 That il Jai 8iqh 8iwliI the founder of Jaipur. Bee Beale, p. 193. ~ifi K: II "5. Ellios VII. 521.

show of service. Accordingly, in 1150, 1737-38, when A.lilaf Ja.h Baha.dur went forth to punish Baji Rao, he (MuQ.akam) sent one of his relatives together with a suitable force. His men fought weU in the Bhopal-Mahva battle. Though in order to preserve their rank and name as royal servants they have left off their old habits of robbing and stealing, yet they have carried violence so far that the territory from within five kos of the capital (Delhi) to one fourth of the province of Agra belongs to them as zamindari and fagit' and as farm. When they relinquish them (the farms) they give them to tiyulda.rs, and they take without any subterfuge, abundant tolI (rahda.ri) from comers and goars. No one ventures to complain. Good God! the subahda.rs do not impute all this bad management and disgrace to themselves. 'the business of the sovereignty of India hll,8 come to a standstilL When Radan Singh went to his place (Le. died) in the end of Mu\1ammad Shii.h's reign, his son Suraj Mal surpassed l his ancestors in violence and proceeded to lay hold of the est.- in the environs (of the capital) and seized theexchequer la.nds, and people's jagirs. From the city of Shahjahanabad to Bhadawar, II and from the estates of the Kacwii.has to the bank of the Ganges-which on the other side belonged to the RohiI1as-he passed by nothing, and took most of the parganas in the Doa.b, and in the year 1174:, 1761, he also took possession of the fort of Agra. At the time when the reigning sovereign Shah (Alam was obliged to stay in the provinces of Bihar and Allahabad, Suraj Mal became offended with Najib K. (Rohilla) on account of estates on the borders and led an army aga.inst him. A battle took place near Shahjahanabad, and although the ~hanhad but a small force, yet the arrogance and presumption of Suraj Mal worked for him, and he suddenly stretched 8 him on the dust of destruction. The short account of this affair is that Suraj Mal cameforth with a small party to watch his own men who had been appointed to surround Najib K~, and was going along incognito. At this time a jam(adar of the ~ha.n's companions, who recognized Suraj Mal, fell upon him with a hunl
II

Literally, advanced beyond his anc6stora' pillow. Apparently Bhadaurii a native State in Gwalior, LG. VIIL 21. In De<.'ember 1763.

56

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THE MAA8IR-UL-UMARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

dred young men of his brethren and put an end l to him. After him, his son .Jawahir Singh took his place, and in order to redress matters led a force against Delhi and made a commation for a time. At last peace was made through the instrumentality of :\Iulhar Rao Mahratta. In the year!!-he began to behave ill to Rajah A.nir, 3 and a battle ensued in which he was defeated. After him, liis brothers took the place of their ancestars. M. Najaf K. Bahadur prevailed over them and rooted them out. One of their descendants holds a small property. (RAO) DALPAT BUNDILA. S. Rao Subh Karn s. Bhagwan' Rai s. Rajah Bir Singh Deo. They say that Benare" is the native place of this clan, and that an ancestor came from there and took up his abode in Khairagarha Katak and received the title of Khairwar. A long time ago, one Kasi Raj-the 24th ancestor of Rao Dalpat-lived in the tract now known g,S Bundilkhand, and paid his devotions to Bindeshwa.ri b Devi. On this account he received the 'name of Bundila. When in the reign of Shah Jahan, the headship of the clan came to Rajah Pahar Singh, Aurangzeb at the time he was prince, and had charge of the Deccan, sent a letter (nishan) to Subhakarn along with money and summoned him, and gave him the rank of 1000. In company6 with Saiyid 'Abdul Wahah of
I Siyo.r MutilIDarin IV. 32, Elliot VIlI. 363. ~ The year is left blank but is 1182, or 1768. Elliot VIII. 364-65. a He is-ealled Rajah Midhu Singh: s. RajahJ&i Singh in Elliot VIII. 36~. After his defeat Jawihir was assassinated in Agra Jawiihir's brother Ratan Singh succeeded him, and he too was &l8assinated by a Hindu impostor who pretended that he was an alchemist. The victories of Najaf K. over Suraj MaPa deacendanta are recorded in Elliot VIII. 366, etc. Third s. Bir Singh, J.A.S.B. for 1902, p. 115, where tne name is ~elt Bhagwan. At p. 103 U. it is .tated that before the rule of the Bundi1as

443

there were Gharwar Kshattris who were Siiraj-bansis by descent, who ruled in Kishi, that is Benares. b The Bindh~sni or Durgi of the J.A.S.B. article, p. 104, where see the legend. Kil:si Rij is there called J agdia or Panoham (the fifth son). See also Pogson's Hist. of the Bundelas, PP: 6-8. Apparently Khairiigarha KatBk is Khairigarh in the Cen-tral Provinces, I.G. XV. 207, and the title Kh&irwiir is GBharwir. See V. A. Smith, J.A.S.B. for 1881, pp. l and 3. a The text omite the words ba. iUijaq " together with " and so makes the introduction of 'Abdu-l-Wahiib's name here unintelligible.

Jiinagarh-who for some time had taken up his abode in Burhanpur-he was engaged in the conquest of Bagla.na, and that country came into the imperial possession. In the beginning of the 32nd year of Shah Jahan, the prince (Aurangzeb) prooeeded to the capital to inquire after ,his father's health, and when he came to Ujjain, he fought a battle with Maharajah Jeswant Singh. In it Subha Karn performed feats of valour and was wounded. He also behaved equally well in the battle with Da.ra. Shikoh. After the battle with Shuja' he was sent away to pursue and chastise Campat Bandila. Afterwards he was appointed to the Deccan, and in the affair of Bijapur he was in the Mirza. Rajah's left wing. In the lOth year he quarrelled with the Mirza Rajah and came to court, and was appointed to serve along with Mul,1ammad Amin K. J the governor of Kahu.l . But as his companionship with the ~han was not agreea.hle to him, he in the tl th ye&r, was summoned to court and appointed to the Decca.n army. He always did good service in battle , and .in the 19t.h year J when the army, under Diler K., had an engagement with the Deccanis, he and his son Dalpat were in the rearguard. In the 20th year he fell ill, and he left Diler K. and went ta .Baha.durgarha-where his quarters were-and died in the 21st year. Rao Dalpat attained in the llth year to the rank of 250 with 80 horse, and after some time he got 300 zat and horse, and after his father's death obtained 500 zat and horse. He cOllciliated his father's servants by good treatment. In the 22n<1 year he quarrelIed with ~han Jahan Bahadur, the governor of the Deccan , and came to court, and afterwards he went back to 1;he Deccan with A'~im Shah. In company with l:Iasan 'Ali K. 'Alamgirshahi he went into the Konkan and did good service in batties. In the 23rd year his rank was 600 with 600 horse dua.spa (two horse), and in the 24th year he had the rank of 700 with 700 horse, and in the 27th year when he, along with @azi-u-d-din K., was bringing grass to the ~rmy of Mul).ammad A'~im Shah which was besieging Bijapur, he displayed courage in resisting the enemy, and his rank was raised to 1500 with 1500 horse, and he had the title of Rao. ln the 30th year when Imtiyazgarha alia8 Udni (Adoni) fell into the royal possession, his rank became 2500 with 1500 horse, and

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he recei.ved the gift of a drum and was made governor of the fort of UdoI (Adoni). In the 33rd year he resigned this charge and came to court. After this, he was sometimes employed in bringing treasure from Aurangabad and sometimes in convoying caravans from that city to the camp. On the route he frequent~y cha.stised the foe. In the 34th year he was appointed to the contingent of Prince Kam Bakhsh, and when this prince at~a.cked. Wakinkera he took excellent charge of the rearguard and WIth the . . . prince he lD accordance WIth orders h astened t o G"-- where lDJI Zul-fiqar K. was, and where corn was scarce-with corn and other stores. Zul-fiqar K. placed him on the right wing. In the 44t~ year his rank was 2500 with 2500 horse, and in the 47th year. It was 3000 with 2700 horse, and in the 49th year it was 3000 WIth 3000 horse. After Aurangzeb's dea.th he came to Upper India in company with Mul}.ammad A.'~im Shah and attained to the rank of 500(), In the battle which took place with Sultan A'~Imu-sh-shan he fen l in the vanguard. After his death Bihari Cand and Prithi Singh, his sons, disputed in their native country the p088ession ~f the property. Meanwhile Ram Cand, his eldest son, who was lD Satara, arrived. When the army of Bihari Cand also came forward, he retreated and went to court, and joined when Bahadur Shah had halted near Ajmere. When no one attended to him, he hastened to his native country and prevailed over his brothers. Afterwards he came to Lahore and waited upon Bahadur Shah. In the time of Mul)ammad Shah he was appointed to go with the royal army against Bhagwant Singh the Zamindar of Karra Jahanabad, and fell bravely in that battle. The remainder of the clan entered into the royal service"but the Mahrattas took possession of most of their estates. At the time' of writing, an army of the hat-wearers (English)-who came from Bangal with the design of reaching tbe port of Surat-had stayed for some time in their country and worked much havoc there. . . As mention 8 has been made of the Feringhi hat-wearers, lt IS
musti be that of Co10nel Goddard in 1778. s 'Much of thi8 account has been

necessary to give some account of the doings of this tribe. Formerly, they, with the permission of the rulers, inhabited the seashore and lived like subjects. The port of Goa was their seat of government In the time of Sultan Bahidur of Gujarat they got a permit (qaul) by wiles and made two strong forts called Daman and Basi (Bassein). They brought a tra.ct of country into culti~ vation. Though its length was 40 or 50 kos, yet the breadth was not more than a kos or half a kos. They cultiva.ted the skirt of the hills and raised valuable prodll cts such &8 sugarcane, pineapple, and rice. They also made much money by planting many oocoa.nut and betel-nut trees. Their current coins were ashra/is,l whi~h were silver pieces of the value of nine annas and struck after the European fashion,. and lumps of copper which they called buzurg. One falit{j is four buzurgs. They do not do any harm to the pea.sltntry, and they have assigned a separate quarter for the Mubammadans But if any of the latter die, theyeducate' his children in their religion. When these facts came to the knowledge of Aurangze~, M' aatbar K. the Faujda.r of Gulshanabad ft and son-in-law of MulIa Al)mad N8.itha, in accordance with orders, attacked them (the Portuguese) and made some of their men and women prisoners. Upon this, the Captain of Goa made a petition' with all humility to the King and his courtiers to this effect: ' , We are your unpaid servants for preventing the wickedness of the pirates of the sea; if you do not approve, we shall leave the land, a.nd live upon the
sbridged from Ig1iifi K. II. 400 et See also. vol. I. H., p. 468. See Elliot VII. 344. BSll8ein appasrs to have at one time belonged to Gujarat. See Bay1ey'JJ Gujarst, p. 20. l For an account of the Portuguese coinage see Whiteway's Rise of Portugne8e power. p. 67, etc. A8hrafi8 which were five-sevenths silver and two-sevenths copper were coined by D. ~UiB d' Ataide in 1578. Buzurg i8 perha~ a corruption of bawruco: see Whiteway l. e. 68 and Hobson-Job80n, art. Budgrook. But it i8 not improbabie that the word is bazarg ,. lin.,~.

1 Rieu Cat. 1., 271 b. ''fhi8 biOgl'aphy i8 by 'Abdu-11Jayy. The e~pedi~ion referJed to

seed. " Bwurg ha8 been corrupted in Mahratta into Budrukh, so it or bazarg may have become in English Budgrook. t Khiifi K.'!. 469. g ':-In Baglana near J unail<" El1ipt VII. 337. It i8 frequently mentioned in Khali K. M'&&tbar i8 mentioned in Igxifi I\.. II. 402. He was of the Naitha clan. 4 Goa i8 a long way to the south of Junair. It W88 the Portuguese of Damin, etc., that Wel'e- attaeked by M'aatbar. See J;g1Ifi K. JI. 403. The date W&EI 1103-1691-92.

446

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ocean." Their offences were thereupon forgiven, and an order was given to M' aatbar K. to release the Feringhi prisoners. Afterwards the King was offended by the Feringhis' plundering the ship Ganj I Siw8.i--,.which was the lll.rgest ship belonging to the port of Surat,- and again an order was issued for chastising them. But owing to the subterfuges of the officials this was not carried out. They (the English) inflicted injuries' (rag-u-resha dawanida) and girded up their loins to extirpate the .French, who aftel' the time of Na~ir Jang the martyr appointed one of their leaders to accompany Mo~affar Jang and were in the Deccan till the time of A.ijafu-d-daulah Amiru-I-Mamalik (~alabat Jang, 3rd s. of the Ni~amu I-Mulk). The English took possession of the Haidarabad Carnatic (Arcot), and afterwards they abolished the emperor's sway in Bengal, and also got possession of the province of Bihar. By degrees they have now become the p.redominant partners in the provinces of Allahabad and Oudh. They have established ports 8 from Bengal to Arcot and the To.I Konkan of the Deccan, and have also seized the port of Surat. They have taken possession of Sikikul (Chicacole) and other Sarkara of Haidarabad. At this time they have, at the instigation of Raghii Nath Rao, become involved in a quarrel with the Mahrattas and are making ll, disturbance in Gujarat. O God, assist the followers of MuQ.ammad. May the peace of God be upon him and on his family! DANISHMAND& KHAN. He was Mulla Shalia of Yezd. He spent a long time in Persia in acquiring knowledge and excellence. After he had acquired
I Text Gaj Siwai. But it is Gani Siwiii in lQiiifi K. Il. 421, where there is an account of the taking of the ship. It had sailed to within 8 or 9 days of Surat when it Wall attacked and taken by an English ship. The Portuguese had nothing to do with this. The yearau"ording. to JQ1iifi K. was 1105.., 1693-94. see Elliot VIl. 3110. '1 The sAntence is obscura. The account agrees in its wording with

Elliot VIII. 392. Perhaps the phrase there "who are ever in thirst for their blood" is the rag-u-rMoo dowanida of text. For this phraae see Vullers II. 91i. a Banidar. l'erhapa- herl> m_ns ., factories. ' , The TiH Konkan is delCribed in Khafi K. II. 113 all the part of the ~nkan which belonged to $he 'Adi! Shah of Bijapur. 6 Bernier'. patron.

the currrent sciences both rationai and traditional, he in order to obtain a maintenance in an honourable way took a sum of money from Persian merchants on the arrangement of lt participatiOn in profits, and came l to tbe spacious land of India which is the capital of profits for the owners of hope". and the possessors of desires. He stayed for some time in the Imperial (Jump, and accompanied it from Agra to Lahore and from thenee to Kabul. On the return (lf the Royal retinue from Kabul he went to the port of Surat with the intention of returning to his native country. As his star was rising, and his fortune advancing, the extent of his wisdom and excellence became known to Shah Jahan. An order was issued directing the officers of the port to send him to court. He by the guidance of fortune donned the garb of pilgrimage to the world's throne and on 9 Zi-I-hajja of the 24th year, 23 November 1650, opened thc gates of his own success by kissing the threshold of dominion. As the merit and ability of this man who was worthy of the royal favour again became impressed on H. M., who wafl a patron of the wise, he was raised to the rank of 1000 with 100 horse, and an order was given that the peshkash of Sunday'l for a year should be given to him. Afterwards his rank was increased, and in the 29th year he was made 2nd bakhshi in succession to Lashkar K., and he received the title of Danishmand K., and an increase of 500 with 200 horse. and so received the rank of 2500 with 600 horse. In the 3Ist year his rank WilS raised to 3000 with 800 horse, and in fluccession to I'tiqad K. he was made Mir Bakhshi. In the same year he resigned g the office, and lived retired in Shahjahanabad (Delhi). In the 2nd year of Aurangzeb he was again encompassed by royal favours and received the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse. In the beginning of the ith year his rank was raised to 5000, and in the 8th year he was ~o.badar and guardian of the fort of Shahjaha.nabad. In the 10th year he was ma.de Mir Bakhshi in succession to MU\lammad Amin K., and received a
-------~----------------

According to M. 'Alamgiri 257 he was for a long time at Ai}madnagar as s. trader. ~ lf!Ulfi K. 1. 703.
l

B Bernier 1. 67. He resigned be cause he did not approve of Diira Shikoh. ~ Bemier l. 249 and eJao 289.

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decorated wl'iting case. When in the 12th year the victorious standards of Aurangzeb went to Agra (mastaqa.rrn-l- khiUifa) the charge of the capital (dclm-l-khila!a. i.e. Delhi) was added to his office of Mir BakhshI, and he was sent to perform this work. In the l:{th vear 10 RabI'-al-awal 1081, 18 July 1670, he l died. This excellent Amir was one of the learned men of the age and was distinguished for his good sense and right thinking. .\fter him. np to the present day, no one has been found who united karning with Amirship. They say tha.t when he entered the roval service he was directed to argue and dispute on scientific sl1'bjects with :\Iulla 'Abdu-I-l:takIrn of Sialkot, who for learning and wisdom surpassed the wise men of old. A better scholar than he was not t,o be found in India, and his wise comments on a number of influential books are a clear proof of this. There was a long discussion between these two learned mcn about the conjunction II'/ln (in the phrase ~ ) "Thee do we wotship, and of Thee do we !leg assistance," The very learned S'aad Ullah K., who was in learning a master (dar' ilm 'alam bfi.d " in erlldition an ensigu ") was the umpire, and in the end the two were adjudged equal. From that day he was a hvoul'ite with the emperor and became an .\mir. As to what they say that in the end of his life he became inclined to the learning of the Fra,nks, and repeated mftny of the pa r adoxes 3 of that set, it is improbable, when we consider his leilrning and excellence. D.t\RAB KHAN. :-' ..\l u lih tiir K. of Sabzawiir. Younger brother: of Shamsu-d-di:n Mukbtar K. At the time when Prince Aufftngzeb proceeded from
o

,'\Ialugiri, 105. Koran T. 4. l do not 'know the point of the dispute. Tlwre is an account of 'Abdu-I-~ak;m in the Pad shiihnama I, Part II, p. 340. b Ci. Bernier II, 134, who says that he used to discourse with Dani shmand about the discoveries of Harvey !lnJ Pecqllet, and the philosophy of (;assendi and Descartes. See also id. II. 209. These discussions took place early in the sixties and nearly twenty years before Diinishmand's death.
I

:\1.

There is a porl,rait of Danishmand in an album in the B. M., Rieu Ir. 779, ro. 3~.Even Aurangzeb grew tired of l\fuhammadan learning and administered a stri king rebuke to his old preceptor MuHa :;l al il.1 : see Bernier ani Manucci II. 29. Apparently the Mul la !;laliq, referred to by Bernier, is the man mentioned in Padshahnama II. (;24 and described as belonging to Bada~!,lshan. He also may be the ij:akim l;la:1i4 K. of Maa~ir A. 130.

the Deccan towards the capital in order to sejze the sovereignty and to overthrow Dara Shikoh, who on account of the illness of Shah Jahan had taken possession of the affairs of the empire, Darab received leave to depal't as one of the aux.iliaries of the Deccan. 'Vhen Aurangzeb became successful, Darab in the very first, and before the accession, received the title of K]lan and was appointed to the charge of the fort of AJ:1madnagar. In the end of the second year he was relieved and came to court, and in the 9th year he was made Qarawal Beg (chief huntsma'l) in succession to Faiz Ul1ah K. After that, he was also made superintendent of the special gun-room. In the 13th year he was made superintendent of the Ghusllillana in succession to 'Abdulla ~han, and after that he was made Master of the Horse in sl1ceession to Rl1l). Ullah. After that he was madr governor of Aj mere. In the 19th year he came to court from there, and in succession to Multafat K. was made Head of the Artillery. He was also made Ist MIr Tiizuk. fn the 22nd year he was sent with a suitab1.e force to chastise the Rajputs of Khandila and to throw down the idol temples there. When the Emperor came to Ajmere, Darab attacked that abode of disturbance and destroyed the idol temples of Khandila, Sanaula, etc. Three hundred odd Rajputs stood firm in their obstinacy ,and not one of them escaped. In the same year the 25th Jamada-al-awaI 1090, 24th June 1697, he died. He had three sons and one daughter. The eIdest, MuJ:1ammad ~jlali:l, had the title of TarbIyat K. and of him a separate aCCQunt has been given. The second, )Tul:tammad TaqI, married l the daughter of Bahramand K. bakhshi. HiR son was known as :\1in (or Mubln), and after his father's death received the title of M:uJ:1ammad TaqI K., and in the 48th year was married 2 to the daughter of Shaista K., the son of Shaista K. (the AmIru-I-Umara). Aurangzeb was very fond of him. In the time of Bahadur Shah he received the title of his maternai grandfather Bahramand K. In the time of Jahandar Shah when the office of vizier came to Z'l1-l-fiqar the AmIru-I-umara, and the management of aH affairs was in his hands, )'[uJ:1ammad TaqI, on account of his relationship, was made a Panjhazari (5000). Rome
I

)fsa!!ir A. 221. 1I1aasir U. l. 457.

l\flla!!ir A. 480.

57

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of the business of the viziership was transacted by him. When by the bad trading of the old workmen of the sky in the market of the world, the shop of Jahandar Shah's power went to pieces, and another kind of goods came into use, the s!l.id ~han was chastened by having his wealth and property seized and his manl!ab and jagir taken from bim. But again by the help of the Amiru-lumara J:Iusain 'Ali K., he was saved from these enveloping waves of calamity and brought to the safe shore of the Deccan. In Aurangabad he lived for a time in the dwelling (haweli) of Sultan Mahmud (Aurangzeb's son), near the 'Ambari tank, which Aurangzeb had given to the deceased Bahramand. When the government of the Deccan came to A~af Jah, he respected the ~han's family and spoke to him with much considera tion, and gave him the government of citadel which yielded nothing except retirement. For 15 or 16 years he lived there. At present, a son occupies his place, and lives in the fort which is but aruin. The aforesaid ~hiin was even in this position a pleasant companion (khush.Vaam). The third son is Kamyab K. who was married to the daughter of Ma~lib K. He left a daughter who in the time of FarrulQl Siyar was married to {Iusain 'Ali K. But the daughter of Datab was married to Mir Lashkar who was a descendant of Mirza J:Iaidar f>afavl. Her eldest son, Askhar 'Ali K., was for a long time governor of the fort of Dharap (Dharab) in the Deccan, which for strength and solidity has been called Daulatabad tbe 2nd. A~af Jah, out of regard to his family. kept him in his presence and made him clerk of his jagirs and diwa'1!i. At present he has some government work. He is an old man; may God forgive himl DARAB KHAN MIRZA DARAB.' Second son of the Khan-~jlanan Mirza' Abdu-r-Ra\lim. He was always with his father and distinguished himself in the campaigns. Especially did he distinguish himself in the famous battle of Khirki when he assisted his eIder brother Shah Newaz K., and was honoured by obtaining increased rank. When in the 14th year of Jahangif his brother Shah NewAz died, he received
I B. 339.
There is a.portrait of Dilriib in the B. M., Rien II. 780.

the rank of 5000 zat and horse and in the place of his brother became governor of Berar and Al,Jmadnagar. In the 15th year when Malik 'Ambar brake his promises and treaty, and stretcht'd out his arm against the Imperial territories, thinking the expedition of the Emperor to the distant country of Kashmir a good opportunity, most of the officers left their stations (thanahs) and collected nea.r Darab. Khanjar K., the governor of Al).madnagar, took refuge in the fort, and Darab having equipped his forces proceeded towards the Balaghat. 'Ambar's banditti. (bargiiin) every day prowled round him and tbere were repeated fights, in all of which tbe evil-fated foe was defeated and slain. One day Darab took with him well-mounted ca\'aliers and attacked the enemy's quarters, and a great fight ensued. ile was victoriaus and returned to camp with much booty. After that, tbe enemy so barred thc coming in of corn that the troops were reduced to distress, and Darab was compelled to leave the defiles of Rohankhera and to come down to Balapur to encamp. When the tyranny of the Cossacks of the Deccan proceeded so far that they crossed the Narbada and plundered the estates in Malwa, Prince Shah Jahan again was sent to the Deccan, and in the 16th year halted at Burhanpur. The victoriaus army attacked and devastated the Ni~am Shahi territory up to the Godavery , and sacked Khirki which was the resid('nce of Malik' Ambar. One day before the army arrived, he had nrept into the fort of Daulatahad along with the Ni~amu-I-Mulh. Malik' Ambar was compelled to sue for peace and agreed to pay fourteen kror8 of dama for the estates adjoining the imperial territories, and fifty lacs of rupees aS tribute. In the 17th year the Prince in accordance with his father's summons left the Deccan for the Qandahar campaign in company with the E:jlan-~hanan and Da-rab. When juggling Time started another game and there occurred a cloud between the Emperor and the Prince to such 3.n extent that there was marsha1ling of forces and contention, the Prince, from a recognition of duty, did not confront the Imperial army and tUl'ned aside. Rajah Bikramajit-who was his chief supporter-faced the Imperial army along with Darab. As it chanced, in the meIee the Rajah was killed by a musket-shot, and the army

b"

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became disorganized. Ditrah could not maintain his ground, turned back and joined the Prince. When Shah Jahan was constrained t,o send the l\han-Khanan from Burhanpur to l\1ahabat K. for the purpose of coming to terms, and that old man washed the roll of loyalty and fidelity in the waters of forgetfulness, and joined tl1P enemy, nitrab with the children and grandchildren of the }Qlan-K.hanitn wen> imprisoned. When Rengal came into Shah Jahan's pO!3session and hc aimed at the conquest of Bihar, he again received Dara!> into favour and made him Governor of Bengal , but kept with himself as hostages Dariib's wife, one daughter and one son, and his nephew. When the prince after the battle of the Tons l (near) Benares proceeded by the same route back to the Deccan, he sent an order to Darab to proceed quickly to Garhi: (Teliagarhi)-which is the gate of Rengal-and to join him. Darab, from want of rectitude, saw the affair in another light, and wrote in reply that the land-holders had combined and were besieging him, and that he could not come. Though the misbehaviour and oppression of the landholders wete true, yet he by not joining acted with dilatoriness and contrary to loyalty. The prince was compelled to withhold his hand from him, but in his displeasure he made over his young son and his nephew to' AbdulIah K. To a madman a suggestion is enough (?) and so 'Abdullah cruelly put both of these innocent ones to death. A.fterwards, when Sultan Parvz and ~lahabat K. heard of this they sent strict orders to the zamindars of Bengal to refrain from interfering with him and to send him to them. When in the end of the 19th year Darab joined Sultan Parvez's army, an order of J ahangir came to Mahabat to the effect that there was no sense in keeping such a worthless fellow alive, and that he should qliickly send his head to court. Mahabat was bound by the order and immediately had his head cut off and dispatched. 8hahid pak shud Darab mis kin. " The wretched Darab became a pure martYI' " is the chronoI The Tons is a tributary of the Ganges. It flows northwards and

gram (10:34, 1625). They say that Mahabat K. had the head wrapped in a napkin and sent it to the I~han-~hanan-whowas his prisoner-as a melon. The I\.}lan-~hanan on seeing it said, " True; aheautiflll l melon." [)iirab was a young man of excellent qualities, a prudent leader, and a brave man. No other did such feats as he in the Deccan. But his horoscope was unforblnate. He left the side of Shah Jahan, and was drivP!1 nut hy tlH' Imperial side, so that his end was miserable. DARB.AR

K.

His name was 'lnayat, and he was the son of Takiii i K., the storyteller (qi'i'ia-kJJ:wan), who was distinguished in the servico of Shah 'rahmasp $afavl as a storyteller , and was a favourite with him. 'Vhen his son came to India, he entered the s~rvice of Akbar in his hereditary capacity and became.a companion. HE' received the rank of 700 and the title of Darbar K. In the 14th year, after the taking of Ranthambhor, and when the king had gone to Ajmere to visit the shrine of M'ulnu-d-dln, Darbar K. took leave on account of sickness and came to Agra. He died g after arriving there. As Akbar liked him much, he was greatIy grieved at his death. Darbar K., from excessive fidelity and worship of his master, made a deathbed will to the effect that they should bury him at the feet of the king's do :-over which a dome had been erected--because in former times this dog had, from perfect fidelity, always ab6de at the king's threshold. The king too used Ciccasionally to take notice of this dog. When the dog died, the king lamented the circumstance, and Darbar K. erected ~ a building and buried the dog under the dome. In accordance with his will he was buried under the dome. Good God! How far affection for the world carries us! And how many efforts and Batteries are used in such matters! To speak of the king's dog and to admit into one'a mind thoughts of
I tarhuz shahidi. Ther" is a play on shahidi which means both martyred and beautiful. i B. 464 where, and also in Persian text of Ain T. 227. it is Taka1tii

3 Akbarnama II. 339.

4 A.' F. does not say that Darbiir erected the tomb; Lc.. 339.

joins the Ganges on the right bank and in the Allahabad district.

..

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world-worship at such a time when one should be occupied with one's God, and concentrate one's thoughts on Him! If it was hypocrisy, \Voe for him when they show him at the Resurrection along with the dog, and if it was devotion-God forbid that it should be so. Yet the end of things is obscure and God's mercy is wide! I Though Akbar did not possess fully 2 the arts of reading and writing, yet he occasionally composed verses, and was versed in hi,;tory; especially was he well acquainted with the history of rndia. He was very fond of the story of Amir J:lamza which contained 360 tales. So much so th~t he in the female apartments used to recite them like a storyteller. He had the wonderful incidents of that story illustrated 8 from beginning to end of the book and set up in twelve volumes. Each volume contained one hundred folias, and each folio was a cubit (~ira) long. Each folio contained two pictures and at the front of each picture there was a description delightfully written by Khwaja" 'AJa Ullah Munshi of Qazwin. :r:ifty painters of Bihzad-like pencil were engaged, at first under the superintendence of the Nadiru-lmulk Humayfinshahi Saiyid 'Ali Judai b af Tabriz, and afterwards under the superintendence of ~}1waja
l See Blochmann 's remarks on this subject. 2 Khatt u 8aw1id kamal nada8ht. Perhaps the meaning is "did not at all possess these arts." 3 The illustrations are. referred to in the Ain B. 108. It is said that there were 1400 illustrations, but if there were twelve books each of 100 folios and two pictures on each, there would be 2400. l;Iamza was l\IuQammad 's uncle. For an account of the ,. Story of l;Iamza .. see Rieu II. 760b. Both )iir Sayyid 'Ali and 'Abdu-!il:;lamad are mentioned in B. 107. The word in A.F. and III the Maa~ir for illustration is majli8. The Ain also uses the word maza. Perhaps majli8 is pleonastic for it is followed in the aas.ir by the word ta8wir. There is specimen of 'Abdu-~-:;lamad's work
0.

'Abdu-I;J-::;lamad of Shiraz. No one has seen sucb another gem nor was there anything equal to it in the establishment of any king. At present the hook is in the Imperial Library. DARYA KHAN ROHILLA. Of the Daudzai tribe. At first he was a servant of Murta~a K. Shaikh Farid. Afterwards he became the servant of Shah Jahan during the time when he was prince. In tht fight at Dholpur with Sharifu-I-mulk the servant of Suhan Shahriyar he distinguished himself, and acquired reputation. "'nen Ibrahim K. Fatl,l Jang, the Governor of Bengal, opposed the prince and was besieged in his son's tomb one kos from Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), the fleet was in lbrahim's hands, and without boats the Ganges could not hl'\ crossed. Darya K. and 500 Afghans crossed by an unknown ford point!}d out by the Teliya (the oilman) Raj ah , and when some ten or twelve horses had not reached the other side, Ibrahim came to oppose them. Darya K. stood firm and fought. When' Abdullah K.-who wished to cross at the same place-saw this, he drew rein and went off to another ford. Ibrahim K. sent off A1:lmad Beg K. after him to help his men, and when the prince Jearnt this, he directed Rajah Bhim to take 'Abdullah K. with him and join Darya K But before they arrived Darya K. had twice attacked and defeated the enemy. But as he was on foot he could not pursue them. When Ibrahim K. learnt that Al,lmad Beg had been defeated, and that Rajah Bhim and' Abdullah K. had joined, he drew up his forces and opposed. When his companions could not resist the shock of the brave men and fled, Ibrahim and a iew more were killed. The prince rewarded Darya K. with a lac of rupees and some elephants out of the spoHs of Bengal, and when he left, Bengal and Bihar came into his possession. 'Abdullah K. and Darya K. went off to Allahabad in advance, and in the first place surrounded the. fort, and ~fterwardB en<lamped at Manikpur on the bank of the Ganges. 'Abdullah K. summoned Darya K. to assist him. Darya K. delayed to do so, and a disagreement arose between them. Meanwhile Mahabat K. and Sultan Parvez arrived at the bank of the Ganges. Darya K. asked 'Abdullah for the

in the Bodleian. The reference to Akbar'" listening to the story of l;Iamza is A.N. II. 223. It would seem from A.N. II. 349 that Akbar was in the habit of passing by or visiting Darbiir's tomb and that the latter's son Deo Sultan-who presumably was mad or violent-was found lurking there with an evil design. He was seized and imprisaned. and died in confinement. At p. 332 of Elliot V. it is stated that Akbar want into Darb1ir K. 's din- ing-hall after his death. Apparently the correct translation is that he attended the funeralfeast (maj lis-i: Ji'aam). ~ Author of a history of Akbar. Rieu 922b. 6 Text has Iiliudiimi, but the variant Jud1ii is right. See B. 590.

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fleet and the artillery in order that he might strengthen the fords and prevent the Imperial army from crossing. 'Abdulla!) purposely delayed compliance, and their mutual disagreement injured their master's business. Darya K., who in addition to the arrogance produced by vietaries was a continual drunkard, did not properly secure the ford!>, and Mahabat procured boats and crossed elsewhere. Darya K. was obliged to join 'Abdullah and Rajah BhIm who had assembled in Jaunpur, and from there they went to the prince's camp at Benares. There it was agreed that they should give battle at Kankera '-which was not devoid of strength-and keep the river Tons 2 in front of them. After a fight, when victoI1T was declaring itself on the side of the Imperialists, the new servants of Darya K.-who were disgusted with his ways-fled without fighting, and Darya K.-who was the leader of the right wing of the vanguard--also withdrew. After that he in .Junair unfaithfully left the prince's service and joined ~han Jahan LodI, who was the governor of the Deccan. He was not contented with this infidelity, but also stirred up Khan Jahan LodI to rebellious thoughts After the 'accession, he by a thousand supplications and submissions, obtained service and received 3 the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse. His fief was assigned to him in Bengal, and he was appointed to go with Qasim K. the governor of that province Afterwards he received' in fief the pargana of Banadar (~) etc. in Khandes , and was ordered to the Deccan campaign. At the time when Saho. Bhonsla, at the instigation of the Ni~am Shah, was stirring up strife in Khandes because the Khan Zaman, the governor of that territory, had gone off to take the
I Sarzamin Kankera. Poesibly it means rocky ground hut more probably it is a misreading. The Iqbal, nama which is apparently the source has, p. 232. " the jungle of Kanpat," and there is the variant Kantit for which see B, 425. Probably Kantit is right. i A tributary of the Ganges. It flows N.E. and joins the Ganges in the Allahabad district on the right bank.

fort. of Blr from Saiyid Kamal theNi~am ShahI, Darya K. came from his fief with lightning-speed to Saho. and chastised' him and drove him out of the country. When in the 3rd year the city of Bl1rhanpm became the residence of Shah Jahan in order that he might uproot I~han Jahan LadI, Darya K came from his fief and did homage At that very time, he remembered friendship and tribal connection and fled, and joined ~}1an Jahan. When ~han .Jahan was defeated by A'~im K. the Viceroy of the Deccan, and went off to Daniatabad, Darya K. came by the Pass of ChalIsgaon i to Khandes and lighted the flames of devastation. When' AbdulIith K. was appointed to chastise him, he returnfld to Daulatabad, and at the same time he went off with ~han .Jahan with the intentIOn of stirring up strife in Upper India, and came to Malwa. As he could not stay there on account of the pursuit by the imperialists, he wcnt off, and when he came to the Bundila country, he had a fight with Bikramajlt the son of Rajah .IujMr Singh. Darya K. was in the real', and in the madness of drunkenness he took no account of BikramajIt and unhesitatingly attacked him. In the melee a bullet reached him and he was killed. His son and about .400 Afghans were also killed. In the 4th year, 1040 , 163031, his head was brought tiO court at Burhanpur. DASTAM KHAN.3 Son of Rustam of Turkestan, and one of the Sih hazari (holders of man!!ab of 3000) of Akbar. His moth<:>r BibI Bakhyah Begi waH connected with Maham Anaga, and had access to the seraglio. Dastam was brought up in the service of Akbar. In the 9th year he was appointed, along with Mir :\1:' uizzu-I-mulk to pursue 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, and in the 17th year he was among the auxiliaries of l~Jlan A.'~im Koka and was appointed to Gujarat. In the battle with MuJ:tammad Ifusain MIrza he did good service and be-

LG. There is also a Tons which is a tributary of the Jumna. but this is not the one here mea.nt. 3 JShiifi K. J. 40 l. He afterwsrds had an increase of 1000 horse. Padshaniims L 300. 40 Piidshiihnii01s r. 226. It is mentioned there tha t he got a fief in the Deccan, but the name is not given. A t p. 251 id. his fief is called Bashawada.

' l
I

Piidshahnama I. 251. Chiilisgaon is a suhdivision of the Khandesh district, lt was at the foot of the Siitmiila range, LG. X. 127. ;, B. 3!l8 and 620. It would appear from Bay~zid Biyiit's Memoire, A.B.RJ. for 1891i, that Dastam's
J
2

mother's name was Takhta. Dastam is mentioned in the 7th year as having accompanied Akbar on his expedjtion to Paronkha, A.N. II. 164. At p. 177 of do. his mother is called Najiba Begam.

58

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came dis1,mguished. Afterwards he came with the Ii..han 1(' ?iim and waited upon the Emperor. In the 22nd year the sarkar of Rantambhor was put into his fief and he was made governor of Ajmere. After being for some time there he turned his attention to putting down the rebellious and to heartening the oppressed. In the 25th year Dchla', the son of Ralbhadar, and Mahan, Sur Das and Tiluksi, the brother's sons of Rajah Bihara Mal, came without the Rajah's I permission from the Panjab to the town of Luni, their native place, and took to evil courses. Dastam, in order to observe the respect due to the family of the Kachwahas, engaged in giving them advice. His mildness increased their turbulence. At this time an order came from Court to treat those recalcitrants with a mixture of promisesand threats, but if they did not listen, Dastam was to punish them. He in his haste cast aside the thread of plan and went forth to fight with them without having gathered an army. The three nephews were killed, but Vehla-who was the leader of the malcontents-took refuge in a field of millet Ojawar). Suddenly he came out, calling" Dastam Khan," and engaging him wounded him severely with a spear. Dastam, in spite of such a wound, killed him with his sword, and then fell tQ the ground. His men sei; him on horseback, and as long as the fight endured he contiuued encouraging them, until at la3t the rest of the wicked fellows took to flight. Their houses were plundered. Two days (ruz duwam) afterwards he died in 988, 1580. As he was energetic, disinterested, and tactful, Akbar regretted his death, and III comforting his mother said,1I "He was (only) separated from us for three years of his life; from you he was separated for many years. Consequently his departure is harder upon us."
D'AVD KHAN.

He, Bahadur K. and Sulaiman K. were sons of ~hi~r K, Pani. At first he (KhiF) was a merohant, and afterwards by the
I The A.N. Ill. 326 says nothing about the Raj ah 's leave. II Apparently Dastam and. Akbar had met when the latter was only three years of age, and presumably therefore whell he was at Qandahar or Kabul with his uncleli, and the two !Dust have been together ever since, Hi. mother perhaps ceased to attend Court when Miiham Anaga died. There

influenoe of Rahlol K. ' Abd ii-I-Karim he became asirdar. He took part with Bahlal in the imprisonment of Khw~ K. Afterwards Bahlal nominally appointed him to assist Shaikh Manhajwho along with the Deccanis had gone off before this to chastise Siva, but in reality in order that he might arrange for the killing of the said Shaikh. After Khi~r K. had joined him, he one day invited him to a feast. When the Shaikh came near Khizr's tent , - . the latter came out to welcome him, and the Shaikh, who knew -his design, was beforehand with him and kil1ed him, and then joined the army. Bahlal, on hearing this, brought an army against the Deccanis and there was a great battle. At last the Deccanis made an alliance with the ruler of Raidarabad and joined him. D'aud K. was then in the fort of N.aldrug. The Khan~hanan Koka, the governor of the Deccan, conciliated him, and in the 18th 1 year of Aurangzeb he became a servaut of the king and received the rank of 4000 and the title of Khan. His brothers and other relatives received suitable rank and Naldrug was taken for the government, and ?;afarnagar iu Berar was assigned to him as a residence. In the 26th year, after the imperial army had reached the Deccan, he with his brother Sulaiman aud his uncle Ranmast-who was called 'Ali and in the 7th year of Aurangzeb had entered the imperial service and obtained the rank of 1500 and gradually risen to the rank of 5000 and the title of l<.anmast Khan-had the good fortune to do homage. In company with the other two he was attached to the retinue of Sultan Mu'izzu-d-din and was sent off to chastise the Mahrattas. Ranmast K. got the title of Bahadur K., and became famous. He was appointed, along with Rug Ullah K. to the seige of Wakinkera, and in the 34th year was killed in the batteries by a musket-ball from the fort. His son Uml' K., who afterwards had the title of Ranmast K., took up his abode in Ranma.stpura iu Aurangabad. On his death several sous remained, but at the time of writing norte of them is alive. D'aud K. obtained_ distinction by being attached to Zu-l-fiqar K. and performed
is a reference to Dastam in Jahangit's 'fiizuk, p. 25ll. J This apparently should be the 20th. See Ma&!!ir Umara I. 802 which giVes 1677 as the date.

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feate in the seige of Ginji and in battIes with the foe. In the 43rd year he was made Naib-faujdar of the Carnatic-Haidarabad-which was substantively held by Zu-l-fiqar, and in the 45th year the faujdari of Carna,tic-Bijapur was added to this. In the 48th year he as deputy for Mul:J.ammad Kam BaIQJ!ili was made governor of Haidarabad, and in the 49th year-when the king came in person against the fort of Wakinkera-he was summoned from Ginji and did good service in the seige of the said fort (Wakinkera). He behaved bravely and was treated with favour in consequence. After Aurangzeb's death he took part with Zu-l-fiqar in the battle against Kam Bakhsh. ln the 3rd year of Bahadur Shah, he as Zu-l-fiqar's deputy held the government of the Deccan with the exception of Khandes, Berar and the Payanghat. On the death of the :K..han-:K..hanan he was made governor of Burhanpur and the Berar-Payanghat. In Burhanpur his sister's son Bayazid K. was Naib, Hiraman Bakseria was the manager, and in Derar another sister' s son, who was called 'Alawal K., had the deputyship. When Mul:J.ammad Farrulih Siyar became sovereign, DC aud K. was appointed to the government of Gujarat. 'Vhen the government of the Deccan came into the hands of I.Iusain 'Ali K. Amirul-Umara, he proceeded thither (the Deccan). At ~his time D'aud K., in accordance with the king's directions, came from Gujarat to Burhanpur , and though after crossing the N arbada the Amiru-lUmara proposed an amicable arrangement, it did not take place. Outside the city of Burhanpur , in the 3rd year, D' aud K. with a small force proceeded to oppose and behaved with Rustum-like courage, and drave on his elephant and brake the ranks. In that battle, in the year 1127, 1715, he was killed by a bullet from a ~ambarak (camel-gun) and died without offspring. But Bahadur K. and Sulaiman K.-who were his full brotlwrs-did imperial service along with their elder brother. The second one in the 51st year obtained the rank of 2000, and after the death of Aurangzeb was a companion of Mul.lammad A'?!im Shah. Afterwards, when Bahadur Shah sat on the throne, he was made, in the Ist year, govel'llor of Burhallpur , and in the 2nd year, after the king came to Burhanpur , as the ryots complained of his oppres

sion, he was set aside. After BahadurShah's death he joined A?!imll-sh-shan, and on the day of the battle with the-other princes in 1123, 1711, he was killed. Except daughter~' sons he left no offspring. The eldfJst of these was Ibrahim K. ~Hter his uncle's death he had the title of Bahadur K., and in the 49th year he re. ceived suitable rank :Lnd the gift of a drum. When in the time of Aurangzeb the deputyship of the government of the Deccan came to Daud K., he (Bahadur) became Naib of Haidarabad, and in the time of Mul:J.ammad Farrukh Siyar-when Haidar 'Ali K became Dewan of the Deccan-he was made faujd~r of Qamarna~ gar alias Karnu!. In the beginning of the rei,gn of Muhammad Shah he, in accordance with orders of H.IVI., c~me with Mubarik K. and was killed in 1136, 1774, in the battle against Nizaml1-lThe mulk Al?af Jah. His sons were Alif K. and RandauJa ~~r~er was. made. fauj_dar of Qamarnagar, and the latter got a JagIr and hved WIth Al?af Jah. Both died, and Bahadur t.he son of Alif was made faujdar of Karnfil, an appointment which he held for a long time. When the hat-wearers of Pondicherry made. a .ni~ht attack on the camp of the martyred Nal?ir Jang, and dIsClpIme got out of hand, the said martyr, thinking that Bahadur was on his side, went towards his detachment (misl) which was the left wing. As Bahadur K. was in league with the' ' . . M~ ~le knowmgly and mtentionalIy martyred him by shooting him, III 1164, 1750. He then formed an intimacy (tiaMat kok) with Hedayat Mal.llii-d-din K. (Mo?!affar Jang, grandson of Nizam-ulmulk) and assumed triumphant ways. Though the leader,' on acco~nt of prudence, temporised,yet after the army had reached {{aICor near Cuddapah he became impatient and the dislike became pUblic. In the end there was fighting and th e l ead er was wounded by an arrow and Bahadur was kiIled by a bullet. The verse is excellent.

i:

'

>,

Verse.
Everything that succeeds in the world When it comes to the top, it fails: No success remains iu perfection, When the hook is finished, the page is turned

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At the time of this writing Ranmast K. alias Manawar K. the half-brother of Bahadur K. is faujdar of KarniH. He is a friend of the wri ter. I D'AUD KHAN QORESHl. S. Bhikan K., who was one of the Shaikhzadas of :t:Ii~ar Firiiza and was a chief and confidential servant of Khan Jahan Lodi. In the fight at Dholpur, which took place between Khan Jahan and the royal troops, Bhikan flung away the coin of his life. Shaikh D' aud entered into the service of Prince Dara Shikoh , and obtained influence with him by his courage and good qualities. In the 30th year he was made faujdar of l\::[athura, Mahaban, Jalesar and otherestates which on the death of S'adullah K. became the prince's fief. He also had charge of the road between Agra and Delhi with 2000 horse. In the same year he at the request of the prince receivedthe title of Khan. In Dara Shikoh's first battle he was in the vanguard with Satarsal Hara. His brother S. Jan Mu\1ammad was killed. Afterwards, when Dara Shikoh fled before Aurang?;eb, he left D'aud on the bank of the Sutlej at the ferry of TaIwan ~ which is a well-known crossing. Afterwards he fortified the further bank of the Beas in order to hinder the pursuit. At last when Dara Shikoh lost courage and fled from Lahore towards Multan , D'aiid K., in accordance with orders, burnt and sunk the boats , and then joined Dara. He went with him everywhere tiH he separated from him at Bhakar and went off by Jasalmir to his native country of J:[i~ar Firuza. As his experience and ability were wellknown he received from Aurangzeb a robe of honour. On the return of the royal standards from Multan to Delhi he came and did homage and received the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse. In the battle with Shuja' he had command of the right wing of the re.serve. After Shuja"s defeat he waR sent off with Mua1l1lam K. (Mir Jumla) to pursue him towards Bengal. When he came to
1

Pa.tna he was made governor thereof, and his rank was increased
by 1000 horse, dud8pa and sihiispa (two horse anel three horse).

This life was written by 'Abdu-l-

ij:ayy. In the life of' Nii~ir J a!lg in

the Srd vol. it is stated, p. 855, that the Nawab was Bhot by Himmat K. and anothel'\ person who is not named. The occurrence was on the 19th

November 1750. Elliot VIII. 391. There is an account of Niil?ir Jang's death in the firs~ vol. of Orme's History. ~ Jal'tett ll. 316, in Sarkiit Lahore.

When M'ua?i?iam K. ~ his pursuit of Shuja' had gone from the direction of Makh~ii~A.bad (Murshedabad) to Akbarnagar (Rajma.hal) D'aiid was ordered to cross the river Ganges with his contingent and the auxiliaries, and to proceed to Tanda, which was the residence of tbe enemy, so that Shuja' might be pressed on two sides. D'atid left his brother's son as his deputy in Patna and went off. He afte,rwards joined M'ua?i1lam K. and assisted in disposing of the business. When Shuja' left the imperial domains D'aud returned to Patna and addressed himself to chastising the sedition-monger~ there. The zamindar of Palawan (Palamow)--..:..which is forty kos to the south of Patna, and the confines of which are 25 kos distant from that city-was always insolent, and the territory had strong forts, diffi.cult roads and mu(ih jungle. Relying upon these features he behaved presumptuously, and at this time he raised the standard of obstinacy and delayed to pay tribute. The Khan, in accordance with orders, proceeded to conquer the country. He began by taking the forts on the borders, by relying upon which the zamindar used to oppress the imperial territories. Though the ruler was overcome with fear, and begged with contrition that the amount of the tribute should be fixed, and that he might b~ pardoned, D'aiid did not listen to him , and in the Ub year marched to the territory with a well-equipped force. Batteries were erected near the fort of Palawan and there was hot fighting. An order came from the. EJDperor to give the ruler quaeter, and to make over the territory to him on condition of his submission and of his embracing Islam. The miserable fellow stubbornly adhered to his. paganism and DCaud by successive engagements arrived at the wall of the fort. Though from the great strength of the place it was not thought that it could soon be taken, yet by secret (Divine) aid the heroes reached the fortification I of the wall and ca-rried it. The position of the garrison became difficult, and the zamindar fled by night. After this victory , the Khan stayed some time in the

I Quir-i-8hahrband.

The expression comes from the 'Alamgirniim&, pp. 658

and 659.

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country to settle it and to strengthen the forts. He then left Mankli K. there-who had, by the Emperor's orders, been made faujdar of Pala-wan-and returned to Patna. 1 After that he came to court and was appointed to the Deccan along with Mirza Rajah Jui Singh to punish Siva Bhonsla. His rank was made 5000 with 4000 horse, of which 3000 were two-horse and three-horse. At the same time he was made governor of Khandes, and an order was sent that he should leave one of his relatives with a body of troops in Burhanpul' and address himself to the duty assigned to him. After taking the fort of Rormal he, during the siege'of Purand~lar, was sent by the Mirza Rajah with 7000 horse to devastate Siva's ~ountry. He burnt the villages and hamlets appertaining to Rajgarha, and the dependencies of Kunda-na, and devastated many towns and then returned with his victorious troops. Afterwards he, with the right wing of the Mirza Rajah's army, ravaged the territory of Bijapur and fought several batties with the t Adi! . Shah! troops. In the 9th year he was removed from the government of Khandes and was summoned to court. In the l0th year he was sent off as governor of Berar, and after that he was again governor of Burhanpur. In the 14th y()ar he waited on the Emperor and was made governor of Allahabad. The date of his death is unknown. ~amid K. his son had a great name for courage and always served the Emperor. He died in the 25th year of Aurangzeb. DAULATi KHAN LODI. He belonged to the Shah-ii tribe, and at first was in the service of ~.Mn A(?-;im M. 'Aziz Koka. As he had an abundant share
I There i8 a full account of D'a.ud's campaign in Palamow in the 'Alamgil'uama 648 et seq. There is a notice of D'auu K. in Manucci L 308 and 317. The cAmpaign of Palamow is also referred to in tthe Maa~jr A. 37, and in ~ifi K. fr. 129. The campaign began - in the third year of Aurangzeb, t070. D'auu having begun his march agllinstPalamow on the 22nd Sh'aban of t.hat year (23rd April 1660), 'Alamgitnama. 64!l last line: but Palamow
WIl.8 not taken tili the 4th year, 1071, December 1660. There is an abstract by Blochmann of the aocount in the 'Alamgirnama in theA.S.B.J.for 1871, p. 124,.etc., and in the same journal for 1874, p. 240, there is a letter from Colonel Dalton describing a large picture of the taking of Pala.mow. It is preserved at D'uudnagar in the Gya diRtrict. ~ B. 502.

of bravery and skill, the Khan A'?-;im, at the time of the mamage of his sister to 'Abdu-r-Ral,1im s. Bairam K., made over Daulat to him and said that if he wishcd to rise high and to get his father's title he should keep this man near him and cherishhim. For a long time Daulat accompanied M. 'Abdu-r-Ral,1im and did excellent service. He was a predominant partner in the Guja-rat victory, in reward of which the Mirzi got the title of Khan-Kha.na.n. He did famous things. in the Tatta and Deocan oampaigns. He had attained the rank of 1000 in the KMn-Kha.na.n's contingent, when Prince Sultan Daniel made him his own servant and gave him the rank of 2000. W.hen that Prince went from Al}.madnagar to congratulate his father on the taking of Asir, he left Daulat to help M. Shah-Rukh who had been appointed to guard that territory (Al,1madnagar). In the end of the 4:5th year, 1009, 1600-0 l, he died l of colin in Al}.madnagar. He was one of the bravest men of the age. Akbar was always apprehensive of hiR courage and daring, and they say that when the news of his death came he Sloid, " This day Sher Kha.n Sur has departed from the world." There are wonderful stories told of Daulat K. They say that when Shahba.z K. Kambu in the year 986, 1578, in the 24:th year of the reign, was appointed to obastise the Rana, he made very strict arrangements about the order of march. He and some of his servants went ahead, and all the man/1abdiirs and servants came along with the gitr.' The lIeaawaliin (Hctors) were so strict that they would not allow one horse to be in front of another by so much as an ear. One day, the Khiion-I.g1a.nan-who was also among the auxiliaries-wasriding alongside of Daulllt K. Daulat came out of the line and did not heed the prohibition of the.,yesawal8. At a sign from Shahbaz K.-who had many hastinesses-his brother 'Abdal K. spurred on his horse and struck Daulat's horse on the nose with a stick. The latter drew his sword and struck such a blow on the buttooks of Abdal's horse tha.t it fell to the ground. Shahbaz told his men to seize Daulat. They say that on that day Daulat Khan showed great activity, and did wonders, and boldly went ahead of the troops. The Afghans,
j

A. N. III. 785.

B. 50 note.

59

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however, joined (with him) in making an onset. The ~hA.n-I~M. nan in order to dis0harge himself of his obligation (to produce Daulat K. ~} sate at the entrance to ShahMz K.'s quarters tilI evening. Shahbaz came out and embraced the Mirza, and pel'"mitted him to go to his lodging. Next day the ~han-~hA.nan brought Daulat K. to ShahbAz's quarters and apologized for him. Shahbaz gave Daulata horse and a robe of honour and said, "Be you the protagonist (Imam ce fugleman ") of the army and ever lead the way." l They say that when Shaikh Abu-l-fa~l came to the D~ccan as general manager, one day in all assembly where the KhA.n-Khanan was, said apropos of something, that the Indian sword was written about in books, but that he had never seen it. Daulat suspectoo an allusion, and fleurished his sword and said, "This is an Indian sword, if I strike your head with it, it will go through." The KhA.n-Khanan laid hold of his arm and put him out. The Sbaikh was much disconcerted, andafterwards the Ilhan-Khana.n by much importunity brought Daulat to the Shaikh's quarters and begged pardon for Daulat. The Sbaikh rose up and embraced him, and gave him an elephant and a robe of honour and said that he had no aUusion in his mind. Stranger till is the story told in the ZaJIDira-ul-Khwanin that when prince Daniel was displeased with the KhA.n-KhA.nan, he in the heat of youth hinted to one of his blackguard-intimates that when the Khan-KhA.nan came, he should give him a push in the side so that he should fall from the fort of Burhanpur, which lies on the TaptL Accordingly, one day they did this to the Khan-KhA.nan, but he kept hisfooting. His turban however fell off. The prince

he

rose and took the KhAn-Khanan's hand and begged his pardon, on the ground that it was the l'e3ult of drunkenness. Daulat put out his h!'ttda;nq tol)k off the prince's turban and put it on: the Kha.n-Khli.nlirn'B head and took him home. But the story is improbable and is not consonant with facts, for at that time Ds.ulat was in attendance on. the prince, and not a companion of the Kha.n-Khi.nan. So it cannot be accepted by those who investigate. Among Daulat's sons Ma~miid became melancholy and even tually mad. Remedies made him a little better. In the 46th year he went out to hunt and got separated from 'his companions. Near the town of PaI' he had Q, fight with the Kolis and was killed .. Another of his sons was :Birai who had the title of IlhAn Jahan Lodi. A full account of him has been given elsewhere. DAULAT KHAN MAYI. He is commonly known as Khwii.f;1 Khan. Mayi is a section of the Bhatti I t'ribe which make their livelihood in the Panjab by zamindari. and by robbery. He was the servant-rumalbardar (handkercWef-holder)-of Shaikh Farid Murta~a K. As in early youth he was very beautiful, whenever he came into the presence of Jahangir, the latter looked favourably upon him. After the Shaikh's death he received a. 8uitablerank, and as his norosoope contained advancement, he in a short time attained to greater intimaoy and to the title of Khw~ Ilhan, and was made snperin tendent of the man~abdars of tn", Jilau (retinue) who are trusted houseborn servants; such an office as his is only given to confidential men. When Shah Jahan became king, he, in the year of the acoession, received the rank of 2500 with 1500 horse, and as he was not devoid of energy and courage, he distinguished him self in the fight a.t Dholpiir with ~B,n Jahan Lodi and fell wounded on the field. His courage and alQ,crity were impressed on the mind of Shah Jahan, and his rank was in~reased. In the
I There was a :Plil in Khandea on the borders of Malwa, J. II. 222, but probably this is the Pil in Kjlothiawar. A. N. III. 802 Wrongly has Mil I Elliot. Supp. Glou. l, 37. Mayi is

I The story is not well told, there being too great an effort at brevity, Apparently Daulat K. broke his arrest and distinguished himself in the battle. He was an Afghan, and the Afghans supported him. As he was the Jg1iinI;Q1inin's servant, the latter. was responsible for him, and 80 sate at ~ih biz~ gate iD order to get pardon for Daulat. Perhaps, however, there was

no fighting on the first day, and the mlWling is merely that Daulat iD8isted on going on in front and that his bretbren-the Afghans-made a tumult and prevented the ushers or lictors from arresting him. Apparently the inoident belongs to the 23rd year of AkI;>ar's reign, 986, 1578. see B1ochmllnn, 400, and Maa~r, II. 592.

the Mavi of Elliot, Supp. GI08l~ L 90, who makes it a section of the Gujar tribe. A note to text suggeaCe that the word ia Mati. There was auch an. Afghan tribe. See J. II. '03, n. 2.

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6th year his rank was .3000 with 2000 horse and he received the title of Daulat Khan. In the same year he "';asappointed to accompany Prince Shuja' to the seige of Parenda. When he had advanced beyond Burhanpur, he was by Mahabat, the commander~n.chief's arrangemeot,appointed l to Af.1m'l.dnagar with 3000 horse, lD order .that he might chastise Sahu Bhonsla and attack his native country of Cham~rkunda. In the 8th year in MuJ.1arram 1045, 1635; he was made' governor of Sind in succession to Yiisuf Mul;tamma(:l of Tashkend. In the 9th year he arrested s the false Ba.isanqar and brought him to court. That trickster was an obscure person who gave himself out as the Baisanqar who in Shahriyar's battle was the leader of the 19tter's army, and who after lleeing to the fort of Kau1lis in Telingana died a natural death. The pretended Baisanqar went to Balkh. Na~r Muf.1ammad K. the ruler there wanted to make him a relation by marriage (lckwe8hi, son-in-Iaw 1), but as his claims did not prove to be true the connection did not take place. Tlten he went to Persia, and though Shah !;lafi did not admit him to his presence, he showed him some favour. From thenee hewent to Bag~~ and Asia Minor (Rum). After a l()ng time, willingly and unwillingly, the hand of death seized his coUar and brought 5 him to Tatta. Daulat .K. arrestecLhim and sent him to court and he was put to death. In the2othyear, Daulat received the rank of 4000 with 4000horae, and wa.sappoint~din succession to S'aid K. to the government of Qandahar. In the' end of the same year he received the high rank of 5000 zeit and horse; suddenly evil fate became unkind and prepared for him the materials of ruin. ln Zi-l-l;tajja 8 of the 22nd year, December 1648, Shah 'Abbas the 2nd, ruler of Persia, addressed himself to the siege of Qandahar. lt was the dept!. of winter so that on account of the quantity of snow it was unlikely that help could arrive from India. Though
I Pidahihnima I, Part II. 36. , Pidabihn~ r. Part II. 101. a Do. 206. N. N. W. Haiderabad N. Bidar'l Abdu-I-Hayy, the lJllOond author of th !rfaatir, died there.
5 Piidshihniima l. Part II. 207. Can this be the map whom Olearius and Tavernier sal" in Persia and took to be Boliqi 7 .8 Elliot VII. 88 et .eg.

the governor of the fort was vigilant in the matter or receipts and expenditure, yet he, from a confused mind, so neglected prudence that he did not make secure the towers which Qulij K. had made. For Qulij K. had in the time of his government the fOl'esight to . build towers on the top of the hill Oahal Zina (forty steps) from which guns and matchlocks could be fired into the fortifications of Daulatabad l and Mandu. The Persian musketeers took possession of them, and proceeded to fire from them. One day the Shah rode .out in person and animated the fight. For three watches the Hames of contest blazed, but he was not. successful and tQrned back. But a ~umber of liverles3 men threw the dust of disloyalty on the head of fidelity and shamelessly said to the governor that as the roads were closed, on account of the quantity of snow, there was no hope of speedy help arriving, and that it was evident from the energy of the Persians that the fort would soon be taken. After the taking, they would lose their lives and their children would be made prisoners. Daula.t K., who should have quenched these Hames by the water (ab, Iustre) of tl~e sword, from want of heart and worthlessuess did not remember th.e verse
Verse.

Whenever it is right for you to infiict a wound (Le. an operation) , You'll do no good by laying on a plaster. and replied by counsel and admonition. Naturally this had no effect. But Shadi K. Uzbeg was the forerunner of all in the path of disloyalty and sent messages to the Shah. When at this time the fort of Bast was taken from Pur Dil K., and he was covered with contempt, Daulat K. lost still more of the courage in which he was deficient and sent 'Abdu-l-La~if, the diwan of Qandahar, to get a safe-cond,uct (aman-nama) which
I Tieffenthaler 1.'75 says that Shah Jahan surrounded Qandaha.r with an earthen wall and also put walls to the forts of Doltabad and Mandui (evidently these were names of forts near Qandahar). The passage in text is

taken from Wiris's continuation of the Pidshiihu8ma. B.M. M.S. Add. 6556, p. 413b. Daulat left the towers or forts unocoupied. and the Persi!llls took pOll8llssion of them. See Elliot, id. 90.

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was the seal of his condemnation, along with 'Ali Quli K. too brother of Rustum K., the Persian commander-in-chief. 'Ali Quli had brought a message from the Shah to the effect that he should not labour to cause more bloodshed and disgrace to himself and others. Daulat K. himseIf made a pretenee of sending men to clear out l the fort on the top of the hill, but as his heart was not in it, there was no good result. Though they say that if this spiritless man had by the,guidance of right-thinking gone with a body of men to that strong position and waited there till the arrival of help, no harm would have come to him or his men, yet in the opinion of good judges it would have been impossible for him to hold out there 'l for three months-when Prince Aurangzeb arrived with the learned S' aad DUah K. on 12 Jumadaal-awal, 14 May 1649, at the foot of the fort. I admit this, but he from ccwardice did not regard his honour which men regard as above price, and to keep which they sacrifice property and life. Dal1lat K. chose the perpetual disgrace of disloyalty and want of spirit which would not be removed from him tili the day of judgment. On 9 t;;afr 1059, 12 February 1649, he came out with his goods and his companions and much importuned 'Ali Quli K. to reHeve him of the burden of doing homage to the Shah. If this was inevitable, he begged that there might be no delay in his dismissal. 'Ali Quli having learnt both his wishes introduced him tiO the Shah in the garden of Ganj 'Ali K. known as Biigl). Ganj, and at the same hour he got permission to go to India. He came thel'e with a world of shame and loss. As his faithlessness and ingratitude left no room forexcuses , he saw that the door of intercession was shut in his face, and with a sad heart cho&e the corner of contempt, until the rest of his Jife was completed. In truth there is no question about his want of leadership and Jittleness of courage, for he surrendered a strong fort-which had five powerful defences ta it, 4000 swordsmeu and archers, 3000 skilled musketeers and two years' supply of'materials, includProbably the word ia barultan and not baraltan.
l
'l Preaumably this refere to the oeeupation of th. Cahal Zina hill.

ing money, provisions, lead, gunpowder, etc.-after a siege of two months. He preferred a fleeting life to eternai fame, though a number I of persons threw in at night arrows bearing information to thA effect that the Peraian army was in great distress from the want of hay and corn, and that their cattle were dying and that help would soon come from India. If he staod firm for another month, the enemy would retreat without gaining their object. But this lost one had nofortitude. By the strength of misfortune (bedaulat) he gave to the winds the fortune 'l (daulat) of many years of his life (RAJAH) DEBI SINGH BANDILA. Son of Rajah Bharatha. After his fathet's death in the 7th year of Shah Jahan he attained the rank of 2000 with 2000 horse and the title of Rajah. In the 8th year he was appointed, along with Khan Dauran, to punish Jujhar Singh, and received a drum. After Undcha (Orcha) was taken-which formerly had belonged to his ancestara, and in Jahangir's time had, in order to please Bir Singh Deo, been taken from them, and given to him-it was given to Raja Debi Singh, and he remained there. He also became the head of the BandiIa clan. Afterwards, when the king came to Undcha ~ Orcha) and proceeded towards the Deccan ,he, in the 9th year, oame to court and was sent to Saiyid Khan Jahan B&rha.who had been appointed to devastate the Bijapur territory. He did good serviee there. In the lOth year he, at the'request of Khan Daura.n, received a flag and a drum. In the 19th year he in attendance on Prince Murad Bakhsh went on the expedition against Balkh and Badakhshan, and-repea:tedly performed brave actions, and on many occasions had hand to hand combats with the Almanan. In the 22nd yearwhen the fort of Qandahar came intp the possession of the Persianshe again went, with Prince Aurangzeb, to take that fort. In the battle with the Persians he stood firm, and fought bravely A third time he went to the same quarter with Dara Shikoh. When he returned in the 28th year he was made faujdar of Bhi!sa in
I Khlfi K. I. 6 8. who only speaks of one man'a having given auch information and of one arrow having boen ahot in. i The writer pUDB on his name.

472

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Malwa, and in the 30th year he went with Mua?i?iam K. Mir Jumla to Aurangzeb in the Deccan. In the 3lst year he was summoned to court and was sent off with Maharaja Jaswant Singh-who was appointed to Malwa-to hold Aurangzeb in check. As the Divine df-Jree had gone forth for his preservation, the Maharaja appointed him on the day of the battle to. protect the c'tmp. In the course of the battle when Sultan Murad Bakhsh rushed upon the royal (i. e. Shah Jahan's) camp and this caused agitation and confusion, he out of foresight submitted to the prince and joined him.' Through the prince's recommendation he entered Aurangzeb'-s service, and after Murad Bakhsh's arrest he received a robe of honour. Afterwards when his zeal was made known through the ~han Dauran Saiyid M~ammad, his rank became 2500 with 2500 horae. After the second battle with Dara Shikoh he wag made faujdar of Bhilsa in Buccession to Rajah rAlam. In the 3rd year he was appointed to chastise Campat Bandila-who was being rebellious in the prpvince of Malwa-and in the 10th year he was sent off to assist Shamsher K. who had been appointed to chastise the Yu.sufzais. In the 13th year'he was appointed.' to the contingent of Mul).ammad Amin K., the governor of Kabul. When he came to the Khyber, that~hil.n was defeated. After that, there is no further account of Debi Singh. Outside of Aurangabad to the weRtward inelining to the south is a quarter which bears his name. DIA10iTAT KHAN. He was Mir rAbdu-l~Qadir and the eldest son of Amll.nat K. He was a man straight in conduct, weighty of speech, magnanimous and sedate. He was distinguished for honesty and truthfulness, and for soundness of judgment and prudence. He became known during his father's lifetime, in the reign of Aurangzeb, and his ability and justice adorned the age. When his father was conducting the affairs of the Deecan, he had charge of the buildings olthe city of Allrangabad. When Aurangzeb came there, an order was given for renewal of the city-wall, the circ:uit of which
~jlawafi.
l ~@ir A. 104. Manuooi II. 199.

was a thousand yards which is equ!Ll to two royal hJ8. The work was undertaken under the superintendence' of Ihtima.m K., the Kotwa.I of the army. As the king was anxious that the work should be done quickly, DiA.nat undertook to do it in four months, and finished it by an expenditure of three lacs. After his father's death, the king ha.vingbeen impressed by the excellent services. of the deceased, too~ into considera.tion the p03ition of all those who were connected with him, and especially provided for Di&nat, who was the eldest and best of the SOllS, and increased his allowances. As his yo1inger brother Mir l,Iusain had chiefly come under the notice of the king, he had his father's title, and the other was styled Di,inat. In the 34th ye(l,r he was made diwin of the Decca.n onthe death of Mftsiiivi K. Mirza M1uizz. When in the 43rd year his brother Ama.nat K. the 2nd, who was the superintendent of the port of Surat, died, Dill.nat was lliPpointed to the office. He received an increase of 500 and ha.d the rank of 2000. But the management ofthe a.ffairs of the port was not ~pprovedof by tJhe king, and he on account of his dissatisfa.ction sump10ned him td court Afterwards he was made diwA.n of the peooa.n, and the ""aWr that had flow-ed away returned to its old channel (i. e. he was received again into favour). After Aurangzeb's death, Mul).lj.mmad Ar?iiin Shah cQnfirmed him in the same appointment, and left him in Aurangabad. How can the power and influence of the Diwa.ns of tho~ days bedesoribed ? They could make grants (tanMwah) up to 99000 dams (rs. 2475) under their own signatpre, and whenever they
oarding to the Mirit two royal ko' were equal to 3i Ofdill&ryones. Compare ~fiK. L 488 where a description 01 the Daulatabad fort is given, auel is stated that. the oiroumference of the hill i. 5600 d4rlJ Shah. jahani wbichare equal .to l kQs, 10 jarib (bighU). . Aooording to Roeen '&;Petsian .gram m-.r Ura' and zor areditJerent, the fitilt mel\Ding a cllbit, and the second ,a yard. The Mufirheret~Dmfo7 be taken to ID8an )Jard..

There is an acoount of M. Amin 's defeat in the Khyber in

I Ml\8sir A. 22.. It was in the 26th year. The text and apparently all tlie MSS. have" on. thousand {M'a ," i.e. oubits, butsureiy the words aura ruh "its circumferenoe" are.amistak&Jor !laura 'M,h and the number of oubits shollld be 6000. which would more nell.r\y appro~c~ to t~o ko" though even this falls far .hort of the nllmber of oubits required, fal' acoording to the Miritu~l'Alam a royal leo, oontain. 1$000 zGfG' or oubits. We ollght, therefore, to hav.e 10,000 {(Ir'a. Ac-

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474

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475

wanted they could from time to time add to such grants. As the grants l of jagirs were not valid without the signature of the em~eror or the prime minister (Na?;im-i-kull) and as with the exceptIOn of Khan FIrfiz ,Jang-who was stationed in Berar-there was no higher officer in the Deccan (than Dianat the Diwan), whenever a. necessity arose, the lists of the grants of nefs were brought to hIm (Dianat)2 and that high officer entered the word "unexpectedly presented "on the deeds and signed them. When Bahadur Shah came to the Deocan , the diwani thereof was nominally assigned to Murshid QuJiK., and Musavj8 K. Mirza Mahdi was appointed his deputy until he should arrive from Benga.l. Afterward.s, when Dianat waited upon the king, he was receIved with much favour, and as the king designed to visit Haidarabad and the overthrow of Kam Bakhsh, he left some revenuedebtors (1) in the strong fortress of Bidar, and appointed Dianat to guard that territory. When Bahadur Shah returned from the Deocan to Upper India, Dianat,-who had chosen Aurangabad as his home-was put in charge of the fort and citadel thereof and spent his days in ease and comfort. Afterwards, when Murshid Quli came into the Presence from Bengal, he did not wish to undertake the duty (of Diwan of the Deccan) as his heart was in Benga!. On account of former good offices, the deceased Khan 6

I Grants were made both of money and of land. Compare Bernier who says his patron's grant was nagdi (cash). t The whole paragraph is obscure, and I am not sure of the meaning in several plaoes. I think that it must be Diilinat, the diwan to whom the grants were brought, and not Khan Firiiz Jang. i. e. Ghi\ziu-d-din- K. Firiiz Jang, the father of the famous Ni?;iiml1-IMiilk A~af Jiih of the Deccan. for he was at a dist..nce q.nd moreover he was not. the primIl miniIIter. The expression ghair mutaraqqab occurs at voJ. III. p. 853, Rnd that of na mutaraqqab at I, p. 6, q.nd I think that the words after it are ba 8anad

namt7da " showing On the grant" but it ma.y be thq.t they are basand namiida "lJontenting himself with this. lo There is ll. biography of Firiiz Jq.ng q.t II, 872. I should mention, however, thq.t my friend Mr. Irvine is of opinion thq.t the grants were submitted to Ghiiziu-ddil1. a Hl! is. mentioned in ~fi K. II, 396. 4 Aeiimi Ma~al. The expression is a curiaus one and I am not sure of the meaniDg. Perhaps it means " Iadies of the harem." 6 The words .. deceq.sed Khan" are obscure q.nd I q.m not cert.ai;th!'ot they refer to Murshid Quli. From the biography of Diiina.t K. the son it ap-

(Murshid Quli 1} exerted himself to have the diwani conferred again upon Dianat. When the sovereignty accrued to Mul:Jammad Farrukh Siyar, thb Diwani of the Deccan was given to ~aidar Quli K KhurA.sani. Before he arrived, Dianat had died. He had a share of learning and excellence. The great book of the spiritual Ma!!navi (by Jala.lu-d-din Rumi) was read in his assemblies as a blessed thing. His son was Dianat K. the 2nd, of whom a separate account has been given. Among his daughter's sons, the one whom he loved roost was Saiyid Amanat K , the son of his eldest daughter, who was known as Arjmand K. His father was Saiyid Atai. Mir AIr mad his father was from Turan. Saiyid Al:Jmad was of high genius and was associated with poetry and eloquence. For some days he was his grandfather's deputy. After that he became acquainted with ~aidar QuIi K.l and held the fal1jdari of Bir. In Gujarat he held the government of Pitlad.ll on behalf of Haidar QuIi. Some time before this he was appointed by Aiilaf Jah to the collectorship of Andfir 8 which is one of the known estates of Bidar. From misfortune and the disease of cataraot (nazitl ma, lit. descent of water) which prevents one from seeing without spectacles, he was confined to his house. ln this unemployment and idleness he became fond of a!chemy and acquired a g.ood knowledge of its technicalities from reliable books. But sucoess in it is a hidden treaSUl'e and is not to be found in druggists' shops, and it isa matter of hope. "The bounty of God He causeth to come to whom He chooseth. " DIANAT KHAN (son of the $.bove). His na.me was Mir 'Ali Naqi, and he was the worthy son of Mir' Ahdu-I-Qadir Dianat K. By his straightness and honesty he was the equal (lit. the second of two) of his honoured father. In
pears tbq.t it was Ziil fiqar who prothe reappointment8 of fq.ther and 80n.
I
t

J. II. 237; or perhaps Indiiri in Sarkir

Kalam, J. lJ. 235. Naziili-ib me"ns hydrocele, but here nazw-i-ma must mean cq.~arao$. Apparently Diiinat had not access to spectq.cles. He was the author'. grand-uncle.

CUTed

Text Ali but the vq.riant is right.

J. II, 253.

a Qu! Indiir in Sarkitr Tq.lingiinq.,

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the discharge of his duties in the king's service he did not take the road of hypocrisy or connivance. From the beginning of his years of discretion he was his father's deputy and acted as Diwan of the provil).ce of Aurangabad. His father was Diwan of the Deccan and 80abode in the royal camp. Dla.nat also held the substantive office of the Biyilta.t of the city (charge of the public buildings). In the time of his youth he experienced an awakening and had a desire for devotion. By a fortunate guidance he embraced the service of that knower of spiritual and temporal mysteries Miyan Shah Nur, J who was. a dervish without vl;Lnity and who passed his time in asceticism and in trust in God. Dianat was his devoted follower. At the same age, he by the virtue of his association with that saint kept free of forbidden pleasures, and followed so~e of the pure ways of the sect. When that iUuminated (nurani) Pir died, Dianat spent a large sum: in the building and repairing his tomb, and made endowmeilts of land, etc. At the present day, in the decay of the once flourishing city, .there is 110 other shrine which is visited by far and near. -Besides the days of his and his successors' anniversaries, and 'on other days also , there is an assemblage of high and low, like what occurs onthe Almir Ohar 8hambah ~ of the month of ~afr_ When any poor person came to visit the shrine he (Dia.nat n s used to put two tali/ses into his hand i~. order that he might go and bathe at the public baths, and so he used to be called Shah Ndr I,Iama.mi (the faqIr of the bath). They say that this saint. never to~d anyone hislamily or tribe, or birthplaoe, or profession, but it was gat-hered from his words, and was inferred, that he was the son :of a rioh man of the east country (i. e. Bengal or Bihar). His disciples agree that his life was prolonged beyond the natural limit. Stranger still, he never told to what order he belonged. In fact he never said a word about either pir (master) or disciple. He instructed and advised the sincere and his associates After his death his order became current. Tha ~ha.n appointed Saiyid Shihabu-d-din-who was
-

from Bihar, and for a long time had served Shah Nur-to be his successor. After him, his sister's son Saiyid S'aad Ullah succeeded him. At present liis (Saed Ullah's) son Saiyid Qu~bu-d-din known as Mjyan Manjhali is the representative. In the flower of his youth he is ascetic and awakened, and acquainted with the traditional and rational sciences; especially is he adorned with humi1ity and good dispositions. In fine, during the reign of Aurangzeb the Khan held the dJwanship of Bidar and Ilfterwards' that of Burhanpur and had Increase of rank and the title of ~han. When Bahadur Shah came to the Deccan with his victorious army, Dianat waited' upon him and was graciously received. Inasmuch as he was a man of powerful frame and fine physique of quick apprehension and dever, and acquainted with most of the sciences, . and in every respect was of an original and inventive mind, pressure waS put upon, him to make him stay at court-which ~s the source of advancement, The Khan on account of love for hIS birthplace had no liking for pomp, and could not bring himse1fto remain in attendance. Some shortsighted persons from obliqueness of vision and m;roneous notions brought a charge of a1chemy against him. They even represented this to the king. The real facts are that the vapours of quicksilver or sulphur never touch ed his brain, nor did the odour of sulphur l or lead reach his IlOstrils. But sometimes for the sake of sport and in order to excite wonder he would by legerdemain (tardastiha) put a rupee into a fold of paper, remove the rupee to another place and show men the paper, and then produce the rupee. At firs.t sight the spectatorswere, astonished. This sort of thing got noised abroad and was the caUse of his being arrested. And so Bahadur Shah, at the time of
J

He died

Oll

2 :Feh., 1693 (Beale).

~ The last Wednesday of ~~fr and the day when Muqammad bathed for

the last time. Hughes' Dict. of Islam. a Perhaps the saint himself is meant.

l Mi8U~ii~, but there are different readings and the expression ,. smelI' , of copper and tin, or lead, does not seem appropriate. The variant ., is " Nhes " is supported by many MSS. and is probably right,For ri~ii~ B.M. 21,470 has naha" "bronze." Cf. chapter on the Origin of Metals, B. 38. A. F' saye that sulphur and quick-

silver were the only component pl,l.rts of .. the seven bodies," and that quicksilver was called the mother of the bodies, and ~ulphur the father of the bodies. Also that ri~a~ was supposed to be silver in the state of leprosy, and quicksilver, silver in the state of apoplexy, and that an alchem ist could heal them!

, -

478

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returning from the Deccan, took him with him by compulsion and brought him to near Ujjain. It chanced that at this time Murshid Quli K. M. Radi-who had come from Bengal and been raised to the diwani of the Deccan-was seeking to resign his new appointment as his heart was attached to Bengal, and was trying to gain his desire. Ziil-fiqar K. the Amiru-I-Umara gave, by the brea.th of kindness, new life to tha.t hankerer after his native land (Dianat) by nominalIy appointing his father-who was spending his days in guarding the citadel of Aurangabad, and in spite of the ~han-Ii]lanan-whowas the chief cause of the supersession-procured Diiinat's release from court by making him his father'sdeputy, and so maae him happy by enabling him to return to his native country. In the beginning of Farrulill Siyar's reign he came to court. ~aidar ;Ali K. of Khurasan the diwan appointed to the Deccan , who had Ila equal in influence) met him in Agra and in accordance with royal orders took him back with himself. He had groundless I apprehemions in his mind. At the same time his father died and Nawab Ni?:amu-l-l\Iulk Fatl,l Jang (Alilaf Jah) the Na?:im of the country sent a recommendation that Dianat should have charge of the citadel. This was granted and he was appointed. After that the Amiru-I-U mara l,Iusain 'Ali K. in accordance with an agreement with his brother Saiyid 'Abdullah K. entrusted the diwanship of the Deccan to Dianat, and treated him with much honQur and favour and conferred on him the title of Diii.nat K. When that high officer had determined on returning to Upper India he took Dianat, who had been removed' from office, willing or unwilling, with ,him. After the destruction of Farrukh Siyar, he gave him the diwanship of the I~jJ.al!}a and the rank of 4000 Inasmuch as Dianat had lived from the early youth in Aurangabad which, .on account of its proximity to the royal camp, had no effective governor (l,J.aris), and Dian~t also enjoyed special consideration on account of his father being in attendance at court, and used to spend his days in much security am} independence,
Perhaps t.he meaning is that !;Iai dar' Ali thought Dianat had come to Agra to 8upplant him.
l

he had not submissiv.e ways, nor the understanding of people's dispositions. Now he was obliged to study how to please the man in power (Sirdar) , but he took no pains to conciliate their environment. Rajah Ratan I Cand-who had established himself in the hearts of both the Jeaders (the Saiyids)--was offended at this, and sct about defeating him. At length, the minds of both the leaders became prejudiced against Dianat by Ratan Cand's calumnies. At tha.t time Nawab Fatl,J. Jang (the Ni?iamu-'I.Mulk) had disposed of,'Alam 'Ali K. ,2 and as he had now- to deal with the faction of the Amiru-I-Umara, he was using aU his endeavours to collect money and soldiers For these purposes he wish~d to get by compulsion a sum of money from the rich. Some well-meaning counsellors had regard to the lawfulness of inflicting priva,te loss for the public gain and restrained him from vexing the commonalty and suggested the confisca.tion of Dianat's property, as he had been long suspected by the populace of having treasure and buried wealth. Owing to the emergency of the times his eldest soo was put u~der surveilll,nce, and the gates of investigation were thrown open. When nothing was found, lying claimants set about exoavating disused wells, and the result was that the dust of disgrace was sprinkled en the heads of the tale-bearers. Except gold a,nd silver, jewellery} and the household utensils of his own and of his near connexions, the total value of which WI)S Rs. 70,000, nothing was got except disgrace and a bad name (to the informants). The strange thing Uurfa) was that as the Amiru-l- Umara had taken a dislike to him, he regarded the commotion as a plot between the two (Fatl). Jang and Dianat). The Khan himself used to relate how ,( One day when the news came of the death of 'Alam 'Ali K., I was asked (by the Saiyid) as to what should be done to amend matters. I said, 'There's a Hindustani proverb that when one's hand has been caught uuder a stone, it should be withdrawn slowly.' Here the very he~d of the Nawab (l,Iusain 'Ali's) has been caught, for his
l' Re was 'Abdullah K. 's diwan and had great influene. The Siyar 1\1. I. 66 says, he had originally been a sbopkeeper.
~ Th& AmiruI-Umara'R brother's son; Idlled in, battle with the Ni<?amul-Mulk in 1132, 1720.

Ziyau.d.din, had been appoin~i:i in his room. Ma&!ir, III. 37.

480

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honour is caught there. 1 Now an order should. be quickly sent giving the viceroyalty to the Ni~iimu-l-:.mlllk in. order to co~ciliate him, and his amendment and punishment should be left until an opportunity occurs." He (l.Iusain Ali) gave a glance at Rajah Ratan ~and and smiled sardonically and said, " I have sent money to the east (for recruits 1). From here to the Deccan there will be relays upon relays of carriage (?). There will be 12,000 torch-hearers and I will not halt even to take hreath, and r will make no distinction between night and day." The Khan said., " The might and majesty of the Nawab is greater than this, but if you go so fast, how much of an army will accompany you, and what strength will remain to men and horses." He frowned and said, e, To die is the perfection of soldiering ." It is a hopel<:lss caRe when a leader proud\y'l. uttel'S words lih one who has lost his senses, and so the ~han anRwered, ,t When you have determined on a thing, trust in God ." In fine, after the overthraw of the Saiyids, he was favourably treated by 'Itimadu-d-daula (M:u~amiUad Amin K.) and was sent off to the Deccan to take up the hereditary office of the Diwani. He waited upon Fat~ Jang and was encompassed with favouts. When that great officer went to court to take up the Viziership, he entrusted to Dianat the care of his estates. He increased more and more in his appreciation of Dia.nat and made him cheerful by restoring the money that had been confiscated, and moreover apologised for what had taken place. The Kha.n said,. tc It was a subject for thanksgiving, not fQr complaining, for it (the plundering) had been a means of allaying a sllspicion of wealth that had existed for many years. Otherwise God (only) knows what kind of raging tyrants I might have fallen among, and how far they might have gone." After that, as his disposition was naturally self-opinionated and independent,. he did not
I

l This anudes to the fact of J.[usain 'Ali's families being in the Deccan. and exposed to the Ni~amul-Mulk's. attack. See L 333. I Text iuraat, but the reading of

a B.M. MS. iabriIt seems preferllble. The text is wrongty pointed. making it appear as if this last sentence was part of J.[usain 'Ali's speech. But, it really is a reflection of the author:

consort with 'Izadu-d-daulah erwaz K. the Naib Suhahdar of the Deccan, and it was a case of e. Hold aslant l and don't spill." When Nawab Fat~ Jang returned from Upper India, and there was an intention of giving battle to Mubariz K., the~ha.n, who could not be controlled when speaking the truth, and knew nothing about timeserving, without hesitation ascribed rebellion and falsehood to his own side, and spoke of the rights of the other side. Consequently, it was reported that he belonged to the opposite party and he was nearly meeting with a great misfortune. The mildness and easy-going of the Chief (the Ni~amu l-mulk) protected him, and after the victory he was merely deprived of his fief and office, and for a long time was confined to his house. Again, .A~af Jah became kind to him and wished to restore him to his fief and office, but 'Izad-u-d-daulah from the old enmi'ty opposed this and withheld the Ni~Jm from befriending him. Though he behaved with independence and nonsoliitation and did not beg or importune, yet the anxieties of unemployment and vacancy at last made him ill. In the month of Rajab 1141, Jan.-Feb. 1729, he died. Though he was reported to be hard and rough, and did not in the king's business behave mercifully or with regard to relations and did not open wide the gates of praise and consideration for the world at large, yet for truth and honesty he was the unique of the age. He did not take trouble about the preserving of dignities and the proper forms of address, but he secretly and clandestinely gave charities to the poor and needy. Though he had but slightly studied the current sciences, yet he had studied rules of conduct and ethics, especially the commentaries of the ~Ufis, and could speak accurately about them. He abstained from forbidden things. But he did not much regard external observances, nor did he consort much with ecstatic Shaikhs. He was spoken of publicly and privately for his great appetite.! Though he did not eat so much, yet he waS fond of dainties, and relishes with fruits ands.weetmeats. He was of a powerful frame and had avigaraus a.ppetite. He was a skUful marks18ea B. 192 and note l. whliM. Perbsps .. numeroUI!I

i EfU/rat

appetites," mean t-

or

co

p_iOM," is

61

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482
THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

_._-~_.

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

483

man with the gun and bow and was very fond of and much versed in hunting, in shooting at a target and in polo. At Kandhilawhich is a village three 1:08 from the city--':there was a meadow of Zainu-I-abidin K. ~hawMi which was famous. He bought it and made a garden, and planted cocoanut trees. Time did not befriend his desire, though he wished to spend much money on it. At present there are many flourishing cocoanut trees there. His eldest SOn was Mirak Mul).ammad Taqi l K. who was unequa1led for gentlenes8 and friendliness. Re was an exquisite companion. He was for a long time charged with the buildings of Aurangabad. Mter his father's death, he was kindly treated by the Nawab A!taf Ja.h, and was made diwan of the Deccan, and had the title of Waza.rat K. and the rank of 2000. In the 16th year of Mul).ammad Shah a madlike and poverty-stricken manl!abdar one night without any reason attacked him with a sword. He hit him on the nose. He was wounded, but the wound soon healed. _But from that day there was a disturbance in his disposition and he went now to the other extreme. He kept bravoes (mardam khanajang) and cherised improper ideas ,,--and gave himself up to destruction. Though his ma.ture understanding and discernment were inconsistent with such vain thoughts, yet fate prevaiied. He took oo soldiering and leadership a.nd became on behalf of the Nizamu- d-daula Bahadur (Nasir Jang)-may his fortune endure !-'-m~ter of the at-my and went off to Dhartir and Dharasin. i He left the path of safety behind him and without having resources for independence and without power or influence, took up with every wicked wretch, nor did }le understand the infamy of those poople. At this time he, in Rinaptir, entered the service of the afore.said Nawab, who as.pired to the government of Haidarabad. It chanced on the s 16th Zi-l-l).ajja 1151, 16 March 1739 (it was the day), when the Shah'inshah Nadir Shah came to Delhi and ordered a. general massacre, a soldier who was doomed to die behaved
l Perhaps thiR should be Naqi:. " Dhiirasiyiin, Elliot VII, 55, 50 m. N.K Sholapur. a The meaning is that it happened

with violence and drew his dagger. One of tae spectators was beforehand wi th him and ki1led him. A number of 80Jdiers who were tribesmen and relatives of the slain man, rose up to fight, and some rioters entered Mirak Taqi's tent and in the twinkling of an eye cu.t him to pieces with a hundred swordcuts. He did not know about this and had no suspicion, and did not lift his hands, and died a victim. Two youths who were not connected with him bravely fell in that turmoiI. None of his friends or servants exerted themselves. Nor was any help given by the leaders who had assembled. It looked as .if they had all wished for this thing. What they wished, happened. It is said that at his deatJ1 all memory of the flavour of his energies and the sweets of his companionship departed from the hearts of his friends. He (Le. DIl.nat Mir e Ali Na.qi, the father) ha.d many sons. His second son, Mir Muhammad Mahdi K., is dead. He was pure of heart and an orthodox and Go.fearing m",n, and was prudent in business, and he was also charitable. When the diwani of the Decoan fell to his fulL brother the martyred WazArat K. (Mirak Taqi) , he was put in oharge of the buildings, In the 15th year of Mul).ammad Shah he died in his 37th year. He left sears on the hearts of the sincere. At the time of writing, another IlOn, Mir Mu,l).ammad J;lusain K., is an object (lit. vessel) of favour with A~af Ja.h and is exalted by the hereditary diwa.ni and the diftni of the establishment of Asaf JAoh. He maintains in perfection the honesty (ditinat) which he obtained, by inheritance. l DIANAT IUIAN QASIM BEG. An Amil' of the reign of Jahangir, and one who became acceptable to him on account of his tact and diligence. After the advancement of I'timid.u-d-daula, Dil.nat spoke improperly about him in the king's presence and 80 was placed in the charge of A~af K. Abu-l-l).asan, in order that he might place him in the fort of GwaIior which was in his charge. After some time he was
l The length of this notice. is aocounted for by the fact that Diinat Mi:r

on the Barne day, not that there was any connection between the two things.

'Ali Naqi was the Ilon of the author's grandunole.

- _ . _ - -

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released l at the request of I'timadu-d-daula. In the 8th year he was appointed reviser of petitions ('ar~ mokarrir). In the llth year he was removed from that appointment and sent with Prince Sultan Khurrnm to the Deccan. Nothing more is known 2 of him. DIANA'r KI;IAN !:tAKIM JAMALA KASH1. In the first yea.r of Shah Jahan he was made diwan of the establishment of Mamtazu-z-zamani (the Queen), and in the 4th year his rank was 1000 with 250 horse and he had the charge of the diwani of the Panjab in suocession to Mir 'Abdu-I-Karim. As h.e showed marks of trustworthiness he in the 5th year had the tl~le of Dianat K. and an inorease of 150 horse, and received the dlwani, amini and faujdirt of Sarkar Sirhind in succession to Rai Kasi Dis. In the 9th year he had an inorease of 200 horse and in the ~lth, after the fort of Qandahar had come into the ~oyal possessIon, .and Prince Shuja' had been appointed to Kabul in expectation of an attack by Shah ~afi, the king of Persia, he was sent with the prince as diwin of the army. In the 12th year he was appointed to the service of the "Branding and Verification" in sucoession to 'Aqil K. 'Inayat K. In the Hth year he received a robe of honour and a borse, and the diwii.ni of Aurangabad, the Bii.lighat of Berar, and of the country of Te1ingana which had been conqllered. In the 17th year he received an increase of 500 and in the 18th his rank was 2,000 with 7,000 horse. In the.2Is~ year when the diwani of the Subahs was entrusted to the Rai Raiyan he came to court. After that Prince Murad Bakhsh had shown himself displeased with the Rai Rayan, Dianat :K~ -;as in the 22nd year made diwan of the four provinces. In the 27th year after being relieved of that charge he came to court and was made. diwan of the establishment of Prince Murad Bakhsh. After. wards when the well-wishers of Aurangzeb had thai;desires fulfilled, he had court service. such as the Superintendentship of the Branding.. In the8th year of Aurangzeb he was made diwa.n of
l Tiizuk J. 149. This was in the IQth year. He W88 made reviller of the petitiollll in the same year. do. 150. I Re came. from Agra aud waited

the Biviitat , and in the 9th year he was removed from that employment and in the 16th year corresponding to 1083, 1672, he died. His sons l Dev-Mkan, Sher-Mkan and Rustum received mourning robes of honour. The first of them was made in the 24th year Superintendent of the" Branding and Verification" and had the title of M'utamid K. The other two also obtained suitable manl!abs. DIANAT KHAN. Mul:tammad !:tusain Dasht Baya~i. The Dasht z Baya~ is one of the nine tracts of the country of Qohistan. He was one of the nobles of that country and was the unique of the age for his knowledge of history. By the guidance of good fortune he entered the service of Shah Jahan in Junair and was admitted to intimacy and influenoe. On the day of the Accession he received s the rank of 2,000 with 800 horse, and a present of Rs. 8,000. When, after the death of Jahangir, ~han Jahan Lodi, the governor of the Deccan, took some steps which indicated insincerity towards Shah Jahan, or rather which were repugnant to royalty and fidelity, the latter, though, owing to the necessity of the time, he issued orders for his being confirmed in his government, and rank and fi.ef, yet he macle many inquiries about his actions. For ~han Jahan had taken away Malwa from Mo?;affar K" who was the governor thereof, and had laid hold of it, and all the leaders of the Deccan auxiliary forces were devoted to him, and the Ni?;am Shah was his partizan because h.e had surrendered t to him (the /Ni?;am) the territory of the Balaghat (above the passes). Shah Jahan fea.red lest he might rebel, and in the first year of his reign he appointed Dianat K.-who had a reputation for sound judgment and good. sense-to be waqa'navis 6 (Recorder) of the Deccan, and gave him
l Maa!!ir A. 124, where it is said that Diinat was famous for his knowledge of astrology. i The white plain. It wai a district of the <;lohistan of KhuriiBin, towards Afghanistan. The Qohistiin begins at the frontiers of Herat and extends to Nahavand and Hamadan. (Yiqiit, Barbier de Meynard).

on Jahangir in the 17th year, and he pardoned and restored to his forBler rank, T6zuk 3lili.
W88

a Piidshiihnima I. 119, where the present. is stated as Rs. 7,000. Piidshiihniima I. 76. See also the biography of Khan Jahin Lodi I. 716. 5 Padshihnima I 205, where it is. said that he wal 8\110 made Bakhshi.

486

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secret instructions to make himself acquaintedwith the se.cret~ of ~han Jahii,n's heart and to ascertain what his projects were and to report them. After Dianat arrived at Burhanpur he, from his perfect skill in physiognomy and his wisdom, wrote strongly to the emperor to the effect that the disturhing and rebellious acts of this man (.J{.han Jahan) were the result of his suspicions, and that in reality he was in great fear and had lost heart. He could not originate such projects (of rebellion). Shah Jahan might in full confidence invite Khan Jahan to court, for there was no likelihood of any disturbance in the country. On receiving this report Shah Jahan gave up his apprehensions, and removed Khan Jahan from the Deccan and made him governor of MaIwa. And he made Diinat governor of the fort of A}.1madnagar. In the 'beginning of the 2nd year he had an increase l of 500 zlit and 700 horse. When in the 3rd year Burhanpur became the residence of Shah Jahan his rank was increased to 2,500 with 2,000 horse. In the same yea.r, 1040, 163()"31, he died J in A1.lmadnagar. DILAWAR K. BAHAnUR. He was Mu}.1ammad N' aim, the third son of DilA-war K. 'Abdu1-' aziz , s. Mir 'Abdu-I-J;Iakim, s.Mir 'Abdu-I-Ra1.lim, s. Maulina. Kamal of Naishapiir, who was brother of Maulani J amal, the grandfather of 'Inayat Ullah K. As it happened, Maulana Kamal came from his native country and settled in Lahore, and died in the year 1011, 1602-3. His tomb is outside of the city in the Serai of ~A.ji Biyah. Mir' Abdu-l-' aZIz at first was the .scrvant of Dara Shikoh. When he turned his face towards serving Aurangzeb, he gave out his name as being Shaikh 'Abdu-l-'aziz. In the 17th year he had the title of Dilawar K. and gradually rose to the rank of 2,000 and then died. Mu}.1ammad N'aim on account of his being connected by marrage with 'Inayat Ullah K. was called by
] Pidshibnima I. 258. PidshihnAma 320. Khin K. I. 429, who says that it was Diinat who refused to give up the fort of Ahmadnagar when Khin Jahin Lodi soid the country to the Ni~irnul-Mulk for si.
2

his father's title and in the beginning of Mul;lammad Farrukh Siyar's reign went to the Deccan in company with the Ni~amu-l Illulk 'A~af Jah, who was Ni~am of the Deccan. Afterwards Husain 'Ali K. Amiru-I-Umara had him appointed faujdar of Rai~or. After that he addressed himself-in company with Mubariz K. who was his wife's sister's husband-to do battle against A~af Jah. After Mubariz was killed, he was made a prisoner and for a long time was an associate of A~af Jah. He obtained the rank of 5,000 and in 1139, 1726-27, he died. He had a poetical vein and had a good talent. Nu~rat l was his takl1alla/!. This couplet ia his:- . Verse. The eyelashes are not closed, the heloved is wit.hout a veil. How can one sleep in the mansion of the Sun 1 OP his sons the eldest W89 MUl;lammad Dilawar, Mu~affar ud-daula BahaduI' Inti~am .Jang. He was in the time of Ni~amu 1mulk A~af Jah, faujdar of Sera. After some years, when that tahiq came into the possession of the Mahrattas, he want to Ni~amu-d daula Asaf Jah and became Bakhshi of the provinces of the Deccan, and was friendly to the writer of these lines. The second was DU Dilawar K. who was faujdar of Biswapatan,a dependency of Sera. He afterwards came before Ni~amu-I-mulk. AlIlaf Jih, and was made head of the artillery of the Deccan. He died ih 1166, 1753. Both had children.

le.os of hun,. According to the Pidshihnima I. 76 it was Sipahdar K. wbo refused to surrender the fort, and. apparently this was before Diinat had. come to the Decc<'.n.

l Sprenger's Cat., p. 525. - 'rhe diwin is in A.S.B. library No. 136, No. 1432, p. 116. ~ The preposition az is omitted in text, but occurs in.a B.M. MS. a See the account in the Tiizuk J., p. 12, and the traveRty of itin Price's .Tahiingir, pp. 37,38. The disturbance ,"'('uTred on 27 Sha'ban 1014, 25 De-

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rAj. This occurred in the publio courtyard I of the palace, and Ibrahim received several wounds. This service was the cause of his advancement, and he was given a suitable rank. In the beginning of Jahangir's reign he was sent off to act as governor of Lahore. He had reached the town of Panipat when he heard of the rebellion of Sultan ~JlUsrau. He crossed his family over tlm Jumna, and went off. to Lahore on the wings of speed and reached the fort before Khusrau. He strengthened the bastiona, etc., and when ~husra;u came to the city, he found the gates closed. ~husrau set about the siege, and the collection of troops, and the fire of contention raged within and without. As the imperial army was in pursuit of him, and he saw that the taking of the city was difficult, he raised the siege. Dilawar did good service and his devotion was rewarded by royal favours. In the 8thyear he was appointed to accompany Prince Shah Jahan in the campaign against the Rana. In the 13thyear, 1027, WIS, he was made governor of Kashmir on the removal of A1,lmad Beg K. Kabul:i and behaved gal1antly in conquering the terr! ory of Kishtwar which is distant sixty kos from the city of Kashmir (Srlnagar) to the south: The short account 2 of this affair is as follows. In the 14th yea!' of .Jahangir Dilawar K. resolved to conquer the, country by mea.lIs of 10,000 horse and foot. As there weredifficult defiles and passes, which were impassable for horses, he left the horses in Kashmlr (Srinagar) except a few which were kept as a pr-ecautionary measure. The soldiers mounted the hills on foot and fought stage af~r stage tilI they came to the river, where there was an engagement. The ruler of the country lost heart when 'All Cak,8 who claimed to be heir to Kashmir and had taken protection with him, and was making a disturbance, was killed,and took to flight He crossed the river and halted in Bhadarkot 4 which was on the other side. Though the brave men tried to cross by the bridge the
Kt:Uhra, which I SUpp08e is the word katra. Here it must mean courtyard, for Jahangir states t.hat the affray took place in the ~akn of the public daulaJ khana. Price's account mal{es the tho& Rajl
HinustlU1i

puts to be crushed by elephants, but perhaps this refers to treatment after death. ~ Tiizuk J. 294 and Iqblilniima 141. 3 Should be Abiya or Iba ? Bahandarkoi in '1'. J.

resiatanee was !luch that they could not do so. When SOJIle days had elapsed, the Rajah craftily sent a message to make peaoe. Dila.war K. did not listen to hini and exerted himself to cross the river. At last, one day, Jama.l K., his eldest son, crosslJd theswollen river with a number of others oy .swimming, and engaged the enemy. The latter broke down the bridge and fled, and Dilawar repaired it and crossed his troops, and esta.blished his camp in Bhadarkot. From the river in question to the Cina.b-which is a great support ?f theirs-there is the distance 'of two bowshots, and on the bank (of the Cinab) is a high hill which is difficult to get over. In order to cross the river on foot they take three ropes and between two ropes they place planks of the width of a cubit, and fasten one end of the rope to the top of the hill and the other on the other side of the river. They also put two other ropes one yard higher (as handrails). The foot-passengers put .their feet OD the planks and take the upper ropes in their hands and so cross, descending from the top to the bottom. This kind of bridge is called by the hill-people Ziba.' They had placed musketeers and archers at every place where they thought an attempt would be made to make a rape-bridge. Dilawa.r K. made rafts and tried to cross men by them. As the current was very strong, the rafts w.ent to the bottom and sixty 2 men were drowned. For four months and ten days every attempt that was made to cross ended in failure. It happened that one night Dilawar's son Jalal, under the guidance of alandholder , crossed with safety at .a place where the enemy did not think that he could~ross, and fell upon tho Rajah and sounded the trumpet of victory. Many were kil1e<1. 1I.nd the rest saved their lives by .flight. One of the soldiers came up to the Rajah and was about to kill him when he called. out that he was the Rajah , and was made prisoner. Dilawar crQssed and came to the capital of the country, which was three kos distant. He took the Rajah with him and prOdl1ded him before Jahangir in the i5th year near Ba.rahmula which is the gate of Kashmir. He received various favours and was made an offl~er of 4,000 with
l Zampa in T. J. llnd Iqbiilniima. edition). II Tiizuk, 68 men.

The iHoJ;a of the.l G. VITI. 65 (dd

62

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490

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'.rUE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

491

3,500 horse. He also received a present ot a lac of rupees, being the reVtluue of the conquered territory for one year. The custom in Kishtwaris that the Rajah does not take rent; for land. From every house he takes each year six 8asti,! whioh was a coin of the Kaahmir rulers. lt 8aBti8 make a rupee, and in accounts fifteen 8aBti8, i.e. ten rupees, are reckoned one royal muhr. The saffron is Ruperior to that of Kashmir, and Rs. 4: are taken from the buyer on each mani Bir i ( ..;-. r r. ) which is equal to two sir, Ja~angiri. The chief income of the Rajah is deriveq from fines which are imposed for small offences, and come to a Iai'ge sum. His total revenue is about a lac of rupees. The tank!lwah (as~ignments) are 1,000 ziU with 1,000 horse. As the Rajah was not devoid of dignity, an order was given that his sonswho in the time of the w/J.r had been placed with the neighbouring landholde.l,"s-should be sent for, in order that the Rajah ~ight be ~elivered from perpetual imprisonment, and might spend his days lD peace. He obeyed and was treated with favour. After a while Dilawar died a natural death. His eldest son, Jamal K., was, in the time of Shah Jahan, appointed to accompany Mahabat K. During tohe siege of Daulatab!.l.d, high words passed in the divan on account of some matter, and Mahabat K. said that whoever showed slackness in the king's business would be slippered. Jama! K. drew his swordand aimed at his head. Mirza Jaafar Najm ~ani, who was seated. behind 'him, jumped up and caught JamM in his arms., His (Jamal's) son, who was of ten der, age, finished the Mirza with a dagger. The ~1tan Zaman (Mahibat's son) acted with alertness and knocked down JamiJ' , and with another stroke he finished the son. They say that Mababat K. was seated, and that in that position he said 8 "Both sons did well! l t The second Son of Dila-war was JaJiJ K., of whom an account has been given. .
l Sa7iha8iin T. J., 297. It is the silyer siisnu of J. II. 354, and note 2. t The 1.0. MsS, of Tiizuk have ekman, and both' they and Saiyi<i AJ:!.mad 's text have the" Indian Bir" and not the Jahangiri .ir as here and in the Iqbilnama, p. 146.

DILER K. 'ABDU-R-RAUF MIY.ANA. Great grandson of Bahlul K. Miy8.ria, who attained to royal favour in the time of Jahangir and received the rank of 2,500 l with i 000 horse. In the second year of Shah Jahan'a raign, when nin Jahin Lodi became suspicious and fled, he too joined the Wza.mu-I-mulk of the Deccan and obtained service with him. For so;;'e time he- opposed the imperial troops and behaved perversely. Afterwards he joined 'Adi! K. of Bljapur and became his servant. In the 7th year he displayed audacities (8kokMha) in the siege of Daulatabad: After his death 'Abdu-r-Ral;1.im his son obtained the leadership, and when he died, his son' Abdu-I-Karim obtained the leadership and the title of Bahllil K. As the ruler {)f Bijapur was a child, and the power was in the hands of others, 'Abdu-I-Karim. engaged in collecting men of his own tribe and ob1Jained muchsway. In the 9th yea.r9. of Aurangzeb's reign, when Mirza. Rajah Jai Singh was appointed to devastate the Bijapur territory,' Abu-l-Karim was one of the leaders of the 0pp68ing .army, and had frequent battJes,. In the 17th year Khan.JahAn Bahadur Koka was the govern,or of the Decoan, and Khwi~ K. Rahshi was the minister of Sikaudar 'Adil K. and acted in concert ~ithhimand came to the bank of the Bhimra. From the other side Bahadur Kokaltll.sh came, and there was an interview between the two, and the daughter of KhwA.8 K. was married to NafiliriK., the son of Kokaltish. After that both of them returned to their dignities. BahliiI K. cherished treacherous feelings towards Khw~ K: and wished to seize him on the road. He came to know of this, and set off at night to Bijapur. Afterwards, when Babhil arrived near the city, he came out to welcome him, as he did not abat;ldon the part ofinagnanimity. BahliiI took advantage of his opportunity and put him under arrest. g After that he was prosperous. Hostili.ty came between the DecMnis and the Mghans and they (Jame to blows. Some of the Deccanis joined the imperial troops .and many went to the ruler of Haidarabad. When he heard of the
~f

g Jamal's death took place in the 6th year. Piidshiihnama I. Part II, 313. Mahlibat was referring to the oonduct of Jamil's SOD, and of his own son lQliin Zaman. The story of the fight is not told in tbe- PiidshAhnlima.

The Padshii:hnama I. 182 speaks Bahiii!'!! receiving the ra.nk of 4,000 with 3,000 horse. See also id. 289. 2 IQlim K. II. l ~ l.
I

3 Fryer. speaks of Bahliil's putting IQlwlilll K. to death He also says that Sikanda!-,'s legitimaoy was doubted.

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imprisonment of Ithwa~ K., Bahll.dur Kokaitash, in accordance with Aurangzeb's ordera, collected a large army and came to the places bordeting on Bijapur, Between him and Bahini K. {Abdul-Karim a contest and fighting took place. There were many erigagelllents. In: the 20th year when the Kokaltash wa':! summoned to court, the management of the Deccan was made over to' Diler K. The two (Bahini and Diler) agreed with one anothpr, as being of the same tribe, and marched d.gainst Haidarabad. Seven batties took place between them and the Deccanis who had come on the part of the ruler of Haidarabad. Meanwhile Bahini K. fell ill and died, and his son' Abdu-r-Rauf became the leader. At last in the 29th year Aurangzeb proceeded to the siege of Bijapur. Sikandar l 'Adil K., willing or unwilling, mrtde over the city and submitted. 'Abdu-r-Rauf also kissed the threshold and received the rank of 6,000 with 6,000 horse and had the title of Diler K. He 2 for a Jong time discharged the work of the king's service under Khan Firuz Jang, and in the 48th year had the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse. After. the death of Aurangzeb he ostensibly sought to joinMu~ammad Kam Bakhsh an.d went and settled in the estates of his own faujdari of Sanwar and Bankapnr-which is a Sarkar in Bijapur. After his death his brother 'Abdu-J-Qllafar K. obtained the faujdari and fief of the said Sarkar, and after him, his son 'Abdu-J-Majid K., who, during the government of the martyred Na~ir Jang received the title of Sa.~wat Jang (power of war), succeeded to the estates by inheritance, When the Mahrattas became sapreme in the Deccan several parganas of the property came into their hands in lieu of chauth (exaction of ith). A little remained. At the time of writing, his son, 'Abdu-I-:J;Iakim, lives by these. The second son of 'Abdu-r- Ra~im Miana was' Abdu-n-nabi K., who held Cuddapa, etc. in Haidarabad as his fief and faujdari. 1\,fter his death his son 'Abdu-n-nabi Kor (the blind n got the property. After him his brother 'Abu-I-M~sin K., alias Mnca Mian-who afterwards got the hereditary title-obtaiu'ed the appointment and was for a long time manager of affairs. 'Abdu-I-Majid K., the son
l Khiili

of' Abdu-n-nabi Kor, put him UIider restraint, and himself took charge. He fought with the Mahrattas and was killed. His son 'Abdu-I-Halim took his father's position, but the Mahrattas prevailed a~d took possession of half of the property under the claim .of chauth. At the time of writing, which is 1193 (1779), :J;Iaidar 'Ali K. overran his t'alfiq and made him prisoner. He took possession of the entire estates, and whatever else he possessed. Ikhlas K. 'Abu-I-Mu~ammad s. 'Abdu-I-Qadir s. Bahlul K., the el~r, ~as cousin of Bahlul K. 'Abdu-I-Karim. He in the 7th yea.r l 'of Aurangzeb joined the imperial a.rmy and received the rank of 5,000 and the title of Ik..bla~ K. In the llth year when Dll.Ud K. Qoreshi pursued Siva, he with a few mE?n joined in the battle and was in the vanguard. He. was wounded and fell to the ground. It appears from the Maa~ir 'Alamgiri that he was alive !l up to the 2lst year. (SAIYID) DILER ~HAN BARBA. One of the officers of the time of J ahangir. He held the faujdari of Baroda. When in the 18th year there arose the cloud of dissension between father and son, and Shah Jahan appointed 'Abdullah K. to the government of Guja.rat, and his eunuch s entered the city of A~madahad, Sail K. alia8 ~afi K.~who had" partial charge of the city-showed courage and took the city from the eunuch's possession, and induced Diler K. to take- the side of loyalty. After the king's death, when Shah Jahan marched from Junair and crossed the Narbada,he came before all the auxiliary officers of the province, and did\ homage. In attendance on the royal stirrup he came to the capital, in the first year of the reign had the rank of 4,000 with 2,500 horse, and the gift of a robe of
l Khali K. II, 191-192, where he is called Abu-l-Ml!-jid. See p. 191, two lines from foot. But see also p. 196 where Abu-I-Muhammad is spoken of as in the impe~ial army. According to the Maa!!ir A.Abu-I-Mu1).Bmmad got the title of IlWlli~ K. and thfl rank of 5,000 with 4,000 horse in the 12th yem', p. 81.
2 Abu-I-Mu1).ammad Bijapuri is mentioned in the Maa!!ir A. 171 as being made faujdar of Oudh in the 22nd year. He is mentioned again in the 36th year itl. ;;51. 8 Wafiidiir by name, Tiizult J., 362. !;lafi K. was married to a sister of Mamtiz Mai).al.

K. II. 322.

He surrendered in the beginning of the 30th year.

t Maa!!ir 'A1amgiri 481.

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THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

495

honol,lr, a decorated dagger , II flag and a drum, and an elephant. He was allowed to go to his t' aluqs. In the third year, when the king came to the Deccan, he came from Gujarat to court, and re<Jeived an increase of 500 horse. Together with Khwaja Ahu-I1;J.a.san of Turbat he was sent off to take the country of Sangamnir.' In the 4th year he was appointed from there to serve in the contingent of 'A~im K., who was in the neighhourhood of Parenda. Mterwards he was given leave to go to his old taluqs, and in the 6th year, corresponding to 1042, 1632-33, he died. Saiyid ~asan, his son, came to court, and had an audience, and received a rank fluitahle to his position and was treated with favour. Up to the 30th year his rank was I,QOO horse. Another son, Saiyid KhaIn, had the rank of 500 with 200 horse. It was Diler K. who sent j;he white' elephant which was placed in the royal stables in the 2nd year of the reign. Khwaja Ni~am, a merchant, who was a trustworthy trader and known for the largeness of his traffickings, had reoeived from his agents a small elephant 'aged about 15 or.16 years. On aooount of leanness and immatuii~y it had no decided -colour. When he went off in some direotion for the purpose of trade, he left this elephant on the Khan's fief, as there was friend.:.. ship between them.. After twelve years, when it had come to.ma~ turity, its colour Q,,!came white with_ a tinge of red. The Khan. ;sent it for the king,who approved of it and gave it the name of Gajpati (elephant-lord). This. is Ta.lih Kalim's quatrain about it.

After Diler K.'1it death his son Saiyid ~asan came to court and received a suitable manl!ab. In the 28th year he was made faujdar and fiefholder of the Sarkar of Godr:- h I in Al,J.madabad (Gujarat). In the 30th year his rank was 1,500 with 1,500 horse. After the expiration of the 31st year he accompanied Prince Murad Bakhsh, who, at a suggestion from Aurangzeb, had started from Ahmadabad. When Murad Bakhsh was imprisoned, Saiyid l.Iasan re~eived the title of Khan and was ~nt off to Gujarat. Another son, Saiyid Ii..halil, held a manl!ab of 500 with 200 horse. DILER KHAN DAUDZAI.'l His name was Jalal K., and he was younger brother of Bahadur K. Rohilla. When in the 21st year Shah Jahan became disappointed with Bahadur K., in spite of his good services. and achievements in the Balkh and Badakhshan campaign, because of his neg1igence and delay in the pursuit of Na~r MUl,J.ammad K., and of his indifference and slackiless 8 in rendering assistance to S'aid K. in the seven days' fight with the Uzbegs, he confiscated Sarkars Qanauj and Kalpi, -which were in his fief,-and were fertile throughout the whole year. Shah Jahan confiscated them in satisfaction of the government demands against him-which amounted to nearly thirty lacs of rupees-and gave the faujda.ri of them to Jalal K. His rank was 1,000 with 1,000 horse and he had the title of Diler K. and the present of an elephant. He gradually rose in oonsideration and in the 30th year he was appointed to the Deoc~n along with M' ua~~am K. Mir J umla in order that he might, in attendance on Prince Aurangzeb, devastate the territory of 'Adil Shah. . One day during the seige of the fort of Kalyan the prince drew up his forces and marched out to engage the enemy. The sons of Bahlul K. Miana who were in the hostile vanguard engaged the imperial vanguard. Diler K. who was at the head of that force joined in the fight, and though he received sword-blows yet
I
~

'.

Verse.
May his white elephltnt sustain no injury. Whoever beholds it is enraptured with it. When the world's lord goes out upon it, you'd say " 'Tis the sun emerging from a white dawn."
I Padshahn1i:ma I. 3QO. Elliot VII. 10. Sangamnir.is the same as SaDgameshwar. ~ This account, including the quatrain, is taken from the Padshiihnama l. 267. For Tali b Kalim see Beale s.v. Abu Talib Kalim, and Rieu II, 686 a. He was a native of Ramadan

and was Shah Jahan's poet-laureate. The allusion in the first line of the quatrain ill to the evil eye. The place that Ig1w1i:ja Ni",am went to, after leaving the elephant with Diler, was Pegu, whither Jahangir had sent him to purchase rubies.

J. II. 257, the Godhrah of Bayley's Gujarat. The text and several MSS. have Diid or Diiozai. See Padshahnii:ma II. 1\92, and ~ii:fi K. I. 686. et!'

496

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

497

as he had armour and a euira!'" ,I he suffered no harm. After that when the armies were sent for (by Shah Jahan at Diirii's instigation) he also appeared at court, and in the 31st year received the favour of drums. He went with Sulaim~n Shikoh to oppose Pr~nce Mu~amniad Shuja' who had foolishly become disobedient to his father and had advanced from Bengal and had laid hands on many of the imperial properties. When the two forces Came near one another in the vicinity of Benares, Shuja' , who was always subject to sensual pleasures, and was exceedingly careless, and knew nothing about planning and reflection; was terrified and fled. Without attempting to fight he behaved in a childish manner and got on board a boat and fled towards Patna. Sulaiman Shikoh pursued him, and Diler K. in honour of this victory received an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse and had the rank of 3000 with . , , 3,000 horse. Afterwards, when Sulaiman Shikoh at the summons of his grandfather and father proceeded to retum from Patna, as rapidly as possible, he in the village of Karra reoeived the news of the defeat of Diira Shikoh and his flight towards Lahore. This disconcerted him, and Mirza Rajah Jai Singh-who had been made his guardian and manager of the army-separ:ated from him. Sulaiman Shikoh in his distress summoned Diler K. and asked his advice. He made his companionship condition/l.l on proceeding to Shahjahanpiir-which Bahadur (his elder brother) had settled, arid was the native country of the Afghans -and engaged that there Afghans and other soldiers would be collected and that then anything that was advisable would be done. Sul:timan Shikoh agreed. When Rajah Jai Singh heard of this and perceived that Diler K. fromrawness a.nd inexperience had not distinguished between his loss and gain and had made a wrong throw, he, out of friendship and the love he had for him, gave him good advice and withheld him from a wrong intention which could only have the result of injuting his home and clan. He made him join him in the design of going to Aurangzeb. When next day Sulaima:n. Shikoh, in
I Opei. Mr. Ellis has pointed out to me that this is a Mongolian word and apparently mould be obcin. It is given in P. de Courteilles Dict. aa opci". The original meaning is the complete skin of an animal. The word ia used by Blibur, e.g. Hydarabad MS. f. 113b.

accordance with "ue arrangement, prepared to retum to Allahabad, Diler K.I made an excuse and remained at the stage with Rajah Jai Singh. On this account the royal servants oeased to accompany Sulaiman Shikoh. Diler K., three or four days before the Mirza Rajah waited' upon Aurangzeb between Selimpii.r and Mathura, received an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse, so that his rank became 5,000 with 5,000 horse. Hence it appears that after the defeat of Shuja' , when his rank was 3,000, he had received another 1,000. In short, iler K , together with Shaikh Mir, was sent off from Multan to pursue Dara Shikoh. In the battle of Ajmere 8 when Dara-Shikoh made a wall from side to side of the defile, and made a strong bulwark in front of him, and placed on it here and there guns a.nd muskets, etc., the troops of Aurangzeb could not make an impression on the entrenchments until success showed itself from a hidden quarter. Dara Shikoh sent some men to repuIse the men of Rajah Rajriip towards the Kokila 4 hill. This body of men (Dara's) boldly advanced beyond the entrenchment and engaged the enemy. Diler K. mounted his horse and on the right wing took the artillery and his 1;roops and made an advance. After him ShailQl M~r mounted his horse on the left wing and joined him. The two leaders together attaoked the entrenchments of Shah Newaz K., and there was a hot engagement. These two brave men entered the entrenchment and drew the sword of vengeance. ShaiJg). Mir was killed and Diler K. made great efforts and was wounded in the arm by abullet. Meanwhile other troops came up and Dara Shikoh lost 60l1ra.ge and fled. After that Diler K. was appointed to assist Mua~~am K. Mir Jumla who made splendid efforts in driving out Shujii.' from BengaI. In that contest-which was a testing-ground of braveryDiler performed such feats as obliterelted the memory of Rustum and Isfandyar. When in Sh'aban (April 1659) of the 2nd year Mii.a~~am K.
ICompare Manucci L 284, and 'Alimgirnima, 170, etc. \I A.lamglrnim!l 130-31. 3 There is a full account of the tarea days' fighting near Aj mere in the 'Alamglrnima, 318, etc. f Kokilapahid, cuokoo hill' Sao A')!lmglrnima, :,120,

63

498

THE llA.ASIR-UL-UMARA.

THlt MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

brought his army to the bank of the river from Mahmiidabad with the intention of crossing the Mahanadi which is two kos from there, and it was found that there was a better crossing below at Bagla I Ghat-the enemy, who had made batteries on the other side, proceeded to discharge ca-nnon, eto. Diler K., in the first place, entered the river along with other leaders on elephants and they were fired upon by the enemy in that position. Soma of the brav~ men were killed and many were wounded, and a number turned back. As there was deep water on each side of the ford, stakes had been put down on each side to mark the ford. At this time, owing to the crossing of the army, the water became troubled, and the sandy bottom shifted so that some were carried into the deep water. The stakes too did not remain in their place. On this account many of the infantry and cavalry were drowned. Fat~ K., the son of Diler K., was one of these. When the Khan had cross~d, he drave off the enemy and got possession of all their guns. After Shuja' waS driven away, Diler was in M'ua~~a,mK.'s vanguard in his conquest of Assam and did great deeds in chastising the worthless Assamese. In every place he was an associate of victory. When the royal forces crossed the Brahmaputra, which is one of the famous rivers of that country, they came to the fort of Shamlagarha. i That is a strong and sky-high fort. To besiege it was beyond the powers of the masters of lofty designs. Those who
. l 'Alamgirnama, 544,549 and Khli K. iI. 95. The Mahanadi'of the text ia the Mahiinanda of the LG. XVI. 'S3. It is a tributary of the Padma or GUgeB. Ba~lagh..t is frequently mentioned in the' Alamgirnma which gives a most detailed aocount of Mir Jumla's campaign againstShuj'. At p. 5H it states that Baglaghat is five kOB from Malda. (i.e. old Maldl\)' It was on the Maha~anda. Mahmiidabad is mentioned in the 'Alamgirnima, pp. 547 and 548, and is stated there to be three kOB from Baglaghat. It therefore cannot be the Mai).miidlibad which was the head-quarters of the MaJ:lmiidiibid Sarkr and was on the Madhiimati and the eastern fron-

inhabited it were safe frolp the stone-throwing of the calaJ;Dities of fortune and the catapults of the heavens! On both sides of the fort there were broad and high walls. On the south side these extended for four kos and ended at a hill which raised its head to the sky. On the north side the wall extended for three kOB as far as the raging river already mentioned (the Brahmaputra).. Bgth walls were provided on the inside with bastions and battlements. and without there was a deep moat. Every place had been fortified with guns, bOOl;;,j,' and muskets, etc. In that area were nearly 300,000 warlike Assamese ready to resist. As the beleaguering of the whole foit was impossible, Diler K., in accordance with the opin~on of the Commander-in-chief, established a battery opposite the largest bastion, and fighting went on inside and outside. Every cannon-ball that reached the bastion and. wall, on account of the strength of the fort, only made a little dust of it rise up, and no sign appaared of the wall's being broken or of the battlements falling. The country too was rugged ~ and terrible, for in former times great Indian armies which had set out to conquer this country had been overthrown and slain by the treachery of this tribe, and not one of them had escaped from the whirlpool. The' Commander-in-chief nevertheless direc~d an attack against .

tier of Jessore. R.A.S.J. for 1896, p. l S8. Looking at the original, viz. the 'Alamgirnima, p. 548, it does not appear 'that the Mahananda was two kOB from Mal}miidbiid, but that Baglaght was two kOB below Mal]. miidbad. ~ This is the fort called Bhimgar in KhAfi K. II. 444. It is Simlagarh in t~ 'Alamgirnamii, p. 704. The description in text of the fort ill taken either from the same work, p. 705. etc., or from the Tari]ID Ashm, i.e. 'Fatl].iyah 'Ibratiyah by Shihabu.d-din l.'lish. Simlagarh is the proper name of the fort, A.S.RJ. for 1872, pp. 71, 72 ofvol. 41. It was taken on February 26. 1662.

l A kind oI cannon. See Irvine A. of M. 129 and Bahrj'ajam e. v. where a stanza of MuHa 1.'u!ilirii (Rieu 742a) is quoted. See also Ghia!!u.I-Iopt s.v. and Padshiihniima 1. 506 wh~re it is said to be, the synonym for a gajnal or elephant-gun. It is there spelt badiilica. The Ghia~u-l-Ioghat Baya it is a Turkish word. 'rhe "Word also occurs in the 'Alamgirniima, p. 705. According to Meninski the word is commonly "Written as patlan.g.haj ,.,W,L -:. "nd means a pop-gun or reedtrumpet. " Tubulus ex sambucino !igno, quo pueri 8trepitum cient.' , See also Barbier de Meynard's TurkishFrench Dict" who says it comes from patlamq, .. to explode." The statement about the nearly three lacs of Assamese comes from the same !louree,

but the ~t wrongly has asami instead of lJBhiimi. ~ Text qalb u khat.irn"iik, "rugged and fearsome ," but the original, in the 'Alamgirniima 707, has qalb kkalirniik .. terrifying to the heart." It also specifies the fact that Indian armiea had been twice lost there. The treacheTY consisted in the night. at tacks of the Asaamese. The account of the treacherous Assamese camp' followers is taken from the 'Alamgirnama 708. I;lusain Shah and Sulai.. mlin KararanI had' preViously attempted to conquer Assam and there was also an unsucce8sful attempt by 'Abdu-ssalim in Shiih Jahan'e reign. See also ]\lr. Gait's paper A.S.B.J. for 1893. p. 280, and his history of AsIlam, Calcutta, 1906, pp. 41 and 88.

'rHE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

501

500

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

one of the walls, and Diler K., with some valiant men, was ap pointed to the task. By chance one of that tribe who had Iived for a long time in t.h~ imperial territory and at this time was numbered among the uOlts (a~) of the camp, in his craftiness became full of malice. He under the guise of loyalty represented that he knew the nature of the ground and its real condition. If they would accept his guidance, he would. bring the royal troops to a place whence an attack cou!d easily be made. At the same time he sent a message to the beslege~ that they should collect in a certain place, which was the m~st ddncult of all. Diler K. proceeded at night according to the gUIdance of this rascal. At dawn he reached a place where was a moat full of water, and which was difficult and where there was a large collection of the enemy. At once the discharge of many thousand guns darkened the air, and there was a shower of powder-pots (1J.uqqahli-bariit) from the battlements so that the earth ~remble. Diler K., in his great courage, never thought of turnmg back, but drove his elephant into the water of the moat and when his followers beheld such bravery on the part of their' chief they &1so pressed on. A hot engagement took place a great many of the armies of Islam were wounded, and a nUI~ber lost their lives. Five buJ1ets reached Diler, but on account of his armour he was not wounded. Many bullets were stopped in his elephant p.nd his howdah. 1 The brave Kha.n and some others reached the foot of the fort and got to the top of the wall, and fought with the enemy. Afterwards his men got in by the gate and in other places and unfurled the flag of victory, The infidels were overoome and fled out. After the death of Mir .Tumla the Khan came to ~ourt. In the 17th yearS he was sent off with Rajah Jai Singh to extnpate Siva Bhonsla who had established himself in the Deccan ~nd was making a disturbance by brigandage. When the Rajah lD the 8th year set himself to take the forts of Siva and went off from Poonah to take the forts of Purandhar and Rurmal (Rudar1 .fiau~a. The 'Ala.mgirnma 711 h~s ~a.u~, .. wa.ding," evidentlya

ma.l), Diler K., who wal:! in the vanguard, passed through the defile of Sanwar l and was about to encamp near those places, when suddenly a hostile army mae its appearance and there was a fight. The enemy could not stand the shock of the horses and fled to a hill on the top of which the two forts were. Diler K. fought on and came to the hill, and killed many and set fire to the town which was in the waist of the hill and was called Maci,i and then proceeded to besiege the forts. When the garrisons of the two forts discharged cannon and muskets, the Khan did not withdraw but bravely came near the fort of Purandhar and hastily erected a battery. When some time had passed in besieging the two forts une bastion of the fort of Rurmal (Rudarmal) was thrown down s by the repeated blows of cannon-balls, and Diler K. urged on his men and got to the top of this bastion.. The besieged asked for quarter, and Siva who perceived that the energy of the assaHants would soon result in the taking of Purandhar, where many of his relatives and officers were shut up, made acquaintance with the Rajah and had an intervie~ with him, and presented the forts as tribute. As Diler K. was still at the foot of the fort, the Rajah sent Siva to him, and he after the interview presented him with two' horses with~old trappings, and decorated accoutrements, and two sets of nine pieces (tiiqiiz) of silka. After this work had been completed Diler K. acted in the vanguard of the Rajah in devastating the territory of Bijapur and so punished the '.Adil Shah. When he finished that work he and many other leaders were 8u~moned 5 to court on account of the affair of Shah 'Abbas the 2nd who' was meditating the despatch of an army to the borders of India. The Khan went off rapidly and had crossed the Narbada when by t.he decree of fate the ruler of Persia died, and the flames of disturbance were extinguished. Diler K., on receipt of an order, prol

s
271.

~iifl

K., II. 178.

Elliot VII.

l Should be Ssiir or Saswad. 'Ala.mgirniima 889. s 'Xlamgirnama 890. s Alamgirnama 892. ~ See 'Alamgirnama. !l04. The texb has 200 but the real number of horses

was only two, du sir having beoll wrongly read as du ~ad. See also li!lafi K. II. 182. The two horses, or ab least ono of thom, were Arabs. All the l\liSS. however seem to have 200. 5 Do. 974. 975.

IDlsprmt.

50:!

THE

MA.\~IR-ULlJMAR.\.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

503

(Jeedeu with a number of officers to Canda and Deogarha. ManjI ~lullar, l the landowner of Canda, came before him in humble fashion and promised :t a kror of rupees as a fine, in cash and goods, and presented to Diler K. as a thank-offering five lacs of rupees. He also agreed that he would pay every year two lacs of rupees as tribute and that he. would dismantle the fort of Manikdrug which was one of the strong fort,; on his borders. When in the courSe of t wo months 77 lacs of rupees had been realized as tribute, and the arrival of eight lacs .more in the course of twolllonths more, and twenty lacs of arrears had been promised within three years, the zamindar, who was ilI and infirm and whose estate was in a bad condition, was allowed to depart with Ram Singh, his younger son and representative. As Kaukab" Singh, the zamindar of Deogarh, who was debited with fifteen lacs of rupees for past years, also became submissive , three lacs of rupees were imposed upon him as fine and one lac was fixed as his annual tribute. At this time an order came to Diler K., stating that it was desired that the Bijapur territory should once more be devastated, and that he should repair to Aurangabad and place himself under the orders of Prince Mul,lammad M'ua?;?;arp. so that whenever the signal was given he might be ready for the work. His deeds in the Deccan are on the lips of high and low. In the battle which ~han Jahan Kokaltash fought with the Bijapur 1<roops on the other side of the Bhimra, Diler K. was in the vanguard and did great deeds, and was applauded by friend and foe. They say that there was such a market of contention on that battlefield that for some kos the trunks of elephants and the heads of men served for polo-sticks and balls! Ver8e. 4 From the trunks of elephants and the heads of warriors The whole plain was strewnwith sticks and balls.
Alamgimii:ma 1025, lB8t line. Do. 1025. The five lacs were perhaps a present to Diler in gratitude for his madiation.
l
~

Afterwards when the day became disastrous for the royal troops they retired in good order, but the march which in advancing on the Bijapurtroops had occupied, four or five days on the back of elephants and horses, occupied three weeks in the retrea.t. As the fort of Salher which belonged to Baglana had fallen into the hands of the enemy Diler proceeded l to take it, but in spite of his efforts he did not succeed, and the bad climate of that district caused many deaths. He was obliged, by orders of H.M., to return without effecting his purpose. In the 18th year he presented himself at court, and in succession to 'Abid K., he was made governor of Multan. In the 19th year that province was given in fief to Mul).ammad A?;im Shah. The ~han came to court and was sent off' to the Deccan campaign. When in the 20th year the ~llan-~llanan Bahadur, the governor of the Deccan, was censured, the charge 2 of the country was made over to Diler in order that he might carry on the duties tilI the arrival of the governor. In the 21st year a severe engagement took place with the Haidarabad troops. A servant 3 who was sitting behind on the elephant was killed by a rocket and the fire of the rocket fell into the K.han's coIlar and had to be extinguished by the water in a goatskin. Many on both sides were killed on that day. In the 23rd year he by his excellent efforts took the fort of Mangalsirpa (1) from the possession of Si;v8. Bhonsla. In the 26th year. 5 when Aurangzeb came to Aurangabad, Diler was appointed, along with others, to the Bijapur campaign, but remained at court tilI the arrival of Mul,lammad A'~im Shah.. At this time he fell very ill and in the beginning of the 27th year 1094:, 1683, he died.o
count of fight, Elliot VII. 293. IS!J.afi K. puts the battle into the 16th year 1083. Apparently the versa refers to the explosion, which 8ccordingto ~afi K. destroyed many of the royal magazines. The battle was really a great defeat for the Imperialists. Islam K., Rumi, whom Fryer calls the Bassa of Mssopotamia, was killed, and according to Fryer his head and that of his son were stuck up on the walls of Bijapur.
l Khiifi K.. 248, 249. ~ -Do., II. 247. B Maa!!ir 'Alamgiri 165. The engagement WB8 with. the Golconda troops. ~ Mangalbida in Ma8!!ir A. fi Do., 228. 6 Jg1Mi K. II. 279 and Mall.!!ir A.. 237. ~ii:fi K. pute the occurrence into the 25th year, and the Maasir A: puts it into the end of the 27'th year, 1094.

B Kok Singh in 'Alamgirniima 1027, and in l\fa8!!ir A. 60. Thess linos and two more are quoted in 1i.hiifi K. II. 236. See ac-

504

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. THE MAASIR- UL-UMARA.

505

Although it is commonly reported that Aurangzeb perceived in him some indications of presumption and arrogance, and ordered him to be poisoned, yet it appears on investigation that thia statement is not, true. Some- reliable l authorities say that his brother's son put an end to him by changing the pills (of opium) that he was accustomed to. But Aurangzeh had a higher opinion of Diler's courage, etc. than he had of the military qualities of any other person. They say that when he was with Shah' Alam in the Deccan, the latter wished him to join him and to raise the flag of rebellion. Diler K. refused. The dissatisfaction on both sides ended in displeasure and Diler K. went off rapidly to court. The prince hastened after him. When Diler had repreaented that the prince had vain thoughts, and that'he had left him and come on a pilgrimage to H.M., just then the prince's representation arrived, to the effect that thisturbulent Afghan wanted to rebel, and that he had gone after him to punish him. Aurangzeb was much troubled on receiving these two statements, and went several times to the privy (matawazza). As Himmat K. had been brought up with Aurangzeb from early years and was' very intimate with him (d08k tt kinar biid8kaki bild) and used to spea~ very freely to him, he said to the king, " All this is not true, why is your Majesty so agitated ~" The king got angry and said, ,C l'm not troubled about Shah 'Alam; the difficulty is lest they have colluded together. If there be an army with Diler K. at the head of it, I do not see anyone who can oppose it but myself, so if ever I have to deal with him, the battle will be a double-headed ~ one" ~ In short, the ~han was a man of great physical strength, and they tell wonderful stories of his strength and appetites. He had

great sway lover his tribe and was always victorious. By the favOur of time and the might of his star, from the beginning to the end of his life, he was at the top of fortune. He never received any buffet from fate, nor suffered any disgrace or contempt. His sons were KamA.lu-d-din and Fatl;1 M'amur. The latter was killed in the battle of the batteries at Bijapur. DINDAR KR AN OF BOKHARA. His name was Saiyid Bahwa,'il and he was connected with of Bokhara. After Mahabat K. had become guilty of presumption and had fled from the Presence, Dindar was appointed to the pursuing army, which halted at Ajmere. At this time Jahangir died, and Shah Jahan's retinue Came to Ajmere. Dindar had the bUss of doing homage, and in the first year had a ma'Tl400 of 2000 with 1200 horse and the title of DindA.r K. and the gift of a robe of honour, a decorated dagger, a flag and a horse, and was made faujdA.r of the Miyan DUib. In the Sth year, when the king returned from Lahore to the ca.pital and Islam K. was sent to chastise the rebels of the Miyan Do.ab, Dindar was directed to accompany him. Afterwards, in the same year, he was sent off with Prince Aurangzeb who had been appointed to chastise Jujhar Singh Bandila. After some time he died in 1Q45, 1635-36.
Murta~a K.

(RAl) DURGA 8 SISODIA. He was a Candrawat, and his native country was pargana Rimpur,' a dependency of Chitor. In the 26th year of Akbar's reign he was sent with Sultan Murad against M. MUl;1ammad l.Ia.kim. In the 28th year, when M. Ii-han was appointed to put down the Gujarat rebels, he went with him and did good service. In the 30th year he was appointed to the Deccan along with Khan
A. 237. Text Bahiida, but this is a mistake as shown by Maa~ir III. 451. and by the Tiizuk J. 281 and 282. Dindir was governor of Delhi in the 14th year of Jahangir. 3B.417.
t

l Ji!'1ifi K. says, ll. 280, that it was reported that A,.;am Shah came S6cretly at night to visit Diler, and that .Bahiidllr Shah reported this to Aurangzeb, and that Diler thereupon took poison. The Maa~ir says, Diler never was defeated, but surely the battle with the Bijnpllris mentioned

in the biography was a great defeat, He, however, was not in supreme com' mand then. AR recorded in text 8upra, Fa~l} K., who apparently is different from Fa~h lII'amUr, was drowned in the Assam campaign. \I DO, sir darad, a phrase meaning doubt, and treachery. BahlU' 'Ajam.

Ma~ir

, J. II. 273 where it is called Isliimpiir, otherwise Riimpur. It is on the Chambal and is also called Bhinpiira (city of the Sun). See Tod's Annals of MewlU'. Rai Dllrgii is men. tioned in Price's Jahangir. page 34. and in the TiizukJ. 63.

64

1S06

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

507

,.A' zim Koka. In the 36th year, when Sultan MUl'ad was appointed
to the government' of Malwo., he had an honoured place in his 1retinue. Afterwards, he went with the prince to the Deccan and did good service. -In the 45th year Akbar sent him with a force to search for Mozaffar Husain M. Khwaja Waisi had arrested the Mirza and brought him to Sultanpiir. Rai Durga came there and took him to court. In the same year he was appointed along with S. Abu-I-fa~l to Nasik. At the same time he heard of 8 disturbance in his home and took leave ,and went off there. In the heginning of the 46th year he rejoined. After a month and a half he, without obtaining leave, went off home. Up to the 40th year of Akbar's reign he held the rank of 1500, and he died in 1016, 1608, in the second year of Jahangir's reign. It is mentioned 1 in the JahangirI1ama, written by theking himself that he was one of the confidential servants of Rana " '.' Pratap. He served Akbarfor more than forty years and obtained the rank of 4000. He lived to the age of eighty-two. His son 'o Ca~da had, in the beginning of Jahangir's reign, the rank of 700. Gradually he attained to high rank and had the title of Rao. Rao 'Dauda, his grandchild, was appointed, in the third year of Shah Jahan's reign, to accompany A~im K. in the affair of Khan Jahan Lodi, and in the same year he had an increase of 500 with 500 horse, fi' and so had the rank of 2000 with 1500 troopers and the gift of a f flag. But when the brunt of battle fell upon the rearguard, hei gave way. After that, he was appointed wi.th Yeme~u~daulat.to chastise 'Adil K., and 'afterwardshe was included ID t e con 1ll- t gent of Mahabat K. Khan-Khanan who had been appointed to the- i government of the Deccan. In the 6th year, durin~ the siege of Daulatabad, when Miirari of Bijapur came to the aSsIstance of the, garrison, and there was fighting on every side, and several 9f his .,'; relatives were killed, he attem.pted, in ~pite of the general's proh~-.", . . bition, to bring away the dead bodIes. The enemy saw thelr._
/

1 Tiizuk J. 63, ,But the statement there is that he had been a confidentialservant of Rina Udai Singh (PrIl.t1ips father) a.nd that he died in

his ninth decade. i.e. between eighty a.nd ninety. The 19th in Tiizuk must be a mistake for 9th. .~.

I
'I
't;

opportunity and surrounded him. As he could not escape, he dismounted and fell bravely along with some others. The king, in appreciation of his services, sent his son-who was at home-a robe of honour and conferred on him the rank of 1500 with 1000 horse and the title of RAo. He took part for some years in the Deccan campaigns along with ~han Zaman Bahadur. When he died of illness and left no son, his place was taken by his father's uncle's son Riip Singh, the son of Riip Mukund, son .of Ra.o Canda who had come to court in the 17th year in the hopes of favour. He received the rank of 900 zat and horse and the title of Rao, and the pargana of Rampiir which wIleS called Islampiir and was in the sarkir of Chitor , was !'loSsjgned to him in fief. In the 19th year he was sent off along with Sultan Murad Bakhsh to the Balkh -campaign. In the battle which took place' in the 20th year with Na~r Mul;Iammad K., the ruler of Balkh. under the command of Bahadiir K. Rohilla anc;l Afilalat K., he was in the vanguard. After struggle and stril'ing, when Na~rMul;Iammad :K. was defeated and fled, Riip Singh was raised to the rank of 1500 with 1000 horse. Inasmuch as the prinoe was distressed by the coldness of theclimate,and the large numbers of Uzbegs and warlike Almanan who fled in battle and then immediately returned and fought, he begged of his father that he might come to court, and that another servant might be appointed to that country. Some of the Rajpiits returned without orders from Balkh and Badakhshan and came to Peshawar, and among them was Rao Riip Singh. When this was reported to Shah Jahan, he was displeased and sent an order to the officials at .Atak not to let them' rOf!ls the river. Afterwa.rds, when Sultan Aurangzeb was sent off to that quarter, Riip Singh returned along with him and in batties with the Uzbegs fought in the van and distinguished himself. Afterwards he ret~ll'ned to India with the prince, who had been ordered to come back. In the 22nd year, he accompanied the prince to Qandahar, and according to the old practice he was placed in the van, and distinguished himself in the battle which Rustum K. and Qulij K. fought with the Persiail8. His rank was raised to 2000 with 1200 lJorse. In the 24th year he died. As he had no

508

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509

son, Amr Singh and, other grandehildren of Rao Canda came to court with Rao Rup Singh's contingent, and Amr Singh, who was a fitting representative, received from the king the rank of 1000 with 900 horse, the title of Rao, and the gift of a saddie with silver mountings, while his brother received a suitable rank, and Rampiir-the ancestral home-was made his and his brother's fief. In the 25th year he received an increase' of 100 horse and went off with Sultan Aurangzeb who had been ~ppointed to Qandaha.r for the second time. In the 26th year he was attached to Dara Shikoh who had been appointed to this same expedition. In the 27th year, at the request of this prince, his rank was made 1500 with 1000 horse. In the 28th year he was appointed to the Deccan. In the 31st year he was summoned to court and was appointed to Malwa along with Maharaja Jaswant Singh, in order that he might obstruct the advance of the Deccan army. When Aurangzeb's army arrived and the forces were drawn up, Amr Singh was in the vanguard. At the time of fighting, his heart gave way and he fled to his native country. After that he acknowledged Aurangzeb and was appointed along with Prince MUQammad Sultan to pursue Shuja'. Out of folly he did not stand firm, and on hearing contradictory news from court, turned back on the march without receiving leave from the prince. After that he was appointed to the Deccan and in company with Mirza Rajah Jai Singh was energetic in service. In the l1th year he was killed at thc foot of Salh~r fort, when the enemy fell upon the royal troops, and his son, MUQakam Singh, was made prisoner. After some time he paid a ransom and was released. He came to Bahadur K. Koka, who in that year was governor of the Deccan; and received increase of rank and the title of Rao. He served for a long'time. 1:n the 33rd year, Gopal Singh, the son of Mu1).akam Singh, came from his home of Rampiir and energetically entered upon his hereditary scrvice. He had sent his son Ratan Singh to his home to make arrangements (about supplies), but.the latter behaved with self-will and did not send money for his father's expenditure. Gopa.l Singh complained to the king, but it was of no avail. In the 42nd year Ratan Singh by means of Mukhta.r K., the governor of Malwa,

embraced Muhammadanism and received the title of Muslim K.I and was made ruler of his native country. Gopal Singh separated from the prince Bidar Bakht and took refuge in the Rana's country. His fortune did not advance in his native country. In the 46th year Gopal Singh Candrawat came to court and was made governor of the fort of Kaulas. lt In the 48th year he was removed and joined the Mahrattas, But Muslim K., in the beginning of the reign of Jahandar Shah, together with Amanat K., ~hwaja Mu1).ammad-who had been made governor of Malwa and had arrived at Sarangpur-prevented him from entering on his property and opposed him in battle. As his companions were displeased with his acts and words they abandoned him, and he was killed by abullet. EKATAZ 3 KHAN 'ABDULLAH BEG. S. Man~iirI:Iaji of Balkh who was an able and experienced mau, and one of the officers of Na~r MUQammad, the ruler of Balkh and Badakhshan. The Khan (Na~r M.) sent him in the 12th year (of Shah Jahan's reign, 1050--1640) with some presents on an embassy to Shah Jahan. Man~ur received from the latter a present of Rs. 50.000~ and other gifts and obtained permission to return. His sons (MuQsin and' Abdullah) accompanied him, and received suitable gifts and returned home. When by the exertions of Prince Murad Bakhsh, Badakhshan and Balkh came into the king's possession, and Na~r Mu1).ammad became a vaC1abond the J:laji had charge of the government and port of Ter':ni?;. From soundness of judgment he sent his sons MUQammad Muhsin 6 and 'Abdullah Beg to wait upon the Prince, and expressed his devotion to the court. At the same time a comforting letter and a. robe of honour arrived from the Prince, being conveyed by one
j See Tod's Rajasthan, Annals of Mewar. Vol. l, C. XIV, pp. 421 and 424 of Calcutta reprint. See also id. note to p. 280. lt The Kowlass of the maps. It is N.N. W. Haiderabad. 3 Or Yakataz. One who fights lIingly, amonomachus.

>"

~ It is 25,000 in Padshiihnama I I. 153. Shah Jahan received the embassy in Kabul. The sons also got Rs. 5.000.

6 Man~iir in text, but see P8dshiihnama II. 545.

--- ------------------c::=--=----=-.--=-=----.,,;-........................

__

510

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511

of the confidential servants,and S'aadat K., the grandson of Zain K. Kokaltash, was sent to take charge of Termi~. Man~iir made l over the fort to the ~han (S' a.a.dat) and joined the Prince. By proxyi the rank of 2,000, 1,000 horse was conferred on him and he was made Sadr of Balkh. His sons too received suitable rank. At the sa~e time his eldest son MuQ.ammad MuQ.sin paid his respects. (Mterwards) in the 21st year he received the rank of 1,000, 400 horse, and the title of Khan and was appointed to Bengal. There he died in the 23rd year from long-continued drinking. Abdullah Beg came from Balkh in the 21st year and received a robe of honour and a present of Rs. 5,000. In the 24th year his rank was raised to 1,500 with 500 horse. In the 27th year he was made Mir Tiizuk and had the title' of Mukhli~ K. and had the rank of 2,000, 800 horse. ln the end of Shah Jahan's reign he was appointed to Malwa along with Maharajah Jeswant. As the Rajah had been told by Dara Shikoh not to -permit the governors (Auran~ehand Murad) of the Deccan and of Gujarat to advance, if they were marching to court, the Rajah blocked the way seven kos from Vijain, when Aurangzeb had -crossed the Nerbada and was advancing to the capital. A great' battle took place. Muk.hli~ K., with a number of Tiirani soldiers, was in ~he vau'guard. When the Rajput leaders were slain, the Raj ah accepted the disgrace of flight and retired with his wounded men, and many of the imperial officers saved their lives by flight. Mukhhlis with another body of men separated himself from the others, ~nd by the guidance of good fortune joined Aurangzeb. As before this, aud at the time of starting the victorious standards, the itle of Mukhli!} K. had been conferred on Qa~I NizamiU Karariidi F '(?), 'Abdullah received th{l title of Ekataz K. and the rank of 3,000, 1,500 horse, and a present of Rs 20,000. After the battle of Kahjwaha-when Shuja' was defeated, and
3 Karirudi in Piidshshllama IL 540.

went off to Bengal-Ekata.z accompanied Prince Sultan Muhammad in pursuit of him. When Prince Sultan K. in a shortsighted manner joined Shuja' , M'ua?i?iam K., who was the commander of the expedition, after the end of the rains, encamped at Belghatta ,l 24 kos from Akbarnagar (RajmaQ.al) behind a deep stream, and built two bridges at a distance from one another of half a kOB. On the further side of the bridges he erected batteries and provided them with cannon. Shuja' ~ in the month of Rabiu-I-akhir of the 2nd year, December 1658, came to oppose, and there wa-; a hot engagement of cannon and muskets. When he saw that the bridge opposite M'ua~?iam K.'s camp was plentifully supplied with artillery he set off with Sultan MuQ.ammad in the van to the other bridge.8 Ekataz K. and his companions with the intention of repulshig him came to the battery 6 on tihis side of the river. M'ua~~am K., on hearing this, sent Zulfiqar K. with a body of Aghuzan 6 and Ruzbahanis to their assistance. On the side of Shuja' , :Maq~iid Beg called Qidrandaz (fatefuI marksman) and Sarmat Afgha~ were killed, and on the other side ,Ekataz K.8 and his younger brother were killed. A number more were slain and many were wounded.
l 'A1amgirnima 619, eto. Do. 520, top line, .. beginning of month." a It was higher up the tri~utary of th.e Ganges (Bhagirathi) and on Maa~~am K. 's right. 'Alarngirniima 520. 6 Id. where the word is bamUrcal, ,. to the battery" /lnd not merely mW-cal as in text. 6 Text ~J.)l:' 'A'ziin, but a variant gives and this agrees with the Alanigirniro,a 521, top line. I believe the proper spelling is Aghuzii:n or Or!!uziin after the eponymoUB Turanian hero and ancestor Oghuz_ The Riizbshinis are presumablv followers of the saint Riizbahin th~ elder, of Egypt, Khazina A~fiyii 11. 12, and who died in 584 A.H., H88. There is another &&int of the name, known as
i

1:J!JPt

Riizbahiin th& youngar, or Riizbshin Shiriizi, who died in 60:; A.H., 1209-10. See Khazina A~fiya, II. 253, but if the Ar!!uziin were Ture.nians, it is not l*ely that Persians would be sent with them, especi liv 88 Ekatiiz W88 a Turanian. Set> Irvine, J.A.S. B. for 1896, p. 197, note l, and the Safina Auliyii 176 and Ethe 1.0. Cat., p. 307. The Shiriizi Riizbahni is described in NafJ:tatatii-I-Uns, Newsl Kishore lith., p. 162.
6

According to the 'Alamgirniima

821, two full brothers of Ekatiiz were

Padshahniima II. 545. Ghaibana. Meaning that the recipient was not present wheh the increase was conferred. Padshiihnama n. 555. At this time Mu!;lsin received the rank of 500 with ~OO horse.
J ~

Is Kararud the Kara Su or Black river of Armenia which is one of the sources of the Euphrates? If so, it should be spelt Qara.

with him. The Maasir 'Alamgiri mentions two othel' Ekatilz~, father and son, several times. The elder Jf these two went on a mission to Bokhara and Balkh and returned after four years, p. 149. He died in 1091 16RO, pp. 194-95. '

k~lIed along

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FAI~

ULLAH KHAN.

S. Zahid K. Koka. At his father's death he was ten years old. Shah Jahan out of regard to his position and from appreciation gave him the rank of 1000 with 400 horse. Though ostensibly he was entrusted to his paternai grandmother I;Iiiri Khanim, l yet in reality it was the Nawa,b Begam :;la1.J.ib who looked after him. In the 24th year he had the title of Khan, and he gradually had increase of rank and held the office of 2000 with 1000 horse. In the 28th year he married a daughter of the Amiru-lUmara ('Ali Mardan K.). The king in his kindness ordered the Jumla-ul-Mulk S'aad Ullah K. to bind on his head a chaplet of pearls. In the 31st year he became Master of the Horse in succession to Sirbuland K. After the defeat of Dara Shikoh he joined Aurangzeb and had an increase of 1000 with 500 horse. At the same time, in succession to Nawazish K., he was made Qarawal Beg (Chief Huntsman), and received an increase of 500 with 500 horse. In the 7th year his rank was 4000 with 2000 horse, and in the 9th year he resigned and went into retirement. Afterwards, he again desired to enter service and was made Qii.shbegi (Chief Falconer). In the 13th year he was made faujdar of Sambal Moradabad, and for ft long time served in that capacity. He came to court every year, and received much favour and then went to his fief after taking the permission of the king. Aurangzeb was especially fond of him, apart from the fact that he was a '1i!1anazad (belonging to the household). He, too, was much attached to Aurangzeb and waited upon the Begam :;la1.J.ib. At last he got elephantiasis, and was carried about by ltn elephant. Whenever he came to court, he was unable ll to enter the Darbar. He paid his respects from the equipage. In the 24th year, 10~2, 1681, he died at Moradabad. He 3 was a good and independent man, and did not concern himself about worldly affairs, nor did he
1 The I;[iiri Jan of Pidshihniima, II. 434. She was the nurse of Jahiiniiri Begam, aliaa Begam l;liil}ib. \I Probably because there was a prohibition of Jahangir's against diseased persons being admitted to the Presence. 3 Taken from Maa!!ir A. 210. FBi~ Ullah was ten when his father died in 1055, or 1645, so that he was about 46 when he died.

pay court to anybody. He only kept company with birds and strange beasts and reptiles, of which specimens were brought to him from countries and ports. They say there were few animals, wild or tame, known or unknown, which were not in his collection. Even fleas, mosquitoes, moths, and lice were kept by him in wooden and copper vessels and cherished by him. In spite of these peculiarities, he was esteemed by persons of merit. None of his sons was distinguished.
FAI~I FIYA~I (SHAIKH ABU-L-FAl~)

Elder son of S. Mubarik of Nagor who was distinguished among the erudite of the time for austerity and piety. One of his ancestors came out of Yemen (Arabia) from among the recluses and courageously traversed the world. In the 9th century A.H. (1495-1592) he settled in the town of Rel! in Sewistan (Sindh). In the beginning of the 10th century Mubarik's father came to Hindustan and settled in the city of Nagor. As he had no living child, when the Sl!.aikh came into beip.g in 911, 1505-6, he called him Mubarik. When Mubarik came to years of disoretion , he proceeded to Gujarat and became a disciple of the preacher Abu-l-fa~l of Kazariin and of Maulana' Imad of Lar, and acquired much knowledgefrom the learned men and the great Sl!.aikhs of that country. In 950, 1543-44, he came to Agra and lived there for fifty years, and devoted himself to learning and spent his days in poverty and contentment. He was distinguished for his reliance upon God. In the beginning of his career he was so zealous II against forbidden things that he would not pass by a street where music was going on. But at last he became so fond of it tha.t he himself practised music and ecstatics. Ma.ny contradictory dispositions have been ascribed to him. In the time of Selim Shah he associated himself with Sbaikh 'Alai the Mahdavi, and was charged with Mahdi-ism. What censures did he not receive from the learned ! In the beginning of Akbar'!! reign-when the Caghatai officers were most inl see B. 's biography of A.F. The text has il ~I. It was S. Miisi who came there. Mubarik's father wall S. :rgu~r. see J. III. 418. Appa-

rently the family removed to Agra on account of Sher Shah's warfare witb Milldeo. J. III. 421 note. ~ B. XIX. and 490.

65

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lH5

l The Tafsiru-IKabir is stated in . Hughes's Dict. of Islii:m, p. 522b, to be an authority among the Shi'ahs, and to have been composed in thirty volumes by Saiyid Muhammadu-rRAd in 606 A..B. He also saya it is of authority among the Sunnis. D'Herbelot says the most esteemed commentary is that by Thiilebi.

an ill will against his family, they represented that this call of favour was one of censure, and impressed on the governor of Agra that perchance his father would hide him. He sent some MoghuIs to suddenly surround the house. It chanced that Fai~i was at that time not at home. In consequence there was alarm. When he came, he accepted the summons and set about leaving. As the gates of income were closed, there was a difficulty, but at last the pupils made matters easy. After an interview, he was made the recipient of favours and was exalted by intimacy and companionship. Vengeanee was taken upon' Abdu-n-nabi who was deprived of his office and rank and exiled to the I:Iijaz. At last he was ruined in property and life. As the Shaikh was an excellent poet, he in the 30th year received the title of Maliku-sh-sh' uara , and in the 33rd year he wished to make the arena of the Quintet (Ni~ami's) the field of ,his abiHties. In competition with the Makhzan Asrar he wrote the Markiz Adwar (Centre of Circles) in 3,000 couplets, and, in competition with ~husrau and Shirin, Sulaiman and Bilqis, and in the place of the Lail~ and Majniin, the Nal Daman, which is one of the old Indian stories. Each of these consisted of 4,000 couplets. In the metre of the Haft Paikar he wrote the Haft Kishwar, and in the metre of the Sikandarnama the Akbarnama. Each had 5,000 couplets. In a short time he commenced five poems but could not bring himself to finish them. He would say it was time to erase life's record, not to ~eautify the lofty portico of fame. In the 39th year Akbar urged him to complete his poems, and an order was give~ that he should finish the Nal Daman. In the same year he finished it an.d presented it. But as for a long time he was fond of solitude and had taken the road of silence, in spite of the king's efforts he did not finish the Quintet. In the beginning of his illness-asthma-he had said:
Ver8e.

See what cruel sorcery Heaven hath wrought! The bird of my heart twittered l from its cage,
, Shablihangi "'ard, "Hehaved like a nightingale" 1 tender OI sounded the dawn."
Perhaps we should

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517

Tha.t bosom which could contaill an universe Is straitened to emit half a breath. And in the time of illness he often said this:

Verse.
Should the whole world come into one's grasp 'Twere not good that an ant's leg should grow lame. On loth ~afr 1004, 5th October 1595, and the 40th year of the reign, he died Faya~ 'Ajam (wondrous bounty) is the chronogram. For years he used the pen-name of Fai~i. Afterwards he called himself Fayyii.~i. He himself said:

Verse. 1
Fai~i

Before this, when I coined words was written on my signet, Now that I am an expert in Love rm Fayyii.~i from the ocean of Bounty (Fayya~).

men of the age objected that up to the present day no one of the eminent writers had-however great was their devotion (walU' " Love or Devotion ")-written a commentary (on the Koran) without dotted letters. The Bhaikh said that when the holy creed (Kalinta-i-tayiba l)-which was the foundation of the Faith-was without dots, what other proof did they want 1 They say that among the property left by the Shaikh were 4300' choice books. They were confisciJ.ted by the government. , The Shaikh by his learning and excellencies became prominent at court. He was appointed to teach the king's sons. He was also sent on an embassy to the rulers of the Deccan. He never had more than a 400 mant:lab. S. Abu-I-fa~l, though he was the younger brother, rose to become an Amir. While Fai~i was alive, Abu-I-fa~l attained the rank of 2,500. In the end he arri,ed at the highest rank. Many adducE' the following verse as evidence that Fai~i led Akbar to become a non-worshipper:-

Verse.
Observe how appropriate gifts are distributed by Fate to eachThe mirror to Alexander, the sun s to Akbar; The former showed his own face in the mirror, The latter displays God (:J:Iaqq) in the sun. Though there is no doubt that the great lumina.ry and glory of the world is one of the greatest marks of God's power, and that the arrangement of the evil world depends on it, yet the mode of glorification-which is not the way of the followers of Islam-and the words of Abul-I-fa~l imply such a view (as is alleged against him). His brilliant verses and odes are universally known., He wrote a couplet about wine,

The Shaikh composed' 101 books. One strong witness to his talents is the commentary called the Sawa~a-ul-Ilham, " Rays of Inspiration," which is without dotted letters. Mir :J:Iaidar, the riddle-maker, found the date of completion (1002) in the contents of the Siirah Ikhla~,s and received Rs. 10,000 as a reward for this (ohronogram).Fai~i also wrote the M:twaridu-I-kilam, ,,' Stages of Words," without using any dotted letters. The learned
l B. 549 and Badayuni III. 307. who gives tbe lines as part of a palinode which Fail!'i oomposed in praise of the Prophet in 1003. Abu-l-Fal!'l states they ocour in the Nal Daman, and this- is oorrect. See the ooncluaion to that poom. II This statement is apparently taken from the Miriitu-I-'Alam, but if the latter's authority was BadayiiD.i, it seems to me that Badayuni's words are capable of anoth4lr interpretation. See BatiayiiD.i III. 306 and editor's no.e. See also Darbir Akbari, pp. 368 snd 377 (top line). ,,"pparently what BadayiiDi 8aY8 is that in
Fai~i's library there were 101 copies of the Nal Daman. AbuI-Fal!'1 has an account of his brother'8 works in the third volume of his letters, and what he says is that his brother had written 40,1)00 lines (bait) in prose and verse. 8 The Siirah IlIDla~ is a famollS chapter of the Koran and is No.l 12. It begins, "Say God is one God." There are only three verses and the ab,'ad value of the words in them is 1002, 1593-94. The Darb8r Akbari remarks, p. 376. that tht. bismilIah has to be omitl;ed. But then this is not part- of the three verees.

,I

I
t

The creed La llaha ete. 4,600 according to Badayiini III. By manipulating the letters in a

305.
8

certain way. Faii\i showed by abjad that the letters of A/tab, the sun, and Akbar yieldedihe same number, viz. 223. See A.N. translation 1. 65.

_________________1.

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519

Verse. I

Why, O sword of Love, cut the hands: if you'r just. Better cut the tongue8 of the reprovers of Zulaikha.

F AIQIIR KHAN.
S. Raqir K. Najm ani. In the third year of Shah Jahan, at the time the latter was in the Deccan, he presented a decorated pardala ~ (lt belt 1) and some jewels as the tribute of his father who was governor of Orissa. He received a suitabie rank. After his father's death he got an increase and had the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. For some time he was, on account of a fault without an office or fief. In the 21st year he was confirmed j~ his old rank, and got the title of Khan and the office of Mir Tuzuk in succession to Nawazish K. On account of some improper acts he was for a time excluded from doing homage. In the 27th year, at the request Dara Sbhikoh, he was restored to his rank. In the 29th year he received an increase of 500. In the battle of Samogara he commanded 8 Dara Shikoh's left wing, and afterwards fled to Lahore. When the standards of Aurangzeb adorned Agra he paid his respects. He was deprived of his man8ab but lived in the capital on a pension.. He was alive up to

the 23rd year of the reign and then died. His son, Iftikhii.r by name, held up to the 30th year of Shah Jahan the rank of 700 with 120 horse. When Aurangzeb succeeded, he in the oth year got the title of Mafa.khir K. In the 9th year his rank was 1,000 with 450 horse. He was the ,son-in-Iaw of Asad K. FARI:IAT KH.AN.l His name was Mihtar Sakai and he was one of the special attendants of Humayun. When in the battle with M. Kamran, the treacherous officers joined with the latter, Beg Babai of Kulab came from behind and struck Humayun with a sword. He stumbled, and Farhat K. came up and put him to flight. When Humayun marched from Lahore to Sirhind to encounter Sikandar Siir, Farhat was made Shiqdar of Lahore. When Shah Abu-lM'aali was appointed to the province, he, without any orders, removed Far1).at, 'and appointed his own men. Afterwards when Prince Akbar was sent there, Farhat joined him and was received with favour. During the reign of Akbar he was made fiefholder 'of the to:wnship of Kiira.~ When H. M.was returning from the eastern districts, he halted at Farhat's house and was entertained at a banquet. In the battle with Mu1).ammad I:Iusain M. near Al).madabad he did good service. When M. Muhammad was made prisoner and asked for water, Farhat became indignan:t and struck him on the head with his hands, saying "According to what law should a rebel like you get water?" The king blamed him and gave the Mirza drink out of his own flask. In the 19th year he was sent to take Rohtas. This is a strong fort and has cultivation and springs on the top of the hill sufficient to supply the garrison. When some days had elapsed an order was issued to Mo~affar K., who at that time had been appointed subordinate to Farhat in order that his pride might be broken, to chastise the Afghans who were making a disturbance in Bihar, and he (Mo~affar) was made an object of favour. Farhat commanded the left wing in
l B. 441. This is Corah of the old RegalatioIllI. see J. 167 where it is spel t
~

of

l Compare the verse in B. 558, text I. 240, top of .ne.ge and the note. There is an elaborate notice of Faizi in the Darb1' Akbari, p. 359, et~. Apparently the verse was intended as an answer to Faii!'i'8 critics. Abu-lFai!'l's preface to Faii!'i's works is in vol. III. of his letters. There is a biography of Faii!'i in Blochmann's Ain translation, p. 490. See also A.S.RJ. for Ul69, p. 137 note. On referring to the passage again I am not sure that what the author of the M8A@ir lI8ys is that Faii!'i wrote a poem about wine (bar mail, and think the allusion may be to the verses translated by B. at p. 559. These are in praise nf spiritual or mental wine, and perbn.ps the couplet about Zulaikha is quoted by the author. to indicate that

Faii!'i is not speaking of material 'wine, and therefore should not be censured. But the passage is, to me, obscure. !L Piidshahnama 1.315. Parda la does not occur in our dictionaries. From Kamgar Husaini's Maasir J ahangiri B.M. MS. Or. 171, p. 16~a. Rieu's Cat.,257a, it. is clear" that pardala is something connected with a sword, for there we have the expression pardalai-sharrisher. See alao id., pp. 98 and 108a. I believe that pardala is a belt and variant of the Hindulltani word partal, a belt or strap. lp Khafi K. I. 337, the sword is spelt partala, the expression being pflrtala...almiiB, "a diamond belt." It was a present from Shah Jahan to bis father. 8 A1amgirnamB 96. id. 286.

Korarab. It is in the Allahabad dietrict, and is the Kara of the I. G. XIV. 416.

520

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Mozaffar's batties with the Afghans. When l Gajpa,ti Rajah made a disturbance in Arrah, which was Farhat's fief, Farhat did not judge it proper to encounter him and took refugcl in the fort (of Arrah). When his son Farhang K. heard of his being besieged, he went off to help him. Active swordsmen hamstrung his horse. He dismounted and fell, fighting bravely. Farl).at's fatherly affection was moved on hearing of this; he came out of the fort and was killed like a IOylllist. This occurred in the 21st year, 984, 1576-77. (IJ:ITISHAM K. IKHLAf;j K. SRAIKH) FARID FATI.IPURI. Second s. of Qu.~bu-d-din Khan Shaikh Khuban. 2 By the end of Jahangi~'s reign he had attained the rank of 1,400 with 400 horse. In the first year of Shah Jahan he had an increase of 500 with 200 horse, in the 4th year he had an increase of 200 horse, and in the 5th year he had the rank of 2,000 with 1,200 horse. In the 8th year he had the rank of 2,500 with 500 horse and was attached to Aurangzeb's army which was appointed to chastise Jujhar Singh Bandila. In the 9th year at the time that the king was in the Deccan, he was sent off with Shaista K. to take the forts of Junair and Sangamnir. After the taking of Sanga.mnir he remained there as thanadiir. In the llth year hewent off with Asalat K. to subdue the rebels of pargana Candwar. 3 In the 15th y~r he distinguished himself at the taking of Mau and afterwards went with Prince Dara Shikoh to Kabul. At the time of leaving he was presented with a flag. In the 18th year he was appointed to the charge of the province of the capital and had the rank of 3,000 with 1,500 horse. In the 19th' year he went with Prince Murad Bakhsh to conquer Balkh, and Badakhshan. When the Prince returned from there, and Bahadur K. Rohilla had set out
l A. N. III. 169. The biography does not notice that Fo.rhat was one of the two men who threw Adham K. over the terrace. A. N. II. 175. 2. Jahangir's foster brother killed by Niir Jahan's first husband. (&&le). Ma&!ir m. 66.
\

from Balkh to punish the Almanan, Il).tisham was left in charge of the city. In the 22nd l year when it was reported that he on account of excessive jealousy had delayed to join Raj ah Bethal Das who had been appointed to Kabul, he was deprived of his rank and jagir and placed among the pensioners (lashkar-i-d'1tii). In the 3lst year he received favours and obtained the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse 'and was appointed to serve under Prince Sulaiman Shikoh who had been ordered to encounter Mul).ammad Shuja.' He was appointed to the governorship of Patna and received thc title of Ikhliil? K. In the first year of Aurnng,zeb he was appointed among the auxiliaries of Khan Dauran who had been appointed to take Allahabad. As the title of llilllal? K. had been bestowed on AI:tmad Khweshgi, he got the title of Il).tisharn K. After the battle with and flight of Shuja' , Il).tisham was with (Prince) Mul)ammad Sultan and displayed bravery in the Bengal campaign. In the end of the 6th year he came to the presence, and did homage. In the 7th year he was appointed to the Deccan along with Mirza Rajah Jai Singh. After the taking of Poonah he took up his abode there as thanadar. In the 8th year corresponding to 1075, 1664-65, he died. Shaikh Nj~am his son, after the first battle with Dara Sbikoh, was raised by Aurangzeb to the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. (SRAIKH) FARID MURTA?:A KHAN BOKHARl.
It is said in the Iqbalnama" that the Sbaikh was a Musavi Saiyid. This is somewhat strange, for the Bokhara Saiyids are des, cended from JahtI Bokhari (Makhdiim Jahanian) -may his grave be holy; and he was seventh in descent from Imam Haman 'Ali Naqi Alhadi-may Peace be upon him. They say8 that his fourth ancestor Saiyid 'Abdu-I-Qb.affar of Delhi left his descendants the injunction to give up subsistence lands (madad m'aash.) and to adopt the military profession. In fact, the SDail.<:ll early entered Akbar's service, and by his excellent loyalty and service became a
l In ~iifi K. I. 68384, there is an &1lusion to his punishment. He was made a day-pensioner (rozinadar).
~

3 Pii~iihn8ma II. 21, and ~iifi K. I. 552, have Jadwiir and it is so also in the Ain J. II. 290. It is in So.rkiir Sambhal. J;g1iifi K. I. 619.

Kiimgiir J;lusaini also says so. Price's Jahangir, p. 23.

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favourite and grew intimate and trusted. His ability, address and courage made him famous. In the 28th year, when the ~han 'A?;am returned from Bengal on account of the uncongenial climate and came to Bihar, and tihe military dispositions were made by Wazir K., Qutlii Lohani had prevailed over Orissa and was practising insubordination and oppression; and had added to his possessions some Bengal estates. It was arranged that Sbaikh Farid should interview him in a certain place, and settle conditions of peace. The deceiver did' not appear'at the appointed interview. The Sbaikh,1 from his good intentions and simplicity; listended to some glozing tongues and proceeded towards his quarters. Qutlii came forward with fawning and meditated that as soon as the men had gone to their repose he would seiz~ the Shaikh and conceal hi m 'and make use of him as a hostage for his own designs. The Shaikh perceived this and at the beginning of the night sought to return. There were no horses left in the jilauli;hana (stables) and the road had been blocked in Some places. A hot fight ensued, and the Sbaikh got upon his own elephant. Bya w6nderfuI fate the elephant became unruly and went off on the wrong road. The Shaikh came to a stream and was seeking for a ford, when suddenly a number of men arrived and shot arrows and woundAd him. The ShailtlJ. flung himself down and went off, while they though t he was stiH in the howda. Meanwhile a servant came and put him on his horse and brought him to the camp.2 The proposed peace failed and Qutlii had the disgra,ce of fraud, and in successive fights had to traverse the desert of unsuccess.
I A.N: III. 406. , The story is told here as in A.N. 406, but Ni~amu-djn, Elliot V. 429. and Badsyiini. Lowe 333, tell it differently. According to them Qutliidid not behave badly. It wss Bahadnr who did so. See also Stewart ',s Bengal 177. The story is also told in Niiru-I ij:aq'. Zabduttawiirik.1J. which' is specially devoted to the glorification of S. Farid. But the account there,

p. 215b and 216a of RM. MS. Add. lO, 580, makes no mention of Bah.dur. It says thf\t Farid took 300 horse with him, that many of the horses were removed and that 5,000 or 6,000 Afghan,lllay in ambush. Sai~ yids Shanii and Abdullah Latif were ki1led. The affafl' took plac~' in the Bllrdwan district. Qutlii was defeated afterwards and went off to Jhllirlrand.

In the 30th year the Shaikh attained the rank of 700, and by the 40th year he had arrived at the rank of 1,500. He became Mir Bakhshi. Having become a balgJ.shi he acted like a Vizier and for some years he on account of the incompetence of the diwan drew to himself the charge of the diwan-i-tan which is part of the diwan's office, and distributed jagirs to those who sought for assignments (tankhwah). After l the death of Akbar, two good services were performed by the 6.bailtlJ. which ra.ised him above his peers, or rather above all the officers and pillars of the empire. The first was that when Jahangir at the time he was Prince behaved independently in Allahabad and conferred titles and man,!abs and distributed fiefs, Akbar increased the dignity of Jahangir's son ~JlUsrau so that men thought he was the heil'apparent. After the Prince (Jahangir) came to the Presence" he was not devoid of turbulence (shorish dimagh). The Emperor delayed and dissenibled. As the J;>rince's (Selim's) men had gone otI to Gujarat-which had recently been' assigned to him as his fief (tiyul)-the Emperor intimated t() him in his illness that he should confine himself to his house, outside of the fort, lest the party of the opposition should make a disturbance. Mirza Aziz Koka and Rajah Man Singh were, on account of their relationship with Sultan Khusrau, plotting to make him ruler, and placed. the gates of tbe fort in charge of their own men. The .Ii.hi~ri gate they made over to Shaikh Farid in co-partnership with their own men. Farid-who had the control of the army-was annoyed and came out of the fort and saluted the Prince, and congratulated him as Emperor. The Amirs heard of this and crowded in .from 6very side. Akbar was still breathing when Rajah Man Singh was won over by being confirmed in the government of Bengal. Jahangir
l t'he Maa!!ir does not refer to Farid's victories in Kashmir, for which see the Akbarnii:ma and Zubdu-tta1rlrili!.l, MS. 235, etc. ~ I.t ,is stated in A.S.B.J. Numismatic Supplement for 1904, p. 68, that Selim never was, governor of Gujarat. Perhaps this is techniC',ally correct, but tbe passage in text &hows that he had' connectioIlll with the province.

Tho Miriit A4madi, lith. ed., p. 193, also states that Selim received in tbe last year of Akbar a gra.nt of a lac of rupee!! out of the collections of me port of Cambay. He may therefore have had sufficient influence in. Guja rat to issue Selimi coins at Al].madaba.d in the 18llt yeat of his fathor's reign.

tr

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came into the fort and ascended the throne and the Sbaikh received the title of $al.libu-s-saif-u-al qalm (master of sword and pen) and received the rank of 5,000 and the high office of Mir Bakshi. The second was when flatterers and foolish talkers put thoughts of empire into Sultan ~husrau's head. In the first year of his father's reign, 101(;-1606, he on 8 Zi-I-l).ajia, 6th April, fled by night and went plundering from Agra to Lahore. The Sbaikh pursued him with a number of officers, and Jahangir himself followed close at his heels. The Amiru-I-Umara Sharif K. and Mahabat K -who had enmity with the SDailill-represented that the Sbaikh was intentionally delaying. He did not intend to seize ~husrau. Ac.eordingly Mahabat K. came from the king, and spoke idle words. The Shai'Jili did not move from his place and gave an answer corresponding to his loyalty. Sult,an Khusrau heard of the arrival of the Sllai\gl at the Sultanpur river and withdraw from the siege of Lahore. With 12;000 troopers whom in these lew days he had gathered tog~ther he turned to encounter I Farid. The Sbaikh with an inferior force went to meet him and crossed the Beas and engaged. A severe battle took place. The Saiyids of Barha and Bokhara distinguished themselves and devoted their lives. Sultan ~husrau after many had been killed 6ed to the desert and the Shaikh went on a plain beyond the battlefield and encamped. On the same day two or three hours after night Ja.hangir came up on the wings of swiftness and embraced the Sbaikh. He passed the night in his tent, and'he, at the request of the Shaikh, made that spot, which belonged to p~rg!tna Bhaironwal, apargana, and gave it the name of Fatl).a.bad and presented it to th!'l Sbaikh. He also gave the Shaikh the title of Murta~a K. and gave him the government of Gujarat. In the 2nd year the Sbaikh sent from Gujarat a ruby of Badakhshan-of which the stone and the ring and the setting were all out from one piece of ruby and which weighed one mi!\qal,i. (15 surMs) and was of very fine water and
l GladwiD calle ihe battlei'ield Gowind wal. i. see Tiizuk J., p. 63. A mi!ll51 is said t~ be one-.i:dh of an ounce. A

.-uvlch is the eame as a rqti, viz. the seed af the Abrue precatotiue. For the complainte of the Gujarat people

colour-as a present. It was valued at Rs. 25,000. As the people of Gujarat were tormented by his brother's ways and manners, they complained, and he was summone'd to the prese !e and in the 5th year was made governor of the Panjab. In the year 1021 , 1610, he was appointed to the affair of Kangra which belong8 to that ~rovince. In the town of Pathan in 1025, 1616, and the llth year of Jahangir, he died. His tomb is in Delhi in the cemetery of his ancestors. In accordance with his will a building was erected. The chronogram is Dad, khitrd burd (1025, 1616): "He gave;! he took little." All he left came to one thousand ashrafis. The Sbailili was adorned with outward and inward excellencies. Bravery and bounty (shuja'at ba saMawat) were united in him. His universal liberality opened the door of abundance in the face of mankind. No one who approached him saw the face of disappointment in the mirror of his thoughts. On his way to the darbar he distributed garments (qabii), blankets, sheets, and shoes to the poor passers-by. He distributed small gold and silver coine with his own hand. One day a dervish received aIms from him seven times. The 8th time he whispered to him, " Hide what you have taken seven times so that other dervishes do not take it from you." Monastic persons (ahl kl1anqah) , pious persons, needy persons and widows received fixed allowances daily or yearly, both in his presence and privately, without sanads or parwarias. There were manysubsistence-tenures in hisfiefs. The children of those who had been in his service had all fixed monthly allowances and they sported, as if they were his own children, in his arms. He appointed masters to teaoh them In Gujarat he had the names - of- the Saiyids-male and female-written down, and gave from his own establishment wedding-clothes for their children. He even put money in deposit for those who were in the womb. Accordingly, whoever after that came into existence, got wedding expenses from that money. But he gave nothing to panegyrists or singers. He founded many hostels and serais. In Al).madabad he established a quarter called Bokhara. He built the mosque and cemetery (Rau~a) of Shah Wajhiu-d-din, and in Delhi he left
l

against Farid,

Bell.

TiiEuk J., 73.

B, 415.

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527

526

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

Faridabad l with buildings and a tank. In Lahore too he established a quarter, and a great bath in the market-place there is his. The 8..haikh three times a year gave grand dresses to the king's servants with whom he had to do, and to some he gave nino things (tuquz). To his own servants he gave yearly a khilat, to the footmen a blanket, and to the sweepers (1J,alalkh itr ) a pair of shoes. This was his custom all his life, as long as he lived he did not grudge it. To some of his companions who also had jagirs he gave a lac of rupees a year. He kept 3,000 selected and wel1horsed troopers as his contingent. From the time of Akbar to the reign of Jahangir he never entered a dwelling-house (of his own). He was always in the advance-camp i (peshkhana). There were three watch~s and every day 1,000 (1) persons (troopers were fed. Five hundred were entertained and to another 500 portions were sent. He paid his soldiers with his own hands. He did not grumble at the crowd of men and the noise and confusion. They say that an Afghan named Sher Khan was one of his best servants. He took leave from Gujarat and went to his home and stayed there five or six years. When the ShailID was appointed to the Ka.ngra campaign, he came to the town of Kalanur and paid his respects. The Shaikh told his bakhshi Dwarkii. Das to give him the man's account in order tha,t he might send the money to his family The ba~Bshi wrate out his account s and gave it to the Shaikh for the insertion of the date. The Shaikh goti angry and said, " He is an old servant. If for some reason he has come late, how has our work suffered 1" He made out hiR account from the date that his salary had been entered on the

the spheres, yet at this portion of Time this land is without such men. Perhaps they nave gone to some, other country! , The Shaikh had no son. He had one daughter, and she died childless. Mu~ammad S'aid and Mir ~han were his adopted sons and they spent their days in pomp and pride, and lived extrava g~nt~y. In their presumption they paid no regard to the imperial dlgmty. Not to speak of their conduct to Amirs, they would even pass before .the ;karoka (emperor's window) of the palace on the Jumna. with many torches and lamps. They were often fo~bidden, but it had no effect; At last Jahangir signified something to Mahabat K. He told Raji Saiyid Mubarik of Manikpiir-who was his confidential servant-to. get rid of them quietl night Mir K was returning from the Darba.r when kdled him, and was himself wounded by him. The Shaikh (Farid) brought a charge of murder against Mahabat K. He in the presence of the emperor brought forward positive proof (baiyina) by trustworthy (?) witnesses that Mul,1ammad S'aid (the other a~opted) h~ kil1ed Mir Khan,' and ~hat he should exact retalia.tIOn from hUD. The Sbaikh from the nature. of the assembly unde~stood what was the real object l of the allegation and said nothm~ but withdrew from the prosecution.

~ne

sai~

(MIRZA) FARfDUN' KHAN BARLAS. S. M. Mu~ammad Quli K. Barlas. On b:i& father's death he 'was graciously treated by Akbar and received.,' suitable rank. In the 35th year of the reign he accompRnied the Kha'n-KhanA.n 'Abdu-r-Ra~im onthe Tatta campaign and distinguished !ilinself. When the country of Tatta (Sind) was conquered he in the 38th year accompanied Jani Beg to court. In the 40th year his rank was 500. When Jahangir came to the throne he, in the second year, reCeived a fief in the province of Allahabad 'and had the r~nk of 1,000 ziU tc sawar (personality and horSe). In the 3rd year hIB rank was 1,500 with 1,300 horse. and afterwards it was increased'
.I A~l m'U!ld'tJij. The real meaning of the allegation that Muhammad S'ald wu the murderer. Perhapa fJl!l here

establishment and paid him Rs. 7,000! Good God! Though there is the same interchange of night and day, the same movements of the planets and revolutions of
1 'rhe Zabdu-t-taw1irikh speaks of Faridab1id as being four jar,akhs from Delhi. MS. 249b. Faridabiid is S. See Proceedings A S.B. for Delhi. 1873. p. 197. The ins('ription there givensho w8 that Farid was ll. SJ!oiyid Al)mad of Bokhara. See B\ochmann,
i On referring to the MSS. the reading peshkhiina is doubtful. Z Text [ard /dJ,Qrj-i-ao. But B.M. MS. Add. 65- '6 has tard chihrah, "the statement of his appearance," Le. his descriptive roll, and this is probably the true reading. See Irvine A. of M.

mean. root and refers giro 2 B. 34,2 &Dd 478.

to

J aban-

6llO\ tmd L G. XII. IH.

47.

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629

to 2,000 I horse. In the 8th year he wa8 attached to Sul~an ~ha.r ram (Shah Jahan) and employed in the campaign against Rani Amr Singh. Afterwards he died. 2 The appreciative sovereign gave his son Milu 'Ali the rltnk of 1,000 with 1,000 horse. FATJ:I JANG ~.lIAN MIYANA. His name was J:Iusain K. and lie was one of the leading officers of the '.Adil S. dynasty. Though he was not nearly related to BahliiI K. Miyana, yet he by birth and ability was one of the distinguished men of Bijapnr. As the household servants of the 'Adil Shah dynasty did not consider thf'ir king, but were independent and squabbled with one another, the affairs of the kingdom fell into deeay and hostile desires increased. Aurangzeb had long ago determined upon uprooting the Qu~b Shah and 'Adi! Shah dynasties, and when he was obliged to vis-it the Deecan as king, his old designs were confirmed. Fat!). Jang from foreseeing the end of things, and by his good fortune came to the royal threshold and in the 26th year did homage in the cita.del of Aurangabad. By the king' s order, Atish K. Riizbahani received him at the door of the Ghuslkhana, and Ashraf K. Mir RakhIDi advanced as far as the terrace. He received the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse, a flag and ll. drum, and the title of Fat!). Jang K. and a present of Rs. 40,000 and so became the envy of his contemporaries. His brother and other relatives received suitable robes of honour and offices. At the same time a wonderful occurrence 3 took place. Prince Mu!).ammad 'A' ~im f;\hah-who had taken leave to go to Bijapiir-; was summoned to the presence from the bank of the river Nira. ~ One day when he came near the city on horseback, suddenly Fat!). Jang's elephant got violent and rushed at the head of the party (fauj) and came near the Shah. He (the Prince) discharged an
l In the 5th ;year his rank was 2,000 with 1,500 horse. Tiizuk J. 83. In the 7th year he was raised to 2,500 with 2,000 horse. Tiizuk 112. 2 He died in the 9th year at Uclaipur. Tiizuk 131.

arrow at him, but he came nearer, and the Prince's horse became unmanageable. The Prince. dismounted and faced the elephant and struck it on the trunk with his sword. Meanwhile the men of the escort who had been dispersed, killed the elephant by fatal wounds. When the Prince was appointed to the Bijapiir expedition, Fat!). .Jang became one of those attached to him. In the battle of the batteries there he distinguished himself and became decorated with wounds. Afterwards he was made governor of the fort of gaheri, and served there for a long time. He had several engagements with the banditti (the Mahrattas), and in one he was made prisoner. Sambha treated him with respect and brought him t<> Raheri. There he died. He was a quiet man, devoted to his duties. Among his sons-most of whom died during his lifetimeQudrat UIla}1 was faujdar of Talikoth. In the50th year Talikoth (Talikot LG. XXIII, 214) together with the government of Bijapiir was made over to ~usain Qulij K. Bahadur. The said Khan (Qudrat Ullah) was made faujdar of Mahkar, in the Bera.r Balaghat. In his time the enemy (the Mahrattas) fell upon the town and plundered it. Among his brothers, Vasin K. was thanadar of Karar l (also known as Mandgaon, in Berar) and held laujdari8 in that quarter. In the time of Bahadu,r Shah, PurdH K. Afghan superseded him. Quarrels arose between them about the collections and ended in battie, and Y~sin K. was killed.
FAT~ JANG K. ROHILLA.

Maa~ir

A. 230.

River in the Poonah district. Lat. 18.4 N. Lon., 74.13 E. It now feeds a CanaJ.

His father was Zechariah K. , the brother of Usman K . , . . RohiIIa who for a. long time was Qne of the Deccan auxiliaries. Though his rank was small, he was much trusted and respected. In the 13th year of Shah Jahan he was made fanjdar of ~handes, and distinguished himself in that office by the introduction of approved regulations, and by looking after the RohiI1as. In the 30th year he (U!maJ;l) died a natural death. His rank was 1,000 with 800 horse. Zechariah K. also was distinguished for courage. Fatl,1 K. surpassed his father and uncle, and by his energy and courage he, in the time of Shah Jahan, obta.ined his uncle's rank. In the 26th
I

Jarrett II. 233.

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year he was made faujdar of Tundapur in li...hAndes- whICh is the mouth of the Bii.la.ghat-and after that was made faujdar of Copra l in the same provmce. His rank became 1,000 with 800 horse. They say that he had very pleasant manners and that iri spite of the smallness of his rank he was an eminent Amir, and that his establil;1hment was on a greater scale than his position. He WM !t man of an open. brow and one who had a liberal hand. Though hl" was not without eloquence and knowledge, his gentleness and hllmility were'such th!tt if he happened to fall in with a low person (paci, quo piiii) he would go to his house and show such amiability as smprised people. He was unrivalled for the way he looked after his clan, and as a commanding officer (dar tumandiiri). He bore the burden of assisting his brother and nephews-who were all distinguished for courage-and he served well Prince Aurangzeb when he was governor of the Deccan. In the campaign when the fort of BadTii ~ Kalyan was t~ken by the imperial officers. the Prince sent him and Mir Malik l,Iusain Koka against Nilanga whioh they quickly took. When the Prince prQceeded to Upper India to take the sovereignty, FatI). K. with his brothers and 80nsin-law accompanied him, and after leaving Burhanpiir he got the title of Khan. After the battle with Maharajah Jeswant he received the title of FatI). K. Jang K. and the gift of a flag and drum and the rank of 2,500 with 2,500 horse. In the batties with the claimants to the sovereignty he and his brothers distinguished themselves. After the battle of Khajwa he was appointed to accompany Mua!~am K., the KhAn-li...hii.nan, in his pursuit of SbujA," and did good service in that general's va:tlgua~d. In the end of the yea.i- of. the Acoession, the Khin-Igla.na.n proceeded from Akbarnagar (Rajmal).al) to Sutla-which is fourteen k08 further on
l J. II. 226. The Chopda of I. G. X.327. , Perhap8 this should be " the forts of Bidar and Kalyin," and the incident may refer to the 3lst ye&J' of Shah Jahan. see Elliot VII. 124, etc. o The text hss Siili, and Jahl'ngirnagar instead of Akbarnagar. But a reference to the 'Alamgirnima 406

than Akbarl)a.gar-and he l sent some brave men in boats to the other side of the river where the enemies ' batteries were. When some had landed , a battle took place, and some war-boats of the enemy fought a naval battle. Many returned unsuooessful. His brother l,Iaya.t known as Zabardast K.-who was with a number of his compa.nions in a boat-wounded and killed many, and he got a gunshot-wound' and two wounds with .arrows and then escaped from the enemies' boats. Sbahba.z and Sharif, brothers of the ~han, and Rustum and Rasul, his nephews, and a number of his connections and followers were in another boat. They had not all landed when the enemy attacked them. Shahbaz was killed by an elephant, and Rustum and RasuI and others were killed. The others were wounded and made prisoners. Afterwards, when the Khan~ha.nan appointed Mukhl~ K. to the faujdar~ of Akbarnagar. he left him there along with Zabardast K. and FatI). K. After tpe businesSof Shuja' was finished, FatI). K. came from Bengal to the presence. As his heart was inclined to service in the Deccan , he became an auxiliary in that country. In the Bija.pur campaign he in company with Mirza. Raj ah Jai Singh had command of the left wing. When he approached Bijapur Sherza K. Mahdavi and Sidi Ma'saudcame into the imperial territory and stirred up commotion. By chance, at that time, lskandar, who was called l>ala.bat K. and was the brother of Fatl,1 Jang, had come to within four kos of Parenda with the intent of joining the Rajah. Sherza K. with 6000 troopers fell upon him. He guarded his honour and did not think it fitting to tum back from them and with 40 troopers of his own followers they aoquired fame by sacrificing their lives. Everyone of his brothers was distinguished for his courage. He heldpargana Jameza a in ~llandes in fieI. He took the
See ~lso 'Alamgiml'ma 504 where it is stated that SuH is about 14 kos from Akbarnagar on the way to Jahangirnagar and that Mir Jumla encamped there and erected batteries on the river-bank, etc. l Alamgirnl'ma 505, etc. It was in May 1659. Mir Jumla's men croesed over the river to take a fort. bul were surprised and defeated. From p. 501 of Alamgirnama it appears that ShujK's battery WB8 on a chur or i.land in the river. , Alamgirnma 508. B The variant Jimniya agreee better with J. II. 225 which has Jmtlet'. l. G. XIV. 50.

shows that the place is Siiti or Sooty in the N. of the Murshidabad Ailltrict and that it is Akbarnagar, and not Jahingirnagar, which was 14 k()ll away. Sooty is on the Bhagirathi, which is mentioned in the Maa!!ir III. 542, in connection with Biiti. See also Stewart, Hist. of Bangal , 27 I, who speaks of Mir Jumla crossing at Sooty.

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maqaddami (headship) of most of thedistricts and made the village Paipari his residence. It is eight kos from Fardapur and on the way to Burhanpur. He laboured to develop it, and his sons established themselves there. Up to the end of Aurangzeb's reign his son Taj K. was alive and preserved his authority. After him preeminence ceased. It is about ten years that the village has gone out of the possession of the family as a jagir owing to their want of prudence. Butthey hold possession as zamindars. His son-in-Iaw Ilahdad K. took up his residence in the town of l\IangJaur Shah Badra-d-din. He erected a very 10Hy gut,eway to his house. His descendants live there.
FAT~

KHAN.

Son of the famous Malik 'Ambar, the Abyssinian. During his father's lifetime he was distinguished for courage and gen:erosity. After his death he became the administrator for the Ni~am shahi family and left no power to Murta~a Ni~am Shah the 2nd. The latter was instigated by turbulent men, and arrested FatI). K and sent him to Junair.They say that by the help of a woman who was a braceleli-maker (chiirigar) he with a file got rid of his fetters and escaped. He joined his army and went off to Al).madnagar. The Ni~am Shah appointed an army, and in the battle that enstted FatI). K. was wounded and made prisoner. He was imprisaned in Daulatabad. Ni~am Shah after some time ascertained that M,Uqarib K., a Turkish slave, who was chief swordsman (Mir Shamsher) and had been made general in the room of FatI). K., and ~amid K. Abyssinian, the Vakil uSrsultanat, were not conducting affairs properly, and 80 he made FatI). K. vakii and oommander-in-chief as before. They say that FatI). K. on this occasion was reieased:by the instrumentaiity of his sister who was the mother of the Ni~am Shah ,and that he from this time adopted the dress of a soldier (1) After the death of I.Iamid K., he obtained the control of affairs. In fine, he got a hint from past occurrences, and set about cultivating the' Ambari Abyssinians, and made them his friends. As he perceived that his release from prison had been the result of necessity, and that he would be imprisoned again whenever

that perfidiaus one had recovered heart, he an~icipated matters and in 1041, 1632, imprisoned the Ni~am Shah, giving out that he was insane, in the same manner that his father (~ralik 'Ambar) had kept him in confinement. l Also on the first day he put to death twenty-five of the old, leading officers. He reported to Shah Jahan that he had imprisoned the Ni~am Shah who from short-sightedness and wickedness was opposing the (imperial) servants The order in reply was that if this statement was true he should cleanse the 'world of the Ni~an1's presence. FatI). K, had him put away 2 and gave out that he died from natural causes. He appointed in his room I:Iusain, a boy of ten years of age. When he again reported what h80d occurred, Shah Jahan demanded the elephants and jewels, etc. of the Ni~am Shah. FatI). K., in spite of his obedience and subrnissiveness delaved to send them. Accordingly 'Vazir K was sent off in' the fift,h year from Burhanpur to take Daulatabad. Fat1.J. K. hlll'l'iedly se'nt his eldest son' Abdur-r-Rasul with the jewellery and elephants, which were valued 3 at eight lacs of rupees. J'aafar K received him and brought him to do hamage. In this way Fat1.J. K. escaped the king's anger. As Fatl.l K. carried on the administration without any partner, 'Adil Shah of Rij,apur wished to get rid of him and to take pOS!lession of Daulatabad. He sent a large army under Farhad K. FatI). K. wrote to Mahabat K., the governor of the Deccan, that his father's will stated that the office of sweeping the courtyard of the Timuride Princea was better than the Bijapur domimon , and begged him to come before the arrival of the 'A.dil Shah forces. This circumstance has been detailed in the account of :\fahabat K. When the latter arrived from Burhanpur , FatI). K., whose words and acts did not agree, was led away by the ftatteries of the Bijapiir leaders and was besieged (by Mahabat). When provisions ran out, he soon had recourse to supplications and surrendered the fort on (Jonditions. He went off with
l Cf, Elliot VII. 29, and Pidshihnama l. 395. 2 J.Qliifi K. l. 461, and Piidshih. nama 1. 402.

3 !.Qlafi K. l. 467. There were 30 elephants, 9 horses aud jeweJs. See Piidshihnama l. 4 ll.

. -- -- ---- ..------------~__c=

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535

Mahabat K. along with the boy Ni~am Shah and the depeJ;ldants of that family which had ruled the country for 145 years. Mahabat without any apparent cause broke the treaty and imprisoned Fatl) K. in .?;afarnagar, and confiscated his goods. In acoordance with o,rders, Islam K., who had been removed from the government of Guj arat , oame to Burhanpur and brought the ruined family to the presence. The Ni~amu-I-Mulk was imprisoned in Gwalior but Fath K. was treated with favour. The conferring upon hi:U of high office was under consideration when, perhaps in consequence of a wound to his head whic4 had affected his brain, improper expressions were used by him, and he fell out of favour. But his property was restored to him. and he got two lacs of rupees a year as an allowance. He Jived in retirement in Lahore for a long time with ease and comfort 'tiH at last he died a natu~al death. They say he held mU(~h converse with people of Arabia, and used to give them money. His brother Cingiz entered into service before him in the second year and attained the rank of 2; 500 with 1,000 horse and had the ti tle of M anl!ur K. Many of his relatives received suitable offices. As Malik' Amba.r was not a royal servant , his biography does not come into this work, but as he wa,8 one of the leading men of the age, some account of him canno't b.e avoided. He was a Bija.pur slave. He and other bold Abyssinia.ns became servants. o~ ~he Nizam Shah and he became distinguished for courage and abilIty. When Queen Chand Sultan was put to death in 1009, July 1600, by the swords of some irreflecting Deccanis, and the fort of Ahmadnagar came into the possession of the Emperor Akbar, and B~hadur Nizam Shah was made prisoner and contined in the fort of Gwalior," total weakness fell upon the Ni~am Shah dynasty, which had been declining since the time of Burhan Shah. None of the effective officers remained in authority, and Malik Ambar and Raju :Miyan Deccani raised the standard of power. The first had control from the boundary of Telang to within four kos of Ahmadnagar, while the secand had power from the nortli of Daulatabad to the boundaries of Gujarat and in the south to within six kOB of Al).madnagar. Murta~a Ni~am Shah the 2nd, who was the son of Shah e Ali, held the fort of Ausa (Owsa of I. G.) and

some villages for his expenses. As each of these two leaders wished to conquer the other's land, they were constantly oontending with one another. In the year iOIO, 1601-1602, there was a severe battle l in the neighhourhood of Nander between Malik 'Ambar and M. Irii, the 80n of 'Abdu-r':Ra.l,1im, the ~hi.n-~hiniin, and Malik 'Amllar was carried off from the tiel<l wounded. The 'Ii.hii.n-~hA.nan. who knew his designs, rejoiced and made peace. and Malik 'Ambar tOO considered this a gain and had an interview. and made a treaty with the Ii.hli.n-~han&n: As he had been often defeated by Rajn, he now, with the help of the Khan-KhA.nan, defeated him and brought Murta~a Ni~im Shah into his p~wer and kept him under surveillance in Junair. After that he led an army agamst Raju and made him prisoner and took possession of his country. As in Upper India the oontentions of Prince Sultan Selim, the death of Akbar and the rebellion oi Sultan Khusrau quickly followed one another. Malik e Ambar was able at his ease to increase his power, and he collected numerous soldierE\, and took posaession of most of the Imperial estates. The ~Mn-Khii.nan on account 01 the necessity of the times had to submit to this. When the power of Jahangir was consolidated, armies wererepeatedly appointed. Malik 'Ambar was sometimes defeated, and sometimes victoriou8, but did not cease to oppose. Afterwards, when Shah Jahan, the heir-apparent, was sent to the ~eccan and all the rulers of the Deccan submitted to him,Malik 'Ambar made over most of what he had acquired to the imperial vakils and stood firm in the path of obedience. He continually oarried on disputes with the' AdilSha.his and the Qu!b Shii.his. and was repeatedly victorious. He received money as tribute (n'albandi). In 1035, 1626, he died a natural death at the age of eighty He was buried in theRau~aof Daulatabad between the shrines of Shah- Muntajibu-d-din ZarbaJm~ and Shah Rajni Qatal. There is a lofty dome and a wall. In spite of all the revol'lltions a tract is set apart to the present
I This was lrij's, fil'Bt viotory over Malik 'Ambar, and occurred in 47th ysar of Akbar's reign. Bee Akbarn5ma III. 815, and Maa~ir U. II. 645. His

8OCondvictory was near Khirki in the tOth ),ear of Jabanglr. see Tiit:uk. ti'a~tion. p. 312, and Elliot VI. 343.

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day as In'am land which supplies lamps and oil. In military acts and in statesmanship and right judgment he was uniqne. He had thoronghly mastered the method l of qaziiqi fighting which in the Deccan is called bargigl:ri, and kept the evil-doers and vagabonds of the country in order. He laboured much in protecting the peasantry and in the adv:::.ncement of agriculture. In spite of all the commation and turrnail, for the MoghuIs and the Deccani::; were always fighting, he developed the village of Khirki, five kos from Daulatabad, which is now known as ~hujastabanyad Aurangabad, and made tanks, gardens and lofty buildings there. They say that in the distribution of charity and other good works. and in the administration of justice and the relief of the oppressed, he was very strong. He patronized poets A certain poet has said in praise of himVerse. There was Bilal,~ the servant of the Apostle of God; After 1000 years there came Malik' Ambar. FAT!.I ULLAH KHWA.JAGl. Son of the J.Iaji: l:Iabi:b-Ullah Kashi (of Kashan) who, on account of his business-capacity and sagacity , was sent 3 to the port of Goa in the 20th year of AkbaJ to bring the rarities of that place. lIe returned to court with the curiosities in the 22nd year. Abu-I-Fa~l says' in the Akbarnama that one of the most remarkable things he brought was an organ. The said !.Iaji: died in the 39th year. ~hwajagi Fatl:l Ullah was one of the 3ervants of Akbar, and was an intimate of his. In the year that the king made a rapid expedition to the shrine at Ajmere, he was sent 6 off, to bring Qu.~bu-d-din K. Atga, and an order was given that he should hring him by the Malwa route in order that by sending skilful men, he might, byexciting hopes and fears, induce the ruler of Khandes to send :M:0?iaffar !.Iusain M. He came there
Copied from Iqbiilniima 271. See Elliot VI. 428. 2 Biliil, like Malik 'Ambar, was an Abyssinian. 3 A N. III. 146.
I

a~d acted according to orders, and dexterously went himself along WIth the envoys to Burhanpur. After that he went off to the I,Iijaz without orders. He afterwards repented of this and came back along with the Begams who had gone on a pilgrimage and returned. In the 27th year he ,vas pardoned I at their intercession and did homage.
In the 29th year he was appointed 2 to watch the Bengal offi~ers who on account of bad health 8 were neglecting the king's busI~ess. In the 30th year when the ~han A' ?iim Koka had been appomted to the Deccan he was made balWshl of the army and accompanied him. In the 37th year he was sent off with S. Farid Bakhshi to put down Yadgar , the cQ~sin of M. Yusuf K., who had tuned up the strain of sedition in Kashmir. In the 45th year, when the royal standards were at Burhailpur, he was sent with MO?iaffarI:Iusain M. to take the fort of Lalang. When Mozaffar, on account of the insanity in his disposition, abscond~d he with the troops reached the fortreE's and the gar~ison fraU: w~nt of provisions surrendered the keys. He made an agreement WIth some of the Khandes soldiers who were desirous of proving their obedience and brought them to court. At last he in the same year obtained leave to go to Nasik. When he came near th~ fort of G~lna, S'aadat K., the taliiqdar, who had long entertamed the WIsh to enter servioe, cam,e and waited upon bim and 8u~endered the fort. In the 48th year he, at the requ~t of Prmce Sultan Selrm, who was living gloriously in Allahabad obtained 'the rank of 1,000 and was attached to the Prince. ~fter the accession of Jahangir he was made 6 Bakhshi.
J

FAT!.I ULLAH IUlA.N BAHA-DUR 'ALAMGIRSHAHl. His name was Mu~ammad ~idiq and he was one of the Saiyids of Khost which is a district in BadalWsha.n. He was an old experienced soldier and at the head of distinguished swordsmen~
l A. N. III. 386. He came back with Gulbadan Begam'll party and suffered on the joumey with her. 2 Do. 440.

A.N. 228. Haji F,[abib died on l Khurdiid 1002, May 1594. His son is referred to by Blochmann, 499~ 6 Do. 250.

68

3 eal;lat but the variant 8fJhabae " compan~on_hip " is more likeiy : 4 A.N. Ul 824. [p. 18. 6 Roger_,' translation of Tiizuk,

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In the beginning he was in company with ~han Firiiz Jang and was raised to a man-?ab under the crown. He became famous for his com'age and single-fighting. In the 27th year when Khan F"uiiz Jang, &8 areward lor his repeated onsets and his hard contests with the Mahrattas, received the name of G.!laziu-d-din Khan Baha.dur instead of that of Shihabu-d-din, Fati}. Ullah, who had distinguished himself in those batties, received the title of t;)adiq K. He spent a long time as lt follower of ~!tan Firiiz Jang and did good service. He received the title of Fati}. Ullah K. Afterwards he left Firiiz Jang and became the recipient of royal favours. He was always employed in patroUing the country and in chastising the Mahrattas. In the 43rd year after the king had residedfor four years in Isla:mpiiri he moved out to take Sambhii's forts. The Khan ~howed alacrity in taking forts by raising batteries and driving mines. In the siege of Satara, which is situated on the ridge of a mountain, whose head I rises to the Pleiades (arya) while its root descendsbeyond the Earth (ara), he made under the captaincy of Riii}. UUah K. another battery ~ opposite the for~gate. In his energy and boldness he came near the door of the fort and wished by the blow of an iron fist to destroy it. The awe caused by him, and the fear of other batteries, which had come near, made the fort surrender. He was also a predominant partner in taking the fort of ParIi s which was in extent and height the equal of Satara. When Satara had been taken, Fati}. Ullah was appointed to act in the. vanguard in taking Parii. Aurangzeb himself accomplished the JOUl'ney in three days and pitched his tents in front of tbe fort-gate. Fati}. Ullah paid no regard to the strength of the fort, but exerted himself to raise batteries and to place guns on the crefIti of the hill, and did the work of years in a few days. He placed a battery under a long and broad rock which slo~ down opposite the w.icket-gate
I Maasir A. 413. The allusioD to the lleiades may refer to the popular but apparentiy iltroneous etymology which makes Sitira mean seven stars. See I. G. XXII. 129. 2 A.N. III. 415.

(darico.) of the fort, but it was very difficult to get over this rock,

I
J
\

If this rock could be gained possession of, the capture of the fort would be very easy. The Khan with a body of men Came out upon the rock and in ihatfield which extended up to the daricaof the fort he attacked the garrison with the sword. '('hey could not resist and ran to the darka. The Moghuls followed close behind. As the Khan had not determined upon entering the fort, he wished that he should come out upon the rock, and establish his men there, and bring up a gun and demolisl1 the waU. The in1idels strengthened the danca and raised a typhoon of musket-fire and threw bombs from the top of waU. They also set fire to a quantityof gunpowder which, in antioipation of such a day, they had laid down in the exit from the fort. Faqir Ullah K. ,the grandson of Fati). Ullah. and some 67 others I were killed. As there was no shelter on the rock thetroops could not remain there. They came down and took up their old position. But the tumult of the fight had put fire into the souls of the infidels, and the smoke of their conceit evaporated. They cried for quarter, and in the course of l! months in the 44th year the fort waS taken. The chronogram il was Haza Na-?r Ullak, " This is God's victory.', As the fort was one 01 the works of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah who~had founded it in 1035, 1626 and he made uses of the term Nauras to everything which was new, it was now called Nauras Tara. The Khan received an increase of rank and obtained leave to go to Aurangabad to recruit his followers. He came to thepreserice at the time of the siege of Parnala and it was ordered that on Qne side Tarbiyat K. Mir Atish should raise a battery and Fati}.Ullah on the other under the leadership of Prince Bidar Bakht, and with the aid of MUD'im K. should make 'a second approach (Biba). He in the course of one month cut through the stony ground as if
60 or 70 ", M&a@ir A., 427. This yield. 1112, 1700. The text say. nothing about the heavy rains which made the siege difficult and led to afamine. 3 The Ma~ir A. instances the book called Naurae which wae a treatise OB music by Ibrahim 'Adi! Shah to which
I ..

S Elliot VII. 367. .. soutA-weai of Sattara. ' , cription of the capture is the M&a@ir A., p. 424, etc. see I.G. XX. 6.

Six miles The deetaken from For Parli

i,

Zuhihi wrote a preface (see' Rieu Cat. 741); and the city Nsuras-i-Ibl'ihim founded by Ibrlhiiii. see also G8I'9in de TaellY Litt. Bind. vol. II. 4 and III. 349. Apparently there were nine Rae aceording to U>rlhim, so perhaps N au stood both for "new" and for

" nine.' t

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THE MAASIR-UL-Ul\IARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMAR.A.

541

it were ea'Bier than earth, and made a road to the wall so that roadmakers wereastonished. The besieged became frightened and asked for quarter. He received the title of Bahadur and his reputation increased. When the royal army moved from Pamala towards Kahtawan l-where there was a harvest and abundant (apparently this is the meaning of the name) provisions-to establish a camp, he was sent to take Dardangarha which is two kos from that village. The garrison out of fear of him left the fort empty and thought themselves lucky to have saved their lives. The fort received the name of f;ladiqgarha 2 (Maa~ir A., 44:1) from being associated with him. From Kahtawan a force was sent to take Nandgair and Cha.ndan and Mandan, undel' the leadership of the bakhshiu-l mulk Bahramand K. In a shQrt time the garrisons of all three had no resource except to surrender or ftee. The first was called Girii, the second Miftal,J., and the third Maftfil,J.. In the 45th year the royal standards moved from ~jj,diqgarha towards the fort of Khelna-which was the head of all the hillforts and surrounded by difficult jungles. In a few days the army arrived there. On account of the stony ground, and the steepness of the paths, and the num erous hollows 3 and ravines, it was difficult for the army to proceed, especially as there was a space of four kos, the difficulties of which had frightened people; but by the exertions of Fat\! Ullah and the labours of hatchet-men and stone-cutters, all the asperities were made easy. The Khan was presented with a special quiver, and under the command of the Amiru-I-Umara .TurnIau-I-mulk (Asad K.) and the companionship of l:Iamidu-d-din K., Mun'im K. and Rajah .Jai Singh, he was appointed to the siege. On the same day he took the ridge from the enemy and established a battery 4 there. Next day another ridge came into possession and guns were placed on it. Great efforts were made to extend the batteries and saps. With labours like those of Farl Apparently thiB is the Khatao of LG. XV. 265. For Dardiin GtVha the MaaBir A. has Wardar Ghara. 2 He had also the name Muham mad l;liidiq, 1\1. A., 443.

had, passages l were made in the hill until they reached the waist of the bastion. Adits were driven in various directions. Gold was scattered all day, and Fatl,J. Ullah himself worked along with the labourers As from the fort, stones i of 100 and 200 maunds weight were thrown down continually , suddenly a .stone came on the broad roof (talillta) and brake it. The ~han was knocked over by the blow, which fell upon his head-and went rolling down to a deep cavity. He held on to a litter ~ (kajawa) which had fallen down. Cries were raised by the men, and the dust of despair covered the face of everyone. They brought him up senseless, and after a long time he recovered His head and chest were so damaged that he was confined to bed for a month. He then returned to his work, and was considering how he might change ~ his plan and make an attack from the side of another bastion when the taking of the fort was accomplished by the eXbrtions of Prince Bidar Bak..bt. The .~han Bahadur received the present of a jigha (a turbanorna~ ment), and the addition of " 'Alamshahi " to his titles. Though the deeds and good servic~s in the taking of forts and the extirpation of foes which the Khan Bahadur performed were Buch as others did not show, yet Aurangzeb on account of policy
l Text dhiibha. See Maair A. 455, where the expre85ion uBed iB dhaba bastan. Dhiiba is apparently the Hindustani word given in ForbeB as meaning a terraced roof. 2 Matwiila, .. a drunk man," apparently Blang for one of theBe rolling stoneB. a Maair A., 455, and ~1ifi K. II 497. The description in the latter is more minute. ~afl K. had already stated II. p. 490, J!]lliot, VII. 371, t hat camel-saddleB (kajiiwahal aOQ baskets were filled with earth and rubbiBh and even with the heads etc. of men and quadrupedB, and their contents used in raising the earthworks or pal'hapB the covered approaches. FatI). UJlah was in hiB eagernesB working ~long with the laboure1'" when an enormous

;; Ohar, which iB a miBtake for jarT. See Maasir A., 449, line 3. Text baljiir, perbapB ~ miBtake for muljiir. See III. 363, line 6. But bal or buljar seemB to be also in UBe.

Btone fell on the top- of the work. It Btruck the kaiiiwa which FatI). Ullah had got hold of, and both he and it were hurled down. He WAS Baved by the kaiiiwa, to which he dung, being caught by a tree. He had been struck both on the head and the leg 4 !/l!alat and1iz, "to revolve, aB a millstone. " The passage is taken from the Maair A., 456, but the word digar, .. another" , after buri has been omitted. According to the Maair A., 455, the ornament he got was a 8arpech, and it was given to him on hiB return to work after hiB illness. The Maair A. 456 Baya the credit of taking Kbelna was really due to Bidiir Ba\ilit. It gives the date of the con quest as 10 Zil-ljajja 1113,27 April I 70 l..:.

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_ and foresight did not reward him in a suitable manner. The king knew him to be a leader full of couraga and daring. One day he represented that if 5,000 troopers were given to him, he would undertake to extirpate the Mahrattas from the Deccan. The king said that first he would require. to have in readine88 another leader like him with 5,000 horse. For these reasons the !glin did not wish to remain at court. He begged several times to be appoihted to Kabul which was his native oountry. In the 47th year he received the rank of 3,000 with 1,000 horse and went off to Kabul. In the 49th year the thinadari of Lohgarha in that province was given to him, in suooession to Allah YA.r K., with an increase of 200 horse. After the death of Aurangzeb -when Bahadur Shah moved from Peshawar with the other a.uxiliary offioers 01 the province-an order was sent, summoning the ~h&n,who ha.d gone to his home. Near J... a.hore it was reported that FatJ:.1 Ullah K. had withdrawn himself in spite of the order. The Prince remarked that JA.n NUta.r K.-who in courage was not inferior to FatI). Ullahwoultl arrive with a la.rge foroe in Agra; should the KhA.n not come. l{e died in the beginning of Bahii.dur Shah's reign. He was a thorough soldier. He was plainspoken and rough of tongue. One I day on account of his having done something which dis pleased AUIlangzeb, the latter sent him a me,isage of reproof by an eunuoh. He said in reply that a man of perfect understanding when he came to eighty years of age. lost his reason and sense. " J am a mere soldier and am a hundred leagues off from God, and am become the dregs of creation. l am needlessly iingering on this stage." When the eunuh represented to him thc impropriety of his language, he rep1ied in humble and apologetic 1800guag~.

(AMIR) FATJ:I ULLAH sHIRAZI. He was the unique of the age in theoretical and practical sciences Though he gathered abundance of knowledge in the schools of ~hwaja Jamalu-d-din Mal).miid, Maula.na l Kamalu-ddin Shirwani, Maulana :I. Kard, and Mil' Qlliya!lu-d-din Man~iir Shirazl, yet the rank of his knowledge rose higher than theirs. 'Allami Abu-I-fa~13 says, " If the old books of science were lost, he could have laid a new fonndation, al)d would have had no need for those that had gone "
Verse 4

He wa~ at once at the top of knowledge by the vigour of his intellect And a glory to intellect by the splendour of his knowledge .Adil Shah of Bijapiir by a thousand efforts brought him from Shiraz to the Deccan and inade him his prime minister (vakili-matlaq) After' AdU Shah's days were ended,5 FatI). UlIah came in the 28th year, 991, 1583, by the summons of Akbar to Fat1J.piir. The ~han-~hanan and J:Iakim Abul-I-fat1J. received him and introduced him. He was treated with royal favours and in a short time was made an intimate companion. He was appointed to the office of f;1adr, and received the daughter of Mo~affar K. Tarbati in marriage. It is stated that he attained to the rank of 3,000 , and that at the NewYear's feast of the 30th year he was made Aminu-l-mulk. 6 An order was issued t.hat Rajah Todar Mal should conduct financial and political matters in accordance with the Mir's opinions and should complete the old transactions which had not been scrutinized since the time of Mozaffar K. The Mir. drew up sundry regulations tending towards the improvement of the finances and the amelioration of the peasa.ntry. and these
Text wrongly has Jamalu. The Akbarnama III. 40 l, from which this account is taken, has Maullina Ai).mad Kard. B id., id. This couplet comes Irom Fai,!,i's elegy, A.N. III. 563. 6 'Adi! Shah, who was the husband
J
2

K. 498, where the word ing is different. The sting of the r+ mark wall that it applied to Aurangzeb who was even older than FatI} Uliah. Inst;ead of a huudred leagu8ll (far_h.) from God,u ~fi K. has .. a hllJldred st&g8ll from headon. " Apparently FatI} Un.h compared him-

l ~ifi

n.

self to a worn-out soldier who had Jagged behind the others on the march and Wall UIl818ll81y !ltaying on theabai:ldoned etage(m8.rQala). Perhaps Khudsiqihi means Kh'UlllGwar, a headstrong or obtltinate person. Cf. .. Superflt. ' ous lage the veteran on the stage- ' where stage may mean station.

of Chand Bibi,was killed by a boy The statement in text that Fati). UUah came to court in the 28th year is wrong. He came in the 25t'h yaar as stated in the A.N III. 401. 6 A.N. III. 457.
in 988, 1580.

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Sbaikh Fai~i wrote a splendid ode as an elegy upon him, of which these are some verses. Verse. Men of soul die not, nor shall die. Death is but a na.me when applied to this caate, Body is but a vesture over the spirit-frame. Whenit grows old, the old-destroying heaven removes it. 'Tis a weight on life I and a mist o'er joy, A clothing of the strong with old garments; But ~ he (death) is generous in this famine year of hberality In that he giveth the poor garments not grown old.
It is mentioned in the 1'abaqat (Akbar!) that in addition to

were accepted. In the s.'tme year he received the title of 'A~du-d daula (arm of the State) and was sent off to advise Rajah (Ali K., the ruler of K.handes. He returned unsuccessful and joined the ~han A.'~im who had been appointed to atta,ck the Deccan and to chastise the rulers thereof. As he behave badly to Shihabu-d-din and the other auxiliary officers, affairs did not progress satisfactorily, and the Mir after receiving much vexation went off in the 3Ist year to the ~han-~hanan in Gujarat. They say the }1ir had got leave in order to arrange the affairs of the Deccan. As A'~im K. Koka and S-bihabu-d-din were not on good terms, Rajah' All K., on observing the hypocrisy of the officers, united the Deccan army under himself and prepared for battle. Though the Mir tried to bring him round, he was not successful. He was helpless and went to the Khan-~hanan in Gujarat in order to get his assistance. That too did not succeed. From there he came to court. In 997, at the time of the return of the king from Kashmlr, he remained behind in the city on account of illness. J:Iakiill' All failed in his treatment of him. Badayfm'i says that as he was himself a physician, he did not follow J:Iaklm }Iif:\ri and tried to cure his fever by harisa, I and died. He died in the monastery of Mir Saiyid 'Ali HamadanL By the king's orders his body was removed from there and buried on the top of the Koh-i-Sulaiman, which is a delightful spot. The chronogram is Fil'iskta bild (he was an angel). Akbar was much grieved at his death and'Z said, "The l\Hr was at once our Vaka, philosopher, physician, and astronomer. "Vho can comprehend the extent of our sorraw ? If he had fallen into the hands of the Franks and they had wanted the whole of my treasures in exchange for him I should bave made an exoellent profit by such trafficking, and have thought that splendid jewel to be very cheaply purchased." Verse. 3 The world-Shahinshah's eyes were filled with moistnre at his death. Sikandar shed tears of sorrow when Plato left the world.
l B. 33n and 60. 1 A.:N. III. 558.

AmIr FatJ:1 Ullah's having no equal in Peraia or India, or rather in the habitable world in all the sciences. he was skilflll in contrivanoes and mysteries. He made a mill 3 whioh worked of itself and ground flour, and a mirror which showed strange figures near at hand and far off; and a wheel which cleaned * twelve gun-barrels
See Badllyuni II. 370, 71, but Badayiini does not quote the other lines given in the Maa?ir. Th"y are however to be found in the A. N. III, 564. I A.N. Ul, 564 has ~ubab " Love" in place of ~wyiit " Life." 2 The two last lines are obscure. They may refer to death, or to God. Thf\ verses form part of Fai~i's elegy on Fatl,1 Gllah and ~akim Abu l-Fat l,1. See A.N. I. c. where 20J lines of the elegy are given, and also Bad"yiini, Lowe, 382. Sadayuni also notices Fatl,1 UlIah in III. lii4 3 See 1'Ilobaqat A. lith. p. 389, and the translation in B. 275, note l. "He cOl.l&tructed a millstone which was pJltced on a oart. It turned itself and ground corn" The Darbri A. 681 &ays the mill was moved by wind, but probably this is a wrong guess. The mill was worked by the motion of the wheels, and so A. F. writes, Blochmann 275, " WIlen this carriage is used for travelling, or for carrying loads, it may be employed for grinding corn." A. F. ascribes the invention, and also that of the machine for gun-cleaning, to Akbar; see B.275 and ]15. Text pUl' (or par) mishud. There is the variant bar. but the l'abaqat reading is sir. But probably all these readings are wrong, and we should read bur~u or biirgJ!u, a Turki word meaning a corkscrew etc. It is evident from Plate XV in the Ain that the machine was a wbeel worked by a bullock which caused twelve, or it may be sixteen, brushes to cle&.nse the gun-barrels. The passage about the mirror is obscure. Possibly tbe meaning is that Fatl,1 Ul1ah constructed a magica1 mirror which enabled him to foreteU the king's approach, etc. See Badayuni III. 154.

3 This couplet is part of the poem on Amir Fatlp111ah's death by Fai~i.

Thephraseiariqiil Jli<)! f t used there

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at once. Badayuni writes that the :Mir was so worIdly that in spite of his high rank he did not withhold himself from teaching children. He would go to the houses of the officers and teach their children elementary knowledge, and did not preserve his dignity. In the royal retinue he would put a gun on his shoulder , and a bag at his waist and run like a footman, and in athletic sports he was a Rustum. It is also notoriaus that the Mir in spite of his science and attainments used to say with reference to the king that if he had not entered the service of that adorner of plurality and chooser of unity, he should not have taken the road to a knowledge of God. The Mir established the Divine Era in the year 992, 1584. For a long time the king had wished to introduce a new year and month into India, for the Hijra era had become impracticable on account of its age, and its commencement was a day of rejoicing to enemies and of sorrow to friends. But on account of the crowd of conventionally learned men's considering that eras are associated with religion, the change did not take effect. The Mir and others like him who had embraced the Divine Religion made this era their foundation, and orders wre issued to the provinoes in order to introduce it. It was based upon the new Gurgani tables, and Akbar's accession l was made the commenoement. The year and month were solar and intercalary days were done away with. FA.?AIL KHAN MIR HADI. Eldest son of Wazir K. Mir lJaji the diwan of Prince Mu!).ammad A' ?!am Shah. He was possessed of lofty talents and excellent charaoter and had acquired accomplishments and excellencies from Shaikh 'i\.bdu-l-'Aziz of Agra. He held a high place in the estimation of the prince. In the beginning of the 27th year
and at II, 315 and which Mr. Lowe tranelates by .. dieco'vering treaeures " saema to mean the Jlcience of mechanice lit. .. the drawing of weights." See Steingass s.v. iarr wb'lre jarr-isaqil is defined as the ecience of mechanica. In Wollaston's EnglishPerslsn Dict. 'ilm-i.jarr-i-!!8qil is given as the translation of 'i the science of mechanice. " l This ie not correct. The era began with the New Year, l Farwardin, which followed the accession. there being about a month between the two.

when Prince Mu!).ammad 'A~am went for the first time to the Bljapur campaign, the king became for some reason displeased with the Mir, and Atish K. Ruzbihani was sent l to the Prince's c~mp to bring him to the presence. He was first put in charge of Ruh Ullah K. (the 2nd) and afterwards put in charge of f?alabat K. . On 25 Ram~an of that year, 7 September 1683, he was in aocordance with orders confined in the fort of Daulatabad. After that, he went to Agra by order, and there spent his time in retirement and in instructing pupils. At last his good fortune returned and he was restored to favour. He was summoned to the presence and kissed the threshold. The robe of Mir Munshiship was given to him and he waS made Superintendent of the Library. In the 44th year he was put in charge of the household (Blyutat) in the room of Khudabanda K. and afterwards was in addition made deputy-~hansaman On 6 Zi-I-q'ada of the 47th year, 1114, 13 March 1703, he died. By his ability and extensive learning he was the unique of the age. With reference to himself he used to say,~ "Here is the man, what is the work (required)," and the king used to say about him that he carried on the duties of deputy ~!lansaman in such a way as to make the ,house bright. When he was in charge of the secretariat, he one day represented (to the king) that in the Hindi language and Hindi mode of writing there was no letter H,~nd that although the letter A was included among those letters WhICh had been entirely abandoned in the Hindi language, yet in place of it and of rain and hamza they had a letter which they employed at the beginning, middle, and end of words. But of the twelve vowels which they make use of,.and make the foundation of their compounds there is one which they call kana and which they employ at the end of words. This in form and in pronunciation is the letter Alif. At the beginning of Islam (in India], translators and Persian writers, from ignorance, made this alif into an H. For instance, they wrote, for Bangala and Malwa, Bangalh
Maair A. 237. Maaif A. 471. He ie there called Mul)ammad Hiidi and the eon of

Mir Ig1an.
~

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(and Malwh). The king, who was a:ll-knowing, and was acquainted with Rindi:, approved and _ordered the officials of the department to write such words with alij.l . MIr Murta:?a K., the Iiban's daughter's son, was a discreet youth and had a military turn. He was a memorial of the family. For some time he was in company with Mubariz K., the governor of Haidarabad, and was faujdar of Mi:dak in that province. Afterwards, he served Nawab .A~af .Jah, and had charge of the collections of llkandal and led a force against the zamindar of Shamsi-which is commonly known as Kala Pahar. He behaved with activity and approached the fort alone. A bullet pierced his breast and he died.~ They say that as he had embezzled much money of the government, he committed 3 suicide. _ F A?IL E:H.AN. He is .Aqa Af~al of Ispahan and came from Persia to India. He became connected with Shaikh FarId Murta~a K. The Shaikh advancp,d him on account of his knowledge and good judgment, and gave him a fixed allowance of a lac of rupees a year. Indeed the ShailQl, who was an ocean of genius and liberality, and a fountain of appreciation, gave many persons annual allowances of a lac of rupees or of Rs. 80,000. For instance, he gave Rs. 80,000 to Amir Beg, the brother of Fa~il K. When the government of the Panjab was made over by Jahangir to the
l 1 am indebted to Dr. Grierson for an explanation of the word kana. He informs me that" it means the perpendicu1ar stroke of a Devanagari oonsonant and alSO. specially, the form which long a takes when noninitial. The word is in common use in reference to handwriting." It is curious that the word doea not occur in ordinary dictionaries though it does in Molesworth 's Mahratta Dict. The passage in text is taken from Jgiii;fi K. II. 399. Aurangzeb 's orders do not seem to have been carried out for we generally find Ben~al and lIfalwa written with a final h.
2 Ika u khab'iiza gardid. Variant ik du khtyara B.M. MS Add. 6566 has ianaza a corpse . ' , See the note at the 'nd of the biog aphy of 'Abdul-Qawi where the same phrase occurs. The words as given there 1. 229 are ba kadu ld1.illara gardid made him like a striped pumpktn (1), reduced him to pulp 1" The expressi<m rllally is taken from the inscription put by Prince Daniel on his favourite fowling piece, and means that he became a corpse. B Literally, gave himself to be kjlled.

Sba.ikh, the latter made .Aqa Af:?al his deputy. The latter ably carried on the duties. After the Shaikh 's death, the provinc(' was assigncd to I'timadu-d-daula, and he too left, as before, the deputyship to Fa~il whose reputation increased more and more. After that he was made diwan of Sultan Parviz, and he received from court a suitable manl!ab and the title of Fa~il K. When Sultan Parviz, under the guardianship of Mahabat K. was appointed to pursue the heir-apparent (SI~ah Jahan), Fa~il was made the bakhshi and recorder- of hig army. In the 20th year he received the rank of 1500 with 500 horse, and the gift of a horse and an elephant, and was made diwan of the Deccan. Out of opportunism he became mixed up with Ii..han Jahan LadI, tIh' governor of that province, and shared in his political and financial schemes. When Jahangir died, Shah .Jahan, who at that time was in Junair in the Deccan. sent Jan Ni~ar K. with a firman confirming him in the government of the Deccan to Jipan Jahan, and mentioned that he was coming by that route. Fazil l K" whaRe brother was in the service of Sultan Shahriyar (as diwan), perverted i. Ii..han Jahan's judgment, and said, "The officers at the court have placed Dawar BaJillsh on the throne, and Shdhriyar is beating the drum of sovereignty in Lahore, and is giving much gold to the soldiers. Most of the great officers suspect that if Shah Jahan succeed to the throne he wilI exact vengeanee. You are head of a clan and have a large number of adherents, and the cream of the royal army. You can become the servant of whoever ascends the throne of India. Shah Jahan has now regarded your claims as a servant of so many years' standing as nO.l'l-existent and yesterday appointed Mahabat, in spite of his mountains (koh-koh) of crimes, to your post and has given him the title of Commander-in-chief in supersession of you," These words made an impression on Jip-au Jahan in spite of his wisdom, and he sent 3 away Jan Ni~ar K. without even giving

Iqbalnama 299. Rai dazdida " stole the judgment ' or robbed Khan Jahan of his judgment.
l
il

g Iqbalnama 300 where the author speaks of ha.ving heard the story from Jan Ni!?iir.

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him a written answer. Shah Jahan abandoned the Burhanpur route and proceeded to Agra via Gujarat. When Shah Jahan was established on the throne and the more urgent matters had been disposed of, an order was issued summoning ~an Jahan and Fa~il to court. Fa~il separated from ~han .Jahan at the Handia l ghat of the Narbada and came on ahead of him. At th&,t time the imperial forces had been appointed to act against Jujhar Singh Randlla, and Shah Jahan proceeded ra.pidly as far as Gwalior. \Vhen the ~han arrived at Narwar he was, according to orders, imprisaned, and his goods confiscated. For some time he remained in strict confinement. At the time when ~han Jahan was admitted to an interview, Fa~il's release was fixed at a ransom of six lacs of rupees. slany officers assisted him according to their ability, and ~han Jahan gave him a lac of rupees. For a time he remained under censure and was deprived of his office and his dignity. Afterwards he was given the fief of Barada. In the 9th year when Shah Jahan was returning from Daulatabad to the capital, he summoned Fa~il. and he set off rapidly from Gujarat and did homage at Burhiinpur. He was again made the subject of favour, and received the title of I'timad K. and the diwanlof the Deccan. In the 15th year he was made diwan of Bengal and of the establishment of Prince Shuja' , the governor of that province. He died there in the 21st year. He held the rank of 1500 with 600 horse. His son M. Darab was a man of sense, and was always employed in the king's service. FA.?:IL K. alias MULLA. 'ALAU-L-MULK TUNI (i.e. OF TUN). In physical science and in mathematics he was one of the first of the age, especially in the science of astronomy. In addition to abundant learning and other excellencies his department was a model for the wise. In the 7th year of Shah .Jahan he came from Persia to India and attached himself to N awab A~af
In the Hoshanga.ba.d district on the left or south side of the Na.rba.da. r.G.v. 309, old edition.
j

.Jah (Nul' Jahan's brother) who was a congeries of knowledge. He spent his days in his company, and when that excellent AmIr died. he in the 15th year entered the royal service and received the rank of 500 with 50 horse. When one of the companions of 'All Mardan , who was' skilled in excavation-work, brought water from near the source of the RavI, a distance of 48! kos, to Lahore, at the cost of a lac of rupees, but the water did not sufficiently irrigate the gardens of that city. another lac was made over to the engineers. They spent Rs. 50,000 on repairs, but still the work was not right. Mulla 'Alau-I-Mulk, who understood l about hydrostaties as he did about other mathematical sciences, kept five kos of the canal intact and excavated thirty more, and so brought abundant water into Lahore. In the 16th year he was made diwan-i-tan and in the 19th he was first made superintendent of the examination of petitions, and afterwards the high post of ~hansaman was added to this. As before the conquest of Balkh and Bada~bshan he extracted from astronomy the knowledge of the conquest and reported to H.M., he, after the conquest, received the rank of 2000 with 400 horse. In the 23rd year he got the title of Fa~il K., and in the 28th year received the rank of 3000. When on 7 Ram~an 1068, 30 April 1658, and in the 32nd year of the reign, Dara Shikoh fled from the battle with Aurangzeb, and the victoriaus prince made two marches from the battlefield and encamped at the Nur Manzal Garden which is near Agra, Shah Jahan sent Fa~il K. as an envoy to Aurangzeb and gave him both verbal and written instructions. The gist of them was that" by Divine decree what was hidden had been made manifest. Submission to the Divine decrees is an element of self-knowledge and of knowledge of God. As he had recovered from a severe illness and in fact had had a second life conferred on him, the ardours of affection had risen high and he desired that he might soon be comforted by an interview." Fa~il K. who in his
l Ba iib tarazu ~inii8a bUd. This explains the phra.se jangtariizii in the account of Ja.ha.ngir Quli, p. 514 of

vol. 1. Tariizu seeffiS in both cases to be a pleona.sffi. The expression jangtarazu occurs in vol. III, p. 191.

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purity of thought and good intentions was a friend of both parties, spoke soothing words and carried back to the king the intelligence that the prince was eager to wait upon his father. But after he had gone, several officers advised the prince otherWIse, and when Fa~il again conveyed cheedul messages to Aurangzeb he found that things had assumed a different complexion, and though he made representations, they were of no effe(}t. As Aurangzeb fully believed in the wisdom and loyalty of Fa~il he appointed him to look after Shah Jahan and also put him in charge of the buildings. In the 2nd year of his reign he gave him the rank of 4000 with 2000'horse and entrusted to him the writing the orders which had concern with the diwan-i-kull and the chief vizier. He also sent him with some messages to Shah .Jahan. In the 4th year he came to court and produced some jewels and ornamented vessels-belonging to Shah Jahan. In the 5th year he was raised to the rank of 5000, and in the 6th year at the time when the king visited Kashmlr, Ragha Nath the superintendent of the affairs of the diwanI died. The ~han l besides possessing all the sciences, rational and traditional, had good judgment and tact and was worthy of the high office of vizier. On II ZI q'ada 1073.7 June 1663, he was appointed thereto As the heavens are envious of the success of able men , that ~han full of pedections had a disease of the stornach after entering on his duties. In the short time the illness became severe. As his age had passed the sixtieth station by several stages and had reached the boundaries of the seventieth his old constitution had not strength to resist the disease. Treatment and medicines were of no avaH. On 27th of the same month, 24th June, which was the 17th day of his viziership, he died, and his body,' in ac cordance with his will, was conveyed to Lahore and buried in a garden which he had made fOJ: the purpose. They say that some days before he became vizier he sa,id " I am arriving at the viziership, but age want allow me (to continue)."
l The text begins a new paragraph here. thereby affecting the sense. The word vizier used in the sentence does not occur in all the MSS. It was to

Ver8e.
The cherished hope arrived, but of what aYaH, There is no hope that past years will return. They say that most of the judgments (astrological) which K. drew from astrology about Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb came true. They say that he had also predicted the injury which happened to Amangzeb's I foot in ~hwalilPur at the close of the 40th year. He did not attach weight to the opinions of' anyone in councils and did not consideri anyone to be deserving of notice in comparison with his own abilities. They say that one day Shah Jahan went to inspect the canal which was called Bihisht(Paradise) which had been newly dug, and had reached Shah Jahanabad (Delhi). S, aad UlIah K. was with him and in the course of conversation several times used the word nahar (canal) and pronounced it, in the ordinary way, with a middle tat~a. Fa~il K. by way of correcting him said, "Say nahr, with a 8ukun (rest) in the middle." sr aad UIIah in reply quoted the verse Verily 3 God will prove yon by the river (ba nahar). Fa~il K. unjustly and arrogantly said, "I suppose this is a quotation from an Al'abian poem." The king observed) " Apparently then, the QOl'an is inferior poetry." Fa~il K. remained silent. i As he had no sons, after his death his brother's son Rurhanud-din,' who had just come to his uncle from Persia, was promoted to a suitable rank. A separate account of him will be given.
Fa~il
l "

FAZIL KHAN BURHA.NU-D-DIN. Brot-her's son of Fa~il K. MuHa' Alau-'J-mulk of Tun. When his uncle was near death, he came fresh from Persia. When the
l ~fi K. II. 476, but it should be the 43rd year. The mistake, however, iii ~afi K. 's. See II. 176. There >vas also an inundation"in the 40th year, Elliott VII. 361, but the one in which Aurangzeb met with an injury to his foot, and got, as ~fi K. says, the hereditary lameness of Timur (BJ:1ib Qiran), occurred in the 43rd year. See Elliot VII. 369. The stream was the Mn. The accident occurred. 37 years after F~l's death, and in 1698 (l lIO). ~ ba na~r 1ItJmi aWllrd. See this phrase used in ~lifi K. I. 338 l. 12. 8 Siira II. v. 257. The point was that Fii::r.il was not aware that the quotation was from the Qoran. , 1Ilfaa!!ir A. 47.

Ragha Nth. who is called Rajah in the MSS., that; F~il succeeded. See IS!lfi K. II. 175.

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uncle died, as he was soo1ess, Aurangzeb-who was appreciative of loyalty and a connoisseur of the jewel of devotion-made Hurhanu-d-din a subject of favour a.nd by giving him a robe of honour divested him of the garments of sadness. He gave him the rank of 800 with 150 horse. Burhanu-d-din had many spiritual excellencies and was very reverent and free from vice. He was also able and practical, and trustworthy. The king soon increased his rank and gave him the title of Qabil K. In the 18th year when Mul)ammad Sharif, munshi of the 8uperintendent of the posting office and the Secretariat (daru-I-insha), the brother of Abu-l fatl.l Qabil K., the old munshi Wiila shahi, was raised to the title of Qabil K. on account of his connection (with the former Qabil K.), Burhanu":d-din received the title of I'timad K. In the 22nd year, when the king decided to go to Ajmere, he was made diwan of Delhi, and after that he became d~wan-itan. In the 32nd year he was made ~han-saman (major domo) of the royal establishment in succession to Kamgar K., and had an increase of 500 with 100 horse so that his rank was 2,000 with 400 horse and he had the gift of a jasper aigrette (kalgi) In the same year he had the title of Fa~il K. Afterwards, he had an addition of 500 with 100 horse, and in the 41st year he resigned the office of Khan-saman and in succession to Abu Na~r K:, .the son ofShaista K. Amir-I-Umara, he was made governor of Kashmir. In the 44th year it was ordered that he should as deputy of Mu~ammad Mua~~am have charge of Lahore. He did not agree and petitioned to be allowed to come to court. He was sent for, but when he reached BurhBupur he died in the year 1112, 1700-01. His son 'Abdu-r-Ra~im after his father's death came to court. and in the 47th year was put in charge of the household, and had the title of ~han and an increase of rank. The king observed that Fa~il K. Mullau-I-mulk and Fa~il K. Burhallu-ddin had many claims on him, and that he would cherish this Khiiniiziid (household-born one). In fact that young man possessed aptitudes, and if life had been granted him he would have dsen high, but after a few days he bade adieu to youth and life. As no one remained of the line except ~iyau-d-din, the brother's son and

son-in-Iaw of Fa~il K. Burhanu-d-din, he was sent for from the diwani of Chinapatan l and was promoted and had the title of ~han and was put in charge of the household. In truth, the good services of ancestars are. with appreciative masters, not less than an elixir for their descendartts! The Khan also served for some time in the household in the reign of Bahadur Shah. Afterwards he became diwan of Benga!. When in the time of Mul:iammad Farrukh Siyar, Mir J:Iusain 'Ali K., the Amiru-l- Umara, was made governor of the Deccan and had the power of dismissing and appointing officers, he on arriving at the Deccan appointed his own men and did not give possession to any who came from the court. This increased the king's displeaaure. Complaint was made about this to Abdullah K., the Qu.~bu-Imulk. He apologized and objected (denied the fact 2 1)At last it was arranged that the appointments of Diwan ~nd Bakhshi-which were highest of all-should be made from the court. Accordingly, ~iyau-d-din K. was made diwan of the Deccan in succession to Dianat K., the grandson of Amanat K., deceased, and the bakhshiship, on the death of 'Abdu-r- Ra~~an K., the son of 'Abdu-r-Ra~im K. s. Islam K. Mashhadi, was given to Fa:?l Ullah K;, the brother of the deccased. Both came together to Aurangabad. The Amiru-I-Umara in order to remove the bad name and the common report that pe did not allow the nominees of the court to act, permitted ~iyau-d-din-who had relations with QUJhu-I-mulk and on account of whom the latter had written strongly-to enter 6 upon his duties. He did not show favour to the other who was not free from turbulence. Afterwards, the said Khan' came to Delhi in company with the Amiru-I-Umara. When Farrukh Siyar fell from power, it appeared that he (~iyau d-din) carried on correspondence with the emperor. He lost his influence and a t the same time died.

l This is probably the Chinapatan in Mysore, 34 miles from Bangalore. ~ Inkar namua. Perhaps denied that he had any hand in the matter.

g JS!1afi K. II. 790 says he had no real power. 'iiyiiu-d-din. See JS!1afi K. 797.

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FA~IL KHAN SHAn~-lI MAKHDUM l;lADR.

He was originally of Tatta. At first l he was secretary to Mul].ammad A'r;im Shah. In the 23rd year of Aurangzeb-when Qabil K. Mir Munshi:, the brother of Abii-I-fatl]. Qabil K. Wala ShaM, was for some reason a subject of censure-he was given the service of the daru-l-inska (the secretariat, lit. house of letters) and the rank of 500 with 30 horse and the gift of a gold-embroidered turban (chira) , and a kama;band, and a jama kamJi!l:ab fa goldembroidered vest). On the death of Shari:f K. in the 26th year he was made l;ladr-i-kull (chancellor). In the 28th year he got the title of Fa~i1 K. and was given a jasper inkstand. In the 29th year he was, in succession to Khidmat ~han, made superintendent of p'etitions in 3,ddition to his other emploYment. In the 32nd year corresponding to 1099, 1688, he died of the plague which
was prevalent in the J;,oyal camp.

\
I

(MIR) FA~L ULLAH BOKHARI. A Sayyid of Bokhara. After he came to India he by good fortune obtained a suitable office, and became a favourite of Jahangir and was made an Ami:r. He became a leading officer and was much regarded by the king. He developed a taste for art, and the wind of alchemy entered his head. Whenever he heard of an alchemist in India or found an inquirer into that, he courted him and spent much money. They say that the 'aml qamari z came into his hands and that he made silver when he wanted it He coined it in his hOURe, and spent it on the pay of soldiers and for household expenses. On account of his labour and energy he had nearly acquired the 'amI shamsi: (the art of making gold) but death did not permit this. He rolled up the goods of existence, but he performed some wonderful things For instance he exhibited mercury in such a manner that one
l J"Iaa~ir A. 191. The office which he obtained is there merely st yi ed Khidmat-i-inaha. The rank he obtained is said there to have been 500 with 300 horse. He is also uid to have received a dagger and rupees

2,000, and t,o have afterwards risan to the rank of 1,500. ~ The moon-art, i.e. the srt of making silver. the art of making gold being 'ami shamsi.

grain l of it increased virile power ten times. His son Mir Asad Ul1ah aliaa Mir Miran was the son-in-Iaw of Tarbiyat K. Ba1IDshi. When Prince Aurangzeb was appointed for the flrsttime to the government of the Deccan, Asad Ullah was by Shah Jahan's orders made his bakhshi. When the Prince went off on the Balkh expedition, Asad Ullah for pome reason remained behind. Afterwards, he was made faujdar and fiefholder of Haringaon and Chopra 9. in Khandes and served there for a long time. He had the rank of 600 with 600 horse. When the Prince for the second time held the government of the Deccan in the 31st year and marched against' Abdullah Qu.~b Sho;h, the ruler of Haidarabad, and besieged Golconda, the Mir was stationed in the southern battery. Afterwards, when there was a proposal of peace by paying a kror of rupees as tribute, and giving the ruler's daughter in marriage to Sultan Mul].am mad , the eldest son of the Prince, the men of the battery were for bidden to extend the mines or take other offensive measures. Mir Asad Ullah came out of his battery in full security ,and was wa.lking about when a zambftrak (a small cannon) was discharged at him, and he was killed. As he was an old favourite he received the name of Mir Asad Ullah the martyr, and after the Accession his sons-small and great-all received appropriate favours. One of his descendants was Jalalu-d-din K., who was bakhshi of the army of Prince Mul].ammad A'r;im Shah, and governor of the fort of Bi:dar. He was treading the field of advancement when death did not give him time. Another was Mir Yal].ia who married the daughter of Sir Buland K. Mi:r Ba!Q.lml. His son Mi:r 'Isa K. was long governor of the forts of Calldaur and Sangamnir. After his death, his daughter's son was the qila'dar. Another of the sons of Mir Asad Ullah--the one who was borne by the daughter of Tarbiyat K.-was MIr Niir Ullah Saiyid Nur K. known as Baghalar (the tiger-slayer) who was always faujdar of Thalner and Ither parganas of Khandes, and also was a qila' dar. Though he had a small rank he possessed property and fortune and magnifi~
l

ek dana birinii, a grain, the size

of a rice-grain.

~ Jarrett II. 224, 225. I.G. III. 45'1 The Chopda of LG.

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cence. But on account of his audacity he was often censurcd and degraded. In spite of this, as he was a lillanazad (house-born one) whatever he wrote about public matters was approved. Accordingly, when Prince Mul:J.ammad Akbar absconded and having passed near the country I of Awa.s came to ~handes, ~han Jahan Bahadur, who had hastened on to arrest him, when he had got near him, haIted until S. Akbar withdrew to the hill-country of Bagla.na. No one had. the courage to write this except Nul' Ullah. He wrote to the king, and brought !glan Jahan under censure. :ais full brother Mir Ral:J.mat Ullah was ma.rried to the granddaughter of !Qlan Dauran Lang. His son Mir N'iamat Ullah was married to the daughter of Amana,t K. Mirak M'uinu-d-din K. There was another son, and many grandsons. Pargana Bir in Sarkar Galna was as it were the fief of his sons for a long time. Their residences were there. From the beginning of the sway of Nawab A':laf ,Tah it was confiscated, and they went off to other towns and villages. If by chance any remain he lives in solitary fashion. FEDAI KHAN.

He was Mir ?:arif by name and he was a servant of Sha h Jahan. As Shah Jahan had a great fancy for collecting horses, he sent ~ Fedai along with the Persiall ambassador to buy Persian horses. As he did not bring a horse which Shah Jahan's critical mind approved of, he represented that if he were allowed to visit the mainland of Arahia and the countries of Rum, he could buy special horses and so be relieved from his disgrace. Accordingly a friendly letter was sent with him to the Sultan of Turkey along with a decorated dagger of great value, so that if at any time he should meet with the Sultan he might be able to make use of the document. In the 10th year, he left Bandar Lahari (in Scinde) and came to ~ijaz. After he had visited the holy places, he went to Egypt and from there to Mausul, and saw Sultan Murad Ii-han who was about to take Bagdad. The Sultan received the letter with respect and asked in the Turkish language why Fedai had
I Cf. 1. 805. where the country now is spoken of as the hills of Sultanpur. AW8S is Aviisgarh, Ba.rwiini, Central

undertaken this long journey. Fedai explained the reason and rendered the decorated dagger as a present. The Sultan was pleased and said that the arrival of an ambassador and a dagger from a great king at this time was an omen of victory. Next dav Fedai presented on his own behaif one thousand pieces of cloth. The Sultan inquired about Indian armour; Fedai had with him a valuable shield, and he said that arrows or bullets could not pierce it. The Sultan was astonished and shot an arrow against the shield with all his force, but it did not traverse it. He gave l him 10,000 qurush (piastres) which are worth Rs. 20,000, and saici that he would allow him to depart after the affair of Bagdad had been finished, and that he might now go to Mausul and buy what things he wished. Afterwards, when Sultan Murad had taken by force Bagdad from the Persians, he returned to Mausul aad gave Mir ~ar!f leave to depart, and sent the reply to the letter by Arslan Aqa along with a well-moving Arab horse with a saddie set with diamonds and a robe sewn with pearls after the fashion of Turkey. Mir ~arif in company with the said ambassador embarked on a ship at Basra (Bussorah) and landed in Scinde. When in the 13th year he came to Lahore, heproceededquickly to Kaslimir, where the king was, and did homage. He produced i before the king 52 horses which he had purc}lased and two horses which the Sultan's armour-bearer (his host) had presented him with as among the best in Turkey. He received much praise for his good service, and obtained the rank of 1,000 with 200 horse and the title of Fedai K. He was also made Master of the Horse in succession to Tarbiyat K. At the same time he was appointed 3 to the government of Lahari Bandar. He had reached the first step of fortune's ladder when unkindly time poured the brackish draught of misfortune into his mouth. In the 14th year, and in the beginning of 1051, 1640, the cup of his life was filled.~ FEDAI KHAN. His name was Hedayat Ullah. There were fOUf brothers, each of whom by force of ability and courage became during the
~

India. See LG. VII. 90. It is N. Khandes and on 1. bank Narbada. ~ Piidshiihniima II. 184.

I Piidshiihniima II. 186. Do. do. 196. 3 Do. do. 201.

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reign of .J ahangir masters or power and influence and attained positions of trust. The first was M. M~a~mad Taqi who in the beginning of Jahangir's reign was appomted to . accompany Mahabat K. in the affair of Rana Amr Singh. As his head was full of pride and his tongue abusive, which is the worst of f.a~lts, he conducted himself badly with the troopers, and they Jomed together and at the station of Pur Mandal assembled I at the public hall of audience (~). The second, M. '{nayat Ullah, who was famed for his skill and prudence, and was unrivalled iu the art of accounts became the diwan of Sultan Parvez, and transacted all the b~siness in a masterIy m30ner. But he disgusted people by his severities, and submitted to no o~e. 1I~ the end. he fell from office. They say that when his appomted time (to die) came he went to the prince and begged pardon for his fauIts and rec~m mended his children. When he came back to his house he died. The third was M. Rul,1 Ullah. He was a distinguished and handsome youth and a first-class polo-player. He was als~ an excellent huntsman. He was a favourite servant of .Jahanglr, and ha~ a 't' pOSl ron. A wonderful thin 'a' waS that at the time when the kmg " . ' was h a lt mg a t the fort of Mandu , Ruh Ullah was sent with a brave . army to chastise the recalcitrants of the neighbourhood. When he came to Jitpur, the Rajah of that place received him and came out of the city and brought him under a tree, and sent for the materials of an ootertainment. Suddenly a black snake came out of the tree and the Mirza called out Mar mar (strike t~e snake). One of his companions thought he was ordering the Ra]a~ to ~e killed and so wounded the Rajah. The Rajah. on seemg this quickiy and dexterously struck il the Mirza and wi~h one blow put an g end to him (lit. made him the same as a. bler). The army
I Mandal was a place in the Barkii:r of Chitor, J. II. 274. The text has sir diw1in gUBhtand. Perhaps we should read Biyah for Bir as diwii:n siyah kardan mean .. to rebel or resist." Bee Vullers S.v. and Behar. 'Ajam. Perhaps, however, Bir diwan may mean" maddened. .. Sir-diw1in also means" the open diwan" and

being without a leader fled and the Rajah appropriated the goods and withdrew into the mOll)1tains. Afterwards his country was overrun by the imperial forces and he was punished. The fourth was :\1. Hedayat Ullah who was the youngest of all. At first he was JIll' Balp' and had charge of the flotilla. He became the vakilof the famous ~Iahabat K. and was for a long time attached to the court and a recipient, of royal favours. As Mahabat K. patronized him, he in a short time became an Amil'. But on the occasion of :\Iahabat's disturbance he on aceount of fidelity to his saH and his devotion (fedi.'.wat) did not fail to expose his life. The ac.count of this is that when Jahangir was encamped on the bank of the Jhilam, and the officers from neglect and perfunctoriness had crossed over the bridge with the whole of the camp, nothing remained on the other side of the river except the royal quarters. ~lahabat, who was watching his opportunity, took possession of the royal quarters. Fedai K, heard of the disturbance, and as the bridge had been burot, he devotedly flung himself into the river opposite the royal quarters. Some of his companions were ;;arried downstream by the force of the current and drowned, and others escaped I half-alive to the shore of safety. He himself with seven troopers emerged and made manfuI efforts. Four of his companions were killed, and he saw that the thing would not succeed, and that on account of the pressurl:l of the enemy he could not reach the emperor. Like a stone which has struck against an iron wall and rebounds, he with the same activity turned round and recrossed the rivel'. Nexll day when the Amirs in conjunction with Nul' Jahan Begam plunged into the river in order to subdue the rebel (:\Iahabat) they could not
is the variant ckdii khiyiira sakhe, .. made him into two half cucumbers "? The phrase is evidently the same as that used at J. 229 in the account of the killing of I'timiid [.., alias .1bdu-I-Qawi. As there, it cannot mean that the victim was cut in two. Evidently, I think, the words are taken from Prince Daniel's verse about his favoul'ite gun which he cal1ed ,anaza or the bier. Jet,pur or Jitpiir seems to be the place of that name in Kathiwar and which is still the seat of a Hajah. See Jarrett II. 258, where it is placed in Barka]' Sorii:th. I Elliot VI. 425 h"s . through the coldness of the water were unable to proceed." But the time was April and the original speaks of the force of the stream's ovortUL'ning the men, not of its coldness.

may mean that the troopers flocked to the court-house or diwii:n to complain. . II The story of Rii1). Uliah's death IS told very different1y in the Tiizuk J., pp. 193-9 k The occurrence belonged to the 12th year, See Rogers' translation, p. 391. 8 Text ika lt khibiiza ~1ildlt? There

71

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562

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advance on account of the attacks of the Rajputs, and retired. Fedai K. with a body of men crossed an arrow-flight further down the stream and drove off the enemy. He came to the quarters of Sultan Shahriyal' , where the king was. As there was a tumult of horse and foot within the enclosure he stood at the entrance, and shot arrows so that his arrows were coming near the royal throne. Mukhla~ K. stood in front of the king and made himself a shield aaainst the arrow of fate. At last Fedai K. after making o efforts for a long time gave Ata VIlah, his son-in-Iaw and two or three mansabdiirrs , to be killed, but could not reach the king. He . hastened to Rohtas and took his family and went to Girjhak Nandana l which is near the hill of Kangra, and obtained security (for his family). As Badr bakhlth Januha (Janjua) the zamindarof that pargana was loyal, Fedai left his belongings (Le. his family, etc.) there and hastened to India (Hindustan in text). When in the 22)ld year of the reign Mukarram K., the governor of Bengal, was drowned in his boat, Fedai K. was appointed t governor (in 1627), and it was fixed that he should pay into the general treasury five lacs of rupees as peshkash to the emperor and five lacs as a present to the Begam (Nul' Jahan), or altogether ten laos. From that time the pe8hkash of the governors of Bengal was fixed. After the accession of Shah Jahan he was raised to the rank of 4,000 with 3,000 horse. In the 5th year, he had a flag and a drum, and in the same year he received the fief of Jaunpur. Mterwards he was made faujdar of Gorakhpiir. When' Abdullah K., the governor of Behar, addressed himself to 8ubdue Pertal> the Vjjainyi, Fedai K., in his zeal, hastened to assist him though he was not ordered to do so, and took part in the oapture of Bhojpur which was Pertab's capital. They say he was a lover of soldiers and had Mghan servants. N or was he without haughtil Iqbiilnima 265 and Tiizuk J. 406. It is Band in text. Girjhik was in the Bind Bagar Duib, J. II. 324. It is the Jali.Jpur village of I. G. XIV. 15. CI. De Laet who saya, p. 266. that Fedai want to Rhokestan (qu. Registan), in the deserts of Thombal (qu. JambhaI) to Rajab Ghomanaw.
~ Tiizuk 419 and Iqbiilniima 291. The notice does not mention that he was removed from Bangal on the accession of Shah Jahan. Bee Btewart's Bengal, 239.

ness which was part of the character of the brothers. They say that when he was removed from Bengal, and came to court a crowd of people complained against him that he had taken large sums from them rightly or wrongly. As they made a claim for redress to the court, the clerks sent him a message that the case had been instituted and that he should answer it. He took his dagger in his hand and flaid that the answer to the complaints was the point of his dagger , and that it was an absurd notion that he would come there. They should be careful of imagining such a thing. When this was reported to Shah Jahan he passed it over and favoured him more than ever. In the 13th year when ~arif got the title of Fedai K., he reoeived that of .Jan Ni~ar K. In the 14th year he sent two elephants from his fief to the presence. When ~arlf K. died in that year, he received again his old titit>. In tha 15th year he came from his fief and did homage, and in the same year he joined Dara S.bikoh who had been appointed to Kabul on there being a probability that the ruler of Persia would attack Qandahar. After his return he was allowed to go to his fief of Gorakhpur. In the 19th year he again came and did homage, and when after the death of Rajah Jagat Singh, intimation was given to :\furshid Quli that he should take the fort of Taragarh (near Ajmere). 'edai K. was also appointed to execute this undertaking. Though M:urshid Quli had taken the fort beforp Fedai K.'s arrival, yet he made it over to Fedai when he came. After a petition came from Fedai K. the fort was made over to Rahadur Rambu. Fedai died in the same "'ar , some time afterwards. 1 FEDAI "KIIAN MVI:IAMMAD f;'ALIJ:I. He and ~afdar K. JamMu-d-din were sons of A '~im K. Koka. In the 21st year of the reign of Aurangzeb when A'~im K. after being removed from the government of Rangal came t to .Dacca and died (in :May 1678) the king sent mourning dresses to each of
l A !lote to text at p. 17 mentions several ontries about Fedai in the history called 'Amsl-ieBlil~, but they are not important. ~ Daccll. was his residence as gover

nor of Bengal and probably he died before lesving it. Sde Stewart's History of Bengal, p. 302. He was on his way to Bihar. Ma.a!!ir A., p. 168

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them. The first attained a :;mitable rank in the lifetime of his father, and got the title of Ih.han In the 23rd year he succeeded l;laHibat K. as Ruperintendent of the elephant-stables. Jn the 26th year he was made Bakhshi of the Al~adIs in succession to SJJ.ihabu-d-dln K. In thp, 28th year he was made jaujdar and diwan of Bareilly , and afterwards had the faujdari of Gwalior. In the 38th year he had his father's title of Fedai K. and on the dea,th of Shaista K. he was made faujdar of Agra. After that he was for some time governor of Bihar. In the 44th year he was made faujdar of Tirhut and Darbhangha and had the rank of 3,000 with 2,500 horse. The second son obtained distinction by becoming the son-in-law l of Ih.han Jahan Bahadur Kokaltash and had a good rank and the title of ~.lIan. In the 27th year he had the title of I;lafdar K., and afterwards he became faujdar of Gwdior. In the ~3rd year he attacked a fort belonging thereto and was killed by abullet. FIRUZ K., the eunuch. One of the trusted servants of J ahangir. After t,hat monarch had departed to the other world, anq when .A~af K. Abu-l-~asan had raised BulaqI, the son of ~l1Usrau, to the throne and had fought with Shahriyal' , and Shahriyar-bereft of sense'-:"had come to the capital and crept into the palace, Firfiz, at the instance of .A~af, entered the palace and brought out Shahriyal' with violence and made him over to .Al?af. In the first year of Shah Jahan's reign Firfiz entered into his service and was promoted to his former rank of 2,000 with 500 horse. In the 4th year he had an increase of 300 horse, and in the 8th year his rank was 2,000 with 1,000 horse. In the 12thyear his rank was 2,500 with 1,200 horse, In the 13th year he had an increase of 500, and in the 18th year, at the feast for the recovery of Begam I;la~iba, the Emperor's eldest daughter-who had been burnt by a spark from a lamp falling on her dress, and had,for a time Iain on the bed of sickness-his rank became 3,000 with 1,500 hor8e. In the 21st year, 18 Ram~an
I

1057, 7th October 1647, he died. He had charge of the palace, and he was respected and honoured in Shah Jahan's service. A garden which he made on the bank of the Jhilam is famous for its beauty. (MIRZA) FULDA." S. ~llUdadad Barlas. The meaning of the word barliis 8 is " courageaus and of gentle birth." The whole clan of Barlas is derived from Iradam Cl 4 who is the first person who bore the title of Barlas. He was son of QacfilI Bahadur, who waR the eighth ancestor of AmIr Timur I;lal~ib Qiran and the twin brother of Qabal K., the third ancestor of Cingez K. The Mlrza's ancestors had served the Timurid family, generation after generation. When' Abdullah K., the ruler of Tfiran, by bestowal of presents upon Akbar pulled the chain of friendship , he wrote in terms of amity and suggested an expedition against Persia and that they should join together and take ~llUrasan and Fars from the dynasty ruling there. Akbar out of generoRityand gentleness sent in the 22nd year M. Fiilad-a young man adorned with talents and tact-as an ambassador together with some of the rarities of India. In reply to the letter he said & that the ~afavI family was related to the Prophet, and should be respected, and that he did not conRider a difference in customs or religion a reason for a,ttacking a country. He also said that old associations with the family withheld him from attacking it. And as 'Abdullah had not mentioned the Shah of Persia with respect Akbar wrote l'ebuking him and gave hIm good advice.
J

Vel'se.
The wise do not c,all him great Who speakR contemptuously of the great.
l ['resumably this is the ).lazir or chief eunuch referred to by 1\Ianllcei I. 220. But Manucci seems to misrepresE\nt what Bernier said. See Pernier's first chapter. The words des cribing his office are ni?arat mashkiii and mean specially the superintendence of the female apartments.

He was also his nephew.

His death is mentioned in the Maa~ir A.,

, B. 206. 3 D. 34[; note l. A.l\". translation \, 178 and 190 n. I. Barlas is said to be also the name of a province near Samarkand. 4 Text Bari'imjl, or Baru :'IIal.li. There is the variant Irad lUsl.II. & A.K. III. 211.

p.335.

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The Mirza after performing his embassy returned to India, and did good service under Akbar. As in this tribe the Turklike l ignorance and turbulence which are innate in them exist even after mixing with the world, and the receiving of education, especially in the matter of religion, for they call bigotry and obstinacy the defending of Faith, M. Fiilad 2 in the 32nd year and beginning of 996, January 1588, killed MuHa AJ:1mad of Tatta-who was onp of the erudite of the age-by inflicting on him a fatal wound, and through Akbar's justice, brought upon himself capital punishment. The brief account of this is as follows. When Akbar had reached the elevation of " Peace with all "and had proclaimed. universal toleration in the matter of religion, every sect indulged its tenets without any apprehension, and everyone worshipped God according to his own principles without molestation. MuHa AJ:1mad, like many other learned men, was a firm believer in the Imami religion, and loudly incuicated it. Owing to hig idiosvncrasy he treated of it in an immoderate manner. M. Fiilad w~s a bigoted Sunni and nourished hatred in his heart for MuHa Ahmad and watched for an opportunity to kill him. One midnight he and one of his companions lay in wait in a dark lane an d sent off a man disguised as a royal servitor (chawa~) to summon MuHa AJ:1mad. On the way they attacked him with swords and cut Qff half his arm (from the elbow). The assailants thought they had cut his head off and went 3 off, by a hne. The MuHa, in spite of so severe a wound, took up his arm and came to the house of I:Iakim J:Iasan. The chronogram of the catastrophe is Zihe khanjar-i-Fiilad "Bravo, the da gger of Fiilad (or, of steel, 996)." The night patroi found out the two assailants, but though they bore marks of the murder they did not confess. Akbar sent the !i..han-!i..hanan, A~af K., and S. Abu-l-fa~l to the Mulla to inquire into the matter. He described what had happened. Akbar stripped M. Fiilad and his companion of the robe of life and had
l
2

them tied to the foot of an elephant and taken through the whole city of Lahore. Though the chief persons of the Sultanate sought to have the murderel's released, it was of no avai!. The Mulla too after three or four days rolled up the carpet of life. They say that S. Fai~i and S. Abu-I-fa~l set a guard over the Mulla's tomb, but that as at the same l time t,he royal camp was moving to Kashmir, the city-rabble took out the body and burnt it. As the story 2 of the MuHa is not without strangeness, a short account of it is added. His ancestors were Fariiqi Hanifis in religion and his father was Qa~i of Tatta and a Reis of Scinde. In his youth an Arab, a pious wanderer. came from 'Iraq to Tatta and stayed for some days in the neighbourhood of the MuHa. In conversation with him the MuHa became acquainted with the principles of the Imamiya religion and took an affection for that creed. This became notorious. Though in his youth he withdrew from ordinary branches of knowledge and gave himself up to teaching, yet, as it was not possible to acquire cel tain sciences in Tatta , he in his 22nd year became a Calendar and went off on his travels. When he came to Holy Mashhad he studied the Qoran and the Imamiya traditions and the rules of asceticism under Maulana Afzal of Qain. He also went to Yezd and Shiraz and studied under :\lul1a. Kamalu-d-din I:Iusain 'rabib and MulJa Mirza Jan, and learned all the rules and the SharJ:1 Tajri:d with the com.mentaries (rules of asceticism). In Qazwin he had the good fortune to enter the service of Shah 'rahmasp. When Ism' ail the 2nd became sovereign and proclaimed Sunnism, the MuHa hastened off to Arabian 'Iraq and the holy places (Mecca and Medina). He made the acquaintance of many learned men, and profited thereby. After that he came by sea to the Deccan and entered the service of
l Akbar did not go to Kashmir tiUthe 34th year. . i As pointed out by Rieu 1. 118 there is an account of Mulla Ahmad 's career in the Majiilisll-l-MGminin. The passage may be found in 'Haji Ibrahim of Tabriz's lith. edition of that work, p. 245. A4mad is there called the son of Na~r UlIlIoh. A4mad himself told his story to the author of the Majiilis and aseribed his conversion mainly to ope M. :ij:asan who came to him from Ormuz in consequence of a dream. According to the Majiilis it was Naqib K. who read from day to day to Akbar what had been written of the T. Alfi. The Maj iilis, p. 246, says, Akbar smiled on receiving the Mullii's reply, the point of which was the innuendo that the killing of U ~miin was a good thing as it cleared the way for 'Ali's becoming Caliph.

Sh ararat turkana. A.N. III. 527 and Badayiini, Lowe

376.
R pai gam kanan, lit. " losing their feet. " It is a phrase for doing some

thing without reckoning the cost of it. Vullers I. R8a.. The attack took place in the end of December 1587 or beginning of .January 1588. Mulla A. was on horseback.

............ ~~-~. -------~._---_ .. _--..... ....'-.

-,~._-

..'_ .,.. .. .

568

THE MAA8IR-UL-UMAUA. THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

569

In the 27th year, he came to Fat!:lpur Sikri and got admission to the court of Akbar. He was employed in writing the Tarikh Alfi which is a history of a thousnd years of Islam. He Wl'Ote with acumen the account of events up to the time of Cingez K., and comprised them in two volumes. When he was killed, A.f?af K. Ja'afat' continued the work up to 997 They say that MuIla Al:J.mad read to Akbar what he had written, and that when he came to the history of the third Caliph (U~man) he went into details about his murder and the causes thereof. Akbar was fatigued by the length of the nalTative and asked why the l\1aulavi had made the story so long. Without hesitation and in the presence of the Turan officers and magnates, MuIla A1.lmad represented that his story was the "Martyrs' Garden" of the Sunnis, and could not be shortened. On account of these words it was widely reported that he (Al). mad) was a Shi'a S. 'Abdu-I-Qadir Badayiini has relat'ed in his history that he once saw the Shaikh in the bazaar, and that some 'Iraqis spoke in his (Badayiini's) praise. ~IuIla Al).mad said "The light of heresy (taraf~) is manifest in his forehead." Badayuni answered "Just as the light of Sunnism iH visible in your countenance." I (SHAIKH) GADA! ~ KAMBU S. 1Shaikh ,Tamali of Delhi who was disciple and successor of S. Samau-d-din Saharwardi. His (.Jamal's) name was Jalal and his pen name was Jalali, but at his Pir's suggestion he took the pen name of Jamali. In the begginning of his career he was a companion of Sultan Sikandar Ladi, and he held a high position on account of his knowledge and exceIlenees. He was also a poet. His verses are very tasteful. This is one of them.
Vel'lS('.3

Qu~b Shah the ruler of Golconda.

As the Shaikh was not devaid of faqIrship and dervishship he went off to the l:,Iijaz. After that he came to Herat in the time of Sultan Husain M. He had interviews with Mir' Ali Sher , and . -associated with 'Abdur-Ral;1man Jami-may his grave be holy; when he returned to India he made acquaintance with Babur and was much appreciated by Humayiin. The latter visited his dervish-cell several times. In the year 942, 1535-36, he died. The chronogram is Khusrau-i-Hind buda, " He was the sun) of India" (or " he was the Khusrau of India). The Siyaru-l-' .Arifin 2 was written by him. He was buried in old Delhi in the Zaini 8 tomb which is by the side of the mosque which his son GadaI built. They say he com posed an ode in praise of the Prophet and that several pious people have received from His Highness (Mul;1ammad) the good news of his acceptance of this verse. Verse. 4 Moses fainted at one ray of thy glory, Thou beholdest with a smile the Almighty Himself. S. Gadai also had a pleasa.nt wit and acquired excellences and the possession of the current sciences. He also composed and recited Hindi songs. He lived with comfort and good fortune in Gujarat. When in the time of the predominance of Sher K., Bairam chose exile and went to that province, the Shailf.b treated him well and was generous to him. When the fates had put the control of India into Bairam's hands, the Shaikh, in the year of Akbar's accession, came from Gujarat and by means of Bairam
to Jami. The point of them was that he appeared before Jamialmost naked a.nd covered with dll,8t. After repeating the lines, he shed a Hood of tears, and as they coursed down his body they made fissures in his garment of dust. There is a notice of Jamali in the ~zina A~fiya II. 84, and one of his pir Samau-d-din at p. 74. Jamali died when accompanying Humayiin on his expedition to Gujarat. l Amir J;g1usrau was a famous poet, but as he too wa.s of India. the JglUsriiu of the chronogram would seem to mean the sun. 2 See Rieu's Cat. I. 354. S Perhaps the tomb where one Zainud-din was buried. The tomb and mosque are described in the Asar Sanadid Nos. 58 and 59. 4 The verse is quoted in the Khazina A~fiyi I. 84, and it is stated th;;;e that Mu!;lPommad appeared to JamaJi and expressed his approval of the above versa..

The dust of thy street is the garment on my hody That too has a hundred cracks down to t,he skirt from my tears.
Badaviini, Lowe 327. ~ Badayiini III. 76, do. L Ranking 4~9 and 455; also Darbar A. 'riO.
l

3 See Badaviini, Ranking 429. The Darbar Akb~i 771 says that Jamali quoted these lines at his introduction

72

570

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

entered into the King's service and was made I ~adr (chief ecclesiastical officer-chancellor). He managed so well with Ba.iram that the latter transacted no political or financial business without taking his opinion. The Shaikh used to put his seal on the back of ordinances. He was let ~ off the salutation (fastim) and in assemblies took precedence of all the well-born Saiyids. His greatness was such that he paid his respects to Akbar without dismounting. But the man-throwing wine of worldIiness soon cast him down, and pride which destroys 3 old fortunes, quickly destroyed this new one. When Bairam's power decayed, Gadai separated from him at Mewat and waited on the King. As high and low were convinced that the Shaikh was the source of all the mischief, and that he had led astray Bairam K., the pillars of the empire adjudged him to be deserving of condign punishment and did not fail to accuse him. But Akbar in his perfect kindness was gracious to him and treated him with favour. But the old honour and position did not remain. In 976, 1568-1569, he died' in Delhi. (RAJAH) GAJ SINGH. S. Rajah Suraj Singh Rathor. In the lOth year of Jahangir he did homage along with his father, and on the latter's death he in the 14th year attained the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse and the title of Raj ah. His rank gradually increased, and in the 18th year when there was a marshal1ing of armies between J ahangir and Shah Jahan, and Sultan Parviz was appointed to the Deccan along wit.h Mahabat K. and others, Rajah Gaj Singh was also appointed to accompany the prince. In thc end of Jahangii"s reign he with ~han Jahan Lodi,-who had crossed the Nerbudda and taken possession of some of the eata.tes of Malwa-came 1;(+ Malwa. When the renown of Shah ,Tahan filled the world, he separated from ~han Jahan and went to his own country. After the arrival
l Badayiini, Lowe, 22. See Akbar's ],'irman, trans. A.N.

571

II. 161. 8 A.N. lU. trans. 132. , Badayiini, Lowe; 124.

The chro-

nogram yields 976. Bada,yiini, III. 76, says Gadai left Bairam near Bikii nir. He adds that Gadai after his re' tum to Delhi continued to be honoured.

of the royal retinue at Agra, he in the first year of the reign' did homa-ge. As his father was the King's matemal uncle l he was presented with a special khilat, a decorated jamdhar (dagger) , a pkftlkatiira (a kind of daggel') , an adorned scimetar , and was oonfirmed in the rank of 1)000 with BOOO horse-which he had held in Jahangir's time-, and had the gift of a flag and drams, a horse from the special stable, with agilded saddIe, and an elephant from the special herd. In the third year as, Shah Jahan had determined upon punishing ~han Jahan Lodi-who had raised the standard of rebelHon and had fled and gone to Ni~amu-I-Mt1lkBa~ri (Le. falconer) and there made himself secure-and upon chastising the Ni~amu-lMulk and on plundering his t'alftqs, he left the capital for the Deccan. He chose three armies nnder three distinguished leaders, and gave the command of one of them to the Rajah and sent him of! along with A'~im K., the governor of the Deccan. He was to go and trampie down the Ni~am's territory and not slacken in chastising I~han Jahan. Afterwards, in the 4th year, when Yemenu-d-daula waS sent off to waken up '.Adil Shah, he was appointed to the vanguard, After returning from there, he went to his native country, and in the 6th year came to the imperial threshold. He again had the present of a horse with agilded saddIe and of a kkilat In the lOth year, he was allowed to go home. In the llth year, he came to oourt with his son Jaswant Singh and perfo:rmed the kornisk. In the end of the same year on 2 Mu~arram, 1048, 6th May, 1638, he died. He was distinguished from the other Rajahs by hiR connection with royalty and his numerous troops ,etc. The customs of the Rathor3 are different from those of the other Rajputs, [or that child succeeds wbose mother the father has loved most, though he may be younger. At first the head of the Rathors bad the title of Rao , but after. wards when Udai Singh by entering the service of Akbar had the title of Raj ah , it was arranged that the other members of the family should have the name of Rao. (From the above-mentioned family custom) it happened that on the death of Udai Singh,
l Shah J8han'8 mother w8sJodh Bai, daughter of the " Fat Rajah,"
Udai Singh. Siiraj Singh was her

brother.

572

THE MAAsIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

573

Saraj Singh, though he was younger than his brothers, succeeded to the title of Rajah. Similarly the emperor presented Jaswant Singh with a khilat, a jamdhar (dagger), a manl;lab of 4000 with 4000 horse, and the title of Rajah in accordance with his father's will, and gave him a flag, and drums, a horse with agilded saddle, a.nd an elephant. Amr Singh, the elder brother of Jaswant, who had been sent to Kabul along with Prince Sultan Shuja,' , had an increase of 1000 horse and a manf;lab of 3000 with 3000 horse and the title of Rao. A separate account has been given of both. GANJ 'ALI KHAN 'ABDULLAH BEG. EIder son of 'Ali Mardan K. the Amiru-I-Umara. In the 26th year of Shah Jahan he received the rank of 1000 with 500 horse, and in the 28th year he had the increase of 500, and in the 29th year he had the increase of 100 horse. In the 30th year his rank was 1500 with 800 horse. In the 31st year when his father died, his rank was 2500 with 1500 horse. Afterwards he accompanied Sulaima.n Shikoh against Prince Shuja'. When there was a change of affairs, and the heavens advanced Aurangzeb, he camPo l to the court and entered into service. In the Ist year he had the gift of drums and went with ~halIl Ullah in pursuit of Dara Shikoh. Afterwards the title of Ganj 'Ali was conferred on him and he took part in the battle with Shuja' and in the second 2 battle with Dara Shikoh. In the 9th year his rank was 3000 with 2000 horse and he was entered among the auxi1iaries of Kabul. He was prominent in battle against the Afghans of the Khaibar,3 but further particulars of him are not known.' (RAl) GAUR DHAN SURAJ 5 DHWAJ. He was an inhabitant of Khari on the Ganges, and tney say
J.gJifi K. II. 33. 2 Do. do. 65. 3 Apparently the battle of 6 May, 1672, in which Mul].ammad Amin K. was defeated. , He was named after his grandfather who was Governor of Qandahar,
l

that in the beginning of his career he sate at the door of the Cutcherry and copied out papers, thereby making three or four pice (tanka8) a day. He wanted to acquire a brass inkstand, but could not manage it. After some time he, during the diwanship of Khwaja l Abu-I-J.Iasan Turbati. came to the Khwaja in company with Harkarn 2 an inhabita~t of Kampila Batali (or Patali) with the desire to get service at court. The Khwajah looked at them and said, "Harkarn knows book-keeping, but he appears to be a thief, and Gaur Dhan is a fool." He signed a paper giving the first rs. 30 a month, and the second rs. 25. When the diwanship came to l'timadu-d-daula, GauI' Dhan got rs. 50 a month and was made bakshi of the memal servants (shagird pesha). Afterwards he got the title of Rai, and the diwani of I' timadu-d-daulah waH followed by his being enrolled in the royal establishment. Every day his influence increased, and gradually he became the centre of affairs for all India. Even the ~han-~]lanan Commander-in-chief became an applicant 3 at his house. In the expedition to Gujarat, when' Jahangir went upon the sea, Rai Gaur Dhan was one day going to his house from the darbar, when at the instigation of Sharifu-l-Mulk the bakhshi of I'timadu-d-daula's establishment, a person struck him on th;arm with a sword. It produced no effect, and from that day his reputation rose higher. Though' Asmat Begam, the wife (mother of Niir Jahan) of I'timadu-d-daula, disliked him, he did not sustain
GlOllS. I. 305. There are 12 branches of the Kayasths. Seo also Crooke 's "Tribes of the N.W.P." III. 191. It soems that Khiri, otherwise Gordhannagar, is in the district of Etah and in the tahBil of Aliganj. West of Patili there is a village called Duviinnagar, which may be that founded by Gaur Dhan. (Information given by Maqbiil Al].mad through Mr. lrvi~e). l Maa!!ir l. 737.. Abu-I-Hasan was Diwin of the Deocan in Akbar's time. He was afterwards a high officer under Jahangir. See M&a!!ir I. 737. i Apparently the author of the work menl;ioned in Rieu 630 and trans-

and was accidentalJy killed there. See note to 'Ali Mardin. There was 'a garden at Qandahar known as Ganj 'Ali. I Siiraj Dhwsj "The Sun-stand ard .. is a subdi vision of the Kayasth oaste (Irvine). See also Elliot, Supp.

lated by F. Belfour. KampiIii, properly Kiimpili, was in Sarkar K anauj, J. II. 11l5. It is famous in connection with the Kuriis and Pandi'is, See LG. XIV. 328. It is in the Farrukhabad district. It is also mentioned ~ Jarrett II. 282, though wrongly spelt Rampili. 3 See biography of Azizkoka L 691. , In the 12th year of his reign, 1617. T. Jahangir 208, Iqbilnima 106, and Elliot VI. 354. The incident of the wounding is not mentioned in the current histories.

THE MA ASIR-UL-UMARA.

575

574

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA,

(MIR) GESU OF KHUR.ASAN. One of the Saiyids of that country. At Akbar's Court he became an object of trust on account of his good services and was made Bakawal Beg {superintendent of the kitchen)-an office only conferred on trustworthy men. When Mul:Iibb 'Ali K. the son of the Mir Khalifa addre8sed himself to the siege of Bhakar, and the garrison became hard-pressed,-as has been stated in Mul:Iibb 'Ali's biography,-Sultan Mal:Imiid, the ruler there, represented to Akbar that what had passed, had passed, and that now he was willing to surrender the fort, but that there was enmity between him and Mul:Iibb 'Ali, and that he had no confidence in him. He begged therefore that one of Akbar's servants might be deputed. Akbar depu~d Mir Gesii. When he came there, Mul:Iibb 'Ali'a men blocked his path, and he was nearly being made prisoner. ~h\vaja Muqim of Herat, the father of Khwaja Ni~amu-d-din Bakhshi (author of the 'J.'abaqat)-who had gone there as Amln~ by his sound counaels restrained Mul:Iibb 'Ali from improper contention. The garrison, who had been waiting for the Mir, surrendered the keys in accordance with Sultan Mal:Imiid's agreementwho had died before the Mir's arrival-in the 19th year, 982, 157475. Such a. cultivated country came into his possession. But Mul:Iibh 'Ali K. in his foolish covetousness did.not withdraw hi8 affections from the country, and things between them ended in dispute and contest. When Akbar heard of this, he sent Tarson K. as governor of the country, and when his brethren came there, MIr Gesii-who had tasted the sweets of rule-hecame presumptuous and wanted to strengthen the fort. But a consideration of the final end of things restrained him from this wrong notion. He withdrew and wentofJ to kiss the threshold. Afterwards he held the faujdari of Mirtha l and of the Delhi districts which are the best in the Diiab. As he always had disputes with his servants about their pay, and both parties had only regard to their own interests, there arose a quarrel between him and the soldiery in the 28th year,

'minution of rank. After the death of I' timadu-d-daulah any dI . he became manager for Niir Jahan Begam. In the dIsturbance of Mahabat K. who was an enemy of this family, GauI' Dhan out of opportunism sided with him. Mahabat made over to ~im a!l affairs, in gross or detail, and he, out of wickedness and mgratltude, shared in wishing ill to and in slandering his benefactors and disclosed their wealth and hidden treasures. He thereby disgraced himself before the world. Afterwards when the commotion subsided, .Asaf K. imprisoned him, and after a while he died. His wife performed sati along with his body He had no children. He made his birthplace of Khli.rllike a city by making pucka enclosures, lofty buildings, roads and bazaars, and gave it the name of Gaur Dhannagar. He also rebuilt and put in order the dwelling houses there. He also signed over the renta thereof as e~dow ments to the craftsmen there. He established there every kmd of artizan, and formed studs of cows, bufJaloes, mares, camels, goats, and sheep near his home on the bank of the Ganges, like the studs (IlkhIhli.) in foreign countries (Wilayat, Persia ~). Much milk, curds and butter were produced; and on the road to Lahore he established serais and spacious tanks. In Mathura, oil this side of the river (i.e. the side opposite the town of Mathura), he buiIt a large temple in a place called Gaur Dhannagar. In Ujjain too he constructed a tank and a Iiemple. In fine he, in search of a good name, introd.uced several tlsages. and left good rules that they might be a memorial of him in this old staging-house (the world). In punishment for his ingra, titude his goods were confiscated to the .A~af Jah l establishment. The water in his tanks dried up, his serais became deserted, and his home, Khari, was assigned to Shuja'at K. Barha as a fief. No trace-lI remained of his wealth or herds. Verse. No sign of wine-jar (@am) or of wine tavern (khamkhana).

Perhaps this means lO the imperial establishment. ' , II I can find no notice of this interl

eating man in Keval Rim, and appar ently he is not remembered in his native town.

--------:----------------------l

A.N. III. 4 J 4.

But Delhi is not mentioned there.

576

THE MAA8IR-UL-UMARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

991, 1583, in Mirtha. He 'tiumed SOme ignominiously out of their quarters, and in the morning, which was the 'Id of SbawwaI 8th October, 1583, he came, flown with wine, to the 'Idgah. Some of the hypocrites approached him with a petition, and he abandoned discretion and abused them. They broke out into rebel1ion, and the Mir in his wrath set fire to their houses. They rose up against him, and his companions behaved with cowardice. His l days came to an end and the rebels wickedly reduced his body to ashes. Akbar was angry on hearing of this, and capitally punished many of them. His son MIr JalaJul-d-dln Mas'aiid-who held a suitable rank-died in the t,hird year of Jahangir, and his mother, when he was dying and his case was hopeless, took opium and died one or two hours after her son. It is common in India for wives to enter the fire when their husbands have died, but that a mother should sacrifice her life on account of her son is something unusual. Bnt, in fact, the conditions in the two cases (" Jalal's mother and the Hindu widows) are not the same. For it often happens that the widows sacrifice themselves on account of the custom without being moved by love. Hence it is that on the deaths of Rajahs ten or twenty men and women cast themselves into the fire. GHAIRAT KHAN. Re is Khwaja Kamgar, brother's Bon of 'Abdullah K. banadur FIriiz Jang. In the 3rd year of Shah Jahan his rank was 1000 with 400 horse, and when in the 4th year Khan Jahan LadI came from the Deccan with intent to mlike a disturbance and, . after the killing of Darya K., his sole desire was to obtain safety and to get away even with ignonimy, 'Abdullah K. was in the vanguard of SaiyidMo~afar K. Barha and did not cease from following him. Khan Jahan was helpless, and fought and lost some of his relatives and then fled. On this occasion, Kamgar in comI Mir Gesii is noticed in Blochmann 421. His end is described in A.N. III. 414. The soa's death and the mC!lther's suicide are recorded in the Tiizuk J., p. 67, Boger's translation, 142. But the oocurrence is there

577

pany with his uncle distinguished himself. When Khan Jahan got away from Kalinjar, he went 20 koB further at the bank of the Sah.inda l pand A h h d and stopped s e a no hope of esc d was tired of life he face d the . an d f ape, vanguar o the royal arm . . Y In t h e beginning of Rajab 1040 24 J . h . ' anuary , 1631, dismounted and Wlt. a few follo wers enlYaged in fight B f ' . o . e ore Saiyid Mo ff arrlved, the Saiyids with a fe b . ~a ar w rave men cut hIm and his f II to pieces. Afterwards 'Abdullah K o owers Kh- J . , . came up cut off the head f - an ahan and his son 'AzIz and of Imal d so court with I5ehwaja Kamgar ( H . an sent them to . ere part of Khan Jah- , b' graphy is repeated). Khwaja Kam _ .. an s lOof h gar was rewarded WIth a robe d h . onour, a horse, an increase of 500 with 200 h of @airat K. In the 10th ear he . arse, an t e tItle 1200 h . y, got an merease of 1000 and arse and hIS rank became 2500 with 2000 h was made arSe and he governor of the province of Delh' . . Asalat K I th 1 h l m succeSSlOn to . n. e 2t year the building of Shahj ahanabad en t rusted to hIm. In 1048 h d was d . e ma e the necessary excavations an In 1049, 9 MUl).arram, 2nd May, 1639, he laid the fa d . For four months more he laboured t l un atIons.. d th h s renuous y at the work an en e was appointed to S . d th' CIn e. He proceeded thither and died in the 14th year ere In 1050 164:0-41 Th J h- _ -distinct from the Iqbalnaf' M . e a anglrnama' . ma o ua'tmad K:-is bh' has wrItten many things which Mua'tmad K 'h. Y lm. He on account of his syco hane . . .8iS passed over length Jahangir's l' b Ii' p. ~. ~speclally he has described at e e IOn lD t e tIme when he was prince.

Ii.

GHAIRA TO KHAN MUIIAMMAD IBRAHIM. ... S. ~ajabat K. and a distinguished servant of Shah Jah . d . an. He receIved the rank of 800 with 400. h arse, an when Aurangzeb proceed ed from the Deccan to v's't h' f h .. anied ll" . I l IS at er, and Najabat aecomp ~m, he (al~at) gradually rose to the rank of 2000 with 1000 horse and receIved the title of Shujti/at K Aft h battle with Maharajah Jeswant S' h . er t e D- - Sh'k h h' lUg and the first battle with ara lOIS rank became 5000 with 5000 h the title of Kha ' Al arse, and he got - n am. When the king pursued Dara Shikoh as
l

described as having happened. in the beginning of 1014, i.e. the first year. The Iqbiilniima 33 mentions another case where a daughter took poison 'On the death of her father.

See Maa!ir, l. 729.

73

II

Rieu. 257a.

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,,

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570

578

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

far as Multan and then returned, the charge of Multan was given to Lashkar K., but as he was in Kashmir, @airat remained there in charge tiH his arrival. Afterwards he was removed from there, and in the second battle with Dara Shikoh was attached to the royal stirrup. After that, he was for some reaSOh removed from office, but in the end of the second year, he was raised to the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse. In the third year, he got the title of Ghairat K. and returned to his old position. In the 9th year, he ,~s sent along with MU\lammad M'ila~~am to Kabul on account of reports about lihe movements of the Persian king, and he received an increase of 500 horse. In the lOth year he, along with the above-mentioned prince, waited on the king. and when the prince \Vent to his own government of the Deccan, @airat K. went with him. Afterwards he was iaujdar l of Jaunpilr and in the 23rd year he was removed and came to court. Along with Sultan Mu\lammad Akbar (Aurangzeb's son) he went against the Sisodia and Rathor tribes who were becoming turbulent in thu':; year. When the prince at the instance of the Rajputs became rebellious and came forward to contend with his father, @aira.t was his associate. When the prince fled, @airat went off to Shah 'A.lam who sent him to court,. On this account, he became an object of anger and was put in charge of Ihtimam K., in order that he might look after him in the Akbari\!. buildings 0). He was imprisoned there for a long time, and in the 43rd year, he was released 3 and received the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse and the faujdM'i of Jaunpilr. A brother of his, MU\lammad Quli: by name, in the 26th year of Shah Jahan had the lank of 1000 with 400 horse and went with Dara Shikoh to Qandahar. In the 28th. ear he was made superintendent of the elephant stables , and in ;he 30th year he wad made Mir Tilzuk and had the title of M' ataA. from which the account is taken the word ghaibiina qualifies the appointment, i.e. man~ab, and means that he received the appointment without coming to court.. The Maa~r A. says his father Najabat had the title of ~an.'Alam.

qad K. In the 3lst year he had the rank of 2000 with 2000 horse, of which. 800 were two and three horse. He also had the faujdari a.nd the fief of Bahraich in Oudh. In the lOth year of Aurangzeb he had the faujdari of Sultanpur Bilehri.' Afterwards he was for some reason censured and removed from his rank. In the 12th year he was given the rank of 2000 with 2000 horse and the office of superintendent of the jilau (retinue, or grooms). Another brother, Mu\lammad Ism'ail K., before Aurangzeb's time, had the rank of 1000 with 500 horse, and in the 2nd year had the title of Khan. One of Najabat K.'s gl'andchildren was called Bahrawar K. In the 29th year of Aurangzeb he was made deputy of Mulfammad A'~im Shah in the province of Malwa on the death of the Rai Raian lVIuluk Cand. Afterwards he had the title of Najabat K. and was made governor of Burhanpilr and faujdar of Baglana. In the 47th year he had the rank of 2000 with 500 horse, and in the time of ,the power of A'~im Shah he was made governor of Malwa. In the reign of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, J:Iusain 'All K. AmIru-I-Umara when near his end! (?) confined him in the fort of Mulher to which he had been appointed. Two sons of his remained. One was Fat\lya.b K. who for a long time was the heredttary governor of Auranggarha alias Mulher. In 1156, 1743 he went with 'Abdu-l-'Aziz K. Bahadur-who had received a g~ant of the government of Gujarat from Mu\lammad Shah-to that province. On the way a battle t,ook place with the Mahrattas and he was martyred. His son had his title and for a time held a fief. At the time of writing he serves this man and that man. The second, Fai~yab K., was a dissolute man (yarbash).3 He is dead. GHALIB KHAN BIJAPURI. At first he was a servant of 'Adil Shah of Bijapilr, and was governor of the fort of Parenda which belonged to the province
--~-----.-._--~----~-_----------~-

IMaasir A. 170. He was struck by 1ightni'ng and injured in the leg. Six pflople were killed. ~ Mahaliit-Akbari. Maair A.205. Does th~ phrase mean Agra! s Ma.asir A. 405. The text has ghaibana rahai yalta, as if he were secretly released. But in the Maair

..

-~---~-

- --

1 Text Malhari, but there is the Bilehri and this agrees with 'Alamgirnima 1057 and with Jarrett JI. 174. It was in Se.rkar Audh.
v~iant

Bar Bir dadan 'amal. See Forbes' dictionary, s.v.

580

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

of Aurangabad which was then subject to 'Adil Shah. Jn the 3rd year of Aurangzeb he became suspicious of '.Adil Shah and addressed himself to Shaista K., the Amiru-I-Umara, and made I over the fort to the imperial government. As a rew-ard he received the rank of 4000 with 4000 horse ana the title of Ii-han, and became one of the officers of uhe Deccan. In the 9th year he in company with the Mirza. Rajah Ja-i Singh set about chastising the Bijapiiris and did good service in taking Kadhi 2 in the village of Dhiiki belonging to Bijapiir. Nothing more is known of him.
GHA~ANFAR ~lIAN.

====-----_._--_._--

-_ 581

r
"

:1

THE l\IAASIR-UL-UMARA.

S. Ilawardi K. He was long separated from his father and served at the court of Shah Jahan. He obtained more honour than his brothers-with the exception of his elder brother M. J'aafar. He was first appointed to the post of Tiizuk. In the 16th year he was made snperintendent of the artillery, and the Kotwal of the camp. In the Balkh expedition Prince Murad Bakhsh sent Khalil Ullah K.-who had been appointed to the charge of the left wing of the reserve-from Charikar to take the forts of Kahmard and Ghori. The Ii-han sent @a~anfar with a force as advance-guard against Ghori. He along with Qubad K. Mir Akhor attacked the fort and bravely dismounted and set himself to take it. Meanwhile the rest of the army came up and the governor had to surrender. In the 22nd year he was made superintendent of the elephant-stables and received the rank of 1000 with 500 horse, arid the title of Khan. Afterwards he was deprived of his rank on account of delay in his proceeding to Bengal. In the 27th year he was made an officer of 1000 with 800 horse and the faujdar of the Duab. Suddenly a great and tusked elephant came from the slopes of the northern hills to pargana Chaurasl a in the Sarkar of Saharanpiir. The Ii-han reported the circumstance, and huntsmen and elephants, etc., were sent there. The Khan caught the elephant and produced it before
Maasir A. 33, 'A1amgimama 596. 'AI~girnBma 1007 where the fort is called Galini and the village Dohoki. GhBlib is also mentioned at p. 1009. a TheJauriisi of Jarrett II. 292 and Elliot Supp. Glossary II. 128.
l
2

the king and received the title ofIi-ha~ S.bikar. In the 28th year the above service and the looking after the buildings of MuIWla~plir were taken from him and given to J:Iusain Beg K. It happened that in the 30th year Mu1)ammad Ibrahim the son of Alilalat K. was appointed to inspect the buildings of Mu1ill.la~ piir, I and reported that the work was not being carried on according to the original plan. Accordingly the ~han was again appointd to the faujdari of the Duab and had an increase of 200 horse and was sent off quickly in order that he might complete the buildings in a proper manner. Let it not be concealed that on the bank of the Jumna near the foot of the nort~rn hills which are near the hills of Sirmiir, at a distance of 47 kos from Delhi, there is a village known as Mukhla~purl and which is a dependency of Sl.j.-haranpur. It has a good climate and many other advantages. It can be reached from the capital by boat in seven days. In the 28th year an order was given to erect lofty buildings there, and in the 30th year these were completed at a cost of five lacs. .The king (Shah Jahan) visited the place and gave it the name of Fai?;abad. The villages of the pargana yielding a revenue of 30 lacs of dams were annexed to it. In the battle with Dara Shikoh the ~han was on the :right wing. When Auungzeb became victorious, most of the sons of I1ahwardi were treated with favour either on account of their ability, or in order to conciliate their father who was with Shuja' . @a~anfar in the beginning of the reign was made faujdar of the Duab, and in the end of the 2nd year he was made in succession to Mukarram K. ~afavi, faujdar of Jaunpiir. In the 7th year he was made governor of Tatta. (Seinde) in succession to Qubad K. a.nd had an inere ase of 500 with 1000 horse and so had the rank of 3000 with 3000 horse, of which 1000 were two horse and three horse. In the lOth year in the end of 1077, 1667, he died lt natural death at Tatta. His brother ~ !Jasan 'Ali K., who was
J see 'Alamgirnama 849 for an account of Mu!Lh1ailpiir. ~ This sooms taken from Alamgirnama 1048, but does not quite agree with the original. There it is Ilah-

l
J .j

j
1

wardi the elder brother of Ghazanfar who is described as faujda~of' Mora: dabad, while the younger brother is called Arsliin K. and not Islam K.

---------------~------ ~_.~

582

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

583

faujdar of Moradabad, and Isla.m K., his younger brother, who was faujdar of Siwistan, and also his sons and other relatives, received (mourning) robes of honour. (MIRZA) GHAZI BEG (TARKHAN). S. M. Jani Beg Tarkhan the ruler of Scinde. When M. Ja.ni died in Burhanpiir in attendance on Akbar, the latter encompassed M. Ql1azi, in his absence, with favours and restored the country to him, and he sate upon the masnad of his ancestors and enjoyed much prosperity. ~husrau K., the Circassian, who had for a century been the vaki1 of the family, and was a master of contrivanee, had another idea in his head. Akbar sent S'aid K with his son S' aid Ullah K. to arrange the affairs of the province, and the Mirza had the good sense to come to Bhakar and wait upon S'aid K. In company with him he at the age of 17 paid his respects to the emperor. Sciride remai!1ed as before. When J ahangir came to the throne, M. Ghazi's horoscope was fortunate, and the province of Multan was added to his possessions. He had the title of son (farzand) and the rank of 7000. When I.Iusain K. Shamlii, the governor of Herat, besieged Qandahar, the Mirza was appointed with suitable force Afterwatds he was made governor of Qandahar. There he behaved well against the strifemongers of Persia, and carried on a correspondence with Shah 'Abbas. They say that the Shah sent him robes of honour several times. In the year 1018,1 1609, he died in his 25th year after a few days' illness. The chronogramis @azi(1018). Men suspected La~u Ul1ah Bahai K.-who was the Mirza's companion and vakil, and whose father Khusrau K. the Circassian was disliked by the Mirza (@ii.zi Beg). M. Ghazi was very fond of the society of literary men, and himself composed poetry. Waqa.ri (steadiness) was his ta@,aZla~. 'They say that there was a poet in Qandahar who had this
tells the story of how Akbar wanted to poison M. Ghazi, but inadvertently took the poisoned pill himself. The story is no doubt untrue.

s~briquet, and that the Mirza b0!-1ght the title from him by giving hIm Rs. 1000, a robe of honour and a horse, on account of its association with his father's takhalla~, which was ~alimi (mildness). The Mirza was unequa11ed as a singer, and player on the tamboiir. He could play all instruments. Mulla Mur!ffiid wrote about thIS.

(Verse).

They say that in Qandahar the Mirza's assemblies were full of distinguished men such as Mu11a Murshid Yazdjar<li, ,!,alib Amali, Mir Ni'amat Ullah A~ili and Mulla Asad the story-teller. They say that when Faghfiiri l Gilani resolved to come from Peraia to India and come to Qandahar, the Mirza treated him with great favour. Other distinguished mell, especially Mu11a Murehid and Asadi, inserted verees (dakhlha) in his poems. He was annoyed and went off to Lahore without taking leave. The Mirza was vexed and wrote him a letter. He also caused Mulla Murshid and Asadi to write excuses, and he begged him to return. Faghfur wrote excellently in reply. (Verse).1l The Mirza, like his father, was much addicted to wine. He spent d~ys and nights in drinking. And he had made an arrange~ent WIth procuresses that they should bring him a virgin every mght. He never saw their faces again. Hence it was that for a lo~gtime every bad woman in Tatta claimed to have had dealings WIth the Mirza. 8 GHAzI KHAN BADAKHSHI. His name was Q,a~i Ni~am. He studied the sciences under MuIla 'It:\am, and was the unique of the age in traditional and
I See Ta~kira :ij:usaini, and Spren. ger's Cat. 391. He was in the service of Prince Parvez. Mulla Murshid is mentioned in id. 508. II The lines are very satirical. The Mirza is compared to a carcaps oontended for by two vultures, etc. s B. 363. Rieu L 292b. Tiizuk J. 109 and Iqbalnima, 67. As pointed out by Blochmann, the Tiizuk, p. 109, puts M. Ghazi's death into the 7th

But sea note 3. The alleged poisoning is referred to in the T. Tahiri. There La~if Ullah is called Latif Ullsh Bai Khiin. De Laet, w~ history W6l! p-;i"blished in 163\,
l

year, 1021. If so, the chronogrllm Ghazi must be wrong. See also Rieu 950a where ~he date given is Ileafr 1021, 3rd Apl'i1, 1612 The Tarikh Tahiri has a good deal to say e.bo~ Ghazi Beg. It says he was 16 when his father died, i.e. in 1008, or 1600. The Akbarnama puts the death into January 1601, 13 Bahman 1009. A.N. III. 783. M. Ghazi died at QandshaT, and must have been about eight and

- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - -

~-,,--=-

,--,- =-"'--=-=...iili-------=-=-=-======-=---~=---'--..

584

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

585

rational knowledge. He was also a pupi! of Shailill I.Iusain of Khwarazm. He acquired a thorougher knowledge of f;'ufism. As he was possessed of great ability he became an Amir. At first, he was an intimate companion of M. Sulaiman, the ruler of Badakhshan, and was one of his chief officers. He received the title of Qa~i ~han. In the year when Humayun died, and M. Sulaiman took advantage of his opportunity and besieged Kabul, Mun'im K. defended it. He sent off messengers to India to obtain help, and when the siege had lasted ll. long time the Mirza sent Qa~i K. to him with a deceitful message. The Khan kept the Qazi for some days, and every day entertained him sumptuously, and produced many fruits such as the BadakhshaniA were unacquainted with. The Qi~i was convinced that the taking of Kabul was an impossibility, and came out and told M. Sulaiman that the attempt to take Kabul was like hammering cold iron. The Mirza was compelled to make peace and to return to Badakhshan. After that the Qa~i left Sulaiman and came to Kabul where he was respectfully treated by M. Mu~ammad I.Iakim, who made him a companion. In the 19th year (of Akbar) he went off to India and paid his respects to Akbar at Khanpur l when the latter was returning from Jaunpur. He received a waist-dagger, a decorated sword, a robe of honour, and a present of ps. 5000, and was made Parwanci (writer of orders). As he had great tact he soon was encompassed with royal favours, and obtained much influence, and was raised to the rank of 1000. When he had distinguished himself in battIes , he received the title of @azi K. In the 21st year he accompanied Rajah Man Singh and in the battle with the Rina (at Goganda)he commanded the left wing. When the enemy made an onset and many of the imperialists gave way, @azi K. turned back and joined the vanguard and fought manfully.'i Afterwards he was in the fief of Oudh and distinguished 3 himself in putting down the Bihar
twenty. See Rogers' translation of Tuzuk, p_ 223. The Be~lamama, Elliot I. 291, also gives 1021 BB date of death. 1 A vfl1age in J aunpiir Sarkar, J. II. 163. According to A.F. III. 108, Ghazi K. joined Akbar at Guna or Kuna But see Badayiini, Lowe 185. ~ Badayiini, Lowe 237, A. N. III. 174. 3 A.N. III. 324.

In the 29th year, 992,1 1584, he died in Ayfidya (Fai~a bad) at the age of seventy. He wQsthe author of important books: Sh~ilill'~lla.mi 'i (Abu-I-fQ~I) has WrItten that his courage mad~ IllustrlOus hIS WIsdom and that his sword exalted the Uignity of hIS. pen. Though sunk in the field of ordinary learning, he worshlpped alo~g wit~ the pure ~ufis, and so, though outwardly fettere~, he achIeved liberation. He always had a weeping-eye and a burnIng heart. They say that he was the first person who introduced thesijdah (prostration) in the presenoe of Akbar. There is a joke about this to the effect that Mulla e Alam Kabuli-who was .one of the learned men of the time-said, e, Alas that I did not Invent this."
It ap~ears from the authors of books that in the old religions . the practICe was to lay the forehead in the dust before the chosen ones of f~ith and the forerunners on the path of certainty, not out of WOrshIp but from submission and humility. Thus the angels performed the sijdah to Adam, and the father and brothers of Joseph did so to him. This method b~came current in former timea under the guise of salam. When the lamp of other religions was extin~u.i8~ed by the effulgence of the sun uf Islam, the salam and the JOInlng of hands were substituted for this. Akbarwho was the founder of sovereignty and world-rule, and the a~thor of many regulations and customs-introduced various kmds of homage. He ordained 8 the placing of the palm of the hand on the top of the forehead and the lowering of the head, and gave t~at t)le name of kornish ;i.e. the head, which is the life of sensatIOn and reason was taken .by the hand and ma d e suppliea. .' tIOn, and made Itself prepared for obedience. Also the palm' of the hand was laid on the ground and slowly raised, and then the mal1'stood ~p and laid the palm of the hand on the top of the head. ThIS Akbar called the taslim . Upon fi taking leave, or
l

r~bels.

Text wrongly has 990.

The day

of his death was 15th July, 1584.

II A.N. III. 436. See also Baa yiini III. 153 who mentiions the books he wrote. 3 B. 158. . ' The Ain has "the bBQk of the nght hand." B. 158.

fi Taken from the Ain. B. 158. B. tran81ates "but only one on eJ1 other occasions, when salaries are paid. or presents are made. ' , For iUl:bar's prohi~ition of the siidah in public de.rbe.r see B. 159 and note.

74

- --o -.-_. - ..

586

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR--UL-UMARA.

!l87

presentation, or upon receiving a man~ab, a iagir, or a dress of honour, or an elephant, or a horse, the rule was to make three taslim.s; on other occasions of liberality, or of distribution of favours, he was satisfied with one Mslim. Afterwards, at the instigation of worldly men and flatterers, he introduced the siidah, but apprehending the public censure he stopped the practice in 'the public darbar, and made it only to be performed in private and by his special intimates. For whenever an order was given in private for an officer to sit down, he performed the sijdah. And in the time of Jahangir, from carelessness and want of thought, this evil custom continued. When Shah Jahan ascended the throne-God be praised for his energy l-the first l order that he gave was the prohibition of the sijdah , as it was unfit for any but Deity. Mahabat K. the commander-in-chief represented tha.t it was necessary for the distinction of ranks that the reverenee to the king should be dIfferent from that practised towards the other servants bf God. If for the siidah the zaminbo8 were substitued, the positions of servant and master and of sovereign and subject would be fixed. Accordingly, it was ordered that both hands shou.d be placed on the ground and that salutation should be made with the back of the hand. As the zaminbo8 resembled the sijdah, the emperor abo lished it in the 10th year, and ordered a fourth taslim in lieu there of, In return for favours which were granted in the Presence, or in absence, four obeisances were to be' made. For Saiyids, UlaII1A and great Shaikhs, they were to pay the authorised sala.m at the time of giving homage, and to recite the fati1J,a at departure. Mir !;Iusamu-d-din was the brilliant son and representative of j @azi K. It is well known that he was one of the great Shaikhs. ; In the time of Akbar he attained the rank of 1000 and was appointed to the Deccan. There he became intimate with tM Khan~hanan. Suddenly, in his youth, the tumult of the Divine companionship seized him, and he was drawn away by attraction (iagba). He said to the Khan-Khanan, " A desire to forsake the world has taken' possession of my soul. If you'll not let me go, I shall
-----~.--

become mad. Write to H.M . and send me to D eIh"l III ord er that I m~y s~~nd to rest of my life at the shrine of the Sultan of great SbaI!QJ.s. !hough the Khan-Khana.n was urgent with him to give up the mad Idea. he would not be forbidden. Next day he stripped himself. naked, and smeared mud and clay on his body, and went about lD the streets and lanes. When the thing was reported to the k.ing , h~ gave him leave to retire to Delhi. For thirty years he IIved lD complete abstinence and observance of the law_ Though he had acquired all the sciences, he laid them all aside. ~e occupied himself in meditating on the Qoran and in the practICe of E;!ufism. From Khwa.jah Baqi Billah of Samarkand who was born in Kabul and died in Delhi, he received permission. to guide travellers (on the path of piety). He died in 1043, 1633-34. His wife was a sister of Abu-l~fa~l. By order of her husband she gave to the poor such gold and jewels as she had and clea.nsed her skirt from the defilement of worldliness. They say that every year she sent Rs. 2.000 for the expenses of Shah Husamu-d-din's monastery. . GHAzIU-D-.DIN K. BAHADUR FIRUZ JANG. was Mir Sh.ihil.bu-d-din and he was the son of Qilij 'Abid. In the 12th year he came from Tura.n, and'entered tbe service of Aurangzeb and received the rank of 300 with 70 horse. They say that one day Subl}.an Quli K. the ruler of the country (Turan) came to Bee the melon fields and that Mir Shihiibud-din said to Khwa.ja Y'aqiib Jmba.ri and Rustum Beg-Atliliq " My father has called me to India, but the Khan does not giv~ me leave." As a suitable timl') had occurred these two good men w.ent to the Khan and procured leave for him. The Khan sent for hIm, and pronounced the jati1],a, and said, c, Go to India, you will become a great man." It happened that such good fortune attended.him that the might and dominion of the princes of Balkh and Bokhara were nothing in comparison to it. In the 23rd year, when the royal standards were displayed in' order to chastise the Rana. of U~aipur, no news waS forthcomingcabout ~asan 'Ali K. B~hli.~ur 'Alamgirshli.hi who had gone into the hill-country in purSUIt o the Rana.. At midnight the king sent for Mil Shihibu~dK.
~hwa.ja

His

nam~

----------given in the Padshiihniima l. III. et

8eq.

l B. 213 N. Mahabat K.'s long speech and the orde1'll thereupon are

THE

M.AASIR-UL-U~lARA.

589

588

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

dIn-who was on guard then-and sent bim off to get news. He went off at once without making inquiries about the nature of the country or regarding the dangers of the road, eto., and after two days brought and presented a report from the Ii..h&n. This good service was the cause of his pro~otion and he reoeived the title of Ii..hli.n and other favours. After that he was sent off to SiroM to put down Durgli. Das and Sotak J and other turbulent Ra.thors. As they had leagued with Prince Mu1).am mad Akbar and were leading bim astray, the prince sent Mirak ~pll.n-who was a servant known to the king-to the Khan and made promises and requests that the latter would join him. The faithful Khan travelled '! 60 kos with Mirak in two days and came before H.M. and was approved of. He was made Buperintendent of the examination of petitions, and when the king came to the Deocan in the 26th year, the ~hli.n was appointed to punish the rebela neal" Junair. In his absence he waa made superintendent of the mace-bearers in succession to Mukarram K., and Saiyid Ughlan was made his deputy. As he in hard conflicts defeated the Mahrattas , he in the 27th year reoeived the title of @aziu-d-din K.BahMur. In the 28th year, he was sent off to take the fort of Rahin-which was the abode of Sambha-and he at once (bari) set fire to it and killed many of the infidels. He received the title of Firiiz Jang and the gift of drums. When, during the siege of Bijii.piir, there was scarcity and famine in the camp of Prince MUl}.ammad A.'?iim Shah so that to stay there seemed impossible, IQlA.n Firiiz Jang received' the dignity of the Fish and was sent there with abundant stores. Suddenly he fell upon 6000 infantry. Paidabii.' Nii.ik the zamindar of SaKriyali<n had secretly sent stores for the relief of Biiapiir, and put them to the sword, and brought tranquillity to the camp of the prince. Aurangzeb set down the taking of Bijapiir to him. The chronogram was Sadd Sikandar girift, {( He took Sikandar's 8 rampart." (1098-1687). With his own hand Aurangzeb wrote'
l

the sentence for the record writer and sent it to be inserted' th e d . III recor ~IZ., " I t was taken by the help of the son (farzand) void _ ... of dupbClty, Ghll.ziu-d-din K .Bah"dur Firu-z 'Jang. "After t h at he too~ the fort of Ibrahimgarha alias Ikar which afterwards receIved the name of Firuzgarha He did good .service III the . . .' . sIege ~f Haidarabad and was wounded. After it was taken he was raIsed to the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse. Afterwards, he took the fort of Adoni, which received the narpe of Imitiyazgarha, after severe fighting , from Sidi Mas'aud B-'- - ' w h o was . IJapurI ~ne of ~he hig~ officers of 'Adil Shah, and in the 32nd year added lt and Its terrltorv _._ the imperhl domal'ns . I n th e same year . to _ " he went off from BIJapur to extirpate Sambha, As plagu' broke out and ~any who escaped from death lost their intellects , their eyes, theIr . ea,rs or their speech , _ the Kha-n too lost h'IS eyeslgll t .. Though he m accordance with precedent J did not come into the Presence yet there was no change in his leadership. In the 42nd year Sa~ta the robber, who had defeated the armies of Islam and bad slam or made prisoners of royal officers, and who had fled after the taking of oi'- and gane. t owards Satara, was, on account n.u, of an old grudge, defeated thoroughly by Dahina J-d- and WAS d . a u, w~n enng about in a miserable condition. By chance Nagoba II Miya~ a Mahratta out of enmity cut off his head. He wanted to tak~ lt to ,Dahina Jadu, but on the way it fell into the hands of Firuz_ ~ang_ s t=oops. The ~han sent the head to court along with Ii.hw~Ja Babal Tiirani who, in reward for his good tidings, received the tItle of Khiish Khabar Khan. Firiiz Jang received a thousand tba~ks and praises. In the 43rd year he was appointed to the aff~ of Islamgarh alias Deogarha, and took it. After that he was appOl~ted ~o guard the residence at Isla.mpiiri. At the time that the vlCtorlOUS imperial standards returned from the taking of Khelna to Bahadurgarha,3 there was a review of the army which

s:

Variant Sonk and so in Maa!!ir A.

199.

A. 199. 8 Maa!!ir A. 265. '1tfaa!ir A. 265 Paid Niik. Elliot 3'77.

t M~ir

See

, The real name is Sagar, 15 m. N,E. W&kinkera. 6 Sikandar was the name of the young king of Bijipiir. , ~ifi K. II. 322.

J lt was an order of Jahangir that blind men should not come before him. '! Niigoji Mana.i in Elliot. VII. 360, where the story is told at length a.eco~ding to the narrative of Khifi K. Also called Birganw, I.Q1lfi K. II.

539 and Elliot VII. 383 and note. Presumably Ghaziu-d-din did not persona.lly ILppear at the review on a.ccount of his blindneas. The p&llllage is taken Irom the Maasir A. 468.

vn.

_____________________ _
-

-=--=c==.. - - - - THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

'

'

591

590

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Firuz Jang had drawn up and sent off from his

quarters~

It

covered four measured kos They say that no general ever made such a display of troops. He also presented every kind of peshkash. After the king had looked at them, he confiscated much' of the artillery and wrote I a letter of reproof to Prince Bidar Bakht, saying, "You with double allowances bave not such an establishment of guns, etc. as Firuz Jang bas. He has all the things that he should have, or rather that he should not have." In tbe48th II year Firuz Jang pursued Nima Scindiah as far as Malwa, and underwent great fatigue. He received the title of Sipah Salar (comma.nder-in.chief) But for some reason the expedition was stopped. At the time of Aurangzeb's death he was in the province of Berar andstationed at Elichpiir. Though he had much loyalty and manyconnexion~ with Muhammad A'~hn Shah, yet. that prince on account of mnate pride did not c~ltivate him. and did not take with him so great a leader. They say that when Mu~ammad A'~im Shah left A~~a~nagar after ascending thethrone, Zulfiqar K. waited Up0n hIm III the neighbOurhood of Aurangabad. He asked him to state what was proper to be done. Zulfiqar represented that the proper course was to follow the example of Aurangzeb and to leave t~e ~omen folk in Daula.tabad,and he also pointed out that the kmg s me~ were very badly equipped. They should be given two .months pay from the treasury in the seraglio in order ~hat they ttllght provide themselves with materials for the campaIgn. Also that the march should not be by the pass of Fardapiir, but by ewal Khiyat 3 (1) so that Firuz Jang might join them. The prince, who .t . mad with arrogancereplied thaL to leave the wa.s as l were, . , wo~en would be proper if he had an adversary like Dara Shikoh. He knew M' ua~~am's nature, and had reHance on his own men. The
l :Ma.e.tPr A. 469. .This was in the.
3 The Deole. Khatre. of Ja.rrett II. 205. Said by Ja.rrett to be the Keta.ma of the maps. Perhaps it is Denlghiit. Fardapiir is near the AjBJita

king's (Aurangzeb) men had nothing to do except to give good wishes and to be safe. Why should he leave the strailYht road for ethe sake of a blind man? What help would come from him? In fact, if we regard outward circumstances, a great mistake was made, and there was much want of planning in not taking a leader like Firuz Jang with him. He would have been a bond of union Especially would all the Moghuis and Turanls have followed him. \Vhen Mu~ammad A.'~im Shah crossed the Narbada he wrote to Firiiz ,Tang that he should come from" Berar to Burluinpur and stay there. After the accession of Bahadur Shah he was made governor of Gujarat, and in the fourth year he died l a natural death in Ahmadabad. His body was conveyed to Delhi and buried near the Ajmil'l gate in the tomb and khanqa which he had made. He was easily first a!U0ng the officers of Turan. He was of a pleasant disposition and dignified, victorious, and a master of tacties His good fortune was wonderful. In former reigns it has rarely happened that princes have kept a blind servant at the head of their armies. He was of sound judgmenli and always occupied himself with great things. While marching, or in the council room, he preserved the same rules and. regulations. As to what is reported, namely, that the king became acquainted with some of his secret desires and hinted to the physicians at the time of his eye trouble that they should deprive him of his eyesight, it does not bear the mark of truth. Aurangzeb was very choleric and vindictive; If he had found any such designs in Flruz Jang, he would not have left him in such glory. Firuz .Jang's good intentions had become impressed on the king's mind. So much so was this that when at the last, Firuz Jang repeatedly showed connivance and slackness in the matter of punishing the Mahrattas and some one out of enmity represented the matter to the king, he in reply wrote: " Alas for Khan Firuz Jang that he should have come from such a state to this and that it has come to pas~ that he has been accused of favouring infidels (Kafran N'aamat, also disloyalty) which is like being twice an infidel.' ,
I

46th year. 'l Text 8th ye..r, Dut apparently the' 48th is maant. see :Maa@ir A. under that yello1', p. 483, J.g1iifi K ll. oi 56 mentions a pursuit by F"'U'iiZ J ang cf 8cindiah in the 42nd year.

Caves.

JS!1iifi K. II. 681.

He died in 1122 or

A.D.

1710.

592

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE

MAASIR-UL-UM~A.

593

At first, in accordance with the commands of the king, he married the daughter of the very learned S 'aad Ullah K. After her death he successively married two daughters of her brother I.Iif~ Ullah K. alias Miyan K. He had no children by either of
them~l

(AMIRU-L-UMAR.A) GH.AZIUD-DIN K. BAH.ADUR FIRUZ JANG. Eldest son of Ni~il.m\l-l-Mulk .A~af Jah, and full brother of Na~ir Jang. His real name was Mir Mul,J.ammad Panah. He was the son-in-law of Qamaru-d-din K., vizier. His iather left him in early years at the court of Mul,J.ammltd Shah, and there he g"ew l up. He was first the bakhshi of tile al,J.adis. In the year 1163, 1740, when his father, who had been made ~ir Bakhshi on the death of the ~han Dauran, went to the Deccan, he became his father's deputy in that high appointment (of Bakhshi). On his father's death, S'adat K was in the time of Al).mad Shah Mir BalIDshi for nearly three years. Afterwards that office and the title of Amiru-I-Umara were conferred on Q!laziu-d-din. After the martyrdom of Na~ir Jang his heart inclined towards the Deccan. By chance, at the time that the ambassador of the Durrani Shah had arrived, f;jafdar Jang at a hint from the king took with him Mulhar Rao Holkar by the promise of a large sum and came to court': Before he came, Javid K. had agreed to the messages of the Shah and had sent away the ambassador. f;jafdar Jang was perplexed 3 and did not know how to pacify Holkar. The Amir-ul-Umara made an arrangement wit~ Holkar and got him to agree to the subal).dari i)f the Deccan being established in the name of the Amiru-I-Umara (Le. himself) and to his (Holkar's) coming to insist on payment of the stipulated sum. Accordingly he left for the Deccan with the title of Ni~amu-I-Mulk. After-------------------~---

ward!! a sanad of the province of Khil.ndes for the Mahrattas was executed by him with his own seal, and then with the hope of their helping him, he in the height of the rains traversed the mud and slush of Malwa and reached Burhii.npur. Afterwards he came to Aurangabad and halted for seventeen days. Then he suddenly died. l He had eaten and gone to repose himself when he came out and vomited and died, in 1165, 1752. He was imbued with learning, and at the end he had plucked up a spirit. HiB son is Ghaziu-d-din K. the 3rd, who had the title of Imadu-I-mulIt- and . of whom a separate account has been given. (RAJAH) GOP.AL SING GAUR. His ancestars held the zamindari of Andarkhi (1) in the province of Allahabad, and were servants of the Orcha Rajahs. His grandfather Bihar Singh was killed by Muluk Cand the ~anager of Mii.lwa-who acted for Mul,J.ammad A'~im Shah-in the time of Aurangzeb, because he. was a source of sedition. Muluk Cand cut off his head and sent it to the emperor. After this, his father Bhagwant Singh, the Bon of Bihar Singh, was also killed in battle by Muluk Cand. ~is family left their home. Gopal Singh accompanied Ni~ii.mu-I-Mulk A~af Jah. When he returned to the Deccan from Upper India with the intention of giving battle to MubA.riz . K., ('...opal distinguished himself on the battle-day, and after the victory received a suitable rank and a fief, and the charge of the fort of Qandhar in Bidar-which is a dib.~ut plae and is a strong fortress. In the tim~ of Shah Jahan it was taken from the Deccanis by Khan Daurii.n. Since that time up to the time of writing, the fort has been mostly in the possession of himself and his descendants. He died in 1162, 1749. After his death, though Dalpat Singh his eldest son .died in his lifetime, there remained other sons, of whom the eldest was
l Siyaru-lM. Ul. 329. He died in Ootober, 17112, and according to Grant-Duff II. 62, he WB.'l poisoned by his stepmotber, the mother of Ni~im Ali. see also Siyarul-M. III. 324" note. There is an account of Ghiziu~

l This biography may be compared with Mr. Irvine's notice A.S.B.J. for 1898, p. 163. Firiiz Jang died on 8th December. It is curioU8 that this biography does not mention that by his -first wife he was the father of Ni~imu l-Mulk A~af Jih.

i The J,g1iin Daw:in ~wija A~m was killed in 1739. See Maair I. 822. 8 Cf. Siyaru. M. lIJ. 327. Ghiziud-din arranged witlJ.the Vizierthat if he would givE' him his patents for the vioeroyalty he would satisfy the Mahrattas' demands.

d-din in the Ig1azana 'Amra, pp. 4,9. 50. Newil K. ed. He died on 7Zi Bajja liM, 5th .:>ctober. 1752. Ghu lim 'Ali'. account haa betm repro-duced in M&8o!ir m. 883 80 that there are two lives of Ghiafu-d-din.

75

594

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

KuaI' Bishan Singh, yet at his own wish the fort and the hereditary jagir were assigned to Ajai Cand his second son. Narpa.t Singh the third son, who was Ajai's full bJtother, was joined with him. The first got his rather's title, and became distinguished, and in the battle which took place with Roghanath Rao on the bank of the Southern Ganges l he was with the Nizamu-d-daula A~af .Jab. He stood firm and was killed. His eldest son held the hereditary fort and at the time of writing has the title of Rajah Gopa) Singh Hindiipat Mahindar. His two other sons Rajah Tej Singh and Rajah Padm Singh held manl!a':is and fiefs, and afterwards held the fort of Kaulas in the province of Haidarabad. The second gradually attained to the high rank and title of Maharaj ah. For some time he was appointed to manage the Sarkal' of Bir, and afterwards he held the government of Nandair in the province of Bidar, and the governorship of the fort of Mahwlu in Berar. He died two or three years ago. His sons KuaI' Durjan Singh and Jiidha Singh a.ttained suitable manl!abs and fiefs, and are in service. I.IABSH KR AN. Sidi Miftii,h Abyssinian was one of the old serva.ntsof theNi~am Shahi dynasty, and was honoured and trusted by that family. He was for a long time governor of the fort of Udgir which is a very strong fortress and built of stone and lime. When from the beginning of the reign of Shah Jahan the territory of the Ni~am Shah was troddenby the imperial armies, gradually all the forts and estates were conquered by the imperial servants and the dynasty was altogether ended. 'Adi! Shah of Bijaplir, in order to get possession of Jsm'ail, his brother's son, who was imprisoned in Udgir, made use of every stratagem and endeavQured by craft to win ov.er Sidi Miftah, but failed. This Ism/all ll was the son of Darvesh Mul).ammad the eldest 80n of Ibrahim '.Adil Shah, and the sister's son of Mul).ammoo QuIi Qu~bu-mulk. Whlfn Ibrahim '.~dil Shah was on his deathbed (in 1628) he showed his testament (or perha.ps explained his
l Text Gang Kafn but the variant Dakhin Gang, i.e. she Godavery, is pre' ferable. II Pldshlhnima I, Part II, p.2l9.

595

wish) to Daulat a Kalawant (musician) slave, whom he fully trusted and whom he had made governor of the fort of Bijapiir, to the effect that his second son Mul).ammad should succeed him. When Muhammad ascended the throne, he blinded Darvesh Mul)..ammad, :nd' the wives of the latter secretJy sent Ism'an, who was then six y~rs of age, to Ni~am Shah in order that he might be safe from the clutches of his enemies. Ni~am Shah, for fear lest the coming of Ism' ai! should become known and the' Adil Shah be displeased, did not see Ism'all but sent him to Sidi Miftal).. He kept him in prison for ten years, and without submitting to 'Adil Shah he made strong the fort and maintained his independence. In the 9th year, the month of Mol).arram of 1046, 1636, the ]QIan Dauran Bahadur set I about besieging the fort, and when the mines had been driven near the fort, the,garrison lost cou~age. Sidi Miftal). became alarmed and sent a message to :K.hiiJl Dauran to the effect that if they would include him among the royal servants he would surrender the fort. :K.han Dauran accepted his request, and then he brought forward other wishes which were not suitable and commenced fighting. They say that during the siege many of the material!! of the defence had been .expended and so Sidi Miftal). devised a plan. To ~han Dauran he proposed submission and a desire to enter service, and appointed a day for waiting upon him. Meanwhile he opened the gates of the fort so that his men frequented the royal camp and brought back to the fort what they wanted. On the day appointed for submission he closed the gates and made war :K.han Daliran then contrived to set fire to a mine which had been carried to the foot of the {'Iher ~aji II bastion. Though the stability of the citadel was not much affected, yet Sidi Miftal). had the foresight to see that there was no help but to SUbmit, and come out to the commander. After a siege of three months and add days, he surrendered the fort and made over lsm'a!l the grandson Of 'Ibrahim Adi! Shah.
l Piidshiihniima I, Part II, pp. 21819. This was the Khan D auran No. 2 of Baale, and his name was ~waja Siibir. see Maa!!ir U. I. 749 and 764.
i The name for an outwork. See Elliot- VII. 23 and the Bahir' Ajam 182, col. q..

596

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

597

SidlMifti};l. obtained from the emperor the rank of 3000 with 1500 two-horse ~nd three-horse troopers, and the title of I.Iabsh ~ii.n (the Abyssinian K.) and wa.s treated with favour. He also received a goodassil!nment (tankhw4h). He was always enrolled among the auxiliaries of the Deocan, and the governors of the Deccan never failed to honour him. He too, though his figure and manners were strange, wall of great physical strength and was not devoid ofrefinement. He was very fond of learned men and men of piety, and helped them, and Rpent money on deserving persons. He was 80180 a zealous servant . In the 29th year Prince Aurangzeb, the governor of the Deccan, appointed him and all the other leaders of the Deccan, to accompany M. ~han the governor of Berar, against the zamindar of Deogarh. And when the prince proceeded to Golconda in the 30th yea1', Sidi Mifta};l. took part in the affair and did good service. He had much faith in Baba Firiiz who was a dervish in the town of Pathri, and every,year and every month defrayed the expenses of the 6baikh's monastery (Khanqah). When the said Baba died,the Khan huilt his tomb in Pathri, which still is a shrine visited by people. He held in fief the pargana of Wakliir in the Sarkar of Nandair. He made it his home, and settled many Arab Saiyids there and helped them in va.rious ways. He also sent fqr many valuable books from Arabia, and stretched forth the arm of libera-1ity. His son A};l.madK. also obtained high rank. He was a'you.ng man of a noble presence, and was much patronized by Shah 'Alam Bahidur when he was viceroy of the Deccan. He bought the t;amindari of the pargana above mentioned and united it with his jagir. He died in Aurangzeb's reign. His sons obtained a small rank. The villages of the pargana were assigned .to other men. For a time they knocked at the door of turbulence '~d distinguished themselves by their. presumption. In the time of the present emperor (Mu};l..ammad Shah) 'Iwa~ l K. Bahadur Qasiira Jang besieged their residence and took and imprisol1ed Sidi J:Iusain, who was the elder of them. Afterwards by the order of Ni~am-l-Mu1k A~af Jah he was released and went to his own Sarkar. His sons held the zamindari after him.
, _ ' - - _ - - - - - - - - - - - _ _- - - - o

HADI DAD KHAN. Brother of Rashid ~han An~ari. In the tinie of Shah Jahan he rose to the rank of 500. In the 8th year he was appointed along with Khan Jahan Barha to ehastise Jujhar Singh Bandila. In the 9th year, when the Decean became the abode of the sovereign, and three armies were appointed under the charge of three generats to chastise Sahii Bhonsla and to devastate the landl" of 'Adil K., he was joined with ~han Dauran. In the llth year his rank was '.\..100 with 1000 horse, and in the 22nd year, when his brother Rashid K. died, his rank was 2000 with 2000 horse, and he was appointed in his brother's room to govern Telingana-which cnnsisted of Nandair and other conquered districts, and his rank became 2500 with 1500 horse, and he had the title of ~han. In the 29th year he received a flag and a drum. In the same yearhe. in acoordance with the orders of the king and the suggestions of Prince Aurltngzeb, proceeded to Deogarha to collect the tribute due by Kisar Singh the son of Kokha zamindar of Deogarha. M. ~han the governor of Elichpiir went from another direction. The zamindal became troublp,d and arranged with the governor of Elichpiir and came before the prince with the tribute. In the 30th year he in accortianc&-with orders proceeded to Golconda with prince Mu};l.ammad Sultan. After the arrival of Aurangzeb he distinguished himself in the batteries~ and at the time of the 'prince's return he was sent off to Nandair In the same year, 1066, 1656, he died, and was buried in Nandair. Though he had thirty l p) sons. yet Ilham Ullah the son of Rashid K., his brother, was the best for preserving his property. The king (Shah Jahan) gave him the rank of 1000 with 500 horse. His son ' A bdu-r-Ra1,lim held up to the thirtieth i year the rank of 500 with 120 horse. I.IAIDAR 'ALI KR AN BAH.ADUR. They say that his ancestry goes back to 'Abdullah ~aJ.lib of Medina-may God's mercy be upon him' -who was one of the great
l So in text, but the MSS. seem to read baBi "many" instead of Be thirty. I This life is by Abdu-I-Bayy. Steingass marks Bi am as unsupported

Maa!!U' II.

8~2.

by examples 811 meaning the 30th year. But it occurs here and also in Akbarnama II. 12. This 30th year here presumably means the 30th year of Aurangzeb.

598

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA. THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

599

men of the Qoresh tribe. In .the be:rinnin<Y of 1165" 1752 he aco o quired great authority and became superintendent (matl!adi) of the affairs of Mysore. He afterwards conquered many cities and fOJ;ts and unfurled the flag of power. His dominions yielded six kron of I1J,pees and extendp.d frum Karpa (Cudda.ph) to Mangalore l (Le. from E.' to W.) and from CaHcut to Dhii.rwar (Le. from S. to N.), which is an extensive country. He acquired it by his strength of arm and held it firmly. When the hatwearing English came to his country he sent his cavalry to the Payinghat i of the Carnatic and attacked and pillaged. Then he made an advantageous peace. Afterwards when there were signs of treachery in the house of the Mahrattas he in the first place looked after the strengthening of his thanas and gradually took the whole of their territory up to the river Kishna. Afterwards he besieged the fortress of Cital (Chitaldroog~-which was a zamindari place-and took it. At the time of writing, which is 1193, 1779, he has made a raid upou'Karpa (Cuddapah) and taken possession of the forts of Sidhiit,3 Kinji (Ginji) Kot, etc., andseized (Abdu-,l-.Aakim K. Miyana, the governor there, and carried him off to Seringapatam. He has much treasure and a large income, and has collected many jewels. Still too he sends money to men and recruits them. He has a quick.firing (?) park of artillery and makes it a rule that when he has encamped, musketeers are placed round the camp in watches so that no stranger can'enter without an order. l
l Text Kozpiil, and ther'i are variants. Mangalore is mesnt, of which the native name is Kodiya!. It was f.[aidar .Ali'. naval base. i 'fhe text has az " from" but B. M. Add. 6665 hM dar" into" and so has LO. MS. No. 628. 3 The Sidhout of I.G. XXII. 357. It is the e8.lltern taluq of Cuddapah. 6 Jn the table of contents at p.47. this biography is omitted. Evidently the notice has been revised by' Abdul l-I;layy for it mentions 1193, J 779, as the date of writing, but it would seem that the body of the biography had been written by his father. In RM. MSS. Add. 21,470 and Add. 6565 and

IJ:AIDAR l MUIJ:AMMAD K . .AKHTA BEQI. One of the old servants of Humayiin. In !he journey to Persia. which fate compelled that king to undertake, IJ:aidar atta.ched himself to the stirrup and was encompassed with favours. In the defeat at Balkh when Humayiiq's horse fell from being wounded by an arrow, I;Iaidar presented him with his own horse. When the army of IJ:umayiih marched to extinguish the flames of sedition kindled by M. Kamran who had fled from Kabul and was spending his time in vain hopes in Afghanistan, and arrived a,t the Surkh Ab, Haidar and many single-fighters were honoured by being appointed to the vanguard. 'fheyarrived in advance 'of the main body at the Siah Ab, which is between the Surkh .Ab and Gandamak, and encamped there. M. Kamran saw he had not the power to fight a pitched battle, and so made a night-attack. IJ:aidar 2 stood firID and fought manfully, and though wounded did not give way. In the march to Qandahar and the expedition to India he did not let go the saddle-straps of dominion, and when victory was gained he was made governor of BIana. After he came there, as Ghazi K. Sur the father of Ibrahim K. was shut up there, and had vain thoughts, IJ:aidar made an agreement with him. When @azi K. came out of the fort J:Iaidar from greed of his property broke his agreement and put him to death. This piece .of bad faith displeased the just disposition of Humayiin and he uttered the truthful prediction that IJ:aidar would never again be able to gird s up his loins, and they say that to the day of his death his condition remained as the king had said Mter the accession of Akbar he on the occasion of Hemii
is ziidazd which saeInS uninte1ligible. The MSS. 1.0. 628, etc. have zUdrav, which may mean quiok-firing, but moro probab1y meanB quick.moving. The best account of ~aidar 'Ali seems to be in Colonel Mark Wilks' book. ~aidar 'Ali died 7 December 1782. l B.384. 2 A. N. translation I. 581. This was in 968 (1651) and a few daYB before the night-attack in which Hindal was ki1led.
S See A. N. translation I. 638, text

in 1.0. MS. 628 the biography is different from that in text. It savs nothingabout !jaidar's alleged desce~t from 'Abdullah of Medina, but says his father was f.[usamu-d-din l!ond that his ancestors were QS,!,is of pargana Gohir in Raidarabad and that he was at first !Ln infiintry-jamadar in the fort of Kolar. Afterwards he, entered the service of the Raja of Seringapatam. ~aidar succeeded his father in this employment, and eventually imprisoned and put the Rajah to death. The MSS. bipgraphies say nothing about Kozpiil, which is a place I cannot find, but mentIon Haidar's taking Chitaldrug. The word in text after topkhana

Apparently the curse or prophecy was that ~aidar would never be abt~ to fasten on his belt again, and Bay'azid Biy&t tellB UB that his arm became useless. According tl) A. F., whom the M88!!ir is copying, it was Ghizi K. 'B Bon Ibriihir.. and not Ghizi K, him8e1f who had vain thoughts.

I. 354.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.........

~'

_,,-=,,_= =c._=:::;;_oiiiii-- _ _ __ '-

~==----------~------

-Ul Umara.

~DAB

QULI UA:N

601

600

THE MAA8IR-UL-UMARA.

j oine-d TardiBeg and had command of the left wing.

After the defeat he came to ~bar'R camp and was sent off with' Ali Quli K. Shaibani to punish Hemii. After the victory he went for a purpose to Kabul, and when Mun'im K.., after the overthrow of Bairam, proceeded to court, he left J:laidar to manage the affairs of Kabul and to assist his son Ghani K. As owing to want of capacity there was no friendship between the two, an order was sent at Mun'im K.'s req~est summoning J:laidar to court. In the 8th year whe:n Mun'im K. went off to Kabul to arrange matters there J:laidar w'at appointed to go with him. After M:un'im K. was defeated ane returned to the court .l:laidar also'returned and acted under Muni' m's orders. In the 17th year he accompanied the Khan Kilan alias JIir MUl,J.ammad K., who had been sent in advance to Gujarat. He had then attained the rank of 2500. His brother M. Quli distinguished himself at the time when Humayiin went to conquel' Badakhshan and M. Sulaiman came forth to give battle. In the battle, when M. Kamran under the pretext of having an interview behaved treacherously, he (M, Quli) was wounded and fell from his horse. His son Dost Mul,J.ammad made a brave single combat and was killed. l In the time of Akbar, in the 19th year, both brothers were appointed to accompany Mun'im K. in his conquest of Benga!. They were in the camp at Jinnatabad alias Gaur, which was formerly the captal. Afterwards it was deserted, and the climate became pestilential, a,nd a whole world of men became the harvest of death. These two brothers also died there in 983, 1575. J:IAIDAR QULI KHAN MU'IZZU-D-DAULAH. He belongs to Isfarain II and his name was Mul,J.ammad Re~a. In the beginning he was on the establishment of Sultan 'A~imu-sh shan 'tnd was known by a name derived from his (viz.' A~imu-~h shani). Afterwards when the sovereignty of India came to Farrukh Siyar he, through the intervention of Mir Jiimla, received the title of J.Iaidar QuIi K and the appointment of diwan of the Deccan, together with the diwanship of its provinces, and the full charge of
l It appears from the Akbarnama tha. both father and son were killed. See note to translation of A.N. 1. 559.
II Isfariiin is in northern J'ersia. ij:aidar Quli had the name of 'A~imu sh-~iini, ~ifi K. II. 740.

the K1J.14a property 1 and the superintendence of other allied sections was assigned to him. Mter reaching that province (~Uba), as he was very har~-tempered, he could not pull on with N~m.ul-MulkA~ Jih, t.he Viceroy of that.province. He, therefore, hastened back to the Capital, and was exalted by being appointed as the Divan of .Abmadabiid, the ravenue officer of the port of Siirat and the deputy governor of Guja.rat 2_ this office in those days formed part of Ithe assignment of .Khan Daurin. And having efficiently performed his duties there, he showed a material increase in the realizations from the port dues and in the Khll}a revenues, which had been assigned to his charge. And through his bravery he defeated eafdar Khan '.rDili who had a m.uch larger force with him. But he was not popular with the public owing to his ha1'8h temperament, and the fief-holdera of the province all complained against him; this resulted. in the displeasure of Qu~b.ul-Mulk. In the reign of Sul1An Rafi' -ud-Darajat, on his transfer from Gujarii.t he returned to A.kbarabiid, and after a time attached himself closely to Saiyid 'Izzat .Khin Barah, and with his approval made an alliance with Raja Ratan Chand. Through the intermediation of ~usain 'Ali .Khan ha:ving been restored to favour with Qu~b-ulMulk, he became a close associate of both the brothers. And when in the reign of Sul~an Rafi' -ud-Daula, !1usain "AU .Khan turned towardsA.kbarabid for dealing with the disturbance 8 caused by Nekii-siya.r, son of Sul1An Mul;lammad A.kbar, son of Aurangzib, he (Mu'izz-ud-Daula) was honoured by the grant of the title of Bahadur, and 8tlnt with the vanguard to clear the route, and was appointed to lead in the siege of the ~rt of.A.kbarabid. In the first year of the reign (1719 A.D.) of Firda,U8 Ariimgah (Mul;lammad Shah) he' was sent wit.h a large army to chastisA Girdhar Bahadur" who since the death of Rij& Chabila Ram Nagar had raised the head of rabt'llion in the $ilba of Allahabil.d. And when through the intermediation of Raja Ratan Chand this affair was peacefully settled, he returned t~ the royal Presence, and in the same year was exalted to the post of Mir Atillh (Commander of th~ artillery), which had fallen vacant owing to the death of Saiyid Khan Jahan Barah. Mter !1usain' Ali Khin was killed and when Saiyid 'Izzat Khan Barah and other assooiates of the above-mentioned Khan turned towards the royal residence, he (Mu' izz-ud-Daula) with all available infantry and cavaIry served the royal cause with great courage _and bravery. As a result his rank was advanced to 6,000, with 6,000 horse, a.nd he beat the drum of triumph on being granted the title of
1 The publication of the translatIOn of the MaiUl!ir.ulUmara by H. Bevoridge was held in abeyance since 1914 after 600 pages had been printed. It is now continued from the incomplete manuscript left by the learned author. The account on this ami the following pages is a translation of the biography of :ij:aidar Quli Khan in Text III, pp. 747-751. For facilitating reference, the volume and page numbers of the various biographie~ in the Text edition ara given, within brackets, under each name. II F"r an account of ij:aidar Quli Khan in Gujarii.t, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of lmne's Later Mughal8, II, pp. 127-130. There is, however, no mention of his fight with ~afdar Khan in this account. AJ",> see-the same work, I, p. 413, note; , a See Irvine, op. m., pp. 413, 414. 6 Bee Irvine, op. m., II. pp. 9-16.
I

T=-
602
~AKIM BEG.

~--~------_

. -_._- 603

-ul-Umara. MaaU!ir

~.!KIM BIG.

N~ir Jang.l In the oattle 2 , which took place with Qu~b-ul-Mu~ on

behalf of Sultan Ibrahim, son of Sultan Raft' .ushShan, he was appomted to the vangua.rd, and performed most valuable services through h~s artillery, and later with the sword he put to test the bravery of hlS opponents.Qutb-ul-Mulk Bahadur, who had received a wound 8 on .the hand, was carried by him on an elephant to the presence of the King. As a reward for these valuable services his rank was raised to 7,000_ with 7000 horse, and he was granted the title of Mu'izz-ud.Daula. In the 'year 1133 A.H. (1720.21 A.D.), the governorship of Gujarat and the revenue accountamy of the port of Surat was transferred fr.om Qamr-ud.Din Khan to him in addition to his office of the Mir A.tlSh. And in the next year, when Ni~am-ul-Mulk !~f Jah was summoned from the Deccan and adorned with the robes of the premiership after the death of :Muhammad Amin Khan Bahadur I'timad-ud-Da~la;he, w~o was well known for his eloquence and bravery, began to mterfere m administrative and financial affairs. The Premier did not approve of it, and as he was favoured by the King, the latter prohibited him (from such interference). He was greatly annoyed and left for Ahmadabad, where he took possession of the revenues of the Kha4m properties and the assessments of the fief-holders. Consequently his fief in the neighbourhood of the Callital was confiscated. On hearing this news he wrote to the officials at the Court, that as my fief has been confiscated, I can no longer remain in service or allegiance. The gov_ernorship of that area was consequently transferred to N~am.ul.Mulk A~f Jah Bahadur, and the latter started to take up h;s office. On receipt of this news and as the latter had collected a large army, he hastened to present himself at the Court, and on reaclJ.ing it about two stages from Shahjahanabad was appointed to recover the province of Ajmer, which had meanwhile been occupied by Aj it Singh. And later when Garh Patili 4 was also conquered, he returned to the Court. In the year 1137 A.H. (1724-25 A.D.) he was one night sleeping with his wife in the cold chamber (Khas Tsh:IW) when it caught fire, and he was burnt. He was capable of doing great deeds, and his great achievements had enhanced his reputation for bravery ; but his temper was not devoid of harshness 'tnd conceit. It lS stated that he used to take his food very hot, so much so that on his table they used to serve the cooked victuals placed on a chafing dish full of fire.
l:l.!KIM

j
\

i
l

and rank of an Am?,'. His wife, Khadija Begam, was grea.tly honoured .and respected _~ th~ SlSter of Niir Jahan Hegam. She, lived to the end of Shah Jahan s reJ.gn, and by the influen,;e of Yamin-udDaula (!saf Khan) her elder brother, she suffered no diminution in the consid6ratio~ paid t~ her. S~e was~co~tinually gratified by royal favours, and in the 24th Flrdl.:us Ashlyiini (Shah JaMn) presented her with Rs.30,000. As .l!akim Beg was a Moghul not devoid of lJulture and talent he desired to lead an independent life in conditions of ease and co~fort. Jannat Makdni (JaMngir) in consideration of his relatioIlShip excused him from per.sonal attendance, and employed him chiefl.y on external affairs. For a tJ:ne he was the governor of Mathuri, but later was removed from this post. The cause ?f this was that a: sltnysi named A(had Riip Asram, who ~as ~n asc~tlC and a monothelSt, and who had dug a cave for his dwel~ng lD a rldge (pushta) situated in the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and lD a corner of the desert removed from human habitation. The mouth of ~he cave meas?fe 5! girik 1 long and 31 broad. He entered by extendmg forwards his Mms, and then iIlS6rted his head. Mter that he drew hi!t body inwards like a snake. He came out in the sa.me way, to the surprise of the spectators. lie had neither a mat nor any straw that he might spread below him when the wind was cold nor had he ~ fire in winter, or any breeze (bad) in hot weather. He h~ half-a CUblt of cotton cloth with which he covered his body in front and behind Every day he went out twice to the river to bathe, and carried in his h~~ a copper vessel with which to drink water. He frequented in U1Jam seven Brahman (1 Hindu) houses where there were women .and children, and wh~re beggary and cOtentment were respected, and once a day he ca.me Wlthout warning to three of these seven households and stood like a beggar. They put into the palm of his hand five mouthfuls o~the food which they had prepared'for themselves. These he swallowed wlthout tasting, on condition that there was not in the house any me~tr~ous woman, or feast, or calamity or birth. The Hindiis call the mamtalDer of such BI position (maqam) Sarb ndsi,2 i.e., abandoner of

Yes:r.

1 .The girih 'is Glad~n there are

.Bita.

(Vol. l, pp. 573-576.) He was the son-in-law of l'timadud-Daula Jahangiri. During the time of Jahangir when the friends and connectioIlS of I'timad-ud-Daula all became KhaIlS and Tarlmans, l:lakim Beg also obtained the iIlSignia
1 The editors of the Text add that, according to the Tarikhi-Mu~a.ffari,he was given the rank of 7,000, six thousand one.horse cavalry, and the title of ~aidar Quli !Q!iW ;Bahidur N~ir Jang. 2 Battle of Hasanpiir, see Irvine, op. cit., pp. il596. 8 The editors of the Text give as a variant the version of the Tarit1l-i-M~.ffary, according to which Q:l~b-ul.Mulk had two wounds, one made by an arrow on hiS forehead and the other a aword cut on the hand. Ouly a single wound on the hand is mentioned in Irvine, op. cit., p. 91. . 4 For the mysterious Garh Patili or PutU, see Irvine, op. cit., II, p. 112. note *.

three finger.bre~ths. It al80 means a knot. According to 24 fingerbre~dths ill a ga71 or yard, and, if oo, a girihwould be one.elghth of. a yard. But ln Blochmann's translation of A'in I (2nd edn ) p. 94, note 3, lt is sta~~ that it. is commonJy calcuiated as 16 girih to a yard (ga;): Perhaps t;he c~ve at UJlaill mentIOned in Mr. Tawney's preface, p. 6, to his translation of Jjhartn~1"I 8 Centu1"lu and called Bhartrihari's G'umpha was occupied by Jadriip I T~ IS taken from the Tflzuk-i.Jahangiri, Rogers and Beveridge's transiati6n' I, pp. 355357,359. where ~he ascetic is called Jadriip, and from. the IqbfWniima-i: ~a~a~. p.~, whe~ .he IS. called Ajahad. Perhaps tLe account on p. 129 of nee s ah!IDgn" of. a V1Slt that J ahii.ngir paid to a reclUS9 at Mathuri refers io the ~e ascet~c, as AJadaat:.~rw!U'ds want there. The Sanskrit' word is Sa.rvanimn a .destro~. and Bar tartk m the text should Bllpal'ently be 4IOrba tarik, '.e., all.forsaking. The statement about the seven Brahmanhouses----whereprobably the word Bra~an me~ely means Hindii-JI1!IoY be compa.redwiththe A'i~-i AkblWi,. ~arrett s translatiOn, III, p. 275, where it is said the asceticsets out begging and 8Olic~ts fro~ three, five or lIllven housea. Jahil.ngIr'niention.s that Akbar visited ~he ucetic on. his wa~ ~ack to ~ after the taking of.Aairgarb. Apparently Asram lbeSIM) part of th~ hermlt 8 name, but 18 ii8rama-a hermitage. Perhape the name should Ach(drup, t.e. of flawless favour. . J or Chatriipa is mentioned in the DabWtan; Pll; 228 229 of Calcutta edu m lt 18 S81d there that 'Abd'urRahtm paid bis respects to mm,'and that h died" 10'7 (163~-38 A.D.) at Ben~s: The authorcJf ttie Dabi8tn l'VB8take e to h when a child. n lID

a?rUP

lB

60.1

I.JAKIM I.JA~TQ.

Maiiljjir

ul Umara.

605

everything. When ill the eleventh year (of his reign) Jahiingir passed the city of Ujjain, he went to visit this ascetic. 'l'hough the latter was not greatly inclined to human society, he had long conversations with Jahangir. He was well versed in the philosophy of the Vedanta By his understanding and lofty comprehension he harmonised the technical terms of the Sur-IBm of Muhammadans with his own views and discoursed on them. JahiiI15__' came to have full faith in him. After some time he moved from Ujjain to Mathurii, which is one of the centres of worship for the Hindus, and on the banks of the Jumnii worshipped God after his own fashion. When l in the 14th year Jahiingir paid his first visit (as Emperor) to Kashmir he again visited him, and had a long private interview with hirn. His words made a great impression on the Emperor's mind. He was successful in every request that he made for the people. For instance Khiin A' :am Koka was much vexoo at the long imprisonment of Sul~iin Khusrau, and in spite of religious bigotry he paid a solitary visit lJ to the ascetic and made an urgent request to him to intercede for the liberation of Khusrau. He spoke convineing words to the Emperor and induced him to be gracious.. He forgave the Prince's offences, and ordered that he should be admitted to pay his respects. So difficult a matter became easy through the representation of this disinterestoo man. Inasmuch as the King had trust :a him, many people fiocked to see him. Though h' had no -dealings with anyone, and lived tranquilly without joy or sorrow, yet ~iikim Beg either moved by zeal for the Muhammadan faith or thinking that ther<-;Gort of the people to the ascetic injured his power,one day had that helpless man severely scourged. The Emperor on hearing this was very angry. Though no one had so much influence over him as the Begam (Nm Jahiin), yet he dismissed him from his presence, and deprived him of his office, his rank, .and his jiigir. ij:iikim Beg lived after this as a private indiVIdual in Agr\,\, and near the Na1chkhii8 (cattle-market) made a garden which for beauty was the envy of the rose-garden of Kashmir. There. he died. His son, Mirza Nm-ud-Dahr, also did not car.e for royal service, but lived on the wealth of his mother and maternalluncles, and spent his days in perfect comfort.
ij:AKIM ijlDHIQ.S

(Shah Jahan), he was raised to the rank of 1,500 with 600 hol'8e, and in the same year was sent l on an embassy to Tman. Imam Quli Khan, the ruler of that country, had set in motion the chain of love and friendship, and ~ent 'Abd-ur.Rahim Khwaja Juaiba.ri (NaqshbandI) as his representatIve to Jahangir, and had written that" Shah 'Abbas Safavi has not respec~ed t~e old ties and has taken Qandahar from the unperial servants. It IS fi~tmg that the Prince, the heir-apparent (Shah Jahan), should be ~nt WIth a large army and proper equipment to retake it, We also ~ hurry there with the army of Transoxiana, BalIUl and Badakbshan, an~ ~all fulfil tLe conditions of loyalty. Mterthe victory !et us ta~e Khur~san, ?'lld whatever you wish of that country may be mcluded m the n~pe~Ial domains and the remainder granted to us". The deat_~ of Jah~nglr occurred suddenly during these negotiations. The Khw~Ja_ came ln the beginning of Shah Jaha~'s reigu from LahOre '.o Akbarabad (Agra), and had an audience; shortly afterwards he died o! a disea~e ~f long standing. It became necessary. to send from this SIde an affectIOnate letter and to appoint an ambassador. The Hakim, ~hose father had gone as an.ambassador to 'Abdullah Khan 'Ozbeg in the trule of Akbar, was sen~ ~wlth gifts. to the value of one lac and fifty thllusand rUI?ees and rarltles of Ind1l1.. On his return in the 4th year he .was app?mted .t? t~e office of Reviser of Petitions-an appointment whICh requIres ability ln composition and tact-in. the room of Hakim Masil;I.~z-Zaman (ij:akim !;ladra). Mterwards, by successive incroMes, he attamed to the rank of 3,00{), and then for certain reasons he lost his office and lived in ret~ement in Akbara.b8.d, but received a fixed pay of Rs.20,OOO a year, whIch in the 18th year was increased to Rs.40,OOO. In the 3Ist year, 1068, he died. The author 2 of the Miriit-ul-' Alam says: he died in 1080 (1669-70 A.D.). The I:lakim was. very hot-tempered and very haughty and pompous. He was very concelted, and had mistaken ideas about himself. The q~atrain of Mir Ilahi s of Hamadan (about him) is well known. This Mir was one of the clever writers and W('ut to call on the Hakim at Kabul 'uen ~he latter was returning from Tunin, but did not have a pleasant
~rVlew.

Quatrain. 4
Stone and jug cannot 1(;ll'~ :' ;ree, In the eye of comrade~h;" tHere cannot exist a fiaw ' Companionship wit~, Hakim Hadhiq is not wise You cannot face ft h0,;t of horse~
1 Cf. Va.Il}ber:(s 1!0khal'a, pp. 315, 316, where lJakim lJa.Qbiq is stated to have been sent by J~anlpr, !>ut see, Blidshhnama, I. pt. l, p. 233 and Rieu, Supp. Ca.!" P: 2~6. Batkhhnama. c.f ~bdul lJamid Lii.hauri is U8ua.lly referred to as PadBhdhnama, but as the editl9n ID the Bibliotheca Indica series oited in this work was called Blidshhfliima. this name is' follcwed. Blochmann, op. cit., p. (;30, and Rien, Supp., p. 206, No. 325. ~ Rien, Cat. ~I,.p. 687b. Sprenger, Cat., p. 435. Sang-u-sabur IS a phrase for servitude, but here it BOOms equivalent to the proverb ~hat ~he e~hen an~, brazen pots cannot float down together. Th6 word for f1aw IS mu ft hair, and 80 hair in the eye" is a phrase used in describing a aty: In the third line there is a play on the w('rd l)iidhiq whioh has the two. mean1D~s: .clever. and sour as vinegar. The phrase lashkar:i-Kbabl in the' I fourth lIDe IS obscure, for Kbabt has several meanings. It means a blow and alSo to-

(Vol. I, pp. 587-590.) He was the son of Hakim Humam GDani, and was born at FatJ;Lpm Sikri during the reign o('Arash Ashiyiini (Akbar). His father died when he was still young. As his ancestors were all possessed of- ability and knowledge, he aJ.aO spent his time in acquiring the ordinary sciences and became famous for his knowledge of literature and poetry. Though he was not deeply akilled in medicine, he gained a name by his skill and was reputed in Jaha.ngir's time for his jud~nt and reliability._ When the throne acquired new lustre by the accession of Firdaus Ashiyni
Iqbiilnama.i-JaMngiri, p. 129. This was at. :Mathure.. Blochmann's transIa.tion of ,A"n, I(2n.d edn.), p. 530. The acoount of his father lJakim Hurnii.m is given in MOO0ir-ul-Umani, .I. pp. 563-565, and ita translation immediBt.ely following this biography on pp. 606.607.
8

: s.;e

1._

J.lAKIM HUMAM.

MadlJ!ir
ulUmara.
J.lAKlMUL.MULK.

607

Though he had not mastered the science of me.w0ine, severa! officera in view of his name and reputation consulted him for remedies. He began to write the events of the reign of ~a1J,ib Qiran Tkani ~h8.h Jahan), but withdrew his hand when other abler writers took up the task. His poems I are clear and good, and he has combined the strle of his pre decessors with that of more recent date. They are not deVOld of sweetness, but he thought himself a better poet than Anwari! He got up his Divan in a veryelegant manner and placing it on a ~ecorated stand, brought it with him into every assemblage. Whoever did not choose to honour it, was, irrespective of his rank, treated wit1f dis~ourtesy. ~e put it on a golden reading-stand and had it read out. ThlE verse of hIS is well known: Verse. My heart, O ~adhiq, cannot be comforted by any consolIlotion ; I've seen Spring and flowers and Autumn.
~AKIM HUMAM.2

During his absence Akb/tr often remarked: .. Since ~akim Humil.m has gone, my food I has not the same taste." And he said to Hakim Abiil Fath: .. I do not think that you can be more grieved at his departure than I am. Where can one find the like of ~akim Humim." When he was returning from Kashmir II in the 34th year, ~akim Hurnam, as he was returning from Tiiran, met the Emperor at the station of Barik Ab. After he had paid his respects, Akbar in condoling with him (for the death of Abul Fatb) said to him: .. You had one brother and he has gone to another world. We have lost ten."
Verse.

According to the calculation of the eyes, one person has gone. Accortling to wisdom's calculation, more than thousands. In the 40th year, 1004 (3Oth October, 1595 A.D.) he died of tuberculosis (tap.i-diqq) after two months' illness. 3 He had two S0118. One was ~akim Rii.dhiq of whom an account is given separately. The other was I;fakim Khushl;J.al. He attained the rank of 1,000 in Shah Jahan's reign and went as the Ba\illshi to the Deccan. Mahabat Khan when he was the governor of the Deccan was very kind to him. !:IAKIM-UL.MuLK.

(Vol. I, pp. 563-565.) He was the (younger) brother of ~akim AbiH Fatb Gilani. His name was Humayftn. When he entered Akbar's service, he first.' out of respect, took the name of Humayun Quli and afterwards acqUIred the name of Rakim Humam. He was unequalled for his knowledge of calligraphy' (Mat skiniiBi) and understanding of. J?Oetry. He also had some knowledge of physical sciences and medlCille. Re had a pure nature and was open-browed and pieasant of speech, and an agreeable compa~ion. Though officially he o~y had t.he rank o~ 6~0 .an? the position of BaJcawal Beg, he really enJoyed a higher rank ill his illtlmacy with the King. In the 31st year, as his skill in business and his loyalty were known to Akbar he was sent on an emba!lSY to 'Abdullah Khan, the ruler of Turan. Mirin ~adr Jahan Mufti Was sent along with him to offer condolences on the death. of Sikandar Khan-'Abdullah Khan's father-who hM died three years earlier. Out of great affection for the Hakim it was mentioned in the letter that .. We had no intention of sendmg away to a distanue from us that asylum of instructio~ and tale~t, cream of devoted loyalista, best of our confidant1J~ the skilful ij:aklffi Humil.m, who is a right-speak~g and right-a~ting man, and. who, from the commencement of his serVICe, has been ill close attendance on us. But we have sent him as an envoy, because he holds such a position with ourselv6s that he submits matters to us without the intervention of anyone else. If inyo~r ho~oura.ble inte~vie~s you treat him in a simi~~r manner, they will be lIke dIrect commumcatlO118 between you and me .3
stamp with the feet.. The word is used here apparently to mean a hedy of tramp1ing oavalry. 8prenger, Oat., p. 413. Copies of his Divn are avalmble ln the.uG . . n"nkipore 1 Library, Patna, and in the Viotoria Memorial, Calcutta. The Calcutta oopy bears additionll and correetions in the author's hand. 2 Vide Blochma~'s translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 529, he was the SOfi.. of Mir 'Abd-urRa.zzaq of Gi1in. Beveridge's translation of Akban.ama, III, p. 760.

(Vql. I, pp. 599,600.) His name was Mir Mul;J.ammad Mahdi, and his native country was Ardistan. In the year of Aurangzib's march from the Deccan towards the capital, Hakimul.Mulk accompanied him and received the rank of 1,000. Later he received the title of I;fakim-ul-Mulk, and in the l1th year attained the rank of 2,000 with 500 horse. In the 37th year, when Mubammad A' ~am Shah (the third son of Aurangzib) was ill with drapsy, and the disease had proceeded so far that even a sleeve nearly fourteen giraks 4 in circumference was narrow for him, and the circumference of his trousers fi was one yard and six giraks, I;fakim-ul-Mulk was Sllnt to p~escribe for him. When the Princearrived, the King out of pater. n~l. affect.IOn had a tent set up for him inside of the palisade (guliilbiir)6 and vIsite? him once every day. He and Zibun-nisa' Begam,7 the Prince's full Sister, were contented with having a strictly ascetic meal in his
1 As :ij:akim Hmnii.m was Bakawal Beg or Steward of the Kitchen, he must have been pre~nt during Akbar's meals. In A'in (B1ochmann's translation. I, 2nd edn., p. 59) he IS called Mir Bakii.wal or Master of the Kitchen. . 2 In t~e Text Kabul, but Akbar was then on his way to K.e.bul from Kashmir. v,de Bevendge's tr!"nslation of Akbarnama, III, p. 1041. 8 He was buned at Hasan Abdal beside his brother. For Hakim Hii.dbiq, see ante, pp. 604-606. . . . 40 Blochmann's t~ans1ation of A'in I (2nd edn.), p. 94, note 3. says 16 is the ~ommon nmnber of g"ah8, or knots, in a yard, but the diotionaries say that a gir"", IS three finger.breadths, and Gladwin says thllre are twenty-four finger-breadths (and consequently 8 girah8) in a yard. . 6 The ~xt has paaicha, but Maat.l!ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 362, has parcka. 8 Kuliilbiir in the text appears to be amisprint. 7 see Ma<itl!ir-i.'Alamgiri, p. 361. where there is the oonj\lnCtion between kAud and the NatQWQ,b-i-Qudsiya. The name of the sister in that work is Zinat-un-nisa.

see

see

608

(SAIYID) J1.AMID BOUIRI

j{~.:-r "'.~-l-.u-ma,-r-a-.----'~Oll=:=~,D .0KHl.,

;

609

company. I;Iakim-u1-M:ulk, who had boon appointed to attend on the Prince, displa.yed great skill both during the journey and aftar coming to the Court. Mter the Prince's recovery he obtained an increase of 1,000 l!at and became an officer of tile rank of 4,000. The author of the MOOt.l!ir~i-'Alamgiri1 reports tha.t the Prince said to his father as follows: "One day when the disease was very violent, and all were full of despak and .thought my body would burst, 8uddeIily a radiant figure appeared to me .hen I was between sleeping and wa.king, and said: 'Heartily repent and you will be cured!' Accordingly I repented. When I had done BO, I felt a desire to make water, and two large vessels were filled, and the seven! members were frood of the swelling. On the next day 8 the Azad Wali (the independent saint) Shaikb 'Abd-ur-Rabman darvi8h wrote that MUT!a,rf,a (the Chosen One, i.e., 'Ali) had announced that on this night he had given dust 4 (from his tomb), and that cure from death would occur during the day." (SAIYID) I:IAMID BOKHIRI.5 (Vol. II, pp. 39&-:399.) He was the son of Saiyid Miran, son of Saiyid Mubarak. Saiyid Mubarak was one of the great officers of Gujarat. They say that he came from his home Uc (Uch) to Gujarat with one horse. One day a ma8t elephant met him and the Saiyid lodged an arrow (so deep) in its forehead so that nothing but its notch remained visible. From that day the people of the place swore by his archery. Gradually he rose to high office, and when I'timad Khan Gujarati for his own ends set up Nanhii -a child of low origin-as the son of Sultan Mahmiid and gave him the name of Sultan Mu~affar, and assigned some territory to each of the officers, Saiyid Mubarik obtained many estates in Pattan and Dandiiqa. Among them Diilqa and DandfIqa 6 reverted after his death to Saiyid Miran, and after him to Saiyid I:Iamid. When Akbar marcheu in the 17th year to conquer Gujarat and caDie to Pattan, the Saiyid 7 came with his following, did homage, and was received with favour. Mterwards when the government of Gujarat was assigned to the Khan A'~am Mirza 'Aziz Koka, the Saiyid was appointed to assist him. In the ba.ttle between the Khan A'zam and the Mirzas he was left in charge of the defence of Ahmadabad. 'In the 18th
Maat.hir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 363. HaJt ~is8a: The seven portions, used like haJI andam for which see SteingaBB~ The seven portions are the head, breast, bally, arms and legs. a The Darvish wrote from AdonI forty kOB distant, see Maii!l1ir.i-'Alamgiri, p. 363. 4. In the Text toba, but the correct reading seems to be turba, dust from a tomb, as in the Ma!l1ir.i-'Alamgiri,p. 363. It does not appear from the Maiithir that the Prince gave this account to his father, but used to tell the story. The-notice does not tell when l;Iakim-ul-Mulk died. Presumably this was oofore the 4,th year of Aurangzib, 1116 (170405 A.D.) for we find in that year, KhiiSi Khan, II, p. 539, that a physician of the name of eii.diq K!!ii.n received the title of Hakim-ul-Mnlk. 6 Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. '433-435. Apparently Mubarak, his grandfather, is the IftilIDar-ul-Mulk of Bayley, Hi8tory oj Gujarat, p.243. 6 Dholka and Dhanduka in Al).madii.bad district, see Imperial Gazetteer, XI, pp. 321, 285. 7 At Jutii.na, see Beveridge's translation of .Akbarnaina, III, p. 9.
l

II

year he was given l the government of Diilqa and Dandiiqa. Mterwards he hurried to Cambay to help Qu~b-ud-Din Khan Muhammad I!lan. In the 22ndyear he was appointed 2 to the government of Multan, and in the end of the same year he, in company with Mirza Yiisuf Khan RaQavi, did good service in Baliichistan where the chiefs had revolted. In the 25th year when Mirza Muhammad I:Iakini came frODl Kabul and besieged Lahore, the Saiyid and the other fief-holders were shut up there. Mter the arrival of the imperial army there when Prince Sultan Murad was appointed to pursue Muhammad l:J.akim, the Saiyid received the command of the left "ing. When the royal army reache-d Kabul, and as Akbar proposed to halt there for some time, he sent 3 on the elephants to Jalalabad and appointed the Saiyid and some others for their escort. On the return from Kabul when they encamped at Sirhind, the Saiyid obtained leave to go to his fief. In the 30th year he was appointed to Kabul along with Kunwar Man Singh. When he came to Peshawar, wl;lich was in his fief, his soldiersreturned to (his fief in) India, and he spent his time negligently with a few men in the fort of Bikram (near Peshawar). He left 4 the affairs to a man namd Miisa, who was not very discreet. Without making sure of his character, he was appointed in charge of the government and the admmistration of justice, and he out of avarice oppressed the Mahmand and Q.hiiri tribes, of whom there were 10,000 householders in Peshawar, and injured their property and their honour. They, from folly and wickedness, made Jalala' Tariki their leader and stirred up a rebellion near Bikram. I:Iamid, on account of the smallness of his force, wanted to wa,it in the fort till the arrival of soldiers from Kabul and Atak (Attock), and of his brothers, but following the advice of shortsighted people he could not carry out this plan. He sent a man to ascertain full facts about the enem~. He, out of folly or wickedness, reported that they were few and disorganized. Without due reflection he came out with 150 men and lighted the flames of conflict. Though in the very beginning be was wounded by an arrow, he did hot stay his hand. His horse fell into a hole 5 and he was killed in 993 (1585 A.D.). Forty of his relatives fell with him. He held the rank of 2,000. Mterwards the Mghans surrounded the fort, but his young son, Saiyid Kamal, bravelydefended it with the help of a few men. Kamal held the rank of 700 in Akbar's time aind on Jahangir's accession this was raised to 1,000. In succession to Saiyid 'Abdul Wahhab Bokbari he was made the governor' of Delhi. Afterwards he went along with Farid BokharUn pursuit of Khusrau , and was in command of the left wing in the battle against him. When the Barah Saiyids, who were in the van, were hard pressed, Kamal came to their help and distinguished himself. Saiyid Ya'qiib, son of Saiyid Kamal, attained
Vide Beveridge, Op. cit., p. 46. Vide Beveridge, op. cit., pp. 300, 335. 3 See Beveridge, op. cit., p. 539. 4 See Beveridge, op. cit., p. 777. The text has Ghariya instead of Gheri as the name of the tribe. . 6 The Akbarnama, Text III, p. 510, Beveridge's translation, III, p. 778, has .iu, a canal or stream, but there is the variant gav, a hole. The date 993 is wrong. The Akbarnama, III, puts it into the :Hst year, 994, and BO does Badii.yii.ni, Lowe's translation of Muntoli;hab-ttt-Tawrili;h,II, p. 366. In the fabaqat.i-Akbari, De's translation II, p. 619, it is included in the account of the 32nd year, 995.
l

----------------...
610

.....- ,

~AMrD KHAN BAHADUR E;lALABAT JANG

MaailJir

-ul Umara.

the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse, and died in the Eecond year of Shah Jahan's reign.
(MU'IZZ-UD-DAULAH) ijAMID l\IIAN BAHADUR

~ALABAT

JANG.

~:;:;dqujities,
n~t~rious

(Vol. III, pp. 765-769.) He was a half-brother of !fuan FIriiz Jang. In his father's lifetime he became known to Aurangzlb, and obtained a suitable appointment. In the 29thycar of the reign he received the title of Khan and the gift of a female elephant, and was ordered l to convey treasure to Muhammad .A '?:am Shah who had been appointed to besiege Bijapiir. At the end of the reign he held the rank of 2,500 with 1,500 horse. Mter Aurangzlb's death he accompanied A'?:am Shah to Upper India, and in the battle with Bahadur Shah had the command of the reserve of the left wing. Mter A'?:am Shah was killed, he entered the service of Bahadur Shah, and, in the 3rd year of the reign, was made governor of Bijapiir. After his dismissal from the post he came to the Court. In the beginning Muhammad Shah's reign, when Ni?:am.ul-Mulk went from Malwa to the Deccan and encountered the oreatures of the Saiyids, Mu'izz-ud-Daulah Who had gone to DelhI with Saiyid 'Abdullah Qutb-ul-Mulk was deprived of his fief and retired into private life. When Ha~n 'Ali, the AmIr.ul-Umara, was killed, Qutb.ul-Mulk summoned a prince from among those imprisoned in Salimgarh and set about consolidating his party. He conciliated MU'izz-ud.Daulah by restoring his fief to him. He also gave him a sum of money and took him with him. When Qutb.ul-Mulk was made prisoner, I'timad-ud-Daulah Amm Khan Bahadur placed Mu'izz.ud-Daulah on his own elephant and brought him to the King. Mterwards When the government of Gujarat was transferred from Mu'izz.ud-Daulah ij:aidar QulI 2 to Ni?:am-ul-Mulk A~af Jii.h, he "i'Mu'izz-ud-Daulah) was made his deputy, and received the title of Mu'izz-ud.Daulah ealabat Jang. This was reported (by .A~f Jah) to the Emperor. When ill 1136 (1723-24 A.D.) the government of Gujarat was taken from 'A~f Jlih and given to Sarbuland Khan, Shuja'at Khan and Rustam 'Ali, the sons of Muhammad Ka?:im Jama'dar-Who had formerly been a serva;nt of Shuja'at Khan Muhammad Beg and whose sons on account of their ability had received royal appointments and the title of Khan through the influence of ij:aidar Quli Khan-were made the deputies of Sarbuland Khan in Gujarat and Siirat. Both of them were killed in the fight with Mu' izz-ud.Daulah. At last Sarbuland Khan came himself and the Bakbshi 3 of HamId Khan was killed. Thereafter Hamid Khan Was summoned by Ni?:tm-ul-Mulk A~af Jah (his nephew) to 'the Deccan and was made the governor of Nander 4. Mter some time he died in 1140 (1727-28 A.D.) at Gulbarga during the time when Aljlaf Jah'Was engaged in the Kariu1tak. He was buried in the cemetery of Shah Banda
Maii(/!ir-i-'Alamgiri. p. 264. See ~aidar Quli Kbii.n's account, ante, p. 602. a The editors have furnished some notes to this hiography. In one they state on the authority of the Tarikh.i.Mu~affarf, that the BalIDshi's name was Aman Beg. For full details see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later Mughals, pp. II, 176-189.
1 2
<l

::b::;:'::; '::ii';::::,'~:ff'::f..Jang, and f M-lkanda l; the writer was ~~pli'itY;h,::,q::~gc~":t:';"'of '~:~a~;~ hIm. d the title of Fatl;lyab
reCelve Jang, and ha:d a fi ef in the pargana o anquainted WIth them, a
HAMID-UD-DIN KHIN BAHADUR.

611 ssed ide the dome. He was po~~ , . like and high spmted. M his grave be holy!---{)uts and themEse;es ch he was audaOlous. _ d Marhamat Khan. ~ oi In sp: 'r Ullii.h Khan, Hafl?: Ullah Khan. an 'th Asaf Jah had SUItable were _al ountof th~ir near connectIOn wl 'Generally they were them on aco ' s h for expenses, . fi ti and also an allowance m ca f r ' g They were excused serVICe, for them had d spent theIr days a " ti The sons of Marl].ama _an,
HAMID.UD.DIN lilJAN BAHADUR.

w~ mag~~:~~~,:~~d~r~tin~uishe~

t~eir wick~~:-:s Ea~~moi

desce~~~ts :t~

t'""~e t~~

(Vol. I, pp. 605-611.) _ 2 - , time and was the son of Sard.ar, He was an- officer of Auran~z~b~an Chela Qalmak of Shah Jaha~ s Kh-n K6twal and grandson of Baql - d the influence of his stars he,.m By the help of good fortune anthe centre of the affairs'of ;nd of Aurangzib's. in all matters of high P?htICS. and had the power of bmdmg an1 th qUi~er of the reigning SovereIgn, he While thus the arrow. at th~ tit: bat~eries raised against fOfrts, a;~s sOa~~ was appointed sometImes o . s for the punishment o. an l , ,

re~gn, bec~::in

I~~la,

enemy and then returned sa eda~. Hence it was that he was nfown h' rank was raised with comm~~\ a IO_~~ Sword. In the beginning o IS Nimcha.i-'Alamg'i!ri or ~ amg~ fro al favours, he too beca~e :reer when his father was 28rh year of the reign, h,:, known and acquired repu~tlOn. the Superintendent of the engr:v;ng sucoession to his f:the;! eC~:n his father's title was dch~~g~ edr~~~ department. At t at Ime, t an inorease of 200 an o am. Ihtimam Khan to Sardar Khai h:h~032nd year he became, in sU~~lOn~~

~i:'::'~Z,c;;J:n~~:::;":~l~;'~t;;,= :~W~i:~":v;~;:n~::~~r- '.:

~n Obi~\~e

l~

a persona grata, _, . the wretched Sambha w o _ Zaman the order in !klu~ 4 to ~rm~Id" by the excellent efforts of Khand cap along with hIS Wlfe an Cl, . h the royal order, put a woo. e~_ H 'd -biidi he in aocordance Wlt f . al ara _' , ambha two kos rom B a hadurgarh (or Blrgaun), (takhta-kuldh) on S H .d 'bad is the correct

;;:~a~t,';:"s:~i:~E~jhe=t;~:::'~.~ '~ :;:,::~~ :

. Warangal division, . ll.1 ara , 1 The variant Balkonda III _ _ '0) III Khan Khan, II, . . . _ reading. . Kh-n Maatll~r-~.'Alamgtrt , p . 2D~. 2 called Matit_hir-i.'Alamgil'i. 3 81 Also is calledIhtlmam _a. ' he Sarbarah Kha~. !OI Bahtir 'Ajam and p., . ,.~ -t' band khana. "oo tm 3 Dtiro;Tha.t-1W<a . d Iki"' in !\hMi Khan, . 252. , _ ' . '.'Alamgiri, p. 319, an uJ _ P 4 l", Ikliich III Maa!I!tr t between Bijapiir and c;: N - about half way Ui/ as a PerSI8Jl II, p, 383. South cf the II, p. 387, says the tafilitn- .':' '"de Elliot VII, p. 340. Khah _a, Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Hl,tOry ~:lstO';l. For Shambhiiji's capture, see IV. pp. 399-407.

Na.nder district in

~aidarabiid, Imperial Gazetteer, XVIII,

ri~e:Kh~~~'

':r Auran~zib,

Pun~a,

p. 349.

612

.J;I.AMID. UD-DIN

KHAN

BA.H.lDUB.

Maaehir

.ul-Umn,ra.

.J;IAM:ID-UD.DIN. lilJIN BA~.lDUB.

613

which was the camp, and dressed up his followers in fantastic garments, a~d placed the~ on camels, andpillo~ied them throughout the camp WIth drums beatmg and trumpets blowmg, and then brought them into the Presence. In the 33rd year he received the title of Khan. When his father died, he, in 8uccession to him, became the Kotwii.l and was also given other offices. At this time he received the present of a jigM' (a jewelled or~ament for the turban) and an elephant, and was repeated1y sent to chastIse the enemy. In the 37th year it happened that some of the servants of (Prince) Mu'izzud-Din l behaved improperly to Fadl 'Ali, the Divan of hise~tablishment, and their improprieties ended in'a figh~. An order was gIven that ~amid-ud-Din Khan should go and pumsh them. When the Khan went against them, his elephant got alarmed at the uproar and carried him off to the distance of a kos from the battlefield towards the imperial granaries. He chanced to see some large sac~s whic~ they fill with corn at the granary, and, as his elephant was passIng, he Jumped out of the howdah and alighted on them. He then ~ot another elephant and returned to the field of battle and punished the notera. In the 39th year he, at Islampfiri, was raised to the rank of 2,000. In the same year Santa routed Qasim Khan, Khanazii.d Khan and other officers and besieged them in the fort of Dhanderi Hamid-ud-Din was sent with a large force to relieve them. Near AdollI he met the defeated officers and gave them proper help. Meanwhile Santa had defeated Himmat Khan 2 and gone on with his evil ways. The Khan (J::Iamid-ud-Din) pursued him and drove him out of the imperial territories. When he came to the Court, he was honoured and rewarded and received the title of Bahadur. In the 42nd year, he was appointed to an office near the Emperor, being made the Superintendent of the Ghusal!marw,. Afterwards, he was also madeSuperintendent of the jewel ~oom. In t~e 43rd year, on the death of llilil~ Khan, who fell a martyr In a battle WIth the enemy, he was made Master of the Horse, and received an adorned belt 8 and a cushion from the Emperor. During this time he was sent on several occasions to bring provisions and to harry the seditious; he performed his duties to the Emperor's satisfaction. Though in aH his takings of fortresses he did good service and was a zealous servant, but he especially distinguished himself in the capture of Rajgarh where (~hivaji) after taking it from the 'Adil Shahis had, in the day of his occupa. tIOn, made three forts on the three sides (of the hill). Together with Tarbiyat Khan, .Mir Atish, he came out on the ridge opposite the triangle ( of the fort whICh experts call Bunda 4 and prepared the equipment for the battle. A battery was made on the top of the hill and was extended to the sang-l:-chin (heap of stones). Though the besieged did not fail to

discharge muskets and to throw rockets and stones yet the gallant. men came out on the top of the tower-which had been built on t~e POInt of the said Bunda, and arrived within the wall. When the garnson behe~d such boldness, they lost courage a.nd asked for quarter. On 21st Shawwal, in the beginning of the 48th year, 1115 A.~. (27~hFebruary, 1704A.~.), the four forts received the name of Bam Shahgarh.. J::Iamld.ud-DIn, who had attained the rank of 3,500 with 2,500 h.or~, reoelved: as a r~ward f his exertions the gift of drums. He also d18tmguished hlffiself In the t~~ing of Torna:I He bound the rope round his waist and enter~ the fort. In fine Hamid-ud-Din was greatly distinguished at the cl?se of Aurangzib's reign, and was second to none in influence and intlffiaC!. Though Amir Khan was not wanting in all these respects, he wa~ st~l1 inferior to Hamid.ud-Din. 'Iniiyat Ullah Khan was equal to hIm III administrative matters, but he had not 80 long been attached to the Court. . Aurangzib died i in his quarters (dar farw,) at Ahma dnagar In the first watch of Friday 28 Ubul Qa'da, 1118 (A.H.) after a reign of 50 years, 2 months and 28 days, at the age of 91 years a~d 13 days. Aft~r the body was laid out and prayers had been offered, lt was watched In the bedchamber (Khwbgtih). Next day 'on hearing of the event Mu~ammad A'zam Shah, who had been sent off to Malwa, ret~rned from ~IS camp tw~nty.five kos distant, and performed the mournmg cerernomes: On the following day he took the body on his shoulder to the outSIde of the Divan.i-'Adalat (Hall of Justice), and it was then conveye~ to the blessed shrine known as the Raurf,a, which is a cultivat_ed_ place eIg~t kos distant from Aurangabad, and three ko~ from Daulatabad.. ~amld-ud Din neglected 3 no point of ceremoniai etlquette or lamentatlOn, and w~nt with the corpse on foot and pulling out his hairs. In !1ccord~nce w~th his will Aurangzib was buried near the tomb ofoShaI!ili ZaIn-ud-Dm. May the mercy of God be upon him! . The date of Aurangzib's death was found In the noble v~rse:' Ruh u Rai1}iin u Janrw,t Na'im-Rest, Fragrance and the ParadIse of Delights (1118). ".., ." His title became Khuld Makan Dwelhng lD everlastmg bhss ,and the village was c'aIled Khuldabad. The Khan put on a darvish's ~ress, and swept the tomb of his .ben~fact.or and teach~r. He bml,t a residence for himself there, whIch IS still known by hIS name. When Mubammad A'~am Shah came to .Aurangabad from Ahmadnagar ht:' went to his father's tomb and saId prayers. He took the hand .of Hamid-ud-Din and brought him with him, and spoke soothingl.y to h.HIl land confirmed him in his office. In the march to Upper IndIa, which
l In the text PUma, but the varia.nt Torna is correct. Torna wa!' taJ<;e~ in the 48th year. 1115 (20th March. 1704). For a detailed account of A.urangzlb s cam paign for the capture of Maratha forte. see Sir Jadunath Sarkar. HVJtQry oj Aurangzib. V, pp. 159192. 2 Aurangzib was born at Dc3had on the borders of MiiJwo; on 24th Octob~r. 1618 and died on 3rd March. 1707. see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Hl8tOry oj Aurangzlb, V, pp. 18, 19, and his edition of Imm'8 Later M.ugh~18. I. p. 1. The exprossion dar jana may mean that he jloo lD the courtyard. 3 Vide !!hari Khil.n, II. p. 566. 4 Siirah 56. verse 88: "His r"ward shall be rest and mercy and a garden of delights" (Sale).

l Maat.!!ir-i.'Alamgiri, p. 367. Mu'izz-ud.Din was the name of Jahandar Shah, a grandson of Aurangzib. 2 Accord!ng to Maiit.!!ir-i-'Alamgiri. p. 379. Himmat Khan was shot in the moment of vlctory. Also !!han Khan. II. p. 434. a In place of Kamar 'u muttakii. MaiU1J,ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 423. has Kbil'at-i-kAas~a bil kamar muttaka. . . ~ M..aiit1J,ir-i-'~lamgiri, p. 479. Khan Khan. II. p. 513, makes the first capture ~s on lo Shawwal and the final surrender twelve days later. The event is put mto the year 1114 (February 1703), see Elliot, VII,p. 373. The fort was afterwards called Bani. Shahgarh.. The word is probably 81.indh--an elephant's trunk. It ~aa. a spur or r~dge ~x~en<J.i.ng out from the plateau of the hill. The description. whIch IS not vf>ry mtelhglble. IS condensed from p. 479 of the Maiit1J,ir.

""O'=~1-======--.,--'-,.'_-'0'---_

- -'

~-

614

I,fAQIQAT KHAN.

M aii!hir

.ul Umara.

(IKRAM tmAN, SAIYID) I,fASAliI.

615

was necessary for the making of war upon Bahadur Shah, he took ~amid. ud-Din with him. They say, that when on the march news came that Muhammad '~im had come to .Agra from the Eastern Provim'es" Muhammad A'~am Shah said: "A great evil (Bala.i-'a~im) has reached .Agra", and that the Khan Bahadur replied : "It will be removed by the blessing of the Great Name" (Ism A'~am; also punning on the name). On the day of battle after much contest signs of defeat manifested themselves. When :Qbiiliaqar Khan had retired from the battlefield, ij:amid-ud-Din also withdrew. He also at that time was wounded by an arrow. He afterwards came from GWiiliyar, and his cheek resurned its pristine hue when he was graciously received by Bahadur Shah. He received a gilded staff and was made Ist Mir Tuzuk and Superintendent of the mace-bearers. He received the title of Bahadur 'Alamgiri, and passed his days with honour tilI the end of Bahiidur Shah's reign. When the juggling heavens gave ,Tahandar Shah thn I'ule and the dice of l2biilfaqar Khan threw sixes, he practised the ra.nr-our which had long existed, but had not manifested itself ~o [fLI' ; he tormented l:Iamidud-Din and imprisoned him and put him in chains 1. At length Qbiilfaqar Khan got the reward of his deed~, but though the fall of that tyrant released ij:amid.udDin from confinement,he had no place in the Court of FarruJlil.siyar. Out of regard for his former influence or due to respect for the old ties, Saif-ud-Daula 'Ahd-u~d;lamad Khan, who had been made governor of the Panjab, took him with him. When after the extirpation of a noted sect (the Sikhs), the said governor returned in glory to Lahore, the writer 2 of these lines witn<:lssed the spectacle. f:Iamid-ud-Din brought up the real' of the equippage. He was in a palanquin and had few followers, and it was plain that he was dejected at having suffered at the hands of fate. After that, he came to the Presence and was received with royal favour so that he renewed hiB feathers. In the time of the present ruler (Muhammad Shah) by virtue of the same (old) intimaey with Aurangzib he again received the high rank of Superintendent of mace-bearers. The water which had gone away returned to its chQ,nnel. This lasted for a long time until he died at his appointed period. He had a son who held an office, and had means (dastgdh). But his biography is unknown. 3
ij:AQIQAT KHAN.

went from the transitory to the enduring world, the King appointed him-as he was a good housekeeper-to the service of the Begam l:;lahiba. In the 9th year he was appointed,1 along with Makaramat Khan and Baqi Khan Chela to Datya 2 to search for the hidden treasures of the rebel Jujhar Singh who had been killed. By their excellent investigations they brought out from wells in that neighbourhood twenty-eight lacs of rupees and paid them into the royal treasury. In the IOth year he was promoted to the rank of 1,000 with 100 horse. In the 12th year he received 3 the title of l:laqiqat Khan and was appointed Examiner of petitions in succession to 'Aqil Khan 'Inayat Ullah. In the 13th year he had 4 an increase of 150 horse and had 5 the rank of 1,500 with 300 horse. Mter that, he got 6 an increase of 500 and his rank was 2,000 wit,h 300 horse, as appears in the last list of the 1Jddshahnama. In the 28th year, as he had attained to a great age, the King relieved him of his employment, and allowed him to reposa in retirement. He died inretirement in the 7th year of Aurangzib's reign in the year 1074 A.H. (1663-64 A.D.).

(IKRAM ~AN, SAIYID) l:lASAN.

(Vol. I, pp. 215, 216.) One of the WalaShahis (household troopers or bodyguards) of Aurangzib. For a long while he was faujddr of Baglana in Khandesh which Shah Jahan had given to Aurangzib when he ;as a prince. Mterwards when Aurangzib for making inquiries about his father's illness moved from Burhanpiir to Malwa, Ikram Khan, in accordance with orders, joined him and was graciously f;ceived. In the battle with Dara Shikoh, which occurred near Sii.miiga.rh, he distinguished himself and did good service. In the first year of the reign, he received the title of Ikram IShan. IntlJ,e battle 7 with Shujii', when MaMraja Jaswant Singh, who had charge of the right wing, played the game of deceit and at night took the ro~ to his home, and Islam Khan was appointed in his plaf;J6, he along with Saif Khan was in the vanguard and stood firm and behaved coura.geously. When the King had proceeded towards Ajmer to engage Dara Shikoh, Ikram Khan was appointed governor of the Capital in sucoossion to Ra'adanda.z Khan. Later, on being relieved of that charge, he became faujddr of .Agra in succession to Saiyid Salar Khan. In the 5th year of the reign, corresponding to 1072 A.H. (1661.62 A.D.) he closed his eyes, and ceased to behold the rose garden of existence.
l, pt. 2, p. 121, where he is called lsQaq Beg. in the text is a misprint for ~,). 3 Badshiihnma, II, p. 142. ~ Badshiihniima, II, p. 198, has the rank of 1,000 with 250 horse. li Loe. cit., p. 336, has the rank of 1,500 with 250 horse. 6 Loe. cit., p. 627. 7 Battle of Khajwa (Khajuha in Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 227) on 14th January, 1659. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, II, pp. 486-495.
i 1 BidBMhnma,

(Vol. I, pp. 590, 591.) He was Isbaq Beg of Ya.zd. At first he was the major-domo (Khiin.i.Sdman) in the establishment of Mumtaz-uz.Zaman (Shah Jahan's queen). In the 4th year of Shah Jahiin's reign, when that chaste lady
1 See lrvine's Later M'Ughals, l, p. 187. lThiilfaqiir K!!ii.n's murder is described on p. 253. 2 For details of the Sikh campaign and capture of the leader Guru Banda at Gurdii.spur, Panjii.b, see lrvine's Later Mughals, l, pp. 307-315. The author of the 11laiU.hir.ulUmarii was then a boy of 15, and BOon left Lahore for the Deccan. 3 In the table of contents the biography of J;[amidudDIn is entered as having been written by 'Abd-ul-ij:ayy, it being marked Q. But the writer here referred to could not have been 'Abd-ul-I;layy, for he was not bom tilI 1142, and probably he never was in Lahore. The life must then be by his father who was born ID 1111 A .H. (1700 A.D.).

li:,)

616

(MUQARRAB KHAN, SHAIKH) J:IASAN, KNOWN AS J:IASSl1. (MUQARRAB 1

~lN,

MadQjir

.ul-Umara .

J;IASAN 'ALI KHIN BAH.1DUR.

617

SHAlKB) I.IASAN, KNOWN AS I.IASSl1. (Vol. III, pp. 379-382.) (He was) the son of Shaik.b Phaniya, son of Shailw I.Iasan of Panipat . lt is well known that, in the service of Akbar, he (the father) as a physician and especially as a surgeon W88 without a rival. He was very skilful in treating elephants and ~quired much celebrity for it. Muqarrab Khan also had no equals or rivals in this scienoe ; he used to take part with his father in the work and assist in the treatments. In the 41st year, 1004 A.H., a buck, in the course of a deer-fight, ran towards Akbar, gored him with its horns, and inflicted a wound on his testicles. They swelled up, and for seven days he did not go to the privy. There was a great commotion in the country. Though the case was in the hands of Hakims Mi~ri and 'Ali Baz, but the father and the son in putting (>n and' taking off plasters and bandaging did good service. Shaik.b I.Iassfi., from his early years, was brought up in the service of Jahangir and did excellent service. Accordingly Jahii.ngir used to say2 that few kings possessed a servant like I.Iassli. While Jahangir was a prince, I.Iassfi., though he (the Prince) pressed him, took nothing from his establishment. Afterwards when the Prince became the King, the first person who got an office was ~assli. Mter his accession ~ahan~ir ~ave him ~he title of Muqarrab Khan and the rank of 5,000. Durmg hIS rmgn the Kmg was careless, and did not exercise mu.ch judgment and discretion in the appointment of officers. Inasmuch as Muqarrab Khan Was a connoisseur of jewellery, he (the King) gave him the important province of Guj arat , which has ports such as Slirat and Cambay, each of which is a mine of rarities and a centre of wealth. He could not mlmage the province or the soldiery, and so he was recalled and the province was given in fief to Shah Jahan. In the 13th year, 1027 A.H., he was appointed governor of Bihar, but, in the 16th year that province was transferred to Sul1An Parviz. Muqarrab Khan returned to the Court, and was made governor of the province of .Agra. After that he was made the 2nd Bak.bshi, and became more and more intimate with Jahangir. In the beginning of Shah Jahan's reign, he, on account of old age, was excused service, and allowed to retire to the town of Kairana, which was his native place and had been in his fief, so that he may enjoy his old age in peace and plenty. They say that time dealt with him kindlya.nd he never received a blow from Fortune. After retirement he spent his days in perfect pleasure and freedom from care with 1,000 beautiful women friends (saheli8) , who were also in charge of his workshops. They say, there was not another rich man in those days who had so much virility, and who. free of cares, could devote so much time to enjoyment. As he was the 'custodian of the shrine of Shah Sharaf 8 of Panipat, he made his tomb there. He died in his native place in the 19th year. 4
1 See Blochmann's t.ranslation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 613. For an accoWlt of the deer.fight, see Akbarnama, III, Beveridge's translation, pp. 1061, 1062; the name in that work is wrongly given as :ij:ansii. 2 Price's translation of Jahiiongir's 7I1emoirs, p. 37. a Abu 'Ali Qala.ndar died at Piionipat, 1324 A.D. (vide Beale, Oriental Biographi. cal Dictionary, 1881 edn., p. ll). See also Jarrett's translation of the .{'flt, III, p.368. 4. He died in 1056 A.H. (1646 A.D.), vide Badshahnama, II, p. 613.

Kairii.na 1 is a parga.na. of Sa.haranplir in the province of Delhi. It has a good climate and fertile soil. He erected. fine ~uildings there, and he made a puceti'wall round a garden, 140 btgM8 m extent. There was in it a t d 220 cubits long by 200 broad. He pla.nted both hot and cold ,weather trees. They say that pistachio trees flourished there, and wherever he heard of good mango trees, whether in Gujarat or in the J)eccan, he brou.ght the seed and planted it. Accordingly the mangoes of Ka.irina &re celebrated in Delhi above all others up to the present day. n:_q Ullih II his son attained the rank of 800 in Shah Ja.hin's reign., He DUO , , b' . he was a skilful physician and surgeon. In Aurangzt s. re~ was granted the title of Khan and an increase of ra.nk. He died ID the IOth year. Ma.siha-i-Kairanavi, whose (real) name was Sa'd Ulli.h, was Muqarrab Khan's adopted son, and was known 88 a poet. From his poem on Sita, the wife of Raja Ram Chandra, here are three verses :
VerSe8.

When water was sprinkled on the head of that intoxicated person, Water a.Jgo escape<! from his hands. When she steps out of the water after a bath, A flery tree appears out of ,the water. The Indian saying has been confirmed . That without doubt the moon has come out of the edlfice.
~ASAN

'ALi I:\!IIN BAH.1DUR.

(Vol. I, pp. 593-599.) He belonged to Aurangzib's time and was the eldest son of ~he famous Ilahvardi Khan 8. As his countenance resembled that of a !ion (sher-babar) , in itsStrength and majesty, he was styled in ~s childhood Mirza Bagh. He was distinguished for the strength of ~~s hands ~d arms and was eminent among his brothers for his noble qualitieS:. He '!1t~ his approval always accompanied his father. In the end of Shah ~ahan ~ reign when Prince Shuja' behaved in an unseemly manner, I1i.hVardl Khan'with his sons, willjngly or unwillingly, tO~~,his side, ~d_ther~ '!as a battle at Bahii.durpiir-Benii.res 4 , between ShuJa and Sulannan ShikC?h, the eldest son of Dara Shikc3h, who had been sent from the Co~ WIth many of the royal troops to encounter him. S~ujii.' was def~a.~ed a.nd went to Bengiil, and I.Ia.sa.n 'Ali separated from his father and Jomed the royal army. After the defeat of Dara Shikc3h and when the storm of disperaion scattered Sulaiman Shikc3h'.s forces, ~nd ~very one of t~e royal officers and of his servants left hIS compamonship and chose th,?ll' own C'01lI'se , Hasan 'Ali obtained access to Aurangzib through Raja .
In the M~arnagar District. See Imperial Gazetteer, XIV, p. 286. _ Rieu, Catalogue, p. 1078b. Allah Diyii.~,the nephew of Muqarrab !Qlan. was the author of 8iyar-ul-Aq/db, tIide Rieu, op. eu., p. 35Sb. a see Mcui0ir-ul-Umara, I, pp. 207-215. Anoth~ Ilii.h~ardi IQlan (id., pp. 229-232) is dllllcribed as the seoond son of t?e f';'Dl0UB TIii.hva:rdi Kh~ on p. 22~, but on p. 231, :ij:usain 'Ali, whose biography 18 gIven above, 18 descrIbed as hIS uncle. Apparently there is some mistake ill this account. 4 24th February, 1658; Cambridge Hiatory of India, IV, p. 222.
1 2

:3

618

l,IASAN 'ALI :KHAN BAHAnuR.

-ul Uma'ril.

l.IASAN 'ALI KHAN BAHAnUR.

619

J ai Singh, and by the increase of 500 and the augmentation of his troopers attained the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse and the title of Khan, and was thl3 recipient of glances of favour. In the same ye.ar on the occasion of Aurangzib turning his attention to the battle of KhaJwa 1, he received an increase of 500 and the appointment of Qilshbegi (falconer). After the second battle with Dara Shikoh, when the Capital was illuminated by the arrival of the Emperor, )Jasan 'Ali, in addition to holding the office of Qiishbegi was made faujdiir of the territory of Shahjahanabad in succession to Kirat Singh. As the office of Qiishbegi nece~sitated constant attendance on the royal stirrups, )Jasan 'Ali was always with the King both in journeys and at Court and was a persona grata. In the 9th year, he was made Superintendent of the servant~ of the jilau. 2 When in the end of the 12th year the King left the Ca~ltal, Hasan 'Ali was made faujdar of Mathura, in sucoession to ~af Shlkan Khan and had the rank of 3,500 with 2,500 horse, and was sent off with afo;ce to chastise the turbulent elements in that neighbourhood. He showed great energy and courage in seizing and slaying the recalcitrant.s and in plundering their habitations and destroying their forts, etc. He assigned their estates to his companions and others. He arrested the robber Kokla Jat-who was responsible for the killing of 'Abd-un-Nabi Khan faujdiir (of Mathura)-and for the ravaging of the pargana of Shadabad 8, along with his companion, the rebel Sanki, and sent them to the Court. The royal wrath ordered and both, in retribution for their crimes, were cut to pieces limb by limb. The son. and daughter of Kokla were made over, for their upbringing, to Jawahir Khan Na~ir. The daughter was later given in marriage to Shah Quli Chela, a wellknown officer, and the son got the name of FiU;lil and became a lfilfi~ In Aurangzib's opinion no other I!afi~ was so reliable, and tlH' King, who, since his accession, had taken to reciting the Qur'an, used to honour him by hearing his recitations. The Khan in reward for his good services received the gift of drums, and afterwards was appointed governor of the province of Allaha.bad. In the 20th year he was appointed governor of Agra, but in the 21st year, he was removed. from that appointment and returned to the Court. In the 22nd year, when the royal standards were directed for the first time towards Ajmer, the Khan was appointed along with Khan Jahan Bahadur to subd.ue the country of Jodhptir and other territories of the deceased Raja Jaswant. When in the 23rd year the royal army proceeded ~rom Ajmer towards Udaipiir for purposes of castigation, a larg~ and rlchly and properly equipped army was sent under the leadership of. ~asan 'Ali to punish the Rana. In this campaign he did excellent serVICe and one day while crossing a ravine fell upon the Rana. The latter could not withstand the attack and went away leaving his tents and goods. The Khan destroyed the idol-temple in front of the Rana's.palace and _also 172 other temples in Udaipiir, and obtained the tItle of Bahadur 'Alamgirshahi. Afterwards, when the royal standards proceeded to
14th January, 1659; id., p. 224. The nan!e is spelt there as Khajuha. Accerding to Blochmann's tra:lslation cf A'in. I (2nd edn.), p. 150, note 2, "The jilaubegi is the superintendent cf horses selel'ted for presents". 3 In the text Shadabad, but Sa'dabii.d in ll1aat1J-ir-i.'A.lamgiri, p. 93. 4 This account is also included under Churaman Jat, vide J3everidge's tratU;latioll of Mar1t,h1r.ul-Umard, p. 437.
l

the Deccan, lJasan 'Ali Khan Was appointed to accompany Prince Muhammad A:~am. for the sieg~ of ~ijapiir. As every day there was const~nt fighting m the ba:t~erles With exchanges of positions, and scarClty an? dearness of provIsIons pressed heavily on the camp, an order was ~~nt, m the 29th. year, t? the Prince, that as things were in this condltlOn ~e_s~ould raIse t~e SIege and join the imperial army which was then ~t Sholapur. The Prmce. t?ok council l with the leading officers of experIe~ce. He first took the 0plillon of l:Iasan 'Ali, observing to him "The transactmg of the affairs of the campaign rests upon the concord of the officers. An urgent order has come from the Court to the above effect. Your opinion in matters of peace or war, of rapid action or of endurance is valuable, as you h~ve seen and heard and lived through many such scenes of stress and dIfficulty. What do you think in this affair"1 The Khan r~p~ied: ':Consideri~ the situation of the army, and the general go?d, lt 18 ~dvlsable to raIse the sie-ge. When in the Balltb campaign Prmce Murad Bakbsh, on account of the severity of the weather could not remain, he, willingly or unwillingly, withdrew from the siege without orders from .Shah Jahan, and returned to the Court. The state of the troops at prese~t IS ap,parent, and Your Highness has an order (to retire). " Mter t~lS th~ ()t~ers spoke and all agreed with I;[asan 'Ali's opinion. The Prmce saId: You have spoken for yourselves, now hear my sentiments. I, Mu~ammadA'~m, with my two sons and the Begam II will not move from thIS place of danger as long as we have life. Let the King come afterwards and bury us. My companions can choose for themselves about going or staying. The preservation of the realm and religion is what. is loo~ed to by men of honour; fate depends upon the heavens!" NothIng evil occurred, and by the fortunate circumstance of the Prince's steadfastness, Khan FIrtiz Jang arrived with a large army and abundant pro~isio?S, and hardship was changed into happiness ('U8r ba gasr tabd~l gafi). In the ~me year lJasan 'Ali was appointed governor 8 of ~r_ar_on the death ?fIrij Khan.. As he was hotly engaged in the siege of BIJa!mr an~ was dOing good serVICe, Ra(;U-ud-Din Khan (who was) Shaikh Ra~:h-ud-Dlll, and belonged to a noble family of Bhiigalpiir in Biliar and who had charge of Hasan 'Ali's domestic affairs and of those of the imperial troops, was appointed to act as his deputy. . T.h~ Shai~.b was a v~ry learned. man, and took an active part l~ ed.ltmg the Fatdwd-i-'Alamgiri. He received three rupees a day as his pay: As he w~ also skilled in many sciences he helped in miljtary a:lfa~s, m the coll~ctlOn of_re;enue, and as a companion, etc. Further,oy the lllSt~umentality of Qii1;l1 Muhammad lJusam of Jaunptir, the Court Mul}ta8. lb (censor), his merits were brought to the notice of Aurangzib and he receIve? .the rank of 100. Gradually through his auspicious star andhis good qua.litles and the help of lJasan 'Ali he attained to the rank of an A~ir an~ Khan. He beoame peshlciir of ~asan 'Ali and did good service in extrrpatlng the Jats of Mathura and in the affair of the Ranil.. In the
l M~ir-i"Alamgiri, p. 2iJ3. Also see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangz1b, IV, pp. 315-317; the name of Hasan 'Ali Khan is wrongly given as Ali Khan on p. 315. ' 2 Jani Begam, the wife of Prince Mul,J.ammad A'~am, vide Khan K!!an, II, p. 317. 3 Maa~ir-i-'A.lamgiri, p. 262. 4 Maa~ir-i-'Alarngiri, p. 187.

2P

iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;===----- ---- -------,.--,-

620

J.lASAN B:lG BADAlWsB1 SHAJU 'UMARI

Matijhir

.ulUmara.

~ASAN

B:IG BADAUSHI

SHAIU

'UMARI

621

.. f th 30th yea.r he Wlloll killed 1 during an altercation with ~he beginning o e , b . (Berir) where the Shadili soldiery. The government of the a ove pro~ce Mb ad Mu'min I (Ra.c;li-ud-Din) Wlloll ';'.Ct~ lIOIl his deputy, was gIven to u amm , the son-in-la.~of IrlJ

and

Bal. . b We hoped one of our BOns wo o they are nothing ut a name. b t Let us see why this wall does something. This h~ not com:a:c~: from ShOlipiir, and lIOIl deeds are not crumble doWll . He ad d 21 Sha'bin 1097 A.H. (13th July, ledged to fortune he enca.mpe on , ub l Qa.'d Y686 A.D.), at R~ulpur, three kos from B~~~iir~ra;~o~en 8 u HlIoIla: (22nd September, 1686 A.D.) of ~hat?e;;: de1p!::ed to the other world 'Ali Khin Bahiidur, who was senous Y , d ilit y skill from d H a.rried off the ball of coura.ge an m ar . ~r one ay. . e c H was a model for benevolence and fo: rl~t his . contempor~:g sons Muhammad Muqim and Khair Ullih, dId actmg and Spello. .' . IS , not attain any d1BtmctlOn.

A~:~e'~~at:;~rlI;radvantage ~ there in the number of pulr~o~,

~n~

lasted a lo

time, the King became indigna.nt

H'

fi

f;{ASAN 4 Bita BADAUSHI SH.A11W 'UMARl. (Vol. I, pp. 565-568.) He was one of the old servants (Baburiyan) OAk-i tbhe dYf~:t;~i:: ilit t l ts When in the 34th year, ar, a e posse~d m ~e::: Kibul by way of pa.khli-which is ~ count~y Kashmlr, proc , d li t the west of Ka.shmIr-Sultin HUiam 35 kOB ~ngJnd ;~~~~i1' ~ho ~~o~ed to the tribe of Qirlugb.'Qirlyghs), Khin, t e r er o been left to uard this country by Timur when he some of w~omthadT_ _ ..J'd ho~age and after a few days abscond~. Wlloll returnmg o uran---4.U , d t him to punish

~b~:lav~:~e~~:lr~~~:~~!=dn:r'a:~ b:~~g~~t~t~p~~ I s
into subje.oti0I1: Wh?n ~~e 35lh !r:i~e~a~~t~r~:~~ He foolishly I chief agam raised his e an_ _ dovered posse88ion of took the name of Sultan N~lr-ud-Din,_an reo. t Wl'th a force . B- , Ha.sa.n Beg Wlloll agam seD , eg s .men. . . In the 46th year he did good , Pakhli from and inflicted sUltable pumshment oo him. h nk f 2 500' In the end . . B lIoIlh and was promoted to t e rilo o , . serVice m,a!% h bt' ed Rohtii.s (in the Panjib) in fief, and Wlloll of Akbar s relgn, e_o am. first ear of Jahingir's reign, he was directed to guard Kabul. I>l the y M th - by Sultan KhuBrau t the e tal and was met at HO ura " ped' summoned o. apl rl. 2Oth 6 Ubu'l RiHa 1014 A.H., had esca _ .t' bout Jahingir and who, on the night of SllD ay, from the fort at Agra. ij:a.sa.n Beg Wlloll no sure a

I;la:sa.n

'l'

suspected that there was something unfavourable about these summons. Also lIOIl turbulence and plotting are innate with Ba.dakbshis, he Wlloll carried away by the inducements and flatteries of Sul1;in Khusrau, and agreed to accompany him. Together with 300 active Badakhshis he joined him in the path of error. Khullrau addressed him as Khin Babi (the Khin father) and made him the centre of his power. When Khusrau opposed the royal forces on the bank of the Biyih (Beas) with the troops he had collected, and after a little fighting was defeated, and with ij:asan Beg and 'Abd-ur-RabIm-the Divan of Lahore who had joined him and obtained the title of Malik Anwar l-became a wanderer in the desert of disappointment. Most of the Afghins who had a.BBisted him, urged him to proceed to the ElIoIltern districta. ~asan Beg 8lloid: "This proposal is wrong, you should go towards Kibul, for in that. country there is no lack of men or horses. Whoever has Kibul, will have every kind of servant and equipment. , Bibur and Humiyftn, though they had no money, conquered India with the help of Kibul. I have four lakhs of rupees in Rohtas and will give these as a contribution, and aS soon as we arrive there I will supply 12,000 capable horsemen. If the King follows us, we shall give battle, and if he gives up that country to us we shall arrange for sometime with our fortune and wait for the opportunity". As Khusrau, in ignorance of the consequences, had placed the reins of affairs into his hands, he agreed and was arrested by the laws of retribution on the bank of the Chenib. At that time Jahingir was encamped in Mirza Kamran's garden in the suburbs of lAhOre. On the 3rd ~afar 1015,2 Khusrau was brought, according to the custom of Chengiz, with tied arms and fetters on hi~ feet into the royal Presence. ~asan Beg and 'Abd-ur-Rahill1 were placed on his right and left, and Khusrau stood between them trembling and weeping. ij:asan Beg, thinking that it would help him, began to talk wildly and foolishly. As his object became apparent, he was not allowed to continue, and the order Wlloll issued that Khusrau should be kept chained and imprisoned, f;{asan Beg be put into the skin of an ox, and 'Abd-ur-Rabim in that of an aBB, and they be paraded (through the streets) seated on asses with their faces turned towards the ta.ils. 8 As the skin of the ox dried (and shrank) sooner than that of the ass, Hasan did not survive more than four watches (12 hours). The other, aft~r a night and a day (i.e., eight watches), and as he was still alive, was, at the entreaties of those who had the right of audience, liberated from the wrath of the Sovereign-whioh is a sample of the wrath of God. For the sake of warning and punishment, two rows of stakes were set up from the gate of the Kimrin garden to the gate of the citadel. And all who had joined Khusrau' were impaled there. Next day when the King entered Lahore, he ordered
The title is given as Malik-ul Vuzra in Iqbiilniima.i-JaMngiri, p. 10 and It is Melek Anwar in Price's Mem<M8, p. 81. See a1soBeni Prasad, Hi8tory oj JaJuJ.ngir, p. 141, where the title is give!), as Anwar Khan, and it is stated that he '/was made the vazir". 2 In the Tuwk.i-JaJuJ.ngiri (Rogers and Beveridge), I, p. 68, the date is given as 3rd Mul;1arram, but it is 3rd eafar in Iqbiilniima, p. 16. In Muntati1ab-ul-Lubb, I, p. 253, it is stated that towards the end of M:~am, Amir-ul-Umara was sent to bring the captives to the royal Presence, and 80 3rd ~afar appears to be correct. 8 see Roge1'8 and Beveridge's translation of the Tuzuk-i.Jahiingiri, I, p. 69, and note l, for further details. Also Beni Prasad, loe. cit., p. 147.
MUlItai}jab-ul-Lubb, I, p. 251.
1

1,2 8

Maacliir-i-'Alamgiri, p~ 278. . . see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. mt., pp. 319-325, for further details of the fall

of Bije.piir. ' '_t' f A'in I (2nd edn.), pp. 504, 505. 4. Bloclunann s tr.......... lon o ' . d g , tJ'8llBlation III, p. 855. 6 Akba~, :rext! llI, p. 56~le.ven. e s by the editors. This co~~ds e 8th aS avanant ID .eome_ ~ _ . l~ ~:e:nd Beveridge) I, p. 52, and III Vlew to the date in the Ttlzuk.,.,JaMngm, {~gKh- I 250 8th appears to be the of Bloclunann's .note ~lbe5~h~rilKh~6,~d ~o~ 6th April, 1605, as given. by correct date; this "!O '0_ History oj Jahii.ngir, p. 140, (1930), gives Roge1'8 and Bevendge..u<>nl , evening of April 6th, 1606, as the date. -

Prasad

622

J:lASAN !?AFAVI-H.lSHIM KH.lN.

Maii{hir

ulUmara.

J:lAY.lT lilJ.lN.

623

that Khusrau should be placed on an elephant, and be led between the stakes, and that the cry should be raised on both sides: " Your associates and servants do homage to you." May heaven preserve me from such an end! The son of Hasan Beg, by name Isfandyar !ilian, obtained in Shah Jahan's time the rank of 1,500; he died in the 16th year of the latter's reign.
(MIRZ.l) ~ASAN !;lAFAVI.

(Vol. III, pp. 477-479.) He was the third son of Rustam of QandaMr. In Jahangir's time he attained to the rank of 1,500 with 700 horse. After Shah Jahan's accession he came with his father from Bihar and did homage. 1 In the 2nd year, he was appointed to BengiU 2 and served for a long time, along with his son, !;laf Shikan, among the auxiliaries of that province. On being summoned to the Court, he offered his allegiance to the august conqueroI', and later on return carried on his duties satisfactorily, and as a result of the trust in his fidelity his rank was exalted.. In the 19th year, his rank was 3,000 with 2,000 horse and he was granted the fief of Fathpfir. In the 20th year he became .faujdiir of Jaunpfir in succession to Shah Nawaz Khan Safavi, his younger brother. Along with his son, Saf Shikan. he received a drum and his rank rose to 2,000 with 2,000 horse. In 'the 21st year he came from Jaunpiir with his son and did homage, and again they went to Bengal. In the 22nd year, he was, at Shah Shuja' 's request, appointed to Kiij (Cooch Bihar), and received an increase of 1,000 horse. In the 23rd yea.r, and end of 1059 A.H. (1649 A.D.) he died. He did not accept the title of Khan. Mirza !;laf Shikan, after his father's death, served as the thiinaoor and faujdiir of Jessore 3 in Bengal. After that, he retired and was for a long while one of the pensioned supplicants for the welfare of the reigning King. He died in 1073 A.H. (1662 A.D.), the 5th year of Aurangzib's reign. He was married to the daughter of Mir Miran Yazdi, the sister of Nawazish Khan' AbdulKafi, who was halfbrother of Khalil Ullii.h Khan. His heir was ~aif-ud-Din !;lafavi, who, on account of his being the son.in-Iaw of Khalil Ul1ii.h Khan, was an object of royal favour and received the title of Kamyii.bKhan 4 in the 7th year. For some reason he was removed from his rank. In the 14th year he was restored.
H.lSHIM I{JI.lN.

government of that province was assigned to Qulij Khan, he came to the Court and was favourably received. In the 41st year, he was sent along with Mirza Rusta.m of Qa.ndahii.r to punish Raja Bisu and other landholders of the Northern hiUs. He distinguished himself at the taking of Mau' and afterwards came tothe Court. Jn the 44th year he was sent with Shaik.h Farid Bakbshi to take Asir. After that he was sent, with Sa' adat Khan, who held the forts of KiIna and Trimbak on behalf of the rulers of the Deccan, and had the good fortune of presenting himself at the sublime Court at Nasik. After taking the fort of Trimbak, he came to the (';ourt, in the 46th year, and performed the kOrni8h. In the 47th year he held the rank of 1,500. In the first year of Jahangir's reign, his rank was 2,000 with 1,500 horse. He also received the present of a horse. In the 2nd year, his rank was 3,000 with 2,000 horse and he was made thr governor of Orissa. In the 5th year, he was appointed, while absent from the Court, as the governor 1 of Kashmir. Khwajagi Mub.ammad Husain, his uncle, was sent off there so that he might take charge of the country tilI Hashim Khan's arrival. In the end of the same year he came to the Court and was sent 2 off to Kashmir. His son is Muhammad Qasim Khan 3 Mir Ati8h Shah Jahani, of whom an account has been given separately.
~AY.lT ~.lN.

(Vol. III, pp. 940, 941.) He was the son of Qasim Khan .Ll/ir Ba1J,r (admiral). When his father was kilIed,5 in Kabul, in the 39th year of Akbar's reign, and the
l He had. the Rame rank of 1,500 with 700 horse in the beginning of Shah Jahan's reign. See Ba.d8hahniima, I, p. 184. 2 In the first year he seems to have been attached to Bihar, vide Bad8hahniima, I. p. 205. He went to Bengii.l in the 2nd year. 3 J;[ai\lar in the text is apparently a mistake of the copyist for Jessor". 4 VideMaii@.ir.i-Alamgiri.p.113. In the 20th year he was made faujddr of Saharanpiir, op. cit.,p. 158; in the 26th year he was made BaJillshi of the Deccan, op. cit., p. 223; and in the 49th year he was the govemol' of the fort of Gulbarga, op. cit., p. 503. 5 Akbarniima, Text III, p. 652, and Beveridge's translation III, p. 1001,

(Vol. I, pp. 583, 584.) He was the Superintendent of the still-room (Abdar1chana) and head of the domestic seI'vants (khidmatgaran) of Shah Jahan. He was much trusted and made an intimate, and continually admitted to the Presence. For a long time he was the Superintendent of the palace (Daulat1chana)an office which was only given to reliable men, and also Superintendent of the chilii8 (slaves) and of the pagos (lJilwtU}I}dn). Probably he is the same J;[ayat Khan 4 who was Superintendent orthe stillroom in the time of Jahangir, and who, on the day of the tiger-hunt When Ani Rai Singhdalan displayed great valour, and Prince Shah Jahan helped .him and struck the tiger with his sword, was also in ~ttendance on the King's stkrups. In the 6th year of Shah Jahan's reign, he obtained the rank of 800 with 200 horse, and in the 15th of 1,000 with 200 horse. In the 18th year, he was granted an increase of 500 with 200 horse, and in the 19th an increase of 500 with 200 horse and so attained the rank of 2 with 600 horse. Afterwards he was made the Superintendent of ~ace.bearersand of A1J,adi 5 officers. In the 20th year, he had an increase

000

l Qbii'ibna meaning that the appointment was conferred on him while he was away in Orissa. . 2 It is curious that neither the Maii@,ir nor Blochmann makes a~y mention of H8him's disa.strous campaign in Tibet. It is also not mentioned in the Tuzuk, but see Btid8Mhniima, l, pt. 2, p. 281 and KhMi K!:!an J, p. 547. 3 Maiitl!ir.ulUmara, III, pp. 9~99. ..._ . __ 4 Btid8Mhnama, l, p. 493. Jahangir was huntmg With ch.tas m pargan~ Ban. It was Anup who thrust his hand into the tiger's mouth. Jahangil' /?ave hIm. the titleof Ani Rai Singhnalan (the !ion.c!E>aver). loe. cit., p. 495. ThE>re IS thevarlan.t AJumrai iron-souled. J;[ayii.t !Shar also gave the tiger some blows. See. Tuzuk .. JfJhijngiri, Rogers and Beveridge's translation I, pp. 18~188, and Banarsl Prasad, History oj Shahjah4n, pp. 1_2, 13. 5 Warrant Oflicers in Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 20, note l, 260; but gentleman troopers of Bana.rsi Prasad, op. cit. p. 289, appears to be more appropriat-.

624

mDAYA'l' ULLAB:-mMMAT KHAN.

Maiit/1ir

.uJUma1ii.

HIMMAT KHAN AND MUJilAMMAD MUJilSIN.

625

of 200 ho~~~ and a.fterwards was made the Superintendent of the groOffiS (mardum-~-J~lau), and had an increase of 200 horse and had an office of 2,000. with 1,000 horse. Mer that he got an increase of 500 personality, and, ID the 21st year he had another increase of 500 and a rank of 3 000 with 1,000 horse. In the 23rd year, he had an increase of 200 horse ~nd in the 24th year, he received a flag, and a.fterwards had an incre~se of 300 horse and so attained the rank of 3,000 with 1,500 horse. In the 29th year, he got a drum, and, in the 30th year, when he was 70 years of age, he, on account of paralysis, was relieved from attendance. The King, ?ut of re.gard for his servants, gave him villages worth 20 lacs of ddms III the nelghbourhood of the Capital as Sayur{J1J.iil I , with succession to his son and grandson. The office of waiting on the King was transferred to othe~s.. In the. 31st year, on 27 Sha'ban 1068 (19th May, 1658 A.D.), h!.' dIed III the CIty (Delhi).
(SAIYID) HIDAYAT ULLAH ~ADR.

Ver8e.

(Vol. II, pp. 456, 457.) He was the son of Saiyid Ahmad Qadiri, who was the Chief Sadr 2 in the time of Jahii.ngir. In the 20th year of the reign of Shah jahan w~e~ the $at!:r-~-$udilr Saiyid Jalal died, and as the good qualities of Hidayat Ullah, who was the moon of Qandahar, had been repeatedly brought to the notice of the King, he received the rank of 1,000 with 100 ~orse and was ~ummoned to the Court. In the 21st year, he was admItted to an audIence and received the robe of the Sadarat and an increase of 500 with 100 horse. In the 23rd year, he had an increase of 500. In the 26th year, his rank was 2,500 with 200 horse. After the battle of Samugarh when Aurangzib's army arrived 3 in the neighbourhood of the Capital, he, in accordance with orders (from Shah Jahan), came twice with Fac;lil Khan Mir-i-Saman_ before Aurangzib. He produced a royal letter and a sword called 'Alamgir which had been given (to Aurangzib by Shah Jahan), and communicated a verbal message (from Shah Jahan).. In t?e early part of the reign (of Aurangzib) the $adiirat was taken 4 frm hillI and transferred to Mirak Shaikh Haravi. He for Some years remained in retirement and then died.
HIMMAT KHAN MIR 'ISA.

(Vol. III, pp. 946-949.) He was the heir of Islam Khan Badakbshi. From his very early years he was a favourite of Aurangzib. He was an aggregate of talents and perfections, and a paragon of good qualities. He was always a patron of the learned men. He was of agentle disposition and a wellwisher of hum~nity. The erudite and the ta.1ented of every quarter came over to hIm and were duly rewarded. He was a poet, and (this couplet) is his:
See Blochmann. ap. cit., pp. 278-?81. These were hereditary grants of land. 2 For a .detailed discussion of $adr see Ibn Hasan. Central Structure of the Mughal Emp~re, pp. 254-288. I 'Alamgirnama, p. 112. LO(;. cit., p. 473. This occurred in the fourth year
l

Save the thorn that Majniin had in his heart. The desert held no thorn of madness. He enjoyed the influence and respect which his father haci. enjoyed during the time when Aurangzib was a Prince. Mter the battle with Jaswant he was raised to the rank of 2,000, and had the title of Himmat !\han which his father also had for a time. When in thc 6th year his futher was made governor of Agra, he became the faujddr of the district, and 500 of his 1,000 horse were two-horse and three-horsc. Mter his father's death he came to the Court and was made Qilrbegi (in charge of royal standards). In the 9th year he was made the Superintendent of Illace-bearers and in the 12th year Superintendent of the DiOOn-i-Kh~~. Afterwards he had the rank of 3,000, and was made the 3rd Bakbshi. In the 14th year, he was exalted to the post of the 2nd Bakbshi in succession to Asad Khan, and in the 15th year he became faujdar of Agra in succession to Sarbuland Khan. In the 17th year, at the time when the King went to ij:asan Abdal, he was made thp Superintendent of thp Ghusl!mana. In the 19th year he was made the governor of Allahabad in succession to ~a8an ' Ali Khan, and received a present of a lac of rupees. In the 23rd year, he did homage at Ajmer and took leave at Udaipiir and went to his lands. In the same year Sarbuland Khan Mir Bakhshi died, and Himmat Khan was Eent for. On lOth Shawwal of the 24th year (4th November;l680 A.D.) he was made in Ajmer the Ist BalIDshi, and received a gold-embroidered robe of honour (Khil'at dopatta-'i-zarrin). When Prince Akbar joined with the Riithors and some leaders of the army and came near his father's camp with the intention of fighting with him-who had not more than 10,000 1 horse in attendaneeAurangzib left Himmat Khan, who had been struck with illness, in eharge of Ajmer, and marched out of the city. On 5th Muharram 1002 A.H. (16th January, 1681 A.D.), the Khan died. He was one of the worthie8 of the age and eminent among his contemporaries, and was eloquent in verse and prose. He also had a taste for Hindi and was well versed in it. His pen-name was Miran. His sons were Muhammad Masill Murid Khan and Ruh IDlah Neknam Khan. The first, in the 26th year, was made Mir Tuzuk 2, and afterwards had the title of Khanazad Khan, and in the 28th year was made the Superintendent of the stables in succession to $alabat Khan. MeI' that he was the governor of the citadel of Aurangabad, and at last was the governor of the fort of Siirat. The othpr held the rank of 1,000 and was the Ba\rushi of the army of Princp Bidar Balilit.
HIMMAT KHAN MUHAMMAD HASAN AND S:rPAHDAR ~AN

M:U~AMMAD MU~SIN.

(Vol. III, pp. 949-951.) They were the sons of Khan LTaMn Bahiidur Kokaltash. At first they had suitable ranks and the title of Khan. Afterwards. the first had
l

MaiitJ1ir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 198. Banani Prasad, Hi8to1'Y of Shahjahan, p. 273.

626

HIMMAT 'KHAN AND

MU~AMMAD MU~SIN.

Maatl!ir
-ul Umara.
(SAIYID) HIZBR KHAN-HIZBR DAN.

the tit,l", of Mu~affar Khan, and the second the title of Na!?iri Khan. In the 27th. year of Aurangzib's reign, when a report l of the Khan Jahan was laid before the King to the effect, that the Ma.hrattas had assembled on the bank of the Kistna with evil intentions, and that he had marched thirty kos and attacked them and killed and made prisoners of a great many, an approving farmiin was sent to him, and his relatives received increase of rank and also titles. Among them Mu~affar Khan received the title of Himmat Khan and Na~iri Khan that of Sipahdar Khan. In the 29th 2 year, the first received a robe of honour, a sword and an elephant, and was sent off to Bijapur. After Bijapur was taken, he, in the 30th year, received a horse with decorated trappings, the rank of 2,500 with 2,200 horse, the title of Bahadur and the gift of 80 lacs of diim8, and was put in charge of Allahahad. In the 33rd year, when Khan Jahan K6kaltii.sh was made the governor of Allahabad, Mu~affar Khan Was appointed governor of Oudh and faujdiir of G6rakhpiir. In the 34th year, he was again appointed to Allahabad, and afterwards was summoned to the Court. In the 37th year, he waited upon the King, and was sent off to the fort of Parnala to convey the family s of Sultan Mu'izz-ud-Din (to him). In the 39th year, when Rub. Ulliih Khan and others were defeated by the Mahratta leader, Santa Gh6rpare 4 (in Gh6rpara), as is detailed in the biography of Qiisim Khan Kirmani (Text, III, pp. 123-126), Mu~affar Khan in accordance with orders, made a rapid march and engaged Santa. A great battle took place and though he defeated the foe, abullet struck him in the chast and he was killed 5 in HOO A.H. The second (Sipahdar Khan) was appointed in the 30th year to J;he government of the Deccan 6 in succession to Mukarram Khan, and in the 37th year to Allahii.bad. On the death 7 of Buzurg Ummid Khan, the Jaujdiir of Jaunpur was put in his charge, and his rank became 3,000 with 3,000 horse, and he was honoured with the gift of a kror of dam8. In tbe 41st year he was removed from t!!ere. The author of the Maail1ir-i-' Alamgiri writes,8 that in the 48th year Sipahdar Khan, the governor of .Allahabad, received, as areward for his chastisement of Mahabat, a landholder of Jaunpur, the rank of 4,000 with 3,500 9 horse, and that in the 49th year he had 10 an increase of 1,000 personal (~t). From this it appears that he became
The name of the younger srm is given there as NlLlirat Khan who had the title of Sipahdii.r Khan. 2 In the text only 9th, but it appears from the Maa!llir.i.' Alamgiri. p. 273, that this is a mistake for 29th. 3 In Mn<'it.hir-i-'.iHamgiri, p. 360, also the word used is l.:J~' but Mu'izzudDin is designated as Prince instead of Sul~an. 4 Text wrongly represents Gho!"pare as the name of the battlefield. See Elliot, VII, p. 355; and !\banfi Khan, II, p. 428. He is the famous general SantBji Ghorpade of Kinc~id and Para!lllis, Hi8tQry of Maratha People, pp. 166, 167. 5 Mac'iilJir.i-'Alamgiri, p. 379, where the year of his death is given as 1107 A.R., !\bafi Khan., II, p. 434. The date 1106 A.H. is incorrect as Himmat N!an W8.!l killed in 1696 A.D. (= 1107 A.TI.); see Kincaid and Parasnis, op. cit., p. 167 and Cambridge Hi8toryof India, IV, pp. 294, 295. 6 MaiitlJir-i.'Alamgiri, p. 283, has Lahore. 7 'Maa!llir.i.'Alamgiri, p. 365. 8 Mafit1J,id-'.Alamgiri,Jj. 481. 9 3,OO~ in Mad(/jir.i.'Alamgiri, p. 481. lO Maat.hir.i-'Alamgiri, p. 496.
1

627

the governor of Allahabad a second time. After the death of Aurangzib and in the reign of Bahadur Shah he received the title of Khan Jahan 'Izz.ud-Daula Bahadur. Probably in the 3rd l year of the reign he was made the governor of Bengal. The date of his death is not known. There were memorials of him in Aurangabad near the Delhi gate: a lofty building, and opposite to it a bath (.flammam) ofexquisite purity; but now they are in ruins.
(SAIYID) HIZBR ~AN.

(Vol. II, pp. 415, 416.) He was one of the Saiyids of Barah. In the 8th year of the reign of Jahangir he was appointed along with Prince Khurram to the expedition against Rana Amar Singh. In the 13th year, his rank was 1,000 with 400 horse, and in the 18th year he was sent with Sultan Pll.rviz in pursuit of Shah Jahan. In the year of Jah.ngir's death he was in attendance on Yamin-ud-Daula and was present at the battle with Shahriyar.! At the end of the reign he had the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse. In the first year of Shah Jahii.n's reign, he received his former rank and went with Mahabat Khan to Kabul as Nadhr Mub.ammad, the ruler of Balldl, was creating a disturbance there. In the third year, when the King was encamped in the Deccan, he went with Yamin.udDaula to Balaghat and distinguished himSelf._ In the IIth year, he went with Khan Dauran :NaI;lrat ~ang to Kabul where Sultan Shuja' had stayed to protect the fort of Qandahar in case of a probability that Shah ~afi, the King of Persia,might invade that place. At this time, corresponding to 1047 A.H. (1637-38 A.D.) he died. His son, Saiyid Zabardast, had in the 30th year the rank of 800 with 400 horse.
HIZBR S KHAN, SON OF ILAHVARDI KItAN,

(Vol. III, p. 946.) In the reign of Aurangzib he was, in the 7th year, the governor of the fort of Rohtas. Afterwards he was faujdiir of Benares in succession to Arslan Khan, his brother, and his rank was 1,500 with 700 horse. In the 18th year, 1085 A.H., he was the thanadiir 4 of Jagdalak and was killed there, with his son, in a battle with the Afghans.
l According to Khafi Khiin, II, p. 707, 'Izz-udDaula--who is there called Khan!l!lii.nii.n and not !\bii.n Jahan-was made the governor of Bengii.l in successiOii to FarrulID-siyar in the fifth year of Bahii.dur Shah's reign corresponding to 1122 A.H. (1710 A.D.). Sipahdar alias 'Izz-udDaula is not mentioned in Stewart or in the Riyat!--U8Si!U#Jn among the governors of Bengal. ' 2 Battle about three miles from Lihore where ~f Khii.n defeated Shahriyii.r;s army, see Banarsi Prasad, Hi8tory 01 Shahjahan, p. 58. 3 MaiiilJir-i.'Alamgiri, p. 82. 4 Op. cit., pp. 145. Hizbar is frequently mentioned in the 'Alamgirnma. It was Ro~t~ in Bihar of which he was the governor, p. 360. ln MOOtlJir-i-'Alamgiri, p, 146, lt IS stated that the disaster was reported on Jumii.da II, 1086 A.H., BO that appa~ently it occurred early in August 1676- A.D. The place of the disaster is not mentIoned.

Maat1J,ir.i.'Alamgiri, p. 241.

628

HOSRDJ.R UJ.N-~USAIN 'ALI KHJ.N. HOsRDJ.R KIIJ.N

Maaf!1ir

ul-Umara.

:J:IUSAIN 'ALI lmA.N.

629

MIR HOSHDJ.R.

(Vol. III, pp. 943-946.) He was the son of MultafatKhan who was called A '~am Khan' Alamgiri. In the 27th year of Shah Jahan's reign, he was appointed, in succession to his uncle Muftkbr Khan Khan Zaman, Darjjg1Ja of the Deccan artillery. His rank was 900 with 400 horse. At the end of the reign his rank was 1,000 with 600 horse. When the victorious banners of Aurangzib, the Viceroy of the Deccan, proceeded towards Agra and reached Burhanpiir, Hoshdar's rank was raised to 1,500 with 700 horse, and he was granted the title of Khan. In all the conflicts he was attached to Aurangzib's stirrups. When his father! died on the day of the battle with Dara Shikoh from the heat of the air, the King increased his rank and made him the Superintendent of the GhU.'311j}lfina, and he carried on the duties of this office in an efficient manner. Mter the battle with Shuja' his rank became ,3,000 with 2,000 horse. In the 5th year, it became 4,000 with 3,000 horse. When at this time the Xing desired to go to Kashmir, Hoshdar Khan was made ~overnor of Delhi. In the 6th year, he was made governor of Agra on the death of Islam Khan Badak.bshi, and, in the 8th year, he was also made faujdiir of the adjoining territory and received an increase of l 000 horse. As his good service and strict religious principle.'l were approved by the King, he long governed Agra, and, in the 14th year, he was made the governor of Khandesh. In the 15th year (1082 A.H.), he died at Burhanpiir. He was the best shot, with a gun, of the age, and was for a time the instructor of Prince Mubammad A'~am (as constant practice-is necessary for skill). His sons, K.a.mgar and Ja'far,2 came and kissed the threshold after their father's death and were received with favour. The first was distinguished for his courage, and devotion to military duty. His pillow and counterpane were never without his coat of Mail. He had a body of companions whoDl he called "The Forty" 3 (Chihal-tan). In the pride of his being a houseborn servant he was often guilty of presumption, and was, therefore, censured. In the 23rd year, when Ajmer was the seat of royalty, he was, for some reason, removed' from his rank and he gave:; himself four wounds in the belly with a dagger. The King restored him to favour in view 'Qf th& regard he had for the houseborn .ones. He was very athletic, and wonderful stories are narrated about him. His fight with a crocodile when he was the governor of the fort of Chunar is well known. He died while he was governor of the fort of Ra'isin in Malwa. He left no descendants.
(AMIR-UL.UMAR&, SAIYID) !:IUSAIN 'ALI K.,HA.N.

Qutb.ul-Mulk was the Prime Minister of Muhammad Farrulill-siyar and Saiyid ~usain 'All was the Amir-ul-Umara. They belonged to the great family of the Saiyids of Barah,! and were of the noblest rank in Indi~. The two brothers were the Farqadain (the two Calves) etars of the heaven of Saiyidship, and the twin lights of the sphere of Amirship. They were adorned with many sublime virtues and charming qualities, especially courage and generosity, in both of which they were pre-eminent. From the beginning of their rise to its culmination they led ideal lives and had a good reputation. By watering India with justice and goodness they made it the envy of eternai paradise. But in the latter days of their power they trod the path of error and fastened upon themselves the stain of an evil name, which will last tili the day of judgment. In the opinion of just persons, however, their design in deposing the Emperor (Farrulill-siyar) was merely to preserve their own lives and honour. They had throughout their lives even sacrificed their lives and fulfilled the requirements of loyalty. The Emperor shut his eyes to their claims and designed to ruin them. He had this idea as long as life lasted, and at last this weak notion destroyed the sovereignty and overthrew the prosperity of the Emperor and of both the Saiyids. Qa9i 2 Shihab-ud-Din the prince of the' Ulama-May his grave be holy !--says with regard to the virtues of Saiyids that the true notes of Saiyidship are: the demeanour (lc1Julq) of Mubammad, the generosityof Hashim 3 and the courage of ij:aidar. A true Saiyid must possess all these qualities. ~hen if by chance and by reason of the carnal spirit, transgressions occur, there should, at the end, be some motive which should lead to final deliverance. There is an illustration of these words in the fates of the two brothers, for they departed from this world as victims, and their oountenances were reddened by the hue of martyrdom. The real name of Qutb-ul-Mulk was Hasan 4 . 'Ali, and that of the Amir-ul-Umara ij:usain 4 'Ali, the 'first was martyred by being poisoned, while the martyrdom of the second was effected by adagger. Though the Amir-ul-UmaJ:ii was the younger brother, he in generosity, courage, magnanimity, gravity and modesty was superior to Qu1;b-ul-Mulk. In the time of Aurangzib he was the governor of Rantanpiir (Ranthambhor) and at the close of the reign he was faujdiir of Hindiin 6 Biyana. When his brother, after the death of Aurangzib, was encompassed with favours by Shah' A.lam at Lahore, Saiyid ij:usain 'Ali Khan entered the service of the King with a suitable force at Delhi, and in the battle with Mubammad A'~am Shah did great deeds and was
1 see Blochmann'g tra.ns1ation of the A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 425--428, where a doubt is expressed on the question of their lineage. 2 The remark comes from Khfi Khii.n, II, p. 944, where Shihab-ud-Din is called Daulatabadi, and his book the Balfr Mawwiij is a commentary on the Qur'an. 3 Mul;muunad's great grandfather who was renowned for hisliberality. ~aidar is a name of 'Ali. 4 These names are mentioned on account of the manner of the death of Hasan and ~uaain, the Prophet's grandchildren. ~&BllJl was poisoned by his wife', and ij:uSain was killed on the plain of Karbalii.. Similarly the elder Saiyid Qut;b.ul-Mulk, whose real name was ~asan 'Ali, was poisoned by the orders of Mul;1ammad Shii.h, and ~uaain 'Ali, the younger Saiyid, whose title was Amir-ul-Umara, W88 killed by aD 888&Il8in. 6 In the Agra division, _ IQl&fi lQ!in, IJ, p. 902. Hindiin is twelve kos S.S.W. of Biyii.na (Tiefenthaler).

(Vol. I,pp. 321-338.) He was the younger brother of Qutb-ul-Mulk'Abdullah Khan, an account of whose life has been given in its place (Text, III, pp. 130-140).
He died of exhaustion after 'he victory of Samiigarh in 1658. Maat!Jir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 114. 3 Chihdtah or forty folds is a name for a doublet. ~ M~ir.i.'Alamgiri,p. 156. ;; MIUit1Jir-i-'Alamgjri, p. 192. Apparently he wounded himself some four years after his dil.missal.
l
2

-.~---

.-

.---

--~

630

MadilJ:ir promoted to a commission of 3 000 a d . of Prince 'A~im-ush-Shiin wa~ mad~ ~;~~ ~~ and by the inBuence the end of the reign of Bahadu Sh _ . . r of Patna. About transferred to Sipahdar Kh - rk ah, the I?overnorship of Bengal was Bahiidur in place of Prmce 7'J\a~, nown _as Izz-ud-Daula .Khan Jahan the heir of 'Azim-ush-Shan ~~ush-Sh~~. Mul;1ammad Farrulili-siyar was summoned' to the pr' o was 18 father's deputy in Bengal l. time he had been inde esence and ca!De to Patna. As for a lo~ and grandfather the sam~:~~~ and. dId not enjoy with his father and repulsive to go to the P s aS hIs brothers, he felt it disagreeable d o! want of funds. Meanwh:f~~c:h~AI put ~ff the visit under the pretext 2 sIyar read the Khutba and st k .am ~hed, and Mu~ammad FarrulWstarted to coIIecl men Th ruc coms m the name of his father and killed, and in Rabi' I, 123 l~IrMe t~e news that his f~ther had' been the throne. He Won over b . ~rI, 171I A.D.) he hImself ascended Khan, Na~im of Patna and ~lr~~l1s~ of favou!'s Saiyid I!usain 'Ali Saiyid I!asan 'Ali Kh~n Na' e f I~ll~_c~mpamon, and by this means short time a large ~m' w ?tm o a abad, alsC' took his side. In a .Agra was reached he d~d ast choUected, but froUl want of funds until 'Ali UL" ' I no ave more than 12000 I ' !y'mn on the day of the battle whi h t k I ' . cava ry. I!usain near .Agra, was opposed alo ' 'th cH oo p ~ce WIth ~ahandar Shah, Na' ib 8i1hadar of Orissa ' ng.WI . asan Beg f;lafshikan Khan the Rohila; to Dhulfaqar Kha~~~toZt:~~~kDin Khan, s~~ of ~ahiidur 'Khan and cuJverins. He urged on th lren up a posItIOn WIth many guns When he saw that the battl ' e cav~ y and attacked the line of guns . e was gomg against h' h . . WIth the practice of the Indian ld' d' . un, e, III accordance ground and fainted because of h' so Ier Ismounted,3 and feU to the the Jama'dar were slain Af IS wo~n s. The .other two leaders and the title of Amir-ul.Uma;a Fir~;;~~ vI~~~ry !usam 'Ali ~an obtained 4 and the post of Mir Balc48hi I t~ ra of 7,000 WIth 7,000 horse, e large army to chastise AjU Si~ h -th - second year he was sent with a in ~i8 native country. Up to L:irthaa 50[, ~ho was behaving rebeIIiously Raja was terrified and retired v'a B-k- t~e t evastated the country. The h t l Th IS IS W at they say about the Am-amr o strongly d:6e?ded. country. . " _, e tIOn: that as the villages of A'-t S' lrhuI-Umar~s.orders III thlsexpedi_ and the peasants of the first B~ / mg and Ja~ Smgh were intermixed, sack the deserted villages and ~ :::rr~r, ~ dIrected the plunderers to inhabited one8 Ajit Sin h' S se e O t em, but not to injure the made peace through the gpe pe~sant7;a.WS~his, and came forward and n were appointed to make th: ry o al ~h. '. Thereupon Saziiwa18 return what had bee l plunderer~ extmgU1sh the Barnes, and Certain reliable person~ p::dered. .This was done without delay. declared that they sust~ined o e~a~med the vilIagers, unanimously When the Raja saw his o l no hmJury except that caused by arson. 6 wn oss, e reBected on the final issue, and sent

~USAIN 'ALI

KHAN.

.ul- Umara.

l;IUSAIN 'ALI KHAN.

631

responsible agents with presents, and agreed to send Kunwar Abhai Singh, his elde~t son, to the Court, and give his daughter-eaUed the Dola l (bride?) in the language of the country-to the King, and begged pardon for his offences. As Mir .Jumla was at the Court and had control of the King's signature and gave commissions and fief8 to whoever came to him, and as every day the King became more and more alienated from the Saiyids, the Amir-ul-Umara accepted the proposal of peace and took the Kunwar with him, and hastily returned. He left a body of troops in order that the bride might be brought later on. In this journey a wonderful accident oceurred. They say that when the Amir-ulUmara came within sixteen k08 of Mirtha, the Raja's confidential agent arrived with 1,500 cavalry to carry out the peace terms, and they wanted to enoamp. As it was reported that their statements were not true, and that they were preparing some stratil.gem so that the Raja might get away with his baggage, ~usain 'Ali Khan sent a message that if the peace .was a reality, they should agree to be made prisoners, and put in chains until the arrival of the Prince. They at first, out of regard for their ho.nour, were unwilling to do this, but at last agreed. The Amir-ul-Umara put chains on four inBuential men and made them over to the leading jama' dar8. When the jama'dar8 came out of the Divan~na (hall of audience) with their prisoners, thc rabbil' of the camp, on seeing the state of things, rushed to their tents and a fight took place. Though men were sent to repulse them, yet the vagabonds in a twinkling of an eye destroyed life and property. The Amir-ul-Umara released the four men, and begged their forgiveness. They too were convinced that this mischief had taken place without the Amir-ul-Umara's wish and wrote to this effect to the Raja. But he had .already fled on hearing of \I' hat had occurred. The Amir-ul-Umara was helpless and hastened to Mirtha, and stayed there till peace'had been restored. After he arrived at Delhi the question of the government of the Deccan came up. ij:usain 'Ali Khan wished that he should remain at the Court, and that the deputyship should be given to Da'ud Khan according to the precedent of :Qb,ulfaqar Khan. " The King, at the advice of his intriguing oounseUors, did not agree to this. The dispute ld.Bted a long time. At last 2 it was agreed that Mir Jumla should at first go to the government of Patna, and that after that Amir-ul-Umara, who had oharge of the appointing and removing of all public servants in the Deccan, should take leave. Accordingly in the 4th year, 1127 A.H. he set off for the Deccan. At the time of taking leave he represented to the King that if, in his absence, Mir Jumla should come to the Court, or if any difference was made in the position of Qutb-ul-MuJk, he (the King) should understand that he would "ome back in the space of twenty days
l DulM means a bridegroom in Hindustani and dulhin means a bride. Ajit was afterwards killed by his son Abhai. According to Irvine, loe. cit., p. 49, Mlak is a Hindi word for an informal marriage. The girI's name was Bai Indar Kunwar. DOla or DOli is given in Wilson's Glossary as meaning a swing or sedan chair, and also as the case when a wOIhan of inferior rank is man-ied to a man of 8UJ?Crior rank. She is carried home privately without any cerernoniaI or procession. It was perhaps as much out of deference to Rajplit foolings as of the rank of FarruJID. siyar that the marriage received the name of DOla. See also Irvine, Later MUf/halB (Sarkar edn.), I, p. 290. II Khafi Iban, II, p. 741. See also Irvine, Later MUf/hafa (Sarkar edn.), I, pp. 301-303.

~ Fa"?JID.siyar was at RajmahaI. In Styar.ul-Muta'a!Mh!Mhir;fn it' is stat d H ed' pleaded that his wife was about to a From his elephant, see Khafi Kh- a~I' e ~me to Patna from Rajma};laI. : Ib~fi Ib~, II, p. 728. _an, ,pp. 702 and 722. Malrtha III Irvine, Later MUghalB (Sarkar dn 8 see Irvine, The Later Mugha18 in the J e ,),~, p. 288. and Later MUf/hals (Sarkar edn')' I, p. 289. ot/mal A8Ult. Sac. Bengal, p. 47 11903j;

?e confined, and that the rains were at h

632

~USAIN 'ALI UAN

-ul-Umara.

~USAIN 'ALI KHAN.

633

When he reached Malwa, Raja Ja.i Singh Siri'i, the governor, retired, so that there should not be an interview. The Amir-ul-Umara wrote to the King, "If this movement is in accordance with an intimation (from you), let it be ordered that I retum from this place. Otherwise Da'ud Khan will behave in the same way to-morrow". In the beginning of the reign the Saiyids had been the means of saving the life of Da'ud Khan and recently the Amir-ul-Umara had procured for him from the King the deputy governorship of Burhanpur, and he had come from Guja.rat and was established there. In answer to Amir-ul-Umara's report an order came saying that with regard to the misbehaviour of Jai Singh, he (Amir-ul-Umara) had been invested with the power of appointing or dismissing him. What likelihood was there that Da'ud Khall would behave in a similar manner? If he does, he should send him to the Court. But from pusillanimity and the meanness of disposition, the King, through Khan Dauran, secretly instigated Da'ud Khan to oppose Amir-ul-Umara. When the latter crossed the Narbada it was evident that Da'ud Khan had severed the thread of amity, and had no intention of coming for an interview. J:Iusain 'Ali attempted to reform him, and, as has been related in the biography of Da'ud Khan 1, sent messages to him. The purport 2 of these messages was that an interview was necessary for concord, but that- if he was disposed to join the opposition, he should proceed to the Court, and he (Amir-ul-Umara) would not prevent his doing so. Da'ud Khan advanced the foot of ignorance and brought the affair to a battle on 11th Ramac;lan (IOth August, 1715 A.D.); an engagement took place near the city (Burhanpur). Though Da'ud Khan had been severely wounded by a musket-ball, he faced the Amir-ul-Umara and was killed. Mter this viotory, which inspired terror into the hearts of the leading rebels of the Deccan, Amir-ul-Umara made Aurangabad his headquarters and appointed l2bftlfaqar Beg Bakbshi to chastise Khandi Dharbaray,S the general of Raja Sahu, who had built forts in Khandesh and established thanas, and had disturbed the country by his demands of Chauth and had plundered the oaravans. He met the robbers in the pargana of Bhamber,4 and fought with them. The Mahrattas following their rule dispersed after a brief fight and fled. The army, which had not seen a Deccan-battle, and was not acquainted with the orooked ways of the Mahrattas, pursued them, rejoicing, when suddenly those rascals made such a hot attack that l2bftlfaqar Beg, who had rashly advanced too far, was killed with a number of others, while the rest of the army fled. Though Saif-ud-Din 6 'Ali Khan and Raja Mu.l;Lkam Singh were appointed to punish that oontentious tribe and ha.stened to the
l Maiitl!ir-ul-U'11IM'ii, Text II, pp. 63-68, Beveridge's translation, pp. 458-462. Khan, II, p. 751. see also Siyar-ul-Muta'aldil1i1'in,Calcutta reprint I, p. 92 et 8eq. In Khii.fi Khii.n the date is given as the beginning of Rama.gii.n, while in Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine'8 Later Mughals, I, p. 303, it is " 8th Ramzan 1127 H. (6tb September, 1715) ". a Grant Duff (1921 edn.), I, p. 348, has Khunde Rao Dharbaray and Kha.nde Rao Dibhii.de in the Cmnbridge Hi8Wry oj India, IV, p. 338. In the text it is Kharuiii, Dihiiriya, see Khii.fi ~ii.n, II, p. 778 where it is K.handii Pahii.riya. 4. In the text Bhii.ner, but apparently the place is the Bhambeir of Grant Duff's Map, N.N.W. of Aurangibii.d and S.E. of Nundoorbii.r. see Jarret's transla. tion of A'in, II, p. 208. It was in the Sarkii.r Nadarbii.r. 6 A younger brother of J;[usain 'Ali.
2 ~ii.fi

port of Su.rat, and afterwards Muhkam I Singh went as far as Satii.ra, which ~8 Sahu's home 2 and abode, and omitted nothing in the way of plundermg, yet the defeat was not remedied in a manner worthy of the ~mir.ul-Umara's dignity and position. If we look only to apparent cu:cumstan~s, namely, that he had ample treasure, a large army, a lofty mmd, and mborn courage, thf- vagrant ha.ndful of Mahrattas should have been c~ffe~, a~d their account settled by drubbings, but, as the Emperor, at th~ ~nstlgatIOn of the destroyers of the dominion, himself encouraged OppOSItIOn to the Amir-ul-Umara-as in the instance of Da'ud Khan--and seoretly and openly intrigued with the leaders of the Decoan~nd even with Raja Sahu Bhonsle, who had forcibly become the Raja of the Deccan, and as in Dellii there were every day fresh disagreements with Qutb-ul-Mulk so that every moment cries of "Seize him and kill him" were heard, and he in his loneliness and alarm was writing letters to his brother and pressing him to come, the Amir-ul-Umara was helpless and therefore, joined alien foes against the household ones. In 1130 A.H.: he, through the intermediation of Shankraji Malliar and Muhammad Anwar Khan of Burhanpur, made peae>e with Raja Sahu. The terms were that in consideration of abstaining from attacking and plundering the country, and troubling the routes and highways, and keeping up 15,000 c.avalry for the Na~im, sanads were given for the ChauthS and Deshmukhi of the six provinc{lS of the Deccan. Husain 'Ali's own seal was affixed to the sanads, and the revenues (tan!dlwdh) of the Konkan (Concan) and ot~er territ~ries, which 8ahu called his old kingdom, were made ~ver to hIm and hIS agents were made co-partners and put into possessIOn. Th~ugh he (~usain 'Aly,~ view of the situation at the time, thought that thIS trafficking was to hIS advantage, but considering the final outcome, it resulted in a great loss. He drew the black mark of a bad ~a~ne over his record for a succession of epochs. Though the desertion of rehgIOn and the abasement of Islam-Godforbid that such a thing should happen l-were not contemplated by J:Iusain 'Ali in this transaction, yet the consequence was that the power of the infidels was increased tenfold, a.nd every ~ay they raised their heads higher and higher. But a olearsIghted arbItrator peroeives that in this shameful bu!!iness, fortune and the state of the times had a great share. As the peace with the Mahrattas and the making. of treatil;ls and agreements with them and admitting them to fellowshIp, and the resentment of the Emperor with Qutb-ulMulk were all ~otives for the Amir-ul-Umara's removing from the Deccan, and as hIS approach to Upper India was also bruited abroad the Emperor, from a vain thought and in order to obstruct his coming, sent off Muhammad Amin Khan Chin Bahadur on the pretext that he should settle Malwa. which lay on the road from the Deccan. Mterwards, as by the QOntrlvances of I'tiqad Khan, the game of deceit was renewed between-the Emperor and his minister, the former sent I\ililas Khan-who it was said, was held in regard by both the brothers-to ~othe Husai~ 'Ali and to restrain him from coming to the Court. The Amir-ul-Umara,
l Maokoob Sing _~~ Grant-Duff, I, p. 3~3 .. Khan Kha.n, II, p. 779, has M~am. 2 Son of SambhaJl and grandson of ShivaJi. a OI' Swrde8hmukhi, 10 p.c. on the collections of the sjx provinces vide KhaD: I\hii.n II, p. 784. See also Grant-Duff (1921 edn.), p. 334, Ranade, Ris: oj the Marath~ 0wer (1900), p. 192, Cambridge Hi8tory oj India, IV, p. 338, and S. Seu, Administratwe System oj the Marathaa (1925), pp. 111-118.

t:

634

J.lUSAIN 'ALl lilJAN.

Maat!iir

-ul-Umara.

HUSAIN 'ALI

TrU ~

635

who had fumly resolved on coming, stopped on hearing of the new friendship between the Emperor and his minister, and waited for further news. When he heard that there had been a fresh disagreement, he, on Ist Muharram, 1131 A.H. (24th November, 1718 A.D.) left Aurangabad in great pomp with the army of the Doocan and with the Mahrattas. He took with h.im.Mu'in-ud-Din,l a person of obscure origin who was represented to be a son of Prince Akbar, and wrote to the Emperor along with expressions of loyalty and fidelity that "he (Prince Akbar's son) had raised a commotion in Raja SAhii's territory (ta'aluqa) and been imprisoned; I sent for him. As caution and circumspection are proper in such matters, I am bringing him myself to the Court". About the end of Rabi' 1,2 l;Iusain 'Ali, encamped at Delhi near Firiiz Shah's Lat. Contrary to the etiquette 8 he beat his drums, and then entered his tent. He several tim!3s repeated in a loud voice that he had left the Emperor's service. Afterwards, when through the intervention of Qutb-ul-Mulk there were some negotiations and some conditions and promises were laid down, he, on 5th Rabi' II, waited upon the Emperor, and enumerated his grievances. He was received with favour and allowed to depart. Again on the 8th he mounted (his horse or' elephant) with the intimation that he intended to make over the fictitious prince, and entered the house of 8hi.yista Khan, which had been given to him by the Emperor. Qutb-ulMulk and the Mahi1raja (Ajit Singh) hastened to arrange about the fort and allowed no one to enter it. As the letting slip 4 of an opportunity may be interpreted as bad planning and as the shutting of one's eyes to such a ohance would be bidding farewell to life and honour, they arranged ll. great coup, and entered upon a great enterprise, as has been specially described in the biography of Qutb-ul-Mulk (Text, III, pp. 135, 136). Two months had not elapsed when Nekii-siyar,5 the son of Muhammad Akbar-who was imprisoned in the Agra fod-with the concurrence of the attendants there raised the standard of opposition. Amir-ul-Umara came on the wings of swiftness and besieged the fort for three months and some days, and by the contrivance of the officers of the guards (A~ham) 6 got possession 7 of the fort and seized the property there. When Qu~b-ul-Mulk had an interview at Fat\!pl1r with Raja Jai Singh Siwa'i-who had come from Amber to offer opposition-the Amir-ulUmara also went there. After the Raja had made peace between the brothers, there arose disputes about the goods in Agra (fort), and angry
'1 Prince Akbar was the rebel son of Aurangzib. He fled to the Mahrattas and afterwards to Persia where he lived till his death. For Mu'in-udDin, see Khii.fi Khan, II, pp. 793, 795, 807, and GrantDuff (1921 edn.), I, p. 337, note'2, and Irvine The Later Mughals in Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal for 1904., p. 319, and Irvine's Later Mughals, op. cit., l, p. 357. 2 According to the Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 338, the slate of arrival outside Delhi was 16th February, 1719. 3 This was one of the prerogatives of the Emperor, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administrati"". :" 139. 4 !\han Khan, II, Pi" iS08, 809. o This was not the son who had been with the Mahrattas. For Niikii.siyar, see Elliot, V~I, pp. 308, 408 and Khii.fi Khan, II, p. 82~ etc. He had been imprisoned for forty years. This affair took 'place after FarnlJID.siyar's deposition. See Siyar.ul.Muta'a&1lllbirin, Calcutta reprint, I, p. 144; and Irvine's Later Mughals, (Sarkar edn.), I, pp. 409-412. 6 For A[l.s1uim see Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 160. 7 !\hari Khan, II, p. 836. see also lroille's Later Mughals, I, pp. 422-4~fl.

- _ _o

and bitter messages were sent on both . of Raja l Ratan Chand an o SIdes. But at last, by the tact disgust (on the part of Husa' ~~l~pture was avoided. With much 2 fell to the share of Qutb-uI-M~ ~ ~ small port.ion of the property as :he deSign of the incomparable Deity-Whose counsels Who' can f:1 t : should Wet his lips with the' f a om .-that each of the brothers dregs of saline water of fail=:~d ~:~S: and the.n should quaff the way towards fortune they should tread the a fter ha:vmg hastened some or a gross mistake was committed in th tt of faIlure, a great neglect, great a thing had been brought to th ba;: en after such troubles so not compromise with one anoth er:; y t e wheel of Heaven they did on~ had submitted to the othe~r ~~ i?ount th~ throne of India! If umversal1y renowned for loftine~ of so~fe AI~l1r-uI-Um?,ra, who was scendent courage had got rid of Qutb.uI_M:u~aJesty, gemus and .tranon the throne of sovereignty it . b bl . and had seated himself successful, and that dominio~ wo ISI1~ lj, le that he would have been in the same way as ancient h' tU . ave ong remained in his family . IS . . I n fi ne, m conseqlience of th orles t narrate of other personalitIes! b' . e d' Ram and Girdhar Bahadur the A _ IS ur anc_e caused by Chabila 3 to Agra with the King MUh~mmad~n:..-uI-Umara returned from Fathpl1r there until the affair was settl d ~and qu~b-ul-Mulk and remained n death of Chabila Ram was scra~ciu' t: hG~dhar Bahadur, after the 9ull Khan and MUba~mad Khan B~g e e of pr~sumption, ~aidar mtervention of Raja Ratan Chand ngash were appomted, and by the from apprehensions from that qua:~(~ir~smade and ~he.y were freed drew a new design on the page of F a r ).. ~t thiS tIme Heaven Fat\! Jang (Asaf Jah.) who fio h' ortIlune. NI~am-ul-Mulk Bahadur . d . , l' IS exce ent p l ' d mm was a favourite officer of Au _ annmg, an strength of a~ainst . ~he Saiyids, and marche:ar~~~' showed an inclination to rebel t~e !?ilawar Khan, the Ba1ckshi of lm~ to the ?eccan. In a short hIm WIth a well-equipped fo-roe and' Ala~u!1I~ar~, who had followed and adopted Son of Husain' Khh I Kh,an, the brother's son $Ubadar of the Deccan and who wi~~' w been made the Na'ib force had gone to enco~nter N' _ a a ratt~ army and his own disposed of by the latter, los~ar:;~~t~~~, were m. Successive batties 4 A. strange state of things now presented .tlfll:opertIe~ ~nd their lives. I ~e .o J:lusam AlI KItan. He did not know what the end would b every day he resolved on s e. HIS mmd became confused and was in the Deccan he sho~lx:t~~~wp~an. _Some said l; that as his Wife Deccan to Nizam-ul-Mulk anu 30 c a J~man ~or the government of the amend matte~s gradually Mean ~ffc ate hun. After that he should Khan Bokbari, the hflreditary gov:rno~ ~~w~acu1aamt~bt~at Saiyid Mubarak ll- ad, although he was

Ah

J. :ad

~ K!laft Khan, II, p. 837. See Irvine . He got twenty-one lacs of ' op. tnt., p. 430. p. 837. rupees, after four months, vide Khii.fi KhII 3 Jhil . th . _an, , III a In e text; his name was Chabi1a Ram N_ . h pp. 328-330, and Beveridge's tr&nlll t' agar, Maa0,~r-ul-Umarii Text nep :w, see K!lafi Khan, II, p. 842. a IOn, pp. 429, 430. Girdhar w~ his Battle of Pq,ndhiir 19th June 17 . b~dJt:~~ ~f Balapiir, 9th ~Ugullt: 17;~: ~ '::~il~~war:~!\h~n was defeated, 6' S ul Mulk. See IrVIne, op. cit. II 'pp 28-34 :m7 ,gAlI ~was defeated ee account of Diyii.nat Kh- M' -,,'.. ,..,. . translation, p. 480, note 1. _an, aaw~r.ul,Umcwii, Text II, p. 76; Beveridge's

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636

l.IUSAIN 'ALI UA.N.

-ul-Umara.

J.lUSAIN 'ALI KHAN.

637

offended at l:lusain 'Ali Khan having deprived him of his jagir, had, out of respect for the Saiyids, given shelter in the fort of Aurangabad to the Amir-ul-Umara's family and possessions, before the arrival of Ni~am-ul-Mulk, and so was protecting them against enemies. This news restored in some measure the Amir-ul-Umara's composure. Mter much consultationand reflection he took the King with him and proceeded from Agra towards the south on 9th Ubul Qa'da, 1132 (12th September, 1720) with 50,000 horse. Besides this, he also sent moneyeverywhere to collect troops. Good God I Those two brothers, and especially the Amir-ul-Vmara, possessed generosity, kindness, gentleness, and innate good.ness. They were never unjust or tyrannous to a single soul, and yet the Turner of hearts (God) had so disposed the minds of men, tha.t the Saiyids' own proteges, though they knew that their ruin involved their own destruction, used to say among them~lves: "O God! may this boat sink I " What then sha.ll we say of the feelings of strangers ~ As I' timad-ud-Daula Muhammad Amin Khan Chin Ba.hadur suspected,l that on account of his near relationship with Ni~am-ul-Mulk, they would not in the end stay their hands from him, he, in spite of the oaths and promises of the Amir-ul-Umara, meditated rebellion. He stirred up Mir I:laidar 2 Kashlidlari-who belonged to the Turkish tribe of the Dugblats, and whose grea.t grandfather, Mir I:laidar, was the author of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi,3 and had been always associated with Babur and Humayiin and for a time had been the ruler of Kashmir and the members 4 of whose family had the title of Mir onaccopnt of their being hereditary sword-bearers (Mir-i-Shamsher)-to be on the watch for an opportunity of cutting the thread of the life of the Amir-ul-Umara, by fraud and guile. They say, that except for the Emperor's mother, the l;ladr-un-Nisa (Superintendent of the harem), and Sa'adat Khan Nishapiiri-who had come to the Court, from the jaujdiiri of Hindiin-Biyana and had been made. partaker of the secret by Muhammad Amin Khan-no one knew about the plot. Though it was ascertained that on the night which was pregnant with the catastrophe, Mir Jumla had, as his well-wisher, informi;;d the Amir-ul-Umara, the latter had answered, "I suppose I am a melon that anyone may strike with a knife", and so paid noheed. Anyhow, on 6th D.llUI ij:ijja, 1138 (9thOctober,1720) in the second year of the reign when the camp was at Tora 5 which is 35 current (' urfl) kos from Fathpiir, I'timad-ud-Daula, on the pretext of ~ausea and upsetting of his stomach, alighted at the advance-~nts (pMhkhana) of ij:aidar Quli Khan, the head of the artillery (Mir Atish). l:lusain 'Ali Khan (the Amir-ul-Umara)
Khan, II, p. 902. I Khan, II, p. 903. 8 For this work, see Prs.llhad, Preface to 'l'abaqat-i.Akbari, III, p. xxx. As noted there an English translation with annotations of the work was published by N. Elias and E. D. ROBB in 1895. 4. Perhaps the meaning is that they were called Mirs on account of their skill in lIWordsmanship, see K!lil.fi Khan, II, p. 903. It BOOms doubtful if J;Iaidar Giirgan was the great grandfather of the aB88B8in: probably more than three generations had elapsed. . 6 Tora is the Thora Bhim of Tiefenthaler, and the Toda Bhim of the Indian Atlas. It is 45 miles W.S.W. Fatl,1piir Sikri (Irvine). It lies in Rajputina in Jaipur territory and is on or near the river Gambhir.
l

It has been stated b~o~e reliabi th t b ~ . a pious man beheld in a drea th t t; men, ae.Lore th18 occurrence, Peace be u n h' .m a e martyred 3rd Imam (Husain)and said "ba~Nl lm 'da d hIS ancestors l-addressed the Amir-ld-Umara ank w,lJU.a wa a wa gAalba 'adtilwaka' Y . . . your enemies have triumphed" Mt th . our tlffie IS fimshed and was made, each sentence was 'foun er e Occurrence when a calculation the other inverted. Mir 'Abdul ~rm .80 chr~n?~a~,5 _each being be upon him l) composed a s l d'd i usaini Wasl~l .Bilgrami (Mercy contains a chronogram. p en l e egy 6 on ijusam 'Ali. It also

apartments turned back and o IS quarters When h h gate l of the enclosure (guliilbiir) M- H'd' e came near t e adm~tted to conversation, prese~tedIrto' :~ea~ w~o IWUas kn~W'n, and was of his case d b mIr-U - mara an account circumstan~:a~ ~~~ t~em:a~ at:e~b~ r~prulesentati~n of his miserable reading his t" a mIr- -Umara was engaged in . pe.ltlOn, he so quickly and forcibly struck him 'th his dagger m the SIde that he was at on d ~ _ _ w1 son of A--..JUll-hKh- kn ce one .Lor. Nur Ulla.h ll Khan the .l1""'U a an own as Naww-b A li - h , on foot killed M~Haidar 'th his a u ya, w o was accompanying w1 sword. The M ~hul ' . . oe;.,y S ran together f rom every SIde and killed Niir Ull-h KhAmir-ul-Umari and took it t tha E-sn, and cut off t~e head of the . . o e mperor As Huo"m 'Ali Kh-' men, on arrIvmg at the st e had II ....,.. _an S of what was im nd' ~ , a taken up theIr places in ignorance Sa.iyid Ghairats~- mg, t ey could not come to the spot in time. But .. _an as soon as he heard of what had h ed' WaItIng to collect men hurried 'th r. f, appen, W1thout Another party also st;ove vainl w1 a ew ollowers and was killed. Umari-which had la" m ill d' h y. Later the body of the Amir-ulKhan and Nu-r U""h Kh _ a IS bonoured state, and the bodies of Ghairat _ 1UIO anwere yth K" cl funeral prayers p'-oed on b" ede mg s or ers after the recital of , m lerl! cover with g ld b ad d' to be conve~oo to A'mer d l" o roc e an dIrected father, Saiyid 'Abduuih Kha~n4 aId m the tomb of Amir-ul-Umara's

~:r;:~E:pe~rp~~eqnutm.eretd th? female h

faiJ

Elegy.

~: tf:do~;~~K~rbalatre apparent from the forehead of India

India. Mourning d ' l. Th S " for Husain' Al" 18 current all over the world e alY1 s are oppressed in India. '

e escen ants of the Nabi is gushing out of the' soil of

~ii.fi ~ii.fi

. 176 ' p . . 3 Khafi Khan, II, p. 905 cu h" slster's son. But Ghairat Illi- a s un Izzat ~an and BaYS he was Husain 'Ali's 40'1 S' z_an sooma correct. . . tyaru Muta'akhkhi - I mur~er, see Irvine, op. cit., pp. ';~6i p. 181. For details of the conspira.cy and Both sentences contain the . l . 1132; ej. Siyar.ttl.Muta'akhkhiri ;ame e tters differen~ly arranged and both yield ~ <lu: ...,.L; " n" p. lg 8. The ArabIC words are ( )~.u ,;1 .:J . . The cOnjunctIOn wa is not part of the ch -' . '-' c"" IS not perfect. He is BU osad . ronogra.m, and the mversion killed in 1132, and the of~r wa~dn;.fe~~ ?ctf of the Sa!yid brothers, but one was food on Ist M:ul;1arram, 1135 or 12:he~ctob:r g~tnd ee died ~f poison .given in his 8 The elegy consists of 36 lines the la t be' Irvme, s , mg th'e cSh ronogra.m.op. Gd., p. 96.
2

10J.8.i yar.ulMuta'akhkhirin
Cousm of Amir.uI-Umara

638

~USAIN 'ALI lilJAN,

-ul-Umara.

l,IUSAIN BlllG-~SAIN BIG &HAN.

639

The lights of tears are being fed by the fires of the heart, The fl.ower of the fire of India is blooming. . Why does not the world become dark.through the cl?uds. of gnef, The lamp of the happy tidings of IndIa has been extmgUlshed. On this count the dress of the Arabs is blue, But the sleeves of India have become red with blood of sorrow. Rustam-like Husain' Ali has been murdered By a dagger which lay in a~bush in India. _ That brave warrior, who, WIth the pen of the Sw?rd of Barah Used to write the treatise of the conquest of India, The rebels of the world have b~come his obedient follow~rs He has impressed the mark of authority throughout I~dla. His sword on the day of battle with .unfortunate ene:~Il1es Used like thunder to split the steel-like forces of IndIa. Son of Mustafa., true follower of Murt~a . His name served as an oath for the pnde of IndIa. India through his murder has become a soulless body, In other words he was the emblem of the life of India. The world has become dark like a grave to the eye~ of the. people Since this precious stone of India has fallen out Of-Its settmg. He was murdered by the son of Mulj~m. II. __ They say the sorrowing fl.ower of IndIa IS from Kufa. India has never before faced such a tragedy; . We have looked through all famous histories and chronicles of IndIa. . Patience has languished and sorrow become strong; This is our Fortune at the hands of the great and sIIl:all of IndIa. O friends of the family of the Prophet and the SIDcere lovers of the descendants of the Prophet, Be sorrowful for the Husain of affiicted India Tili God grants succoiIr to the ~aiyids. Against the conspiracies of therr enemJes. _._ The date of his martyrdom was written by the pen o~ Was1tI Husain was murdered by the wicked, accursed of IndIa. . The truth is that there were few officers of his time who w~~e equal to him in goodness. He was eminent for many excellent quahtles, a~d was unique for his genius and humanity. Abundancf:1 of food an?- Its ample distribution in his establishment were well known. ~e establIShed buJnJ.Ur khanasI (barley houses) for raw and cooked gram,. ~nd ~eld /PR bl' the llth nnd 12th of the month in the great CItIes of the al><lem lt}S on h .hh ilit r Deccan . these are still carried on. In these assembhese, Wlt um ~ and rev~rence, personally served skaikhs and fa~irs. Befor~ he ca(~e t? the Deccan, he never took money for transactIng any bus~ness ar.-t. muhtmsazi). Mterwards Muhkam Singh and the other clerks md.uc?d hIm to do so by making representations regardi~g the smallness of hIS IDc,;,me and the hea.vy nature of expenditure. For mstance, they say that ij:aldar Quli Khan the Superimendent of the port of Su~at had confiscate~ the property ~f Mulla 'Abdul @afUr Bhora,9.the chIef merchant ~Malik.ut Tujjar) of that port, although he had herrs. At the same tIme there
QOLO.

had occurred a change. 1 of sovereignty. His property was worth a krar ofrupees and his son 'Abd-ul-I;Iayy came to the Court to seek redress and petitioned; he presented. to the Ainir-ul-Umari fifteen lacs of rupees. One day at early dawn he sent for him and made a gift to him both of the presents and the property. He also gave him a robe of honour and dismissed him. He sa.id (to Diyinat Khin, the Divn), "This night I had a struggle with myself about this man's property, but at last I prevailed over my covetousness. "
(Ie;LAl;l9 JUIAN) I;IUSAIN BlllG.

(Vol. I, p. 151.)
One of the Wila-Shihis (household troopers) of Shah Jahan. Shiih Jahan after his accession, in the first year, made Ikhl~ Khan an officf-l' of the rank of 2,000 with 800 hOfEle, and bestowed on him a present of Rs.6,000. He was appointed to the Divani of Burhanpur. In the 3rd year, his rank was increased by 200 horse. In the 4th year, he was made faujdiir 3 of Ajmer, and in the 13th year, 1049 (163940 A.D.) he died. His son, Na'im Beg, received the rank of 500 with 220 horse and died in the 15th year (1641-42 A.D.).
HUSAIN BIG KHAN

Zlo.'

(Vol. I, pp. 59Hi93.)

He was the I!ister's son and son-in-law (MJwish) of the famous' Ali Mardan Khan. When Sa'id Khin, the governor of Kabul, came to Qandahir> in accordance with the request of 'Ali Mardii.n Khan, he found the inhabitants and the subjects in a wavering condition of goodwill. He perceived that it would not be possible to make prcwer arrangements while the Persian troops were in the neighbourhood of Bust, and so he left 'Ali Mardin Khan in the citadel of Qandahiir with a body of troops, and took with him, under the leadership of ~usain Beg, 3,000 cavalry and engaged the Persians. The latter almost overpowered 'Ali Mardan's men and made them waver, but Sa'id Khan came up in time and defeated -the enemy. Then ij:usainBeg with 'Ali Mardan Khan waited on Shah Jahan and was rewarded with princely favours. As signs of capability were apparent in Husain Beg, he was removed from the companionship of the said Kh8.fi and made Master of the Horse--a charge which. is not granted to any but really trustworthy men. In the 18th year, he received, in addition, the employment of the TU71J,k, a decorated staff and 1lTJ. increase of rank. In the 21st year, he .vas sent away from the Court and made the governor of Kashmir, with the title of Khan and an increase of 500 personality (r!Jlat) with 500 horse, and was granted the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse and the gift of a flag and an elephant,
. 1 see Elliot, VII, p. 520. The change. apparently, was the death of Fa.rruiID-siyar. K!!Mi Khan mentions that Husain 'Ali made the remark to Diyanat
~ii.n.

Bulgbur is a Turki word meaning bruised barley or wheat.' . ld Properly Bohra. see Wilson's Glo8sary, p. 91. The story lS to in !Shifi N!ii.n, II, p. 943. see &iso Elliot, VII, p. 520.
l
2

Bdd8hiihniima, I, p. 372. Bdd8hiihniima, II, p. 727. '" In the list at the beginning of the volume Zlg is wrongly printed as Uzbeg.
2 3

__________________

- - ' " " ' - - - - ~ ~ - ' - " ~ = - - c ~ - -

... --.. ..... ~

640

l;IUSAIN KHIN BIRAn.

-ul- Umara.

J.IUSAIN

UAN gWBSHGI.

641

and went off there. In the 28th year, he was made the faujdar of the Miyan DiiiiJJ in succession to Gha4anffar Khan and was sent to take charge of the buildings of Mu1dlli~piir, the foundation of which had been fixed for 17thMubarram, 1065 A.H. In the 31st year, he was again appointed to a confidential position and made Mir Tu'Zuk. In the battle of Samiigarh, he had charge of the royal artillery. Dara Shikoh's artillery was under the charge of Barqandaz Khan and was on the right, and the royal artillery was on the left and both were in front of the armies. Neither yielded to the other in kindling the flames of battle and in the heat of contest. But what remedy was there for a ruined leader! Mter Dara Shikoh's flight, and when the business of the state fell to Aurangzib's servants, ~ usain Beg was exalted by kissing the threshold of the Caliphatc. In the year of the accession he was appointed as the faujdar of Ba.ngash, but in the end of the second year he was removed. In the 18th year, he was made the faujdar of Jaunpiir, and in the 19th year in the end of the year 1086 A.D. (1676 A.D.) he died. His sons, Mirza 'Ata Ullahand Mirza Aman, were long in attendance on the Emperor. The former died after attaining the rank of 700, while the other was appointed to KAbul and there distinguished himself and was given the name of Nf!ir Khan. His biography has been given separately (Text, III, pp. 833--835).
(SAIYID) ~USAIN KHIN BARAH.

onc? ~ain wit~ Rija Jai Singh near the town of Sii.mbhar l In the beginmng the said Khan was successful, but suddenly two to three 'thousand musketeers, who were lying in ambush beloW' an embankment came out and started; fire. The aforesaid Kbin, who had only a small' force and ~ost of which was also wounded, was killed with other officers. And of his nephews, Mubammad Zaman Khan and Saiyid Mas' iid Khan who were captured, the first was killed, and the second, who was not more ~h~n l~ years old, was t~en before the Rija. The Raja gave urgent m)unctl~ns .for the dressmg of his wounds, and Saiyid Husain Khan was burl~ ill the fi~ld of m_artyrs. This event occurred in the 2nd year ?f the reIgD of Bahadur Shah corresponding to the year 1120 A H 2 It ~~;i:: that tde Raja had a very elegant garden laid out and a 'suitable h _ erecte over. the gra..ve of the said Khan on the bank of the Sii.mbhar take. No informatIOn regarding the rank of the said Kha has come to hand. - n
ij:USAIN lYrIN ~W1DsHGI.8

(Vol. I, pp. 600-605.)

He was the eldest son of Sultan Ahmad A'zam Shah-' Wh hi father at the summo~ of Aurang~ib intended t~ proceed the eCour~ ~)JJ~:e_town of .Q~ur (so~th of Lahore) which is the native place of the _!,e gIS, and died, l,Iusam Khan's two brothers, Bayazid Khan and P"rr Khan, reached the Court and received offices. But Husain Khan himself and the fourth brother returned to their accustomed' abodeMd did not try at all tosec~e service, ~lthough he nominally held an office (ma~ab), ye~ he never stllTed from his home, and what others obtained by hard e~/aV?~h: receiveHd, in double and quadruple measure, by merelY 81 mgm OUBe. e remained ieclined on the pillow of dominion df that ~~~ntry a:nd with a large army ~nd numerous' followers unfurled the flag . I and n,?t _another. .He did not render any accounts to the government of Lahore, but sent them offerings of some things which h took from their fiafs in that quarter. And though he gave himself ou: as a mad man, ~t he was prudent in business and aid proper respect to t~e holy family of the Saiyids. He never made tue least failure in offer~ aJl respects to the Saiyids, He was specially devoted to a notonoliS devot~ known 88 Batak,. and did whatever he said. He ~er refused. hlm, and while he was seated, every hour they brought ~he news that the Miyan ~al,1ib is well, and he res~mded b thanking God. That devotee was called Mubammad Khan and belonge~ to the Ba~akza'is.. Suddenly madness took possession him and he l~ctme vlOlen~. For a long time he was kept with his feet' chained ast he got mto companionship with J;lusain J\!1A.n. .

\0

(Vol. II, pp. 500-502.)

He was one of the officers of Bahadur Shah. When the management . of the affairs of the kingdom passed into the hands of this KiI}g, and differences arose between Raja Jai Singh Siwa'i and his brother,Bijai Singh, who were with the royal forces in Kabul, the King, who was innately cotnplaisant, decided for the sake of removing the differences to confiscate Amber 1 as a royal possession, and appointed the above. mentioned Khan as the faujdar of that area. During this period Bahadur Shah started towards the Deccan for opposing Kam Bak..bsh. Raja Jai Singh and Maharaja Ajit Singh, without permission, left the victorious army for their homes, and having collected forces on arrival took possession of several of the royal thiinas. On perceiving this state of affairs, Saiyid ij.usain Khan reviewed the old and new forces, and with his three sons, Abii Sa' id Khan, @airat Khan and ~asan Khan, and his brother-in-Iaw Mahabat Khan, and his two nephews, Muhammad Zaman Khan and Saiyid Mas'iid Khan, proposed to fight in Amber. But as the very large ant- and locust-like hordes of fanatic Rajpiits created disturbances all over, the new recruits of ~usain Khan losing courage took to flight. Consequently the said Khan with a small army came out of Amber and faced Durga Das Rathor in the field of Kala Dabra. The Rajpiits on being vanqui~hed fled, but the baggage of the said Khan was plundered, and one of his sons, who was accompanying it, was made a martyr. Next morning the aforesaid Khan without much equipment reached Namoi, and after collecting further forces engaged in battle
1 ~, Anbir in the text. This happened during Bahadur Shah's invasion of Rajpiitana in 1707; see Sir Jadullath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later Mughal8, pp. 46, 47.

oi

. l For s? account of the battle and death of Saiyid Husain Kh"n B- h . -_. ara see. I rvme, op. cd., pp. 69, 70. 2 See Cambridge H' ,-- .1 of Ra'a Jal Sin h Th108~" OJ Ind' I V, P:P' 3~1, 332, for an account of the rebellion 'Il, uld g . e date of the battle IS given there aS September 1708 w h' h wo 3 s:re8pOlln~ to the latter half of J umada II or earlier half of Raj~b 1120 A ~ ~ ,. . Be aw S Race8 oj Afghanistan, p. 19. Parhaps lt should be Bhik, as in Khafi :Khan, II, p. 864.

642

l,IUSA!N U.lN gW.lSlIGI.

MaiiilJ:ir

.ul-Umara.

643

Verse.

The madman is pleased when he seas a madman. In his state of rapture he occasionally said true things and this increased J;lusa.in Khan's respect for him. The Bata.kza'is are. descended from Shaikb Batak, and he, according to a.ll, was the son of Khweshgi. 'Some make him the grandson of the Sha.i/W-ul-Islii.m Shaildl Ma.udJid Chishti, but according to the disciple WattJi ShJiriyanI l Batak is sprung from Wattii. He is known as the great pir (Pir Kabir). ShJiriyan was the parne of his father who was the son of Khweshgi. Batak had throo sons, Wattii, J7usain, and Khalaf. The first was seized by the attraction of Divine love. He went forth to sook his teacher, and when after surmounting many difficulties he came to the town of Chisht (in Khurisin) he entered the service of Khwaja Ma.udJid Chishti, with whom Khwaja Mu'in-ud-Din Sanjari (the Ajmer Saint)-Ma.y his grave be holy l-is connected through two generations. His wishes were gratified there, and he remained long in the service of the saint. He regarded that place as his real home, but when the Khwaja died,' WattJi retumedta his native country. Many of the hill-men, and a.ll the Khw6shgis and the Jamand 2 (tribe) became his adherents. One of his perfect disciples was Shaikb Batak, who was his father's brother and one of the pious men of the age. He (apparently Wattii) uttered a prayer in reference to him to the effect that tili the Day of J udgment his desoondants might be masters of knowledge and holiness. Accordingly s many of this branch haveboon masters of perfection, and the clan is also known as the Pirzddagi. They say, that pir Wattii's dress was black, and that when ShaiJW Batak attained the highest degroo of sainthood, Wattii gave him his own clothes and adopted white for himself. Hence it is that the Batakza'is regard everything black as blessed while the Wa.tiiza'is regard it as unfort.unate. The standard of the Khweshgis is black and white, in meml>Fy of the two saints. In short, J;lusain Khin beat the drum of independence in the town of Qa.ljih' and its neighbourhood, and said nothing to the leading jiigirdrs or to their inferiors but what savoured of, arrogance and presumption. At ~t Bahidur Shah came to Lahore and set up his abode there. Mterwards there occurred contentions among the royal princes. J7usain Khan did not refrain from commotion and fighting-which were inevitable at such a time-and carried on his evil practices. When in the beginning of F~rruldJ-siyar'sreign the government of the Panjab fell into the hands of 'Abd'Uljl-~amadKhan Diler Jang, he opened communications of sincerity and harmony with the Khan and came to Lahore to interview him. He also entrusted to him the Jaujdiiri of Lakhi Jangal. This only increased I;lU8&in's arrogance and his turbulence was augmented. When. the govemar perceived that I;lusain swallowed up the revenues of La.khi Jangal, as he had done those of Q~Jir, and rendered no accounts, and
1 Perhaps Shiirbini. The MSS. _m to have a b instead of ay. II Jarrett's translation of .-t'in, ll, p. 402. see Bellew, loe. cit., p. 19, where the word, is spelt Zamand. . a see Mad0ir-ul-Umara, Text, lU, p. 777; for an accoWlt of a descendant of the Ilhweshgis.

that he got nothing but regret and d;ooppo' t t fr h' mOYe he . t d Q +b d D- R-' ..,.. m men om 18 , appom e UyU - m . ohila to proceed to his domain. Husain behaved perversely to hlI~ also. and insulted him. Not content with that, he led any army agalIl8t hun and destro d h' lli d rt Nevertheless 'Abd-\llil-~amad for a time neglecteI~ t ~ f:na: prope y. When Husain's immoderation pa8Sed all Oboa e.._ ther measures. H unu.. ,e governor . l h Jr' e marched out with 7 000' l~T fro resol ved to sett e t e a.uall'. Y"h- and wrot e t o H usam Kb. _an: "On - and its terr'to v__" bee ,ca h ID JJD, ore . ~~ur . . . I gIven t o you. Refram f rom IDt....s: mth other estates"ry H ave enermg . d'd ,n t stay at home, but came out to oppose with 3,000 horse' S e l nOf .. h . ome ff;' alYI opmlOn that the S"dS, wo were t he centre of imperial are o instigated him by the bait of his obtaining the government of :i.a.:~' to give battle to Diler Jang. And some say that Qu~b-ul-M:u1k (the el~re of the two Saiyids) wrote to 'Abd-\llil-!;lamad on receipt of a letter froer Saiyid J7asan Khan Barah, the ~(j,badiir of UhOre-who had gone by w~ of Qa~111r and who was acquainted with his arrogance and infatuation -that he should not withhold his hand from (attacking) him, a.nd also made him an assignment for the troops on the treasury of Uhore. Anyhow, an engagement took place near the town of Jhiini l-which is 30 kos from UhOre and 18 from Qa~l1r, on 6th Jbmmii.da II, of the 2nd year of Muhammad Shii.h's reign (1132 A.H. = 15th April, 1720)! There was a severe contest.. The furious Mghans so smote upon the guns that sparks flew out of them. After hand to hand fights the vanguard on both !,ides-commanded on I;lusain's side by his brother's son Mu~t-a:fii. Khan, the son of 'Ali Khan, the son-in-Iaw ({d}wesh 1) of Bayazid Khan, and on the other by Karim Quli Khan, the Ba.lroshi of Diler Jang's armymanfully gave their lives. Aibar !Ql8.n, the pride II of the Moghuls, who, along with. 'Arif Khan Chelii, was on the left !ring, encountered ij:usain Khan.. With 50 or 60 unerring 3archers he (.Adar) stood fi.rm and discha.rged arrows. I;lusain Kbingot aw.ay from him and attacked Diler Jang, and there was a severe fight. At last the govemor's men could not resist and Diler Jang was nea.rly defeated. .Leading officers like Jini Khan, ij:if~ Ullah Khan displayed activity, and Apar lQlin m.me forwa.rd a second time and started fighting, Just then I;lusa.in &in's elephant-driver was killed and the darvish 'formerly mentioned, who 1v8.8 helping in the driving of the elephant, was killed by an arrow. When I;Iusa.in !Ql8.n was wounded, the MoKhuls made the elephant the target of arrows and bullets and put an end to him (ij:usain 1Q!in). This ocourred in the year 1130 II A.H.
D

1 In the text Jhiini. Perhaps this is Chiiniin in the Lahore district. In Elliot, VII, p. 491. where KhafI lQlin is partially translated, it is Jhiini. 2 . J~ 3.),t.) Iiteraily eye of the Mopuls. a Tir-andz qadr.andaz, lit. a.rohers who were throwers of cannonba1l&. " The reference is to the early part of the article where a. madme.r> named MuJ;1ammad lQlin is ment.ioDlld. lbMi 1I!in, who gives Bo full account of the battle (II, pp. 861-864), says that the nameoflJUlIli.in lbin'li favourite who W&8 killed W&8 Sbi.h BbIk. In the Index to the M/J0''', p. 47, the notice is described &8 "lJusain 1!IIin I!lwishgl" and "the accoWlt of Shah Bl!g I" " This date is incorrect &8 in it it is stated earlier on that t,he battle took place in 11321

644

~USAlN

UAN TUKBIY.l.

Maa!l1ir

-ul Umara.

~USAIN QULI REG.

645

IJ:USAlN ~.lN TUKmY.l.

(Vol. I, pp. 551-554.)

tran~tmg ,Public bUSIness there, saluted a long.bearded Hindii under the ImpreSSIon that he was a Muhammadan. Mer that he passed an order that Hindiis should sew a ba.d.ge 2 (GAiyari) on their dress near the sho.ulder, and that, with a lca8r under the-first letter, is a yellow patch which the Je~ used to wear on their shoulders for distinguishing !.hemselves. ThIS in Hindi is called tum. Consequently he became Known by the na!De of the Tukriya (the patcher). At the time when Akb~ beca~e. aIiena.ted from B.airim Khan, and the latter's soldiers left: him and lome.d the r.oyal ~irrups in the town of Jhiijhar, no person of ~u~nce remamed WIth hIm except I;Iusain Khan 'fukriya and Shah Quli Khan Mahram. Mter Ba.iram Khan was overthrown H usain Khan en!ered the E~peror's service. In the llth year, when':Mahdi Qii.sim Khan became dlSgusted With the government of Oarh and went off by the route of the Deccan to the J;[ijaz, ~usain Khan escorted him for part of the way._ ~en, as he was returning, he came to the town (jf Satwas (not ~ant~as) 8 m ~alwa, the commotion of the rebel Mirzii.s took place. !:I~sam Khan was obliged to take shelter in the town along with Muqarrab Khan who was the T~y~r there. When Muqarrab Khan 4 hastily gave u~ t~e stru~e I;Iusam Khan came out and waited upon Ibrahim Husain Mirza, but did not agree to take up service under him, though urged to do so.. I~ ~he 12th year, whe;u Akbar proceeded to extirpate Khan Zaman Sh8.l~a?I'he served unde~ hIm, an? as there was then a brisk market of appreCIatIon, and as the King w~ Imp~essed by his courage, good service and~l, he encompassed him WIth varied favourB. And though h~ md not ~ow ho~. to manage 6 any complicated affairs he was raISed to the high poSItIOn of an Amir and received the rank of 3 000. Inasmuch as the world's wine overthrows meli, and a narroW' cap~city
M~.l!ir-ul.Umaro, Text, m, pp. 199-202. ij:usain Khan quarrelled with Mah,d1 ~un when the latter on his return from the Hijaz was granted Lucknow
1.

th~ ~eginning of his career he was a servant of Bairam Khan Khan. Kha~n. _ When in the second year of his mign Akbar,a.fter the capture of Mankot, ~ta~ed four mo~ths and four days in Uhore- for the arrangement .of affaIrs In that proVInce, and in I;la.fr 965 A.H. proceeded to Delhi, ~usaIn ~an was. appo~ted as the governor of Lii.hore. One day he, while

He was the sister's son and son-in-Iaw of Mahdi Qisim

Kbin I

In

calillot digest it, he could not control himself. Hl? practised: violence and oppression in his fief and exceeded his powers. When, in the 19th year, the royal standards moved to the Eastern districts, his misfortune kept him back from that service. One day Akbar inquired about him and asked why he was not present. It was represented that he had been seized with a frenzy, and that he was employing himself in attacking and plundering the peasantry. As there was work in hand, no one was sent to chastise him, but measures were taken to confiscate his fief. After the conquest of Patna and ~ajipiir, when Akbar was returning towarus .Agra, !:Iusain Khan came to the camp, but was not admitted to an interview. In his madness he bade adieu to worldIy affairs, and chose to be a qalandar. Royal favour again succoured him and an arrow I from the royal quiver was given to him in order that by this he may take possession of the fief which had been made crownland, and address himself to the collection of recruits. When for this purpose he obtained leave from the Presence, he, in his madness, resumed his blameworthy practices and plundered and ravaged the country. One day he came to Basantpiir belonging to Kumaon, as its mines and prosperity had excited his fancy. As the forehead of the final affairs of evil-doors i';l marked with failure, he fought a battle without organization and was defeated, and wounded by a buIlet. Previous to this ~ii.diq Khan had been despatohed to put a stop to his commotions. Though his severe wound had already brought him to his senses to some extent, the fo.me of the victorious a.rmy (of Akbar) made him still more sensible, and all the vagabonds left him. Through the efforts of his well-wishers it appeared to him that the proper course was to betlloke himself by boat from Oarh Muktesar 2 and present himself before Mun' im Khau KhanKhanan. Perhaps b:y his mediation his offences might be covered with the scarf of lenience. Active men came to the town of Mii.rhara,S and laid hands on him, and in accordance with ordera he was taken to .Agra and put into 4 his (own 1) house in the year, 983 A.H., where he died of his wound. His SOD, YiisufKhan,6 was included among the Amirs in the time of JaMngir. (KHAN 6 JAHAN) !:IUS.AIN QULI BIG. (Vol. I, pp. 645-653.) He was the sister.'s son of Bairam Khan Khan-Khanan. His father, Wali Beg Ubiil Qadr, in the time of Bairam Khan's prosperity had fine jagirs and was supreme over all other officers. In the battle at the town of Dikdar Jalandhar, which took place between Bairam Khan and ShamsSee Irvine, Army of the Indian MoghulB, p. 99. In Meerut District, vide Imperial Gazetteer, XII, p. 162. 3 In the text Barab, but Akbarnii.ma, Text, III, p. 144, hasMii.rhara and the yariant Barhara. Marhara in Etah district appears to he correct. 4 According to Lowe's translation of MuntalJUlabut-Tawarikl1, II, p. 224, he was placed in f;liidiq Khan'll house. 6 Yusuf Khan died in 1621 A.D., in the ltlth year of Jahii.ngir, vide Roger and Beveridge's translation of the Tuzuk-i-Jahii.ngiri, II, p. 202. He had become extremely stout and died suddenly after paying his respects to Shah J aban. The author of the MaaOJir-ul-Umara apparently did not know the 2nd volume of Tuzuk. 6 SAe Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 348-351.
l 2

as his fief.
.2

T~e text has 'iyayarf, l.S)4&, and there is the variant Ghubari, but the true

reading lS g!Jiyari, !J}Jiyar being the Arabic word for a badge such as is worn by the Jews. etc.~ ~e_ Lane's Dictiona-ry, p. 2316. The Maatair has taken the pa.ssage f~m B~ayum, Text, II, p. 22.3, see Lowe's translation, II, p. 227, where the word IS explamed and sIH:lt by the author. The Jew colour mark was yellow, but apparently aJI that ij:US&lll ordered was that it was to be of a different colour frhomH~hde!e8t of the stuff. Bad&yfuJi says that Husain by.mistake rose up to greet t e ID u. . . 3 The chief town of Nelil1awar, Indore District vide Im'Tlerial Gazettur XXII p. 134. . ' r " : In the te~ da8tbiigja, but the variant dastpacha is adopted here. The meanmg of the text is rather obtJcure. Blochmann has "His contingent was not ready". The IitaraJ translation seems to be: He did not know how to manage a number of men. The words are from Ai:bamama, Text, III, p. 143.

646

~us~ QULI BIG.

MadtJ!ir

.ulUmara.

~USAIN QuLI BIG.

647

udDin Khan Atka, he was wounded and made a prisoner, and after. wards died of his wounds. Akbar, who knew that all the turmoil and confusion of Bairim Khan was due to his instigation, had his head cut off and sent to the Eastern Provinces. ij:u~ain Quli Beg, who was of sound judgment and good sense, was sent by KhanKhanan with the insignia of his office at the time when the King's miiJ.d was alienated from him, to the Presence from Mewit,'in the hope that he might by submission and supplication achieve something. At the same time, the departure of Khin.Khanin to the Panjib, which was an indication of sedition and rebe1lion, became known. Accordingly ij:usain Quli was put in charge of ~af Khan 'Abdul Majid who was the governor of Delhi, to be treated compassiona.tely, and to see that np harm came to him. After the termination of the affair of Bairam Khan, ij:usain Quli Khan was released, and was always treated with favour in view of his loyalty and services. In the 8th year, 971, when Mirza Sharaf-udDin AJ.triri fled from the Court without cause, Akbar gave ij:usain Quli Beg the title of Khan and the fiefs of Ajmer and Nagor in supersession of the Mirza and sent him to purs1,1e the latter. As the Mirza left the imperial territories without fighting, ij:usain Quli Khan without difficulty took pos. session of the fiefs and arranged for their settlement. In a short time he took the fqrt of JOdhpiir, which was the residence of Rif MAldev-who was distinguished from the other ..Rajas of India by splendour and by the number of his followers-and which after his death was the seat of his younger son, Chandar Sen. During the siege of Chittor, ~ usain Quli Khli.n displayed great energy in pursuing Rana Udai Singh, and was thanked and praised. , When in the 13th year, the officers of the Atka Khail were summoned to the Presence from the Panjib, the government of that territory, which is one of the great domains of the empire, was given to ij:usain Quli Khan. But on account ofthe emergence of the affair of Ranthambhor, he did not leave Akbar and acquired glory by being atta.ched to the stirrups of victory. After the fort was taken and Akbar had go~ to Agra, he obtained leave to look after his estates. In th" 17th l year, he went to take the fort of Nagarkot which was in the possession of Rija Jai Chand, and whose son Badi Chand, after his father was imprisoned, regarded himself as his father's successor, and believing the latter to be dead, beoame rebe1lious. When he came near Dhamtiiri 2 Janii (1), the governor of the place became suspicious on account of his relationship to Jai Chand and withdrew. But he sent agents and UI1dertook to provide guides. The Khan left a party of his men to form a guard (tkanadari) in the village on the road and pressed forward. When he came to the fort of Kot1ah (or Kiitilah)-which was a sky.high fortress-he discharged some cannon from the top of a hill which was over against the fort and terrified the besieged. At night they t.ook to flight. Inasmuch as this fort was formerly the property of Raja Anam Chand, thE Raja of
l The 18th year according to the 1'abaqat.i.Akbari, De's translation, II, p. 398, but it really W88 the 17th, vide Akbarnama, Text, II, p. 370; and Beveridge's translation, n, p. 538. The siege, however, lasted till the 18th year, vide AkOM nama, Text, III, p ..36 an.d Beveridge's translation, III, p. 51. I Damhari, EllIOt, V, p. 357, where the name of the govemor is given 88 Choto. Perhaps the word is Jan.iiha, or Janjua, which is the name of aRijput caste. It is Janum] in De's text of the 1'abaqat-i.Akbari, II, p.257.

Gwaliyar l, and Raja Ram .Chand, the gra~~father o~ ~a! Chand, had forcibly taken it, he made lt over to. the R~Ja of G~aliyar, who was a descendant of Anain Chand, and establIshed hIS own tkana. And, as there was such an amount of forest that it was difficult fo~ the army t~ proceed, he sent light infantry 2 each day to cut down the Jungle suffiCIent for a march On Ist Rajab 980 A.H. the army encamped at Nagarkot. At the first o~t they took the fort of Bhawan where the idol.templ.e ofMahama'i was and a great number of Rajpiits and Brahmans, who ID the hope of a.cq~iring merit stood firm, were sent to destr_u<:,tion. After that the wall outside of Nagarkot was also taken and ~ (covered ways). and batteries (sarkOb) were made. Every day buil~s ~~re de~ohshed by the cannon and animals 8 (1) were killed. While RiJa Bu.daI Chand was. eq.ting, a large cannon was discharged so that about eIghty men were killed under the wall. In short the business of the fort was nearly finished, when sudde~y the commoti~n of the approach of the rebelli~us MirziB, Ibra?!ID ~usarn MJrziand Mas'iid Mirza, stirred up the provIDce of the Pa~Jab. The!e was also a great scarcity in the army. Consequently ij:UsaID Quli Khii.n was helpless, and made peace on receiving .five maunds of ~old as tribute and much stuff, and laid the foundatIOn of a. mos9ue ID front of the house of Raja Jai Chand, and in_ two days raISed lt up to the portico. On Friday, in the. middle of Sha~al of.the.same year, after reciting the KhuPJa in the King's na~e, ij:~sa~ Quli Kha:.n ~ePa:ted fro~ that place. In company with !sma il Quli Khan and Mirza Yusuf Khan Radavi he hastened after the rebels. In the town of TaIa.ndah (?r Talam ba.h), forty kos from Multli.n; he came upon them without warnIng, and a battle took place between them. Ibrihinl ij.usain was defe~ted and fled to Multan and Muhammad ij:usain with somt' compamons .was seized. Husain Quli Khin, in the l8th year, 981 A.H., when Akbar returned to Agra after the conquest of Gujarat, and the o~cers ca~e fr~m all quarters to offer their congratulations, produ~ Mas u~. ij:UsaID WIth his eyes sewn up and 6ther prisoners dressed up ID the .skiIiB of cattlefrom which the homs had not been removed. They presented a strange appearance. The King out of extreme kindness and gentle~ess cause~ the eyes of the Mirza to be opened and granted many of the prl8Oner~theIr lives. Husain Qu1i K!!in was raised to high office, and got the tItle of Khan Jahan than which there was no higher title in the empire except that of Khi~.Khinin. When Mirzi Sulaiman, the ruler of Badak))shan, took refuge at'the Court from the oppression of his grandson: Mirza Shahru\W, an order was given to Khin Jahli.n to proceed WIth. t~~ brave army of the Panjab in company with the Mirza. to Badakbsb;an and to place the oldruler on the masnad of that country. .~anw:.hile, in the 20th year, 983 A.H., Mun'im Khan KhinKhanan, the Ejiihadiir of Bengal, died, and there was a great cor~motion in that oou~try.. Tb;e officers of the auxiliary force became frlghtened of the pestIlentlal aIr
l This is not the Gwalior in Centra.llndia, .but a hill s~ate in the ~~ja? It is the Goler of the ImperiaZ Guutteer, XII, p. 310. It IS spelt Gwihar ID the Tabaqtit.i.Akbari, De's Text, II, p. 257, and translation ll, p. 400. 2 Hashare, see Vullers, I, p. 620. The account is apparently based on Tabaq&-i.Akbari, De's Text, II, pp. 257-259, and translation II, pp. 400, 401. 3 Jo:ndiiran may refer either to men or to the number of sacred cows that were killed.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -....

--.---~...-.....-.;:,;''-.;. ;- :.:.';:; ;~ .-.: -"' =.;.:. ,. "'-iiiiiiO==,------------ ... -..-.. -.... ~

Madfhir

...

648

J:lUSiAIN QULI BJeG.

-ul-Umara.

l.IUSlM-UD-DIN.

649

of the country, and to this was added the domination of Da'ud the Mghan -who cla.imed the sovereignty of the country, and who now broke his treaty and again raised the head of commotion. The officers at once left their stations and departed from the country. As it is a leading principle of Akber that urgent matters should have preference to other affairs, the King hurriedly summoned Khan Jahan from the Panjab and made him the $Uhadr of BeI,J.gal. He sent along with him Raja T6dar Mal, who was distinguished for courage and ability, and who had done brilliant acts in the province. The Bengal officers met Khan Jahin at Bha.galplir, and some of them objected about the- climate and were !oath to return, while others made the differenoe of religion a pretext, and indulged in foolish talk. Khan Jalran, who had assuIIl:ed the role of a veteran commander, did not yield and by means of soothing and kindness laboured to restore unanimity, and though most' of the officers were Chaghta'is and unwilling to submit to a Qa.zalbash (Persian), he, by a little exertion, libera.ted Garhl; which is the gateway of Bengal, and recovered the lost territory as far as Tanda. He made constant endeavours to compose the disorders. Da'ud Khan K!l.raranI streng thened Akmal;l.al (Rajmahal) and planted himself in front of the royal forces. There was a battle every day, but, though Khan Jahan and Raja T6dar Mal made great efforts, the work did not advance owing to want of zeal vn the part of the men. One day Khwaja 'Abdullah Naqshbandi went out from his battery with some followers and offered battle. A large body of the enemy advanced to fight, and the Khwaja's companions did not support him. He, from nobility of nature, stood fum, and played awav the coin of his life. When this news reached Akbar, he was grieved and'sent an order to Mu~affar Khan, the governor of Bihar, quickly to join the Bengitl army with the fiefholders of Bihitr. As soon as, in 984 A.H., M~affar Khan joined with the Bihitr troops, Khan Jahan arranged his forces and made ready for battle. By chance on the night that was pregnant with victory, a cannon-ball from the imperial camp reached the chaMrpay (bedstead) on which JU:Aaid KararitnI, Da'ud's paternai uncle, was sleeping and broke his leg. Mter that there was a hot engagement, and Kalit Pahar, the leader of the enemy's right wing, was wounded and fled. The battle had not reached the centre when a stone of dispersal fell among the Mghans and they gave way and fled. Many Were slain by the pursuing heroes. Da'ud wanted to retire, but his horse got stuck in a bog and he was made a prisoner. When he was brought before Khan Jahan, the latter asked him what, had become of the oaths and treaties he had made with Khitn-Khanan. He had the impudence to say that it was a temporary agreement l, and that a fresh one might ,now be made. Khan Jahan ordered that he should be relieved of the weight of his plotting head, and immediately sent his head to Akbar by Saiyid 'Abdullah Khan. The latter had been sent post haste to Khan Jahitn to convey the good news of the victory' of C6canda which Raja Man Singh Kachwaha had gained over the Rina, and also to announce Akbar's march to the officers of the Eastern Provinces. At the time of dismissing him Akbar had said that
l The text has zabani or verbal but the .variant zamiini or temporary appears to be more correct. See also Akbarn&ma, Text, III, p. 182, and Beveridge's transla tion III, p. 255.

~ .he was taking thia good news, he should also bring back the good t1llings of the conquest of BengaJ. Sa.iyid 'Abdullah Khan returned in eleven days at the time when the King was setting out from Fatbpiir and flung the sedition-monger's head into the Jiw,u1Mdna (yard for horses): There was a great shout, .and bulletins of the victory were sent to varIOUS quarters of the empU'e. After this conspicuous victory ~n_!ahan sent _~j~ T6d~r Mal to th'i Court, and went himself to I')a~gaon, ~here Da ud s family was. J amshid, who belonged to his clan, resif!ted him, and met WIth a great defeat, and Di'ud's mother and her associates submitted. That country, which of old had boon called BulgjftJclcho/M (house of strife) because it was never free from commotion became by the genius and courage of Khan Jahin again a place of tranquillit!. Rija Mal God'm, the Zamlndir of Kuch (Cooch BeIIk) also subIllltted, and the Khan Jahin sent as tribute the rarities of that country together with 54 noted elephants. As some Mgbins were making a disturbance in the Bhati cqqntry, and 'Isa Za.mlndir there showed signs of disa.ffection, Kbin Jahan proceeded to that quarter in the 23rdyear, and sent a large armyahead. After severe fighting 'Illi. was defea.ted a.nd fled,and the Mpans submitted. Khan Jahan having attained the objeQts of his wishes returned to ~il;1l)atplir which was a. city he had founded near Tanda, and raised up the flag of joy and success, Every day, however, ends in sorrow and every perfection ends in loss :

Verse.
No good fortune is perfectly corrt'ormable to desire, When the book is completed, the page must be turned.

SO K!!an Jahan in a short time lay' on the bed of sickness for one and Indian doctors did not understand the case and applied improper remedies. In the same year, 986 A.H., December, 1578, A.D., he died. He was a Panjhaz8rl among Akbar's nobles. His son, Radi QulP, in the 47th year, was raised to the rank of 500 with 300 horse.'
a half months.
(MIR) I,IUSAM:.UD-DIN.

(Vol. III, pp. 323, 324.) He was a real pearl. By origin he was from Bada!Wshan, but he was born and nourished on the sacred soil of Hindiistin. His father Qi<;li N~am Badakbshi 2 , wlio was exalted to the ranks of Amirs in th~ reign of Akbar, was honoured with the title of Q84i!Ql&n. And later, ~S he showed a marked talent in the batties and cruaades against the mfidels how-as granted the title of <lMzl Khan; accordingly his biography has been written down in its proper place (Text, II, pp. 857-862). The Mir, as he was highly versed in the details of etiquette, was given a high place of trust amongst the officials. He was ma.rried to the sister of the

!!!Ian Jahan.
2

See Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p' 351, in the account of

For his life, see Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd elin.), pp. 488, 489.

650

~USXM-UD.DlN ANJO, MURTAJ;lA KHAN.

Maatl!ir

.ul-Umara.

~OSAM-UD.DIN KHAN.

651

famous 'Allimi Shailili AbdI Fa9J. During the time when, on appointment, he went to the Deccan, the instrumen1i of his companionship became attuned with that of Khio-Khina.n Mirzi 'Abd-ur-Rahim, and, as a result, his fortune woke up from the B1eep of forgetfulness, and eternal wealth came to his doors. Suddenly ardent Divine fervour cut short his worldly attaohments; in the height of his youth he gave up all connections with his relations, and cutting out luxury and lust from his life, wanted to separate himself from Khan-Khanin. The latter, however, had developed such regard for him that he was not likely. to give him up, and so he feigned insanity in the hope that he would thus be left to himself. Afterwards he proposed to go to Delhi and spend the rest of his life at the feet of Mirzi Sul1Ao-ul-Mashi'ikb l. Although Khan-Khanan tried his best by entreaty and urging, and advised and cajolled him in all possible ways, it proved useless. Next he started wandering in the streets and bazars, and stripping himself smea.red his body with dust and mud. Khan-Khanan accompanied by other Amirs Went and brought him back to his own house and started to counsel him afresh; he consoled and comforted him, but received no answer. When, as a result of a representation from Khan-Khanan, the news reached the. royal ears, he (~usam-ud-Din) was permitted to retire to Delhi. His wife also cutting off all connections with her brothers and relations at the behest of her husband gave away to darvishes all cash and property that she possessed. It is stated that he spent thirty years in retirement. And twelve thousand II rupees used to be sent annually by Khan-Khanan for the expenses of his K'!Jij1UJah. After becoming a darvish he never read a book. Most of his time he spent in reciting and repeating the word of God. Every month he finished fifteen readings of the Qur'an. In the end he became a disciple of the well-known Saiyid Khwaja Baqi Biliah of Samarqand, who was born in Kabul. He, on being initiated and confirmed by him, and with his permission, occupied himself in following the holy commands and initiating and guiding the young followers along the right path tili he depa.rted for the other world.

New ~ear's Day and on festivala the Bega.m would come to the palace, the Mir was not allowed to enter without permission. In the reign of Jahangir he was appointed to the charge of the fort of Asir which in its height and fortifications and all matters pertaining th~reto is unique in the conquered dominions. When the Prince, the heir-apparenj; Shah Jahan, perceived that on account of the pursuit of the imperial army he could not remain in Mandu, and on the 17th crossed. the Narbada with the design of attacking Burhanpiir, and sent a body of troops to protect the ferries and to seize the boats, and came near .Asir, he sent his servant Sharifa with an order full of threats to the :Mir. The latter left out' of consideration his being a house'born servant, his father's fame, or loyalty and devotion to his master's service, and in spite of the vast supply of cannon and muskets, and abundance of stores, such as did not exist even to a hundredth part in other forts, and impregnability of~the fo~ress owing to the difficulty of ingress, which was such that an old Woman could have stopped a Rustam, and as soon as he received the Prince's order, he made over the fort to Sharifa, and came l out with wife and child and did homage. The Prince received him graciously and conferred favours upon him. Afterwards, when the Prince came to the throne, he took into considera. tion the :Mir's good service and gave him the rank of 4,000 with 3,000 horse. In the same II year he received the title of Murta.c;li Khan and Was given &.50,000 in cash and appointed governor of Sindh in succession to Sher Khwaja who had died on the way thither. As the envious heavens are hostile to success, his place had not become warm when in the end of the 2nd year, 1039 A.H. (1629-30 A.D.) he died. Among his sons, :Mir Saw~m.ud-Daula did well. In the' 21st year, he became the Divan of Prince Shuja' . In the 28th year, he went as the Prince's deputy to take charge of Orissa and had the rank of l 500 ' with 500 horse; he died at the end of the same year.
~USAM.UD-DlN KuAN.

(Vol. I, pp. 584-587.)

(MIR) ~USXM-UD-DlN ANJO, MURTAJ;lA KHAN.

(Vol. III, pp. 382-384.) He was the son of Mir Jamal.udnin 'Add-ud-Daula. His brother AmIn-udDin became the son.inlaw' of 'Abd.urRahim Khan KhanKhiioiio, ~nd so acquired distinction. He died young. Mir J;lusim-udDin marl'led the sister 8 of Ahmad Beg Khan, the brother's son of IbrahinI Khan Fat};1 Jang, and by this glorious alliance received high honours. He strove much to oblige and please that cha.ste lady. Whenever on
l Apparently N~ii.m-ud,Din Auliyi of DelhI. Fnr his life, see Beale, Oriental Biographicall)ictionary (l88l), p. 211. 2 Blochma.nn, op. cit., p. 489, states that Rs.12,OOO was given by his wife "as allowance for the ceH of her hUBband ", but the allowance was apparently paid by

Mirza ij:usam.ud-Din ~asan was the grandson of M~a.mmad Q..hiyath-ud-Din 'Ali A~ Khan. His father wa.s N~im.ud.Din 'Ali. He was a careless man of pleasure, and ill his youth he lived a thoronghly independent life. In cOnsequence of the relationship which his fa.mily had with Ya.min-ud-Dau1a ~ Jah, he, after the accession of Shah Jahan, became active in the King's service and served in various capa.cities in the Deccan. In the 15th year, he obtained the ra.nk of 1,000 with 500 horse a1id became Bakhshi of the Deccan. Though from trustworthiness and dislOterestedness he mixed freely with men, yet his prudence and ability enabled him to conduct himself so well that he was much praiSed. The governors of the Deccan treated him with honour. Khan Dauran N~rat Jang was instrumental in his advancement and impressed upon
lqbalnama-i-Jahangiri, p. 210; and Tii.zuk.i-Jahngiri,op. cit., pp. 277,278. He received the title of M:urtac;la Khin and the rank menti..aed from Shih Jahin in J~'slifetime;see Tuzuk-i-Jahdngiri, loe. cit., p. 278.
l 2

!!hin-I!lini.l'l.
4B

a She was the daughter of Niir, Jahin Begam's uncle, see Tinuk.i-Jahdngiri

(Rogera and Beveridge's translation) II, p. 277.

652

~US.lM-UD-DIN

U.lN

Maii!ll:ir

-ul Umara.

(SILUlili) IBR.lHIM-IBR.lHIM KH.lN.

653

Shah Jahan his skill and honesty. In the 18th year, he obtained the rank of 1,500 with 600 horse and the titl(\ of Khan. In the 21st year, he obtained the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse and was then relieved of the Bakhshiship and made the governor of the fort of 'Odgir. As he had already a reputation for knowledge and skill, he now wished to get one. for coura.ge, and so stretched out the arm of resolution and distinguished himself by overthrowing the turbulent and rebellious up to the borders of GOlconda. He emerged from the position of clerkship and became a leader, and received an increase of 500 with 500 horse. In the 30th year, he was removed from the governorship of Odgir and made faujdar of Telingana in succession to Hadi Dad Khin ~ri. It is not ~own when he was ma.d.e governor of Berir, except that ,in the M iriit-ul:'.Aliim it is stated that after the accession of Aurangzib and when that fortunate Prince crossed the Biyis in pursuit of Dira Shikoh, the governorship of Berar was given to Saiyid f;lalii.bat Khan entitled Iltbt~fil Khan in succession to ij:usam-ud-Din Khan, and that the faujdari of Bijagarh was given to the latter. The year of his death does not appear (in any work). Though ij:usam-ud-Din was busy with worldly affairs, he always spent his days in pleasure and sport, and never crossed the path of care and sorrow. He was much skilled in music and could extemporise (verses). Though he did not apply himself to the acquisition of science, yet from frequent intercourse with lea.rned men he wa8 acquainted with every 8cience 80 that at the time of exposition he was never at a loss. He wrote bea.utifully with the handwriting of a master, a.nd wa8 unequalled as a composer of distichea (qit'a navi'8i). He was also much given to hunting. He had many children, and good sons. The eldest, Mirza Ni'mat Ullih, was the m08t famous of the brothers. He was with Aurangzib when the latter marched to assume sovereignty, and after the accession he received the title of Suhrab Khan, and obtained the rank of 1,500 with 400 horse, and was made faujdiir of Bilipiir in Berar and went off to the Decoan. He was alwaY8 favoured on account of his services at the Court and in the provinces. His son, Mirlla 'Aqibat Mal;lmiid Sazawii.r Khan, after having been the faujdiir of Aland land Telinga, wa8 appointed to guard the fort of Bidar, but on account of weak eye-sight he was removed in the time of Bahadur Shah. He died in Burhanpiir. His son, Mir N~im-ud.Din 'Ali :E;lusim Ullih Khan spent a long time as the governor of the fort ot Odgir, and in the days of the mismanagement of the ~ilbadiirs confronted the rebels of that country, who were a tribe known as Bidar (Bedars ll) with a Hindi diil (c.l). His grown-up. sons were killed in those enga.gement~. Afterw:~ds his young flon obtained the father's title and was at the time of WJ"ltmg governor of the same fort. As he has hereditary .coura.ge and hardihood, and though the vagabond tribe of the Ma.hrattas h~s increased its oppression on every side, yet the turbulent ones of his neighbourhood are in awe of him. In truth, he, at this time, does credit to his ancestors. It is also owing t6 the virtUeB of the deceased Husam-ud-Din that though more than a hundred years have elapsed his family still maintains its position.
l In Gulbarga district, ~aida.ribad. 2 Described in Meadows.Taylor's novel Tara.

(SHAlU) IBR.1.H1M (son of SKAlU Mtts.l). (Vol. II, pp. 570-572.) He was the brother's l son of Shaikb Salim Sikri. Shaikb Musa was one of the good men of the time, and lived like a hermit in the town of Sikri-which is four II (!) kos from Akbarahad, and is the place where Akbar buUt a fort and founded a city, which he called Fatl;lpur-and passed his days in asceticism and worship. As the children of Akbar did not live, he sought the help of the darvishes, and also made his supplioations to Shaikh Salim. During this time the mother of Sultan Salim became pregnant and this increased Akba.r's respect for the Shaikb. Near the Shaikb's residence he made a place for her confinement, and in it a prince was born and nayP.ed after the Shaikb. Accordingly also the sons and connections of the Shaikb got promotion in this reign. Shaikb Ibrahim was for a long time attached to the princes, and served in the capital. In the 22nd year, he was with some other brave men employed in the tluinaddri of Ladla'i 8 in chastising the rebellious l'lements of that place. In the 23rd .year, he was made governor of Fathpiir,4 and in the 28th year, he was appointed to &88ist Khan A'~am Koka. He did good service in subduing Bengal, and with Vazir Khan took part in the putting down of Qutlii, who had rebelled in Orissa. In the 29th year, he came to the Court, and in the 30th year, when Akbar after the death of Mirza ij:akim purposed to march to Kabul, Ibrahim was left in charge of Agra. He served long in that capacity. In the 36th year, 999 A.H. (1590 A.D.) he died. His shrewdness and abilities impressed the Emperor. He was an Amir of the rank of 2,000. lBR.1.HIM KIt.lN. (Vol. I, pp. 295-301.) He was the eldest son of the Amir-ul.Umara 'Ali Mardan Khan 5. In the 26th year, 1063 A.H., he received from Sbih Jabin th-;- title
l The text makes Ibrihim the brother of ShailID Salim, but the description really refers to Ibrihim's father Miisi who was Salim's elder brother. The Tabaqiit-i-Akbari, De'a Text, II, p. 439, and Translation II, p. 666 describes him as the sonin-law and nephew (sister's BOn) of ShailID Salim Sikriwil. Sha.ikh Ibrii.him's death is recorded in the Akbarnama, Text m, p. 596, Beveridge's trail"slation, III, p. 908, note 7; and Muntak1J,.ab.utTawdrik!J., Text II, pp. 374, 375, Lowe's Translation II, p. 387. He died at Fatl).piir. Badiyiini gives him a poor character and Baya the chronogr'\m of his death is ShailID La'im : vile ShailID.This, as Lowe remarks yie!ds 1,000, which is one too much. Perhaps Badiyiini wrote Shaikh Yatim-th; orphan S~i~.. The. other chronogram given by Badiyiini, :m,amim-ui aUlJiifbase of dlSpo.sltlOn, gIVes the correct date 999. According to Badayiini, Ibrahim left 25 krors m cash. 2 SO in original, but this is clearly a mistake for twelve which is the number of kos mentioned in the notice of ShailID Al).mad, MaiiUi,ir-ulUmarii, II. p. 554. Beveridge's Translation, p. 169. 3 A~barniima, Text III, p. 220, where the word is Lawalali. Beveridge in the TranslatIon III, p. 309, has translated it as above, and commented on its location. 4 Se? Akbarn.iima, T?xt III, p. 236, Beveridge's Translation III, p. 337, where the appomtment IS descnbed as government of the Metropolitan province. 6 MaiiU!,ir.ul.Umarii. II, pp. 795-807. Beveridge's translation, pp. HI6-194.

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654

IBRAHIM gIN.

Madil!ir

-ul- Umara.

IBRAHtM KHAN.

of Khan as a ma.rk of favour and grace. When his father died in the 31st year, he was granted the. rank o~ 4,~, with 3:.~ hC?~., In the battle of Samiiga.rh, he was m the rIght WIng of Dara Shikoh s army; and after the defeat, from inexperience and short-sightedness, thought his best course was to become a partisan of Prince Murad Bakhsh. The presumptuous Prince in his folly coined money and re~ the .K1J,u~ in his own IUl.me in Gujarat on receipt of the news of illness of Shah Jahan, and took the name of Murrawwij-ud-Din l (Dispenser of religion), and fancied himself as the absolute king. Tlle fictitious flatteries of 'Alamgir and the false promises of that consummate master, who conducted himself so cleverly towards that raw novice on account (Jf the circumstances of the time, increased his natural ignorance., Though after the battle with Dara Shikoh and the disposition of Shah Jahan and the cessation of his authority, the reins of power fell naturally into the strong hands of 'A1amgir, ~ut Murad Balilish in the into~ica~ion.of folly and ignorance did not arrIve at the truth, and by the dIstrIbutIOn oftitles,2 and increase by fifty per cent in appointments and emoluments, and various other allurements enticed the royal (Shah Jahan's) servants to his side; and a 1arge,numoor gathered round him. Aurangzib bec~me alarmed at this assemblage, and because of the extravagant proceedmgs of that dolt and simpleton, he, in the guise of friendship, put an end to all his schemes. The details of this ar'} as follows. When' Alamgir Badshah came out of Agra to go in pursuit of Dara Shikoh. and encamped at GurJhar Sami,3 Murad Bakhsh kept away from accompanying him and remained in the city with 20,000 cavalry which he had gathere9 together. Many men also, from a desire for splendour and equipages, separa.ted from'!lamgir's army, and joined Murad, and his assemblage went on increasing. Aurangzib sent a person to inquire the reason of his opposition and for his tarrying to accompany him: he offered the excuse of his poverty (pares1uini). Consequently Muhammad Aurangzib Bahadur sent him twenty lacs of rupees, and a message to the effect that in aocordance with the agreement,s, he would get, after the present affair was settled, one-third of the spoils together With the territories of the Panjab, Kabul and Kasbmir. Murad Bakbsh marched" and joined him. When the encampment was near Mathura, the King resolved that he would get rid of Murad, as every day he was becoming more and more disgustedwith his behaviour. Accordingly 'he again, expressed a wish for the pleasure of a conversat~on with him and invited him on the pretext of holding a consultatIOn ~bout the affairs of the state. Though his well-wishers-who perceived that there was some plot afoot~xpostulated with him, the simpleton thought their suspicions groundless and said, "To have suspicions after covenants and oaths confirmed by the Qur'an is contrary to the Muhamrnadan ideals. "

655

Verse. When death comes to the game, it goes toward the hunter.

~n the 4th l Shawwal 1068 A.H. (5th Jul~, 1658 A.D.) he had gone h?ntmg when II suddenly Aurangzib represented that he had a pain in hIS stom~h and felt uneasy, and sent word to this effect to Murad on th~ huntmg ground. Murad did not see the deception, and turned his rem and came to Aurangzib's camp. Aurangzib received him with respect and took hi~ to his private apartmen~s and held a feast. After th~ c~rpet of enJoyment had. been spread, it w8.fJ arranged that after the SIesta they. would ?onslder the state affairs. Murad in complete unconcern divested himself of his weapons and went to sleep. Aura.ngzib went to the female apartments and sent BOme domestics who took away the arm.s 3 (of Murad). At this time Shaikh MIr, who was lying in wait, came WIth a number of men. When Murad was awakened by the clash o~ weapons~ he"saw that there was a new state of things. He heaved a s!gh and saId, To play the game of deceit with a straightforward fellow like me, a':ld not t.o respect the.Qur'an: was improper." Aurangzib, who was standing behmd the curtam, replIed : "In reality there has been no breach of promises. The life of that brother (yourself) IS safe but some vagabonds have gathered round you', and crooked ways and ~vil living have .come. to a h~~d. It is proper that, for some days, you should k~ep m retlfem~nt. ~ At the same time he imprisoned him a.nd sent hIm t~ the ~apltal, (t.e. Delhi) along with Diler Khan, and Shaikb MIr. Shahbaz Khan the_ e~nuch, W:ho held a commission of 5,000 and was at the head of ~urad s establIshment, was arrested with two or three other ?onfidentlal men who were with him. When his army knew that the thmg W8.S at an. end, they were helpless and joined the King's army and were treated WIth favour. Ibrahim Khan rubbed 5 his forehead in

I 'Alamgirniima, p. 134. 'Alamgirnama, p. 137. This appears to be the ferry Swami ovel' the Jumna river which is situatLd north of Sika.ndara some six to seven miles from Agra. _ 4 In '.Alamgirniima. p. 137, it is stated that he left Agra some days after Aurangzib, and ~lways encamped at a distance from him and that he never waited upon Aurangzib from the time of the battle of Samiigarh to his arrival at Mathurii.
2 3

1 2nd in the text, but 4th according to '.Alamgirniima p. 138 and Khan KhII,p. 38: On p. 131 of '.A~mgirnama, 2nd Shawwii.l is me~tioned 'as theda' wh~ Aurang~lb encamped oppOSIte Mathurii and celebrated the 'Id a second ti~e--4th S~aww8.I, ther~fore, would be the probable date, and this is adopted in Gambrid e H~8tory of Indw, IV, p. 222; see also Sir Jadunath Sarkar Hi8tory o' Aura II, pp. 431-434. ' ~ ngz. 2 The text is rather obscure. . 3 In .Sa'ir:i.Yaraq, Sa'ir probably means all. The Shaik:h Mir here mentioned IS th~ Sha!~ M~r K!!awiifi of M aiiQjir.ul- Umara, Text II, pp. 66S::670. th K!!afl Khan, II, p. 38, discreetly passes over, as unnecessary to be detailed e manner of Muriid Ba)IDsh's capture. See Catrou who mentions Ibrahim m.~ as one of ~he honest servants who tried to prevent Murad Ba\g)sh fro;m going t iura~ib s camp, p. 292. The eunuch Shahbii.z is the Chah-Abas of Bemiero Mcc~rding to Manucci, I, p. 303, he was strangled in the night and a little befo~ Kh~r~d I!.a)IDsh~as awakened and fettered. Bernier's account is different. Tho h _afl Khan d~clmes to narr~te the precise way in which Muriid was entra ped ~d arrested, he IS full of admIration for the skilfulness of Aurangzib's m t :rd e~pecially for the device of sending off four elephants with haudahs in ~ffe':ni ~ectlOns so .as to. prevent Muriid Ba1Lhsh's well.wishers from knowing which udah ?onta!ne~ ~! Perhaps the best and fairest account of Muriid Balg) h' Iapture IS that given III Ishar Das'!! Futu1}at 'Alamgiri, p. 29; see Rieu's Gatal s Add . 23, 884. Muriid Ba)IDsh may have stayed in Agra to rec~er fro'p. h2~9 MS. d m I!!WOun ll. v 6 K!!iifi Khan, II, p. 39.

fL

/lITat

u:

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656

Maail!ir

.ul- Umara,

IBRXBIM KHAN FAT~ JANG.

657

shame. But about the same period he, for reaso~, ~as depriv~d I of his appointment, and was allowed a yearly pensIOn' !ll the CapItal. In the second year he was raised to the rank of 5,000 With 5,000 hor~, and appointed to the government of Ka.shmir. _ ~er the death of Kha.lll Ullih Khan, he was appointed governor of Lahore. In the IIth year, he was made governor of Bihar ~ place .of Lashkar ~n. ln the 19th year, he left service and want mto retIrement. In t~e 21Bt year he was appointed 2 (again) to the government of Ka.shmtr ill the pla.oe of Qawam-ud-Din Khan and after that he was made .governor of the extensive territory of Bengal. When, in the 41st year, the governmen} of that province fell to Prince Muhammad 'A~im,8 the ~ond son_o SMh 'AJam Bahii.dur SMh, he was appointed, in place of SIpihdfi.r Khin, as the governor of Allahabad. Mter that, he w~ made gov~rnor of LaHore and in the 44th year, when that provmce was ~igned to Prince' Shah' 'Alam, he was appointed to KashIDir, t~e 'Climate of which area suited him. In the 46th year, he was a?p?illt~ to make the settlement of the province of Ahmadii.bad (~uJarat) ill place of the agents of Muhammad A'~am Shah, who, at his o~ requ~st, had been summoned to the Court. After the ~epart~re (of ~ ~m_SI:ii.h), and as there would be some delay in Ibrahim s arrIval, P~oe BIdar Baldlt (A'za.m Shah's son), the governor of ~lwa, was app~illted to protect. GUJMii.t. After Ibrahim Khan had aIT1ved at Ahma.dii.bii.d and before h had hoon firmly seated ther~ (lit. had not made the seat warm) and w~en the' Prince (Bidar Bakbt), who was expecting his cOJ?ing, had not yet left the city, the news came of the death of AU,rangzI~. _They. say that Ibrahim Khan, who regarded himself as an A ~amshah~ (partIZan f A'~m Shii.h) immediately sent a message of congratulatlOn to the ~oe (Bidii.r Balilit). Bidar Bakbt said in reply,4. "We know t~e worth of 'Alamgir B8.dshiih. What advantage is i~ that for a while heaven has proved favourable to us ~ Now men will know to what. a ma.dman the management of affairs is ooming." Mter BaMdur S~ah became the King, Muhammad '~-ush-SMn6 on ac~ount of hav~ been displeaeed 6 with Ibrii.him's conduct in Bengal W18hed to db him
1 I!!ii.fi Khii.n II, p. 41, where it is shted he resigned and ~~ granted a pensi~n of Rll.5,OOO m~nth. See also 'A.larngirnama, p. 158. Ibrah1ID warned Mure.d a"nst trusting Aurangzib, ManucCl, I, p. 301. , . ,t' ag 1 2 M0Q0tr.i.'.Alamgiri, pp. 163, 236. It appears !rom St~wart s HUJtory ?~ '" 94 tha t Ibrii.him was appointed to Bengal m 1689, M., 1100 A.H., 1 . Bengal ,p. 3 _, the 32nd year of the r e i g n . . ' 8 In the text A'~m, but the variant 'A~im lS correct. , 4 This is taken from I!!ii.fi I!!an, II, p. 567, but the re~ark ~~~.:~~s ilucce88ion is not there. I!!ii.fi I!!ii.n was then ln c~mpany wlth Mt~b ~~ Ibrii.hhil he r rter for Gujarii.t. It was Muhammad Murad who was sen y ~ ~UJlce to Bidii.r BalIDt the death of his ~~dfat~er, etc. see _al:'o Ell~i VII 388 where there is a mistake about Ibrahim I!!an. It Wa~J.Bldar Ba _ h';:~ toid to wait at the Mii.lW8 frontier. ~ii.fi Khan sars that lt ~.'~m Shih ;ad not been 8U8picioU8 of his son and had not prevented him from gomg at once to Agra, A'~am Shah might h.?-ve been s u c c e 8 8 f u l . , . o 2nd son of Bahe.dur Shah. .' t 't~ 6 BaBabab na 1rlluBM BangOla, the statement lS conC18e and ob8Cure. Wha: \ ," refers to is that Ibrahim Khan did not manage well in B~ngii.l, for he was too le~~ . and did not show vigour in p:utting down RaI)im. I!!an. see t~ acCOUJl~ ~ .118' administration in Stewart's HUJtory oj Bengal, p. 32S 'eJ ~eAJ' and ~ the B'1Iti4 SaJ.atin, p. 223 et Beq. It appears from Stewart and the BtyQ4 that ~-ushShill

a mischief. The Kbii.n-Khanii.n (Mun'im Khan) having regard for his family and his services, and in his absence interceded (on his behalf). SO Ilon order came from the Court appointing Ibrihim Khin to the government of Afpinistan, and conferring on him the title of 'Ali Ma.rdin Khin. IbrihIm Khan hastened to Peshiwar and there took up his abode. But he could not govern the province in the way that' it should have been administered, and accordingly the governorship was transferred to N~ Khan. Ibrahim Khan went to Ibrii.himabid SOdhara 1 whioh is thirty kos from Lahore and was regarded by him as his native country, and died there after some months. His son was Zabardast f{bin, who, when his father was governor of Bengal, had led an army and fought a severe battle with Rahim Khan, an Mihin, who had raised the head of sedition and called himself Rahim Shih. The latter was completely defeated. lt In the 42nd year of Aurangzib, he was made the governor of Oudh and had a comlJlission of 3,000 with 2,GOO horse. In the 49th year when Muhammad A' ~ Shah left, he had the charge ofAjmer and a commission of 4,000 with 3,000 horse. Another son was Ya'qiib !Q!&n, who in the time of Bahii.dur Shih was made the governor of ~ore, as the deputy of AlJ8.f-ud-Daula. After his father's death, he had the title of Ibrihim Khan. They say, that he presented to Sh&ll 'AI".m a ring from Yaman,8 the surface of which naturally bore on it the letters of the words: God, Muhammad, and 'Ali. Though an examination was made to See if this was not artificial, it was proved at last that it was natural.
IBRAHIM KHAN FAT~ JANG.

(Vol. I, pp. 135-139.) He was the son of I'timii.d-ud-DauIa. Mirza Q,hiyat.b. At first he was appointed, by J'ahii.ngir Bakbshi and historiographer of Ahma.dibid. At that time Shaikb Fadd. Murta4i Khan was the I!ii.badilr and he had not allowed four (successive) Ba.khshis-who wanted to do their work according to the rules-to enter on their duties. Mirzi Ibrahim, by tact and studying the circumstanoes, did not even use the name (of Bakbshi), but every day went to pay his respects. After a month the Shaikb said: "Why don't you take up your duties 1" The Mirza replied: "I do not want to do any work, I only want to please the Nawwib." The Shaikh wrote to the (i.e. his) CourtvakU requesting him to write to him without suppression or addition whatever Ibrahim wrote to I'timii.d-ud-Daula. As the Mirza. wrote nothing about the Shaikh except what was favourable, the vaaZ reported accordingly. M:urta4ii. Khin was ple&sed with the quietness and discretion of the Mirza and left the affairs of the ma~abdiirs to him and presented him a house, elephant
jealoU8 of Zabardast Wlii.n, the brave son of Ibrii.him 1Ili.n, and thwarted lbrii.him 1Ibii.n was too mild a governor. _ 1 It is West of Lihore on the Cheniib. It is the Sodhra of 1mperi4l Gaz.etteer, XXIll, p. 68. 2 see S~'s Hi8t.ory of Bengal, p. 336. Zabardast 1Dii.n was interrupted iD. his career of V1Ctory by 'Azimush-Shin. . NagtAa Yamam was perhaps a cornelian. A son, Fidi'j l\hi'lIl, is also men. tl?ned on p. 236 of Ma4fAtr.i.'Azamgiri as having conquered Qariya ( tl Tibet from DUda! zamIndii.r in the 27th year of Aurangzib, 1094 A.H.
W.88

:0

him.

658

IBB.i.BbI D.lN J'A.~J~G.

-ul-Umara. Ma4ll1ir

IBBIHIM UAN CZBEG.

609

and money. After two or three days he ',went to his house &8 a guest, and presented him aJI the articles of furniture, such &8 carpets, gold and silver veB88ls, etc., which he had 116nt ilom hill own store. At the end of the entertainment he ~ & note (daatagi) to the officers of Gujarit that they should offer a welcome (f)iyd/at, & feast) to the Balthshi. He put his own name down for &.50,000, &88igned Rs.5,000 as the share of the trlQ/n,abdr8 and a Jao of rupees &8 the share of the zamindirs. He also said to the clerksthat they should immediately take the full amount to the Mirzi from his treasury and oollect it a.fterwards. He also wrote re~tedly to the Court (about Ibrii.him K!lii.n), and in the course of a year he was raised 1;0 the rank of 1,000. When I'timii.d-ud-Daula's family W&8 advanced, the MIrzi, came to the Court, and, in the 9th year, obtained a maftfab of 1,500 with 300 horse and the title of Khan, and W&8 made the Court-Bakhshi. By degrees he rose to the rank of 5,000 and got the title of Ibrihim !Ylin FatJ;l. Jang, and was appointed governor of Rangil and Orissa. When, in the I9th year, Prince Shih Jahin proceeded by the route of Telingina towards Bengil, 1Uunad Beg Khan, the brother's son of Ibrahim Khan, who was the Nfi'ib of 0rI88&, had gone to attack the zamindars of Kokrah. 1 When he hea.rd of Shih Jahan's approach, he went to Pipli. which was the sea,t of government, and transferred his family and good/!- to Cuttaek which was 12 ko8distant. As he had not power to withstand Shah Jahin, he went off to Bengal. The Prince came to Orissa and sent a messa.ge to Ibrahim Khan by Jan Nithar Khin, and I'timad Khan Khwaja Idrik to the effect, that by destiny he had come to this country, and although in the eyes of man1y courage the extent of this country was no more than a practising ground (ja.uliingah), but as it was on his road he could not avoid a cursory view of the area. If Ibrahim Khan wishes to go to the Presence 2 (of Jahangir), there would be no opposition and no injury to his honour or property. Or, if he likes to stay in the country, he might choo86 any place he likes to reside in. Ibrahim ~an who, on .hearing of Sbih Jahan's expedition, had Corne from Dii.cca to Rii.jmahal, replied that the orders of the Prince were the interpretation of the commands of God, and that his life and property were at the Prince's disposal, but that the Ill-WB of faithfulness to one's salt, and his having been nurtured by the King were obstacles in his way, and that he could not come to wait upon the Prince. Nor could hc resolve upon departing and showing the face of shame to his equals and contemporaries. As the King had entrusted this country to his old servant, he could not, for the sake II of his borrowed life of no valuefor it is known what remains of Iif~how slackness in thE' work of his benefactor. . He wa3 helple88 and would give his head to be trodden by the hoofs of the Prince's troops.. He desires that after his death the country should be given to the servants of the King. As his men w~J:'e scattered, and the fort of Akbarnagar (RajmaJ;l.al) was very large, Ibrahim
1

Khii.n went to the tomb of his son, which was one kos from the fort and Formerly the fort had been on the bank of the river, but now it had been for a long time at the above-mentioned distance from ft. Ibrii.hlm Khan sought protection in the tomb, which was unique in solidityand strength, and where the Heet could bring auxiIia.ries and supplies by way of the river. The Prince took a.n omen of viotory from the words and acts of Ibrahim Khan, viz., tha.t he had used the word "death" and had gone to a tomb, and took up his quarters ~ the city and sent his men to besiege the enclosure. Then the Hames of ba.ttle arOBe inside and outside. 'Abdullii.h Khan Firiiz Ja.ng a.nd Da.rya Khan Rohila crossed over to the other side. Ibrahim Khan became disconcerted and with Ahmad Beg Khiin-who had now joined him, he came out of the fort (i.e. the tomb) and fought. There was a great ba.ttle and Ahmad Beg Khan received several wounds; On seeing this Ibr~ N!an could not restrain himself and galloped forwa.rd. In this onset order was lost and most of hill follower8 Hed. Ibrahim Khan with a. few stood firm, and though his men wanted to remove him from such a. da.ngerous place, he would not consent and said: "Mv fate does not need it, what better can there be than to give my life in my master's service." He had not finished speaking when he was attIlocked on all sides a.nd killed. As his family Bond goods were in Dacca, Ahmad Beg Khan went there. The Prince too went there by the river, and Ahmad Beg could not but submit. About forty lacs of rupe6s besides other properties in elephants and clothes, etc., fell into the hands of the Prince. 1 From that time Ahmad Beg Wall an object offIlovour. In the last year (of Shah Jahan) he had high rank, and became governor of Thatha and Sistan and after that he was made governor of :Multin. . When he returned to the Court he received the parganas of Jis 2 and east Amethi in fief. There he died a natural death. Ibrahim Khan had. (i.e. left) no children. His wife was ~aji!Jiir Parwa.r (nourished by houris?) Khanam who was the maternai a.unt 8 of Niir .Tahan Begllom. She had a long span of life and survived till the middle of Aurangzib's reign; she had' Aligarh (Kol-JaliUi) as her fief (altampa). She lived there in repose andtranquillity till she died.

mi. the bank ofthe Ganges.

lBRllllM ~AN UZBEG.

(Vol. I, pp. 75-77.) He was one of the officers of Humayiin. In the year when India was conquered, he was appointed to Lahore along with SMh AbiH Ma' ali so that they might oheck Sikandar Sur if he came out from the hill country and attIlocked the imperial territory. After that Ibrahim
1 For details of Shih Ja.hii.n's campaign in Orissa and Bengil, see Banarsi Prasad., Hi8tory of Shahjahan, pp. 48-50. II Both pargana.s are in OUlili; Imperial Gazetteer, XIII, p. 402, V, p. 292. There isan account of IbriihIm's battle and death in the Riyalj,ua-Sa1alin, p. 192, etc. It is taken from Mul}.ammad HMi's supplement to the Tt1zuk.i.Jahangiri, pp. 383, etc. 3 see also Blochmann's translation of A'in; I (2nd edn.), p. 575, where it is stated that Ibrahim !Q!il.rl. was Niir Jahii.n's brother, and he was ma.rried to h"r maternal aunt (l{biila).

ln IqOOlniima.i-Jahangiri,

p.

2]7,

I).!

Kar6h.

In

Tilzuki-JaMngiri

(Rogers and Beveridge's tmnslation) II, p. 298, it is transcribed as Khurda. In a footnote on the same page the exact position of Pipli is also diBCu!!Slld by Beveridge. II Vide Iqblniima-i.Jahdngiri,p. 218. 3 The paBBBge is somewh&t obscure in the text. In IqbJ,nama.i-Jahdngiri, p. 219, from where the p&BS8ge is taken, it is quite clear, for Ibrii.hIm Khii.n states that he knows from the good things of past life, what there is in store for the future.

.ul-Umara.
660
IFTIKBIR gIN.

IFTIKHAR KHIN.

Madt/lir

661

Khan obtained, 808 his fief, Surha.rp\ir l which is a dependency of Jaunpiir, and Was continually engaged, in concert with 'Ali Quli Khan Zaman in protecting that tract of country. In Akbar's time, the rebellion of Khan Zaman and Sikanda.r Khan Ozbeg, occurred. Ashraf Khan Mir Munshi brought to Silfandar Khan a gracious Jarmiin, but the latter said; "Ibrahim Khan is the Aqsiqal, that is, whitebearded, he is a near neighbour, I shall go and 800 him. We sha.llcometogether to the Court." He want to Surharp\ir and from there the two want to Khan Zaman. They arra.nged that the aforesaid Khan should go with Sika.ndar Khan to Lucknow, and kind1e the fire of sedition. Accordingly the Khan went there and became a source of turbulence. When Mun' im Khan the Khiin-Khana.n had an interview with 'Ali QulI Jahan a fresh agreement for service was made, and Khan J a.hanwho W808 the oentre of the imperial affairs-eame from the Presence. The Khan-Kh8.nan wished to go in company with him to Khan Zaman's tents, and asked the latter to come to his camp 808 a hostage. It was agreed that Khan Zaman should proceed to the Court with his mother and fitting presents. Accordingly Khan-Kharuin and Khwaja Jahan set out for Khan Zaman's tents and the latter came before His Majesty with his sword and a shroud round his neck. Re was pardoned, and tht' sword and shroud werQ removed. When in the 12th year, Khan Zaman arid Sikandar Khan again stirred up rebellion, they went towards Oudh. When later Sikandar Khan went towards Bengal, Ibrahim obtained pardon through the intervention of the Khan-Khanan, and received favo~rs and was inoluded among the followers of Khan-Kharuin. The date of h18 death is not known. It was his son Isma'n Khan to whom' Ali Quli Khan Zaman had given the township of Sandila (in Oudh) as a jagir. When in the third year, that township was assigned to Sul~an I;[usain Khan Jala'ir, !sma' n Khan delayed in giving him possession. Afterwards, when it was taken from him by force, he brought an army from Khan Zaman; there was a battle and he was defeated. 2
I:FTIKBAR .KIJIN, K1lWIJA ABUL BAQ.l.

(Vol. I, pp. 200-203.) He was a brother's son of 'Abdullah Khan Firiiz Jang, and sister's son of Mahabat Khan Kh8.n-Kh8.nii.n s. Re held Lucknow as his jdgir, and, in the 18th year of Shah Jahan's reign, obtained the title of !ftikb iir Khan and the service of the Tuzuk (office of marshal), and a Jewelled mace on the death of Mir Khan, who was killed in the domestic 4 broil (Mana-jangi) between l;ialabiit Khan and Amar Singh. Mterwards he
Surharplir is a. pa.rga.na. in the Fa.iQ.ii.bid district of Oudh. In Akbarnma, Text II, pp. 68, 69, and Beveridge's tra.Il8lation II, p. 1?6. For a notice of Ibrahim 1Qli.Q. and his BOn Illma'illQlli.n, see Blochmann's translatiOn of A/in. I (200 edn.), pp. 416, 417. In Akbarnama, however, it is not clearly stated that IsmlL'il iIlli.n was killed. 3 For 'AbduIlioh lhin FIriiz Jang see Maii4Mr-ul-Umar. II. pp. 777-789 a.nd Beveridge's translation. pp. 97-105; for Mahibat 1Qlli.n, id., III. pp. 385-409. <lo It was an _88ination' committed in Shih Jahii.n's presence, see Bd8hiihniima, II, p. 380. ~liibat lb8n was the Mir Bal7/t8hi. His tomb is between Agra. and'Sikandra.: (Keene's Agra, p. 49).
l
B

was granted the Jaujdiiri of Akbarnagar (Rajmahal) and was promoted to a manOh of 1,500 with 1,500 horse. In the 26th year, he made himself conspicuous to all by his courage in the battle with the Persians at Qandahar. When the Persian army attacked the right wing of Rustam Khan's army, most of that body became disordered. But IftiJmii.r Khan, at the head of a few men, remained mm, and was rewarded by receiving an increase of 500 with 500 horse, and 80 being promoted to the rank of 2,000 with 2,000' horse and granted a flag. As his straightforwardne88 and zeal were deserving of reward, he, in the 25th year, at the festival of the solar weighment, received an advance of 500 and the present of drums. When, in the 27th year, he was. appointed to accompany Prince Dara Shikoh in the expedition to Qandahar, he was,at the request of the Prince, given an increase of 500. In the 28th year, he was given the tiyiUdari and Jaujdiiri of Chiiragarh in the province of Mii.lwa and received an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse and was raised to a mansab of 3,000 with 3,000 horse. When, in the 30th year, Prince Auran~ib, the governor of the Deccan, was directed to chastise Sultan 'Abdullah Qu~b Shah, the ruler of Teling l, Shayista Khan, the ~Ubadar of Malwa, left along with Iftik!Jar Khan and other Jaujdiirs and ma~abdars attached to that province to join the Prince's army. Iftik.bii.r .Khan was, by the Prince's order (ba amr shahi), appointed to the southern battery along with Radi Dad Khan A~ri. When that undertaking had been finished, he obtained leave to go to his fief. When, in the end of the same year, the aforesaid Prince was appointed to subdue the country of ' Adil Shah the ruler of Bijap.fir, Iftik!Jar Khan, in accordance with the royal order, hastened from his fief and joined the Prince's army. When, in the 31st year, the Prince II arrived at Bidar with a large army, Sidi Marjan, the governor of the fort-who was one of the old servants of Ibrahim 'Adi! Khan, and who had been guarding the fortress for thirty yearstook it on himself to sa1'eguard it. He had with him nearly 1,000 horse, and 4,000 infantry including musketeers, and grenad'iers (bandar lit. rocket holders) and an abundance of the munitions of war. The Prince and Mu' a~~am Khan Mir J umla, in the course of ten days, brought up the guns to the edge of the fort and destroyed a bastion. By chance, one day. when an assault was made from Mu'a~~am Khan's battery, the governor of the fort, who had prepared a large trench behind the said basti6n and had filled it with gunpowder, rockets (ban) and grenades (Quqqa), was close by prepared to repel the attack, a spark reached the gunpowder and he and two of his sons were burnt. Brave men beat loudly the drum of victory and entered the city. The governor had been seized by the claws of death, but he sent his sons with the keys of the fort. Next day he died. This great fortress-which had throomoats, 25 yards broad and 15 yards deep, cut in the rock-was, thr6ugh the good fortune of the Prince, taken within twenty-seven days with great ease. Twelve lacs of rupees in coin, and eight lacs of rupees worth of lead, gunpowder and other munitions together with 230 guns were ca.ptured. The Princ.e left his second son, Sul~an Muhammad M'a~~, with Ifti!Ibar Khan ln the fort and continued his advance. The
l He was the mler of ~aidarii.bad and Golconda. See Khan Khn, I, p.. 741, Aura.ngzib set out in 1066 A.H. II see Sir Ja.dunath. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, I, pp. 240-242.

662

IFTIKHAR liliAN SUL1'AN I;lUSAIN.

.ul-Umara.
Mu'a~~am

IHTIMIM KHAN.

663

camp~ign ha:~ n~t been fully completed when, by the royal order,the Prince a~d his auxilianes had t.o return to his place. At the same time MaharaJa J~swant was appomted to settle Miilwa, and all the fiefholders wer.e .dU"ected t~ assist him. Iftikbar Khan out of his zeal was the first

to }om the RaJa. Suddenly the fateful heavens produced an event 1 w:hich had not entered into the imaginat~on of anyone, and in the begin,~. o~ the 32nd ~ear, 1068 A.H., PrlUce Aurangzib came to Malwa With his ~y on ~ wIJ.y t~ the Capital. As the Raja blocked his path an~ W~ lU ~xpectatlOn of this day, preparations were made for the battle. I~dma.r Khin and the other ml1/fU}abdars arranged themselves on his left ~ and engaged Mur~ Bakbsh's troop8, which formed' Alamgir's right WIng. The Khan was killed. They say, that though he was a Kkwiijaziida of the Naqshbandi order, he had embraced the Imamiy~ (Shi'a) religion an? .had so committed to .memory the proofs and arguments for that religion that others found lt difficult to refnte him. He had also some tincture of knowledge. . 1FTIKHAR KHAN SUL1'AN J.IUSAIN. (Vol. l, pp. 252-255.) He was the eldest son of ~lat Khan Mir RaMski 2. When his father died ~ Balkb, in the 20th year of Shah Jahan;; reign, the appreciative SovereIgn had. regar~ for ~he g?od service of that zealous and energetic servant and patronised his chIldren. In the 21st year, he appointed Sul1A~ J.Iusain to the Superinten~ency of the QUrkkiina 8, and in the followmg year he was made Supermtendent of the branding (of horses) in succe~i~n to_~ahmat !ilian. In the 24th year, he was made jaujdar o~ the Miyan Duab, and, lU the SIst year, he obtained the rank of 1,000 With horse. !~ co~p~ny with Maharaja Jaswant Singh, who by the contrivIlonce of D~ra Shikoh had been ~ppointed to confront Aurangzib, he was sent to Malwa. At the same tIme that fortunate Prince crossed the Narbada and came to that province. The Raja blocked his path and prepared for bat_tle. After the leading Rajpiits had been put to the sword by. Aurangzlb, and the Maharaja becoming distracted had taken to fl;ight, a.n~mber of th~ auxilia:ies joined Aurangzib, while many es.caped WIth theU" !Ives. Sultan J.Iusam, who had been appointed along With trusty men to the front section of the vanguard, withdrew and proc~ed ~owards Agra. When AUfangzib became King, he, as a judge of merIt, lUcreased Sultan J.Iusain s rank and conferred on him the title of Iftithar Khan. After the battle with Shuja' he was made Master o~ the Horse in place of Saif Khan, and promoted to the rank of 2,000 WIth_l~ooo _hors.e. In ~he 6th year, he was made Mir-i-Siimiin in place o~ F8.<;lil Khan wh.o r~ceI:ved ~h~ high office of Vazir. As he had adapted hImself to the King s dlSposltlOn, he for a long time served hiln and held an assured position.

?oo

In the 13th 1 year, it was reported to the King that Prince Mu1].ammad (Bah8dur Shah), the Viceroy (Nii~im) of the Deccan, had, on account of bad companionship, self-indulgence, and the deceit of flatterers departed from the right path and become proud and insubordinate. Knowing Sultan J.Iusain to be trustworthy and acquainted with his policy, Aurangzib sent himt9 the Deccan, and gave him both sweet and bitter instructions, and such as fitted the occasion. Sultan Husain went there with alacrity and discharged his trust. As the 'Prine was loyal and the reports about him were false, he did nothing but submit and showed his readiness to act according to the King's pleasure. The King was convinced of bis honesty, and his wrath turned to complaisance. But at the same time evil speakers found the opportunity and made the King displeased with IftUWar Khan. When he returned to the Presence, he was, in spite of all the honour and confidence that had been given to him, deprived of his rank and title, and a mace-bearer was appointed to convey him across the Indus. In the 14th year, his fauits were p~rdoned and he was res~ored to his office and title, and again encompassed Wlth favours and appolUted governor of Kashmir in succession to Saif Khan. Afterwards he was transferred from Kashmir to Peshawar at the time when the Mld!ans had made a disturbance. In the 12th year, he was made jaujdar of the Bangash, g,nd, in the 2lst, when he was appointed to the government of Ajmer he was .ordered to accompany Prince Muhammad Akbar. In the 23rd year, he was made jaujdar of Jaunpiir, and, in the 24th, 1092, he died. His sons 2 'Abdullah, 'Abdul Hadi and 'Abdul Baqi appeared before the King and received mourning robes. In the time of Bahadur Sbih, one of them obtained the title of A~a,}at Khan, and was appointed as the deputy of Mukbtar Khan in the office of the K..,hiin-i.Siimiin. During this reign he, after suffering much adversity came to the Deccan, where the appreciative Al[laf Jah came to his relief and made him Diviin of the Deccan. At last he was appointed governor of I;iaidarabad, .and ended his days there. The other became known by becoming the son-in-law of Ma' mill Khan. He got the title of Ta.fikbur Khan and, in the reign of Muhammad FarrulW s~yar,. he became governor of the fort of Bijapiir, and lived for along tIme lU t~at ~eserted p~ace, nor did the door of comfort and tranquillity open to his dlStressed cU"cumstances. In the same place he died. IHTIMAM KHAN. (Vol. I, pp. 160-162.) One of the Wdlii-SMkis (household troopers) of Shah Jahan. In the first year of the reign, he received the rank of.a 1,000 8 with 250 horse. In the Srd year, when the Deccan became the King's camping ground, and three armies under the command of three Amirs were sent to chastise Khan Jahan LOdi and to devastate the country of N~am-ul-Mulk who ha~ protected him, he was made DarogAa of the artillery and sent along With A'~am Khan. In the battle in which A'~am !\han attIlocked
l II

l T.he illneas of Shah Jahan in September 1657, see Banarsi Prasad Hi,tory of Shahjahan, p. 320. ' 2 Maathir:ul~Umarii, Text l, pp. 167-172, Beveridge'a traDIllation, pp. 295-299. 34 The Inalgma, see Blochmann's translation of the A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 52, te .
~IO

Maiithir-i.'Alamgiri, pp. 100, 101. Maathir.i.'Alamgiri, pp. 209, 210. Biidshiihniima, l, p. 119.

664

(tmAN '.lLAM) IQLA~ mAN.

-ul Umara.

665

Khali Jahan LOdi, and in which Bahadur the brother's son of Khan Jahan stubbornly resistod,. Ihtimam Khan and BaMdur Khan Rohila were among the first l to get to the summit of the hill (the pass) and did good service. After that when A'~am Khan went towards Jamkheri 2 with theintention of extirpating Muqarrab Khan and Bahlul, lhtimam Khan was appointed to take the fort Qf Telingi and rendered good service in taking it. In the 4th year, he obtained the rank of 1,000 "",ith 400 horse and was made thiinadiir of Ja.Ina 3 . In the5th year, he received an augmentation of 200 horse, and in the 6th year he obtained the rank of 2,000 with 1,200 horse. In the 9th year, when Shah JaMn went to the Deccan for the second time and sent three armies under three generaIs for the chastisement of Bahu Bhonsle, and to devastate the country of , Adi! Khan, lhtimam Khan got an increase of 300 horse and went off with Khan Dauran. He did good servioe in the siege of the fort of Usa, 4 and after its capture was appointed its governor. In the lOth year, he received the honour of kettledrums, but in the l3th year he was removed from there, and, at the request 6 of Prinoe Aurangzib was made thiinadar of Kherla in Berar. In the 14th year, he came to the Court and received a robe of honour, a horse and an elephant and was made the thiinadiir of Ghii.rband in successIon to Himmat Khan. In the 19th year, he went with Prince Murad Bakhsh to conquer Bal.\dl and Badalillshan, and after the fort of Ghur (or Ghuri) was taken, he was appointed to its charge. As it appeared that he did not behave 6 well to the men there, he was removed in the 20th year, and in the same year, 1056 A.R. (1646 A.D.) he died.
(fuJAN' ALAM) IQLA~ KHAN.

the pargana of Basmat l as jiigir in the province of Bidar. and resided there. He was much attached to his wife, and left to her the management of the jiigir. Owing to the jugglery of fate she died; he lamented much for her and died four months afterwards. He was a ze8.Ious collector of jewels and armour, but made no use of them. He also accumulated much cash, and after his death more than half of it was confiscated. He had no son. The second son was !htisham Khan, who died young. His son !htisham Khan, II, lived with his uncle Khan 'Alam. He was married to his daughter. She left a son. who, after much exertion, got the title of Khan <Alam and the hereditary tief mentioned above. But by the jugglery of fate he died in early youth.
1KHL.l~ KHAN IKHL.l~

KESH.

(Vol. l, pp. 350-352.) He was the son of a Hindu of the Khatri Bali 2 (?) tribe. His real name was Debi Dis, and his ancestors Were qanilngos of the township of K8.Ianaur, which is forty kOB from LahOre. From early youth he had applied himaelf to study. He lived in the Capital and by associating with learned people and with faqirs he became a oultured man. As he was a disciple of Mullii. 'Abdulla.h 3 of SiyaIkot, he by his recommendation entered the service of Aurangzib and receiv:ed the name of l~ Kem 4. In the 25th year, he had a small appointment and became clerk of the kitchen. In the 26th year he was. clerk of the Oratory, in the 29th year clerk of petitions and in the 30th year he was pi8hdast l) (assistant) of RUb UIlih Khan Mir Bakhshi iti place of Yar 'Ali Beg. In the 33rd year, he replaced Sha.raf-ud-I>in as Wdqi'a.navis of the Kkiin-i-Samiin's office, and afterwards he was Amin 6 of the capitation-tax in the province of Bidar. In the 39th year, he was Amin and faujdiir of pargana Andii.r 7 in place of Mu1;I.ammad Ka~im, and in that year his rank was 400 with 350 horse. In the 41st year, he was again pMhdast of RUb ulli.h Khan, the Kh4n-i-8amiin. In the 50th year, he had Muhammad added to his name, and was made Valal of Shah' Alam. On the death of Aurangzib, as '~am Shah was displeased with him on account of this vaki!ship, Basalat Khan Mirza Sultan intereeded for him and, as it was shown that he was blameless, he received a parwiina (order or permission) and remained in Aurangabad. When Bahidur Sbih became the Sovereign, he came to the Court and received an appointment of 2,500 with 1,000 horSe, and the title of lkhlilll Khan, and was appointed to the office of 'Arq, Mukarrar (Reviser of petitions). They say, that when the chief offioer 8
1
3

(Vol. I, pp. 816,817.) He was the eldest son of Khan Zaman Shaikh Nizam 7. In the 29th year, he entered the service of Aurangzib along with his father and received a suitable rank. In the 32nd year, when his father made great exertions in capturing Sambha, he took part in the enterprise. He obtained the rank of 5,000 with 4,000 horse and the title of Khan' Alam. In the 39th year, he was granted an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse, and, in the 43rd year, he distinguished himself in the battle which Mu1;I.ammad Bidar BaJIDt fought with Rana BhOnsle. In the 50th year, he was appointed to guard Malwa and was ordered to accompany Muhammad A' ~am Shah who had gone off towards MaIwa some days before _the King's death. Mter that event he attached himself to Muhammad A' ~am Shah and on the day of the battle with Bahadur Shah he confronted Sultan' Azim-ush.Shan and made a brave attack. He was killed 8 by a buhet. One of his sons was Khan' Alam II, who, after his father, became the head of the family. He held by inheritance
BtidB1tah1Uima, I, p. 330. JamkbIr about 30 miles S.E. of Aurangabid, Elliot, VII, p. 16. The Jjmkhed ~f Imperial Gazetteer, XIV, p. 47. 3 East of Aurangii.bid, vitk Imperial Gazetteer, XIV, p. 29. 4 Ooscotta of Grant-Duff. The owsa of Imperial Gazeueer, XIX, p. 294. 6 BtidBJurhnima, II, p. 205. 6 Badahiihnama. II, p. 565. 7 Mootair.ul-Umara, I,pp.794-798. 8 5hiifi KlIii.n. II, p. 591. Battle of Jil.jau, 18th June, 1707.
1

NQtth-west of Nii.nd6r, ij:aidarii.b&d.

Nali.

:I . V.want

Maiij}jw-i-'Alamgiri, pp. 148, 220. He died in 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.). 4 Ma40ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 220. The title means sincere in religion. 6 MOOfliir-i-'Alamgirl. p. 283. . 6 Loc. cit., p. 380. 7 Tbis iBpl'Obably a. pl8ce in the Deccan, and not Andorah of the Bii.rl: Diiii.b. s Perhapa SariDarb4r meaz1ll here the subject brought before the darbar. The miJl.iBter referred to as the i!ln-IJlii.nii.n was :Mun im Ihii.n who afterwards fell into dillgraOO on accoUnt of hiIllettingBanda the Sikh leader escape; see Mai0ir-ul Umara, Text III, pp. 667-677, and Sarkar's edition of lrvine's La,ter Mughal8, l, pp. 109-116. The account in the text is taken from i!l&fi IQ!ii.n, Il, pp. 628, 629, where IIWl8lj 5hii.n is called JaaululI8liim, the new convert to IslB.m. 5

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666

ItmLA~

UU SHAIU ILXHDIYA.

McuiU!ir
(SAIYID) IUTI~I~ eIN.

(Sar-i-Darbar) brought forward the subject of petitiollil, and as the Emperor was also a man of learning, there used to be long conversations between them about theological subjects, and a. hint was given to the other officers that they should remain silent, as the questions of commentaries and traditions were being discussed and secular matters must be postponed fal: the time. As both the Emperor and his minister for the time being had extraordinarily liberal ideas, scarcely anyone's petition was rejected. The Khan, who was noted for his severity and keenness in business matters, said to the Kh8.n-Khanan "The tree of the Emperor's universal benevolence will not bear any fruit except by the confiscation of many of the fiefs". Khin-Khana.n knew that the odium of the inquiry would fall on himself, and so he put it on to IkQ~ KhAn. He too could not bear reproaches of men and withdrew from service, and M"ust' id Khan Muhammad Sa.qi was appointed to the office. In the time of Jahindir Shih, llbiilfaqir Khan expanded the office ofthe Diwiin-i-Tan 1 and made Ikblii.ljl KhAn his assistant. In the time of Farrukh-siyar, when there was much violence, and several officers had their eye upon him, Qutb-ul-Mulk and I;Lusain 'Ali remembered old friendship and sent him to his home which was in the town of Jinsath. a Afterwards they represented matters to the Emperor, and sent him saruuls confirming him in his man{lab and jagir and summoned him to the Court. Though, on account of his independent nature, he did not wish again to take up service, he did so at the insistence of the two brothers. He was made .Mir M unshi and entrusted with the duty of writing the records of the reign. After Farrukh-siyar was deposed, he obtained a man{101J of 7,000. In the time of Mubammad SMh he also filled the same office. He was a tactful man and one who knew the Court. He never wore anything but white clothes. They say, that even when he was of low rank the highest officers honoured him. He composed 3 a history of the events of the reign of Muhammad FarruJib-siyar and called it the Badskiihru1ma. He died at his appointed time.
IKHL1~ K!I.{N SHA.IKB ILAHDIYA.

667

service of his master in the battle which Shuji' at Khin fought with 'Ut;bmin AfPin, who was raising the standard of arrogance in Orissa 1. Sha.ikh lW1diya obtained a suitable office, and, in the 8th year of Sbih Jahin, was appointed to accompany Prince Aura.ngzib on the expedition &gainst Jujhir Singh Bundela. In the 17th year, he was raised to the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse and made governor of Ka.linjar. In the 19th year, he accompanied Prince Murid. Ba"sh in the eJq)edition to Balkb and Ba.dakhsMn, and obtained the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse and the title of Ikh~ Kha.n. In the 20th year, he was, at the instance of Jumlat-ul-Mulk.Sa'ad Ulli.h Khan-who hastened off after the return of Prince Murad Bakbsh to a.rrange the affairs of Bal/dl-favoured with an increase of 500 horse. In the 21st year, he returned, and by the royal order was separated from Prince Aurangzib and attached to the King. Afterwards he was given a flag. In the 22nd year, he was raised to the rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse and ~nt off. to Qandahir with Pr~ce Aurangzib. In the 23rd year, he had an increase of 500 and in the 29th year was granted drums, and accompanied for the second time the above-mentioned Prince. In the 26th yea~, he went with Prince Dari Shikoh to the same region and received a robe of honour and a horse with a saddIe and silver mountings. From Qandahir he went with Rustam!Qlin to take Bust, and, in the 28thyear, hewent with Jumlat-ulMulk (Sa.'ad Ullih) to demolish Chittor. In the 30th year, he was among the auxiliaries of the Deccan with Mu' ~~am Khin and went to join Prince Aurangzib, the Viceroy. In the war a with' Adil-KhAnIs he behaved bravely and was wounded in the leg by a spear. Afterwards, in the 31st year, he was raised to the rank of 3,000 with 1,000 horse. Nothing more is mentioned about him.
(SA.IYID) IKBTI~l~ KHAN, or SAIYID FIRitz JANG.

(Vol. II, pp. 473-475.) (Vol. I, pp. 198, 199.) He was the Bon of Kishwar !Qli.n Shai\d) Ibrahim, son of Qu~b.ud-Din K!lin Shaikh Khiib&n of whom an account is given separately (Text III, pp. 65--68). Shaikh Ibrahim obtain~, in the first year of Jabingir, the rank of 1,000 with 300, horse and the title of Kishwar Khan. In the 3rd year, he was made governor of RohtiB. In the 4th year, he came to the Court and obtained the rank of 2,000 with 2,000 horse, and was made the Jaujdfir of Ujjain. In the 7th year, he bravely yielded up his life in the
Fol' Diwan-iTan, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's Mughal Admini8t,.ation, pp. 46-48. In the M:u~affarnagardistrict, U.P. Famous as the home of Jii.ns8th Saiyids, Imperial (}azetteer, XIV, p. 62. It was sacked inM~ammad Sh8h's reign; see Siya,..ulMuta'akl1lJ;hirin, I, p. 296. . 3 See Khafi Khan, II, p. 774. The work does not seem to exist now. Beale identifies this IlWli~ ~ii.n with Kishn Chand who W1'ote the Hamuoo Bahar, see pp. 176 and 223, and also Rieu, Oatalogue, p. lO86b. The Haml800 Bahar"is described in Sprenger's Oudh Cat.; p. 117, but prob&bly Kishn Chand and Dl!bi Dis are not the same. This biogl'aphy is by 'Abdul ij:ayy.
1

He was the brother's son and son-in-Iaw of Saiyid Kha.n Jahin Birah of Shih Jahin's reign. In his uncle's lifetime he attained the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse, and, after his death he, in the 19th year, obtained an increase of 500 with 600 horse. In the 20th year, he went with some officers to Balkb to convey 25 lacs of rupees to Sa' ad Ullah Khan. On hisreturn his rank beoame2,000 with 1,000 horse and he ;-as presented a flag: In th~ 22nd year, he. ~eceived the ti~le of Khi? and want with Prince Aurangzlb on the expeditlOn to Qandahar. On hiS return he received a robe of honour and a horse with a silvered saddle. From there he went with Rustam KhAn to help Qulij Khan, and marched to Bust.. He did good service in the battle with the Persians, and was wounded in the arm by a bullet. In the 25th year, he went for the second time with the said Prince on the same expedition, and received a robe of honour, etc. In the 26th year, he went on the same expedition with Prince Dira Shikoh. In the 29th year, he was made Jaujdfir of
1 Apparently the battle was fought in Eastern Bengal; see Blochmann's translation of the A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 587. 2 The reference is apparently to Aumngzib's campaign against the Bijii.pul' in 1657; ase Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, I, pp. 236-250.

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668

ILA:HwARDI DAN.

Maiitl!ir

-ul-Umara.

ILAHWABDI KUAN.

669

Irlj,l Bhandair and Shihzidapiir, which were dependencies of the Capital and crown-lands (lLJuU,a ma(l.als) and which had been ruined by the neglect of Najii.bat Khan; the revenne of these was three krors, 40 1&68 of diim8. Mter the sovereignty came to Aurangzib, he &long with the Mirzi Raja. J ai Singh-who had left Sulaiman Shikoh, and intended to come to the Court-paid his respects and joined the expedition to Hardwir under Shayista Khan for the purpose of checking the progress of Sula-imin Shikoh. After the battle with Sultan Shuja' , he was appointed to Bengil, and in the end of the 2nd year, when ~ITiiz Mewatr got the title of Kb8.n, he received that of Saiyid Ikhti~1[l Khan. For a long time he was fJw/naddr of Gauhatr in Assam. IIi the lOth year, when the demon-like Assamese came with a great body of men, and as help did not arrive the Khan bra.vely gave his life in the service of his King in 1077 1 (1666-67 A.D.).
ILAHWARDI ~lN.

(Vol. I, pp. 207-215.) He was descended 3 from the Saljiiq family. They say that he came directly in the line of Sultan Sanjar Saljiiqi. He was an honest and clever man. There are many stories of his youth. They say that when he went to Europe, he was seized on suspioion of being a spy. By chance on the day of a. festival, he was produced before the ruler on the ocoasion of a tent-pegging display (nlzabzi: sport with spears). He distinguished himself and the ruler made enquiries abou.t him, and, on being convinced of his innooonoe, sent him off to India with all honour. For some time he was in Burhii.n:pu.r and livad by his wits' (~). As his elder brother Mu~ Khan was ill the service of Sul1An ParvIz, he too was introduced to the Sul~n and began to prosper. Afterwards, as both brothers were skilled in hunting, and Jahangir was much given to this pursuit, they became favourites. Ilii.hwardi Khan obtained the title, of Mu'taqid Khan, and was made Qariiival Big (Chief huntsman). He became Jahingir's companion, and Was always with him on his hunting e:xpeditio~. .The large net which is the chief item in the Qamargja hunt, and which IS oalled b4war,D was one of his inventions. In the 21st year, it W&B made of ropes at a oost of 24,000 rupees and produced befQre Jahingir. It is a very strong net and forms a fuUload for eighty came!s. Its length is 10,000 royal cubits (Dhar'a), its height six, a.nd like a. saraparda it rests on strong supports. Various kinds of wild anim&ls are brought within it and hunted. Onthe death of Jahi.ngir, at the time of the affair of Shahryar, he behaved with loyalty and made himself
Jarrett's tra1lll1&tion of A'in, II, p. 187. lt appears from 'Alamgirnama, p. 947, that he was also employed in the 10th year in theexpedition to Chittigong. The account of the att&ek on Gauha.ti and of the death of IIWtj~~ lilian, there caJJed Saiyid F'"uiiz I!lan. is given Qn p. 1068. There, as also in the M~$rul-UmarGauhati is described as being in Bengiil, on the borders of .Assam. a Literally-The 8lLP ('arg) of his genealogical tree is derived from the trunk of the SaJjt1q clan. 4 Ba 'ai-yari u tarazi guzranida-Lived by frand and quackery! There is the variant tarrari. 6 Biwar is Turki far a rope, P. de Courteille, D$etwnary. see Bad8hdhniima, l, p. 311, where it is spelt biidar. Po8llibly the word is bhanwar which according to Jahii.ngir is the Hindi name for a kind of net, "ide Rogers and Beveridge's tl"8oIl81e-tion of Tiizuk.iJahangiri, l, p. 99.
1 II

acceptable to Ya.min-ud-Daula and fitted for royal favours. When he, in company with ~f Jih, waited upon Shah Jahin, he received a commission of 2,000 DhIit and horse and the title of Ili.hwardi Khin. As he was intimate with Mahibat Khan, he displayed great energy in the siege of Paranda. Had the other officers equally exerted themselves the fortress would have been taken with ease. In the Sth year, with an increase of 1,000 with 2,000 horse he was prom9ted to an office of 4,000 with 4,000 horse, and became the governor of Malwa, in succession to Khan Dauran. When the King established himself at Daulatabad in the 9th year, an order was issued to Ilihwardi Khan who had gone with Shii.yista. Khan to take the district of SangamIiir and Junair, to take the N~m-ul-M.u1kiforts which were situated in the direction of the forts of Chii.ndor l and Dharap. Of thes6', there were six held by Sihii's (Shihjl's) men, two held by BhOjbal Naya.kwii.ri, and six held by other rebels. Relying on these strongholds, they were stirring up the dust of dissension, and were oppressing the weak. Ilihwardi Khan I came first to Chandor and invested that strong place, which was on the top of a hill and was famous for its strength. He took it by making great efforts, and the other stiff-necked ones, on seeing this, submitted. First, Kanhar Rao s the governor of Anjariyi asked for quarter and surrendered that strong fortress. The Khin, to conciliate the governors of other forts recommended him for the rank of 2,000 and gave him Rs.oo,ooo in cash from the treasury. Then he besieged the forts of Kajna' -and Majna, which were connected with the fort of Dharap and got possession of both by treaty. Similarly he quickly and' easily got possession of forts Rola JOla, Ahwant D and others; all of thelJl were built on thtl tops of hills. The fort of Rajdihar,6 where ma.ny of the relatives of N~ii.m Shah were, and who made great efforts to defend it, was ta.ken in the course of two months. He then addressed himself to the taking of Dharap 7 which was noted for its strength and height. In its strength it is not inferior to Daulatab8.d. Bhojbal8, the governor of the fort, was so alarmed by the successive victories of Ilii.hwardi Khan that he agreed for a man,ab <Jf 3,000 and a lac of rupees t<Jlllurrender this strong fort, which could not have been taken except with the aid of fortune, and to enter himself among the servants. In this year many impregnable forts of the country came into the hands of the imperial servants. Accordingly Talib Kalim wrote the verses: Verse8. O King! thy fortune has oaptured the fortune of the worll,i Thy sword has taken the land and life and goods from the foe; Thou hast seized in one year forty forts, Of which kings could not have taken one in forty years.
1 In the NiIlik district. 2 Khan I!lii.n, l, p. 523 and Bdd8hihnama, l, pt. 2, p. 138, where instead of Chii.ndor we have ()handa. See also p. 146, where it is Chiindor. a Bad8hiihnama, l, pt. 2, p. 146. &mblr Rio.in Banarsi Prasad, Hi8wry of Shahjahan, p. 146. 4 Kii.njana and Manjana in Bad8hiihnama, l, pt. 2, p. 146. 6 ih8fi Khan, l, p. 524, where the spelling is Han1inat, but it is Ahwant in Bad8hahnOima, l, pt. 2, p. 147. 6,7 Rijabir in Badshiihnama, l, pt. 2, pp. 147, 148. 6 Bhojrij aooording to Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 147.

670

.ul-Umara.
ILAUWARDI lilJAN.

671

Maatl1ir

I~ s~ort the Khan in the IOth year took leave to take up the faujdiiri of BaI~wara~ a~d Luc~ow, and in the beginning of the II th year when Mursh~d Quh ~nfa'!l{}dar of Mathura died II from a gunshot wound while attackmg a village 8, llihwardi Khan obtained the fief of that place an.d set out to. punish the rebels. In the end of the 12th year, he was raIsed t? ~he high r~nk of 5,000 pe:rsonal and horse, and became governor of .n~lhI m succeSSIOn t,? ~airat Khan. When in the 15th year, Dara S~oh went to 9andahiJo WIth a number of high officers to release that teITIto~ on receIpt of the news of :h~ setting out of Shah ~afi, the King of ~ersla, an~ returned from Afpalll8tan on hearing of the death of the Shah:-who ~ed !rom natural ?auses in l;lafr 1052 A.H. (May, 1642 A.D.) -:-Illi~~ardi Khan accompamed" the force. As various traits and dISposltl(~nS appeared in him which were contrary to the rules of loyalty and fidelity,. and as ~o these th~re was added an ungovernable tongue, he w~ deprIved. of his fief and hIS rank and was the subject of censure. As hIS good_servIC.es had been established in the King's mind, -the pargana of S?,nkarpu!, 6 WIth a rental of thirty-four lakhs of diims was assigned to hIm for hIS support. Afterwards,6 at the instance of the eldest Prince he was restored to his former rank, and, in the 18th year 7 he obtained the fief of lliohpiir. On the death of the Khan Dauran, the governor of the Deccan, he was made supreme in Berar. When Islam Khan came to the Deccan, they did not get on together. At his own request he was reca~led to th~_ Court. In the 21st year, he kissed the threshold, and re.ceIved. the Jagir of G~rakhpiir. When on account of Qandahar the frIendship between Shah Abbas II and Shah Jahan had been interrupted ~nd there was a stoppage of mut,!al eIII.bassies, it happened, that in th~ 2~th year ~ pe~on named Q..hulam RIl;la 8 came from Bandar 'Abbas WIth seve~ IraqI horses to S'iirat and brought a writing from the Shah to the gua~di!~ of th~ roads to the effect, that the servant of Ilahwardi Khan M~r Attak (Artillery officer) was bringing some horses and directing that n~ one should interfere with him. From this it was suspected that the Kha~ had sent some presents (to the Shah) along with a letter, and that thIS. was the reply. Though the sending of a letter and presents to a f~relgner a~d an e~emy was contrary to the ru1rls of loyalty and deservmg of ca,plta~ pu~ent, b~t out of benevolence and generosity ~e was ~only) deprIved agam of hIS rank and jiigir and censured, and lt was directed tha~ he. should be se!It back without delay from Kabul and he should stay m hIS own house m Delhi. An order was also issued to th~ cle~k _at Siirat to confiscate the horses and all the belongings of ~bulam RIl;la ~nd to send him in chains to the Court so that he might meet WIth due pUllishment. After he came, inquiry o was made and it was
~ Lo~. cit., p'. 243, Imperial GazeUeer, VI, p. 218. 2 Khan Khan, I, p. 552. . _ ThIS was I~ parg~na Jadwa~ in the Sambhal Sarkar:-Murshid Quli was jauJd4ar o~ ~at~ura, Mahaban, Kumaon and Pahari ; vide Badshiihnama, II, p. 7. . KhafI Khan, I, p. 58?, and pp. 594, 595. Badshahnama, II, pp. 308, 309. ~hould be S!takarpur, see Bdd8hdhnama, II, p. 309, and Kh8fi Khan I p. 595. It was III the Sarkar of Delhi. , , Shik:h~ad8hiihnama, II, p. 378, and Khan Khan, I, p. 601. The Prince was Dara Bdd8h~hnama, II, p. 387: 8 Khan Khan, I, p. 713. The CIrcumstances of thIS case are described by Khan Khan I pp 713 714 He states that Ilii.hwardi Khan asserted his innocence and confir~ed it 'by ;tron~ oaths, and that F8.<.Iil Khan, who inquired into the matter, reported that Ghul8.Jll
7

found that he had got the document by sending a forged letter with some presents to the general of the Sbih of Persia. Accordingly in the 28th year lJI.hwanil Ihln wilB rastored a.t the request of the eldest Prince (Dari ShikOh), and bec&me the recipient ,-of royal favours and received a ma1&fllb of 5.000 and the titlf ot" Ja.unp1ir in succe88ion to ?4uk&rr&m Khan. Though during this time he was excluded from the Court for two years and 8 months and lived in retirement. he used to receive for his expenses 70 lacs of d4ma a year and at every yearly ~eighment (of the King) he received a thousand .AsArarlIl. Accordingly l up to the time of l'9gaining his service he had received fivethousand.A81wajiB. At the end ofthe reign he was appointed governor of Bihar. When the illne8B of Shih Jahin had lasted for a long time and various disasters happened in the kingdom and. Shuji' , the second son, behaved presum.ptuously in Bengil and led an a,nny a.ga.inst Patna.. Ili.hwardi Khan who was unable to oppose him, c&me to Beni.res and sta.yed there till Shuji' followed him. The latter had recourse to fawning and deceit and so prevailed on him, that this experienced greybeard departed from his position and took the side of that ruined man, and never I ceased. to help him. After continual wa.nderings Sbuji', in the middle of Raja.b 1070 A.H. (March, 1660 A.D.), .wished to lea.ve,Akbarnagar (Rijmahal) and to proceed to Tanda. 1lihwardlKhan from his experience and knowledge (of Astrology 1) fortl8&win the future of Shuja' the a.pproa.ching disaster, and perceived that Shuji' would eventually have to fly to .Amicin to esclI-pe Aurangzib's army. He, therefore, wished to join the imperial army, and returned. to Akbarnagar. As many of Prince's men wished to leave him and were of the same mind as Ili.hwardi Khin and as the latter had a band of his own men, he fortified his residen-;;, and was prepared to re&i8t if Shuji' &tta.eked him. Shuji' on hearing the news devised a plan, and spread untrue reports and returned to Akbarna.ga.r, He appointed men to surround Ilihwardi Hhin's house, and to wait the sigilal for attack, and then sent Siraj-ud.Din Jabari, his Diviin, to bring him (Il&hwardi 1Qli.n) to him by promising whatever may be necessary. When on account of the return of Shuja' to the city (Akbarnagar) and of his false procl&mations, the men who had joined Ilihwardi Khin grew lukewarm, the latter became helpless and accepting the false proinises and words set off witp his son &if ullih in company with Siraj-ud-Din. In this oondition l en of Shuji' a.ttacked him and seized him on the road, they bound their (. e. of the father and son) hands behind their bac;ks as if they were criminals and led them before Shuji' outside Akba.rna.ga.r. That wicked man set him upon an elephant and took him with him to the city (Akbamagar) and there s put him and his son to death, and confiscated. all his property.
Ri4i. had been a servant of Ilihwardl Ibin, and that after being dismissed he want to Pereia and had obta.ined the dtul(Jk (permit) from the King of P6rsia by falBe representations. Sbih JahlLn, however, would not accept this explanation. l There were two weighmenta each yeaJ:', the solar and the lunar . II But see Bernier, who speaks of .Allah Verdi Khan's having betrayed Shuji In the battle with Aurangztb. Tbe.date 1070 wrong. It should be 1069 A.R. (1659 A.D.). I ibID Iban, II, p. 85. The R~tUStMJlin, p. 217, says 'Alivardi 1Q!an was the root of &ll this miechief, and adds he was put to death at Rajmal}al. Apparently he dellllrved his fate. Re w:as put to death m July, 1659 A.D., 1069 A.H. (Beale, p. 32), but the M-acitbir giVfl8 1070 A.R. as the date. Beale'8 year is right.

_ms

672

ILAHWABDI KB1N.

MaaQ!ir

-ul- Urnam.

ILANGTOSH

UAN BAHADUB.

673

IIihwardi Khin had good sons, everyone of whom attained high rank as will be descri~d in the proper place. l Bu\, none of them acted along with theu' father except the youngest, Mirzi Saif Ullih. His (Saif Ullih's) memory was s\l..oh that he could repeat everything that he had heard from the beginning of his childhood. He also composed poetry. His father was fond of hiIn. Ilihwardi Khin was given to jesting and frolic, and indulged in foolish talk. This was so much the ~ase, that the contagion a~tacked his sons and relatives and up to the present day when no trace of the family remains, they are remembered for this iInproper quality. Yet llihwardi Khan was not without devotion and piety. He delighted in the SOCiety of the descendants ofthe Prophet -peace be upon him !--and every year gave them presents. And he set apart one tenth of the produce of his jagir and gave it in charity. He wa.s the unique of the time. for friendship. For an aoquaintance of one day he did the work of a hUndred years. 2 He did not believe in elerks and managed his own business. Every day he entered his income and expenditure with biB own hand. He made a sara, and a garden at Delhi, and they are known to the people by his name.

ILXHWABDI KRIN.

and have charge of affairs of that Chakla l and should chastise the eeditious of that place, whioh wa.s Diri Shikoh's fief. owing to the dismissal of his men-who had managed the place-the inhabitants had become disturbed and restles8, and the opportunists there had become seditiou8. He went off after being presented with a female elephant and being raised to the rank of 3,000 with 3,000 horse of whom 1,000 were two-horse and three-horse. Afterwards his rank was increased, and he got the title of Dihwardi Ihin 'AIa.mgirshii.hi. In the 3rd year he wa.s removed from the faujdari of Mathuri and appointed to that of Gorakhpiir In the 7th year, he appeared at the Court and presented 14 elephants that he had taken from the Zamindar of Morang, ".nd nine which he tendered as his puh1ea&h. He spent a long time in that estate, and, in the 9th year, had his rank increased and a farmdn was issued, giving hiIn the faujdari of Moridi.bid. In the lOth year, his ma1lfOh was 4,000 with 3,000 horse, includiIlg two-horse and three-horse (troopers). In 8uccession to Bahii.dur Khan Koka he became governor of Allihii,bii.d, and in the 12th year, 1079 A.H. (1668.69 A.D.) he died. He wa.s distinguished for courage and energy, and was also very generous. He composed poetry and was the author of a divan, and this is one of his couplets : Nothing demands less than a spoon It suffers a hundred strokes II that it may bring a lip to a lip. In spite of these good qualitie~ he could not get on with his father. lt is notorious that when Ilihwardl Khii.n incurred the Sovereign's displeasure for some reason, and Shih Jahin ordered in open Divan that he should be seized and turned out, Ja'far jumped and quicklv came out of the crowd and seized his father by the back of the collar and put him out. His father, who always complained, was very voluble on this occa.sion, and Ja'far in excuse said, "As it was impossible to disobey the King's order, no doubt someone else would have oome forward to execute it. In that case we should not have been able to show our faces, and perhapsindignation and shame would have carried us too far" His son was Amin Ullah. When in the 12th year his uncle ~asan 'Ali Xbii.n was made faujdar of Mathura, he was made faujd4r of Agra and was ordered to assist his uncle. After that he got the title of Khin and in company with Muhammad A' ~am Shih at the batHe of the batteries at Bijipiir, he, in the 29th year, bravely drank the last draught.
ILANGTOSH II KRAN BAHADUB.

(Vol. l, pp. 229-232.)

He was known as llihwardi Khan ' Alamgirshihi and was the eldest son of Ilihwardi Khin 8. His name was Ja'far. Though the disposition of the father and son and of his brothers was naturally inclined towards jesting and bluntnes8, so that they were all of one cloth-and even to this day every member of the family follows the customs of his ancestors and does not abandon jocosity and laughter--yet Mirza Ja'far from his eally days was not on good terms with his father. He bound the skirt o{enel'gY round the waist of enterprise and became a separate runner on the }'Ourse of life. By good fortune and excellent endeavours he became afavourite of Shih Jahin, and, in the 2lst year obtained the rank of 1;000 with 200 horse. In the 23rd year he was made Qarawal Beg (Chief. huntsman), which was his hereditary office. Afterwards he obtaiIled an increase of rank, and was madefaujdar of Jiinabi (1).4 After the defeat of Diri Shikoh when the garden of Niir Manzilli was made the encampment of Aurangzib, the first order that was issued from the royal mind was that llihwardi Khin should be made faujdar of Mathurii,
but the month was April. The account in the text is taken from the 'AuLmy'irnama, p: 498, etc. Eviden~ly I~wardi Jlhin-intended to desert Shuji' and so h~ deserved his fate. He and his son were put-on an elephant and taken back to hIS quarters in Akbarnagar, and then put to death-probably, after a trial, see 'Alamgirnii11'6, pp. 500, 501. 1 IlAhwardI I!bsn, Text I, pp. 229-232; lJaSan 'Ali &lin Bahiidur, Text I, pp. 593-599, Beveridge and l'rUhad's translation, pp. 617-620. l! That is, he worked for bim &8 if he bad known him for a century. 3 Macf0~-ul.UfI\jJra, I, pp. 207-215, and translation, pp. 668-672. 4 There 18 the variant Jlt&pl. Perhaps Jlmbiiji in Gujariit is meant. vide Jarrett's trans1atiqn of A'in, II,- p. 242. 6 Niir Manzil was near Agia; it was named after Jahingir. KlIMi I!bin, II, p.62.

(Vol. III, pp. 971, 972.) In the 14th year of Aurangzib's reign, he was presented with a sword, a dagger, and a spear. In the 19th year, on the day of his marriage
Chakla Mllwit, vide IQ!ifi &lin, II, p. 33, and Biid8hahniima, II, p. 8. The strokes, literal1y strokes of the hatehet or pickaxe, seem to refer to the insertions of a spoon into food and into the mouth. The lip or lab is presumably the edge of the spoon. The spoon meant may however be a wooden spoon, and the meaning' be that it is cut and fashioned by a hatchet merely that it may become a go-between. 3 llangt&Jh means in Turki naked breast, and was an epithet originally given to a warrior who fought without ar~our. He is several times mentioned in the
1
l!

674

'UI!n-UL-MULK.

-ul-Umara.
feast he received a robe of honour, and an emeraId sarpech (turbanorna:nent), a horse with golden trappings, and an elephant with silver trappings. In the 20th year, his rank became 2,000, 700 horse. In ~he 25th year, he became Qilrbegi (Superintendent of armoury), o~ the retIrement of Abu Na~r Khan. Mter that he was censured, but, m the 28th vear, he was reinstated, and on the death of BalWtawar Khan ~e W~ll made Superintendent of the pag.es. In the 29th year he was agam dISmissed. His subsequent career IS not known.
'IMAn UL-MuLK l.

'IMln-UL-l\t:uLK.

675

(Vol. II, pp. 847-856.) He was the son of AmirulUmara Firuz Jang 2 who was the heir of Nizam.ul-Mulk .Asaf Jah. He was the daughter's son of I'timadul Daula Qamr.ud.Din Khan. His real name was Mir Shihab-udDin. 'When his father was appointed governor of the Deccan and hastened to that quarter, he was left at the Court as a deputy Mir Ba\ilishi, and w8;s made over to Safdar Jang the Vazir. Mterwards, when the news of. hIS father's death 'arrived from the Deccan, he took advantage of the tlII~.e and so ingratiated himself with l:;lafdar Jang that he w:as ,ma:de Mir Bakbshi and got his father's title. Afterwards, when t:he K~ S ~lsagr~e ment with eafdar Jang became acute, 'Imadul.Mulk m OO~Ju~ctlOn wIth his maternaI uncle Khiin-Khanan entered the fort of DelhI WIth a force and turned out Musavi Kha!l who, as the dfjluty of .~afdar J an~, was, with 400 men, carrying on the duties of Mir Atish (Chtef of the artillery), and had the son Itf the Khan Dauran appointed to that office.. Next day eafdar Jang went to the King and complained about the ~ppomtment of the Mir .Atish. But he did not succeed. An order was Issued that the (Musavi Khan) could have another appointment. He took the Mir Bakhshiship from 'ImadulMulk ?,nd gave it. to Sadat Khan ~ii~aqar Jang. When the King became dIspleased WIth ~afdar Jang, I~ad.~ Mulk contended with the latter for six months and sent for Mulhar Rao Holkar from Mahva and Jai .Apa from Nagor to help him. But before they came he made peace with I;lafdar Jan~. .'Imiid.ul.M~lk, Holkar a~d .Jai Apa joined together and fell upon SuraJ Mal the Jat. Bharatpur, Kumhner 3 and Deeg, wr:ch were three of their strong fo~s, _we~e besieged. As cannon were .he best weapons for ta.~ng forts, I~ad.U1 Mulk at the request of the Mah ratta leaders petItIoned the ~ng for artill;ry through his agen~ '.!qibat 10fubmiid Khiin Kash;Uiri. Intl~~m-~d Daula Vazir, the son of I tlmad-ud-Daula QamT.ud-Dm, opposed, Im.id ul.Mulk, and urged that the artillery should not be sent. AqIQat
Ma4!!ir.i.'A.lamgiri. See Manucci, Irvine, II, p. 43, where he is described as being the son of a Tartar woman who was sold by the Ozbeg envoys about 1661-62,. and made one of the King's Amazons. Manucci hints that he was a son. of Aurangzlb. I See the biography in Joum. As. Soc. Bengal for 1879 b~ IrvIne. p. 128 et seq. 'Im6.d-ul.Mulk is often called Ghizi-ud-Din, ~hich w~s a!so h~s fath~r'~ name. 2 The biography of Amir-ul-Umari FIruz Jang IS gIven III M~e~.ul.Umara. l, pp. 361, 362, Beveridge's translation, pp. 592. 593; and of Nq;am-ul.Mulk .\saf JAh in id. III, pp. 837-848, and also 875-897. . 3 Kiimher ride Imperial Gazelteer, XVI, p. 22.

Mahmud Khan won over many of the manlJabdiirs and the artillery men by promising that if 'ImadulMulk's time should come, they would get such and such favours, and wished to carry off Int~iim-ud.Daula. One day it was arranged that an onslaught shou~d be made on Int~iim-ud. Daula's house and that he should be seized. On that day the enterprise failed and 'Im8.d-ul-Mulk fled towards Diisna. There he became a robber and attacked and plundered the royal estates, and the fiefs of the maU!lahd4r8. At this time Suraj Mal Jiit, who had escaped in a wretched condition from the hands of the besiege:rs, begged assistance from the King. The latter came out of Delhi, ostensibly to hunt, and to arrange the Antarbed (the Duab), but really to help'the Jat He encamped at Sikandra. He sent for 'Aqibat Mahmud Khan, who was then making a disturbanoe in the neighbourhood, and he came alone from Khiirja and waited on tbe King, and then returned to Khiirja. One of the Divine decrees was that Holkar became impressed with the idea that Ahmad Shah was delaying the delivery of the guns. Now that he had come out, it was fitting that his supplies of food and forage should be stopped. Also he thought that in this way he might get hold of the guns. He wished to carry out this plan without any partners, and so he made a night-march without giving notice to 'Imidul-Mulk or to Jai Apa. He crossed the Jumna at the Mathura ferry, and on the night when' Aqibat Mahmud Khan had waited on the King and gone back to Khiirja Holkar came near Ahmad Shiih's camp and -during the first part-of 'the night discharged some rockets. People thought that 'Aqibat Mahmud Khan was discharging them ou~ of mischi~f on his ~ay back and did not prepare for battle. Nor dId they thInk of flymg. At the end of the night it became certain that Holkar had come. They all lost their heads Mid could neither fight nor fly. Ahmad Shah, his mother and Samsam'udDaula the Mir Atish, son of AmirulUmara Khan Dauran,'left' their honour and their property and ran away to the Capital with a few followers. Their inexperience resulted in a great disaster_ Holkar came and plundered the whole of the r<;>yal property. Malika-i.Zamaniya, the daughter of Muhammad Farru:\ili.slyar who was the wife of Muhammad Shiih,and other ladies were made prisoners. Holkar treated them with honour. When 'Imad-ul-Mulk heard about it, he abandoned the siege and hastened to the Capital. When Jai Apa saw that these two leaders had gone, he too abandoned the siege and went off to Narn61. Suraj Mal without effort was freed from the pressure ofthe siege. 'Imi'id-ulMulk by the help of Holka}' and with the co-operation of the Court officers, especially eam~amud.DanIR Mir .Atish deprived Int~am-ndDaula of the Vazamt and appropriated it himself, and gave the office of Amir-ulUmara to eam~m.l1d-Daula. On the dav he assumed the Vazarat, he, in the morning put on the robe of honour, and at midday imprisoned Ahmad Shiih and his mother. On IOth Sha'ban, Sunday, 1167 A.H. (2ndJune, 1754A.D.) he seated' Aziz.ud.Din, the son of Mu'izzudDin Jahiindar Shah upon the throne,. and gave him the title of 'Alamgir II. After a week's imprisonment, he blinded Ahmad Shah and his mother-who was the origin of the whole confusion. After a while he went to Lahore to settle the province of the Panjab, which after the death of MU'in-ul.l\Iulk, hadon behalf of the, Shah Durrani come into the possession of Mu'in;ulMulk's widow. He left .Alamgir II in Delhi, took with him; Ali Gohar for appearance's sake

'"''''1
676
'IMID-UL-MULK.

Maiif!lir

_ul-Umara.

'mAn-UL-MULJ[.

677

When l he came near the Sutlej, Adini Beg lbin' sent a force under the charge of Saiyid Jamil-ud-Din Khan Sipah Silliir and ~akim 'Ubaid Ullii.h Khan Kashmiri, who was his factotum and had been raised to the rank of 6,()()() and the title of Baha'-ud-Daula, by night to UhOre. They proceeded there with great alacrity. li1unuchs were sent into the harem and they roused the lady who w&8 sleeping there and imprisoned her. They brought her out and gave her a place ina tent. She was the wifA of 'Imid-ul-:Mulk. 'Imid-ul-Mulk gave the government of Lihoreto Adini Beg Khin and fixed 30 lacs of rupees in lieu of plah1caBh and re+urned to DelhI. When Shah Durrini heard this news, he was much troubled and ma:c~ed quickly from Qandahir to UhOre. Adini Beg Khin fled from Lahore t_o Hansi and J;li$Qr. Shah Durrini came rapidly within 20 kos of DelhI. 'Imad-ulMulk had no recourse but to submit and wait upon the Shah. At first he was censured, but on the recommendation of the above-named lady and the exertions of the Vazir (of Shah Durrini) he was sa~ed and was made Vazir on condition of payment of a peshkash. When Shah ~urrani appointed Jahan Khan to take po88eBSion of the fo~s of ~iiraJ Mal Jat, 'Imid-ul-:Mulk represented to the Shah that if a SClOn (~ura,S a fl?wer 1) of the Timiirids and an army of the Durrini&ns were gIven to him he would bring ample gold from the Antarbed (the area between the Ganges and the Jumna). The Shih summoned from D~lhi two ~inoes-Hidiyat Bak})sh, BOn of '.Alamgir II, and :Mirza Babur, son-~-law of' Aziz-ud-Din the brother of' Alamgir II, and Bent them along With Janbaz IQ!in, who was one of his Sardars, with 'Imid-ulMulk. He with the two Princes and JinMz Khan croBSed the Jumna withou~ any proper organization and proceededtowards Farrukhab8.d, the residence of Ahmad Khin son of Muhammad Khan Bangll.sh. Ahmad Khan came out to meet him and presented tents, furniture, elephants and horses, etc., as a peshka8h to the Princes and 'Imad-ul.Mulk. The latt~~, then went on and -crossed the GangetJ and came to Oudh. ShuJa .udDaula the governor of Oudh came out from Lucknow with the. intentioIl. of giving battle, and came to the plain of Sindi and Pali which are 011 the b?rd~rs of Oudh. Twice slight engagements took PIa:.OO m:t~een the RkirmIshes. At last by the mediation of Sa' ad una.h Khan Rohila peace was made on the basis of a payment of five laos of rupees--a small portion in cash and a promise for the rest. 'Imid-ulMulk marched off with the Princes, and in 1170 8 A.H. he crossed the ~anges and came to Farrukhabid. Shah Durrani had come out of Agra on acc~u~t _of an outbreak of plague and had gone off quickly towards Afpamstan. On the day that he came near the Capital ' Alamgir II a!ong ~th N~jib.ud-Daula came to the tank of Maq~iidabad, and had an mt~rvIew With the Shah. He spoke much evil of 'Imid.ul-Mulk. Accordingly the Shah gave the office of Amir~ul-Umarii. of India to Naji~-ud-Daula and went off to Lihore. 'Imad-ul-:Mulk proceeded to Delhi from Farrukhabii.d on account of his anxiety about Najib-ud-Daula. He summoned Raghiinath Rao the half-brother of Balaji Rao, and Holkar
l In ~he Kltaz6na' '.Amira it is stated that Imidul.Mu1k came to Liidhiina (Newal Kis}l<>,re press edn.), p. 52. There IS also the reading naubawa--new fruit Irvine, loe. cit., p. 124. .

(batii.zaTci), and went by way of Hinsi and H~r to UhOre.

from the Decoan with great urgency, and in conjunction with them besieged the city, and for 45 days a.rtillery-fire went on. At last Ho)ka.r took a heavy bribe from Najib-ud-Daula and laid the foundations of peace. He brought out Najib-ud-Daula with respect and with his baggage from the fort, and give him a place near his own tent. He made over to him the other side of the Jumna, viz., Sahiranpiir, Biiriyi 1 and Cbindpiir and the whole of the Birah townships. With the help of the Ma.brattas 'Imid-ul-Mulk got the management of all the affairs of the empire. When Data Sardir, the Mahratta, besieged Najib-udDaula in Shakartal, he summoned'Imid-ul.Mulk to llls aid from Delhi. 'Im8.d-ul-Mulk was not pleased with 'AIamgir n, and knew that he was secretly in correspondence with Sh8.hDurrini, and also that he wished that Najib-ud-Daula should prevail over Dati. Accordingly he put to death the Khin-Khanin (Int~lim-ud~Daula) who had previously been imprisoned. On the same day,18th Rabi' n, Thursday, 1173 A.H. (29th November, 1759 A.D.), he also made a martyr of'.!lamgir II, and raised Muhi-ul-Millat, the son of Muhi-us.Sunnat son of Kam Bakbsh 80n of Aurangzib, to the tbrone, and gave hini the title of Shih Jahan. After '.Alamgir II and the Khin.Khanan had been killed, Dati hastened to his assistance in obedience to a summons. At the same time the near approach of Shah Durrani made a disturbance, and Dati removed from Shakarlal and moved to Sirhindto fight Sbih Durrani. 'Imid-ulMulk came to Delhi and when he heard of an encounter between Dati and the skirmishers of Shah Durrim, he became certain that the latter would be victorious. Accordingly, he left the new King in Delhi and went to Siiraj Mal Jit and remained with him for a time. MterwardS when time removed the King, and Najib-ud-Daula made Sultan Jawin Bakbt the son of' Ali GOhar Shah' .Alam Bahidur pro-forma King and ruled in the Capital, 'Imid-ul-Mulk went to Ahmad Khan Bangash in FarrulWab8.d. Th8n he went to Shuji' -ud-Daula to fight with the English. After the defeat he sought protection among the Jits. In the year 1187 A.H. he came to the Deccan and the Mabrattas gave him BOme land for his support in the province of MaIwa. ~8 he did not feel confident about the reigning Sovereign, he want off to the port of Siirat and spent 8 some time there with the hat-wearers (the EngliSh). At the
l A town in the Ambala district, Imperial Gazetteer, IX, p. 106. Chindpiir is perhaps the town in th~ Bijnaur district. 2 The &bazana.i.'Amira, p. 54, has three days afterwardll. a :Much of this biography has been copied into the SiyarulMuta'aIl1lkhirin. The common 80urce is the l{bazna.i.'.Amira, pp. 50-54, 80 that evidently this is one of the biographies contributed by Gbulam 'Ali. Tha biography says nothing of Gunn& Bagam the wife of 'Imid-ul-:Mu1k. For an account of har see BeaIe and especially Irvine, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal for 1879, pp. 12&--130. Sir William Jones in his discourse on theOrthography of Asiatic Words, As. ResearM611 I, p. 55, quotes a Hindiistini love-song lI08 being by Gunni Begam. But it appes.rs from a note by Dr. HWlter in As. ResearMu VI, p. 76, that the poem is really by one Qamr.ud.Din. GWlni Begam is buried ID Alu'angzib's garden, Bis)! .Jamil, in Nuribid on the Bank river. From a reference in :Mill's Hi8tory of IlIdia,II, p. 414, note (1817), it appears that 'ImidqlMulk WlIo8 found by Colonel Goddard at Siirs.t in 1780 disguisbl:ld as a pilgrim and.that he was for a time put into confinement. He did go to :Macca, and returned via BarFa and ~dahilr, and died at KiJ.pi on Ist December. 1800 (vide Irvine. loe. cm. p. 129). For a good general IlUrvey of the period of 'ImidulMulk see Cambridge Hi8tory of India, IV, pp. 434-448

678

MaiiU!ir

-ul Umara.

'IN4YAT Db.

679

present time he has emb801'ked on a. ship with the design of going to Mecca.. He ~w the Qur'in by heart and was a. student, and a good penma.n. He had genius and coura.ge. He also composed poetry. This verse is his : Verse. I am inferior even to a. stone thrown by a sling, As you have thrown me away and not kept me revolving round your head. He had many sons. One entered the service of N~ud.Daula ~ Jih, and by virtue of his relationship obtained the ra~ of 5,000 and the title of l;Iamid.ud.Daula. He also got an allowance m money.
f

'lN1.YA.T KB1.N.

(Vol. II,pp. 813-818.) No definite infon,na.tion is a.vailable about his origin or his native country, nor his ancestors, and there is no tra.ce 1 of his descendants. All that is known is that he was from Kba.wif. In the end of the 10th year of Aurangzib's reign, he was appointed to be mwani.K~2 (Superintendent of the crownlands). In the 13th year, he reported 3 that the expenditure had. increased since the time of Sh8.hJahinand now exceeded the receipts by fourteen lacs of rupeea. An order was given that four krors of rupees should be allotted (as the assignment) for the KhiiU)a and that the expenditure should be fixed a~ the sa~e amount. The papers regarding the expenditure were exammed, and lt was ordered that many items of expense in the establishment of the King. the Princes and the Begams should be reduced. Here some remarks may be made about the greatness and extent of the Indian Empire. The revenues of the Princes of other countries do not amount to what the servants of the Indian government receive. The revenues of Imam Quli Khan and N adbr Muhanimad Khin, who held the whole of Transoxiana and Turkistitn, even to Balkh and Bada!Wshitn, were from lana revenue and taxes (mal 'U sii'ir) in ca;sh and grain and also from enhancements andtithes (1) (irtifii' u zakat) one kror twenty lacs of Khiinis, which are equal to thirty lacs of rui>ees. The assi~nment (tan~]}wiih) for every officer of 7,000 with 7,000 horse, dii,.aspa u 8~haspa (two-horse and three-horse) 4 is a kror of ddms (2 lacs and 50,000 rupees),.
l Apparently this mUBt refer to descendants through males, for his .daughter was married to Bii.dshii.h Quli Ihiin Tahawwur Khiin and apparently had ~ue; see Bdshii.h Quli Khii.n (.MaG0tr-ul.Umani, Text I, pp. 447-453). 2 See Sir Jadunath Sarkar's MUghl Adminwation, pp. 41-46. . 8 Taken from MaQ0ifo.i.'Alamgiri, pp. 99, 100. It is thel't' stated that>y Ba!Wtii.war Khii.n conveyed the erder to the Divil.ns that after the !lnd of the year:~ they should bring their receipts and expenditure and that on Wedneaday theY J should bring their books to the (ibwtlilAna. Thereupon 'Inii.vat ~ii.n reported lI:s .~ in the text. Instead of madad i:llaraj aBBistance.expenditure or charitable expendi '1 ture it is ilAaraj in the M~ir.i.'A!amgiri .I t is said ~ that work t~t fo~ k.ror.~ . wert assigned to the ~pparently.as its expenditure, and that ill a Similar .~. manner the Emperor exammed the papers of the expenses of other departments, and i; ordered many r e d u c t i o n s . .~ 4 This conjunction here is apparently wrong and is omitted.

not to mention YammudDanJa Ataf Din who each year collected from his fiefs fifty laos of rupees. Prince Ditri Shikoh had in the end a ma~ of 60,000 with 40,000 troopers. two.horse, and three-horse, with an allowance (in'am) of 83 krors of ddm8, which came to 2 krors, 7 lacs and 50,000 rupees a ye801'. To investigators it is cle8o1', that in the time of Akbar-who was the founder and builder of the Calipha.te and of world.rUle, and the COllritructor of the prinoiples of w01'ld.conquest-the expenditure W88 not on the same footing as in former times. As every day new territories were added, the expenditure also of necessity increased; but the income also increased a hundredfold, and there were accumulations. In the time of Jahangir, who was a careless Prince and paid no attention to political or financial matters, and WllO was constitutionally thoughtless and pompous, the fraudulent officials, in. gathering lucre, and hunting for bribes, paid no attention to the abilities of men, or to their performances. The devastation of the country' and the diminution of income rose to such a height that the revenue ofthe exchequer.lands fell to 50 lacs of rupees while the expenditure rose to one kror and fifty lac.!!, and large sums were expeJlded out of the general treasury (Khaziina.i.' Amira). In the beginning of the prudent reign of Shah Jahan when a review was made of the income and expenditure and of the welfare of the country by the royal officials, that wise ruJer ordered that estates to the value of one kror and fifty lacs of rupees-which, according to an estimate for the whole twelve months, formed the fifteenth part of the (value of the) imperial domains~hould be mMe K1Jii4a (exchequer or crown-Iands). He upheld the allowance of a kror of rupees for fixed expenditure, and kept the balance for unforeseen (or contingent) expenses. Gradually, that Monarch, by good management and good fortune increased the income from day to day. The expenditure also increased, so that at the end of the 20th year, out of 880 krors of ddms of revenue, 120 krors were assigned to the K!Jiilfa which, for the whole year, comes to three krors of rupees. In the end the amount was nearly four krors, as has been stated (above). More extraordinary still, there were great increases in gills and in'iims and outlays upon enterprises and buildings. For instance, in the first year of the reign a kror and 80 la-cs of rupees in cash and goods and 4 lacs of bighas of land and the revenues of 120 villages were assigned to the Begams, the Princes, the nobles, officers, Saiyids, learned men and Shaikbs. At the end of the 20th year, 9 krors, 6.0lacs of rupees were estimated for gifts (in'iima) 1. In the Badakbshan and Ballib expeditions, exclusive of 2 krors of rupees for pay and allowances (mawajib) 2 krors of rupees were expended on necessary armaments. Two krors 50 lacs of rupees were expended on buildings. Of this, 50 lacs were spent on the cemetery (RaU{la-the Titj Mahal) of Mumtaz Mahal, 52 lacs on other buildings in Agra, 50 laos on the gardens and buildings of Lahore, 12 on Kitbul, 8 on royal villas (munazzahcU) in Kashmir, 8 in Qandahar and 10 on the buildings of Ahmadabii.d and Ajmer, etc. Nevertheless the treasurie8, which boasted of being full during the fiftyone years of Akbar's reign, and had now come to the condition of being without increase or diminution, raised th~ cry of "Touch not" Aurangzib, who possessed moderation and caution, long strove to equalize
l

--L__

Based on

'Amal.i~ali~ (YlWiani

edn.), II, pp. 557, 568.

-ul-Umara.

680

'INAYAT ULLAH KHAN.

Mad!f1ir

'INAYA.T ULLJ.H: UAN.

681

the receipts and expenses, but on account of the "old lameness" I .of affairs in the Deccan money W&8 poured out so that even the properties of the servants II of Diri Shikoh and others were transferred from Upper India to the Deccan and were included among assignments, and became a burden additional to that caused by the desolation and diminished production in the country. Nevertheless, at the end of the King's ~e there were in the fort of Agra ten or twelve krors of rupees. Some of this was spent in the reign of Bahadur Shah, for in his time rece,ipts ceased and all was expenditure. Afterwards' Muhammad Mu lZz.ud-Din (Jahandar . Sha~) brought a~~t the ~uin (of. the exchequer). _ ~at remained W&8 s6lZed by the Salytds dunng the dl8turbance of Neku-slyar. At this time when the receipts of the Empire are oo~ed to BeQgil, the Mahratta's have for two or three years, introduced confusion into that province, but the ~xpenses also have not been as high &8' before. My pen has rebelled ! Whither have my words wandered! In short, '!nayat Khan was removed in the 14th year from the lQI~a Diwani-which was committed to Mirak. Mu'in-ud-Din Amii.nat Khii.n-and W&8 made faujdiir S of Chakla Bareilly. In the 18th year he W&8 made. faujdiir of Khairabad in succession to MujAhid Kh.n. After that when Aminat Khan resigned the K~ Ditoiini, an order w~ passed that Kifayat Khan the Divan-i-Tan should also on th~ duties of the Kbl,a. In the 20th year, 'Inayat Khii.n W&8 agam appomted li to the Kbl,a with the rank of 1,000 with 100 horse. In the 24th year, he. in Ajmer-when his son-in-Iaw Tahawwur Khin entitled. Bidshah Quli Khii.n, who by his ignorance had been guiding Prince Muhamm~ Akbar, either through evil intention and pretext of apology or at the Instance of his father-in-Iaw, retired, and expressing devotion and fidelity pre. sented himself at the doors of the royal palace; he was punished for his ungratefulness-was removed from the Kh~ Diwani and put in charge of the buildings 6 (Buyii.tiit) in sucoossion to Kamgir KhJ!. !D the same year, on the ground. that his son-in-law Tahawwur Khii.n had: in the jaujdiiri of Ajmer done good service in putting down the Rajp~ts, ~e begged for this faujdiiri and urged that he would use equal exertlOns ID putting down the arrogant (Rathors) ; his request was granted. In the .2f\t,h year, 1093 A.H. (1682 A.D.) he died.

carrr

'INAYAT

UUIH

~AN.

(Vol. II, pp. 828-832.) He was connected with Saiyid J amil of Nlshapiir. By chance he came to Ka.shmir and settled there. . His fatherw&8 Mirza Shukr UlIih.
Kuhna langi, see Vullers, II, p. 928a, where kuhna lang is explained as the condition of a person or thing which cannot be altered. . 2 Several MSS. have the preposition az before Da.r9. so that the mea:nmg may probably be: men's goods from Dara Shik6h downwards. The. passage IS obscure and the words amwal.imaqodum are curious, if land ed property IS meant. Perhaps the meaning is that the allowances of men who had formerly served Dii.ri Shik6h were made an assignment on the Deccan, when they (perhaps aS a measure of policy) were transferred from Upper India to the Deccan. 3 Mali0ir.i-'Alamgiri, p. 110. 4 Loe. lJit., p. 141. 6 Loe. cit., p. 159. .6 Loe. lJit., p. 206.
l

His mother was J;lafi~a Maryam and was appointed to tea.ch ZIb-un.Nisi B~am, t~e daughter of ~urangz~_and the full sister of Mubammad. A ~m Shih. From her Zlb-un-N18a learnt to commit to memory the words of God. ~nd the practice, of the accomplishments, and petitioned her father to gIve an office to Inayat UlIih. He at first had a small rank and had the appointment of an acoountant l (ruhraJ) in the jewelroom. !n .th~ 3!st year, ~. rank was 400, 60 horse, and next year he W&8 Kh.an~-Saman of the Begam's2 establishment. In the 35th year when ~hid Khan B~' -uz.Za.m~ daftardar of the lLh.a~a went off to i~quire mto some Kh.a14a tlstates ID. J;laida.rabad 'Ina.yat Ullih Khan was his deputy; he had the 600 rank Wlth 60 horse and the title 8 of Khan. In the 36th year,' he became Divan-iTan in sucoossion to Amaii&t Khan Mir ~usa.in andhi~ ~a~ was 7o.!l with 80 horse. After some dayS:-he had charge of the DifJQ,n-~-ljarf~, (the Diva.nship of special expenditures) and an increase of 20 horse. In the 42nd year he acted &8 Sadr until the appointment of another officer, and his ra~ W&8 1,000 with 100 horse. In the 45th year, on the death of Arshad Khan Abiil 'Ula he was made Divan of the lLhiilIa, and his rank was 1,500 witli 250 horse. In the 46th year, he received the present of an elephant and in the 49th his rank was 2,000, 250 horse. His companionship with the King became intimate and reliance upon him W&8 such that when Asad Khan on account ?f age and self-indulgence neglected to sign the papers of the Va.zarat lt was ordered li that 'Inayat Ullah Khan as deputy should sign them: ~ accoun~ o.f the great favour which the King showed to 'Ina.yat UlIah Khan and which the author of the Madt!J:ir-i.' Alamgiri has reported may be read a~ the end of the.biography of .t;\mn;~ul-Umara. Asad Khan (Maa!f1ir. ul-Umara, Text I, pp. 3... ~321, Bevendge s translation, pp. 27~279). _ After the dea.th of Aurangzib, the Khan proceeded with A' ~m ~~h to U~per In~. When ~nneoessary baggage W&8 left in Gwiliyir Inayat UlIih reID;am~ there Wlth Asad Khan. In Bahadur Shah's reign, he W&8 ~onfirmed m his employments and came to the Court and obtained leave Wlth Asad Khan. His son Hidayat UlIli.h performed his duties at the Court. After coming to the Deccan, when Mutbtar Khin who W&8 the High Steward (Kban-i.Srnn),8 died, the appointment ~as given to 'Iniyat Ullih and he was summoned to the Court. In the time ofJahandir Shih, he was appointed governor of Kashmir and in the beginning of Muhammad Farruk])-siyar's reign, when his elde~t son Sa'ad UlIah Hidayat UlIih was.kilIed, 7 ' .Inayat UlIih Kha,n went off from Kashmir to Mecea. He returned lD the mIddle of the reign, and had the rank of 4 000 with 2 000 horse. H~ was 0van-i-Khii~a and Divan-i-Tan as w:lI &8 gove;nor, of Kas~ll; he hims~lf remamed at the Court and sent a deputy (to K&8hmll). In the reIgn of Muhammad Shah he, after the death of
l In the express~on.as.h:-aj.i.jawahir-l1hana, a8hraj appears to be a lapsus calami for mU8hraj. soo Mafb.r+ X~iri, p. 249. For mU8hraj, soo Wilson, Gl088ary oj Rev6~u6 T6rmB, p. 358 and :Slr Jad~th Sa.rkar, Mughal Admini8tration, p. 42, note, he was really an exammer or audItor of accounts. . II Zinat-un-Nisa, Mathir-i.'Alamgiri p.314 a, 4 Loc. cit., pp. 345, 393. . 6 Matbir-i-.Lflamgiri, p. 390, where it is said that Asad Khii.n's illnesa was the reason of the order. This was in the 4lst year 8ee Sir Jadunath Sarkar's Mugkal Admini8t;ation pp 48-52 7 Matit.1lir-ul-Umara, Text II, p. 507. ,.. 6

682

(RXJA) INDARMAN DHANDJtRA.

Ma4!!!ir

.ul-Umara.

IRA.DAT KHAN MIR IS~J.Q.

683

I'tim8d.ud-Daula. :Mubammad Amin Khan had the rank of 7,000, and tili the arrival of A~f Khan acted as Deputy Vazir and sub~tantive Mir-isaman. In the same year, 1139 A.H. (1726-27 A.D.) he died. They say, he was a pure living man and of an agreeable dispositio~ and was known for his piety and respect for faqlrs. He was well acquamted with the rules of official work.. Aurangzib approved of his literary qualities. He collected the orders which were issue~ th:?!!.gh h~ 1 the to Princes and officers and gave them the name A~kiim-t. Alamgtrt . He also collected the notes written by the King and called them Kalimat 'J'ayyibiit. B Both works are well known. He had six sons. ~ne is Sa'ad Ullah Khan Hidayat Khan of whom an account has been gIven 3 in its place. The second was l?iyi UllAh Khii.n of whom an account has been given' at the beginning of the lives of his sons tbani Ullah Wlan and Aman Ullah Khan. The third was Kifayat Ullah Kh~n. The fourth was ' A~it Ullih Khan, who after his father's death had the tItle of 'Ina.yat Ullah Khan and became the governor of Kashmir. The fifth was 'Ubaid Ullah Khan. The sixth is 'Abdullah Khan who is living in the Capital. He has the title of :MaIlf1iir-ud-Daula.
(RIJA) INDARMAN DHAND1tRA.

his father's health, .and meditated an expedition to Upper India, he got the rank of 3,000 With 2,000 horse and advanced with Prince Mui}.ammad Sul~an to Upper India. Mter the battle with Maharaja Jaswant Singh he received a flag and drums, and after the battle with MUbammad Shuja' he went off to Bengal. There he was active in the King's sernce. At last he died. 1
IRXDAT KJIIN

MIR

IS~XQ.

(Vol. I, pp. 203-206.) He was the third son of A'~am Khan Jahangiri 2 In the reign of Shith Jahan he, after his fa.ther's death, obtained a commission of 900 with ?OO horse and was made Mir Tuzuk. In the 25th year, he received the tItle of Irii.dat Khan and a commission of 1,500 with 800 horse, and was made ~uperinten?-ent of the .elephant stables. ~n the 26th year, he was made, m successIOn to Tarblyat Khan, Master of the horse. In the same year he was granted a commission of 2,000 with 1,000 horse and was made .2nd Bakhshi and received a robe of honour. In the 28th year, he got an merellose of 800 horse and was made faujdiir of Sarkar Lucknow and Baiswara (in Oudh) in succession to Abmad Beg Khan. In the 29th year, he came to .~ourt and.was appointed to the office of 'Art;lWaqa'i' (Recorder of petitions). HIS commission was 2,000 with 2,000 horse.' In the end of Shah Jaha~'s r~ign ~e was, for certain reasons, deprived of office B:nd spent some txme lD retxrement. At the same time' Alamgir (Aurangzlb) succeed{ld to tbe throne. Ir8dat Khiin's brothers Multafat Kha~ ~nd ~an Zaman attached themselves to-Aur~ngzib an'd risked 8 thexr lives m th': first battle with Dira Shikoh. When the royal standards reache~ the Capital, Ir~at Khin was the recipient' of regal favours and got an merease of 500 With 500 horse. At the same time the victorious sta.n~ards mov:d fro~ .Agra to Shihjahanibii.d (Delhi) tOo.pursue Dira Shikoh and Iradat Khan was appointed 6 to the ~ubadiiri. of Oudh and gr~n~ed drums and an increa8e of 500 with 500 horse so that his comm1BSlOn became one of 3,000 with 3,000 horse of which 1,000 troopers were of the two-horse and three-horse rank. '

J
I

(Vol. II, pp. 265, 266.) He belonged to a branch of the Rajpiits. This branch was connected with the Bundelas and the Panwa.rs, and their native country was the town of Sahra in the Sarkar of Sarltngpiir in :Malwa. In the records it is described as Sahar 6 Baba. ~ii.ji. In Akbar's time Raja Jagman 6 of Dhandera entered the service, and in the time of Shah Jahan the territory of Dhandera was given to Siv Ram the brother's son of Raja Bethai Das Gaur. He (Raja Bethai Das) went with a body of men and forcibly expelled Raja Indarman-who at that time held the zamindaribut he, after some time collected a large force and again took possession of the country. In the lOth 7 year, the King sent Mu'tamad Khan and Raja Bethal Das with a suitable force to punish him. They invested Sahra, and the Raja asked for quarter and came with them to the Court. In accordance with orders, he was imprisoned in the fort of Junair. In the year 8 when Aurangzib proceeded from the Deccan to inquire after
See Cambridge History oj Ir.,dia, p. 583. Ilvanow, D88criptive Cat., Persian MSS., As. Soc. Bengal, p. 167, no. 382 (1924). 3 Maat!Jir-ul.Umara, Text II, pp. 504-508. l. Maatl!tr-ul-Umara, Text I, p. 506. 6 Jarrett's translation of .A'in, II, p. 203. In Akbarrn'ima, Text III, p. 751, Beveridge's translation, p. 1122, is mentioned a Rija Jagman a Milwa landholder. 7 In Bad8hahrn'ima I, pt. 2, p. 142, Siv Rim is mentioned as being granted the fief of Dhandera. On pp. 234, 235 the author mentions Pathai Dis (for Bethai Dis), Mu'taroad Khan and other royal servants who had been sent to punish the Zamindiir of Dhandera. The IUlme of the fort is given as Shahr Ari. a 1658 A.D. According to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History oj Aurangzib, I, p. 344, the eidest son of Aurangzib started with the van towards Burhanpiir on 5th February and he himself left Aurangibid on 16th February.
1

1 In Maa~ir-i-'Alamgiri,p. 161, it is stated that Rija Indarman-he is called Bundela-died in 1088 A.B. (1677 A.D.). Mr. Silberrad in his account of W. Bundelkhand (~O'Urn. As. Soc. Bengal for 1902, p. 116) saya that Indarman was the son of Paha~ Smgh the brother of CharoJlat and that he died in 1673, leaving ~ son, J~s~~nt Smg~. It appears from the '.Alamgirnama that he aftetwards ~rved In th: Slvill~s and In the Decc~;.see pp. 517, 533, and 989. ~or hIS account, see Maat!J~r-ul.Umara,Text I, pp. 174-180, and Beveridge's transla~lOn, pp. 315-319. Bis name there is A',am IQlIi.n MIr M~m:mad Biqir otherwIse Iridat Ibli.n. ' The l~e used would seem to imply that one or both of Iridat IQ!Ii.n's brothers were killed. at the battle of Simiigarh on 8th June, 1658 A.D. (see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Ht8wry oj Aurangzib, II, p. 383), but histories show that this was ':lot the case. Perhaps the meaning ie that Iridat I!hli.n had distinguished himself In that battle. l. See '.Alamgirnama, p. 119, where reference is made to his earlier dismissal and to his being raised to the rank of 2 500 with l 500 horse ' 5 'Alamgirniima, p. 127. The incrc~lle ':"as 1,500 personai with 500 horse.

6B

684:
Inasmuch as it is an old habit with the envious heavens to destroy aohievements, he had made only a few steps in the field of suocess.when he tripped and fell That is, after two months and llOme days he, lD the month of Ubul ij:ijja, 1068 A.H. (August, 1658 A.D.) p8.88ed 1 away from this transitory world. His first marriage was with a daughter of Mirza Badi'-uz-Zaman, the son of Aqa MuDa, the brother of ~ Khan Ja'far. His second was with the daughter of Zahid Khan Koka.. His eidest son by her was Muhammad Ja'far, who was honest and renowned. He died, and his brother Mir Mubarak Ullah was made faujdiir of Chikna I in the 33rd year of' Alamgir. Mterwards, he received his father's title. In the 40th year, he was made 8 faujddr of Aurangabii.d, and had?, commission of 700 with 1,000 horse. After that he was made fauJddr of Mandsiir' in Malwa, and in the time of Bahidur Shah he became a favourite of the Khan-Khanan Mun'im Khan and his intimate friend. He was nominated to th;jaujddri of the-Duab of Patan Jii.landhar. He had a taste for various kinds of knowledge and had developed a very delicate sense for poetic composition. His poetical name was WiUf,ilj, 6 (Evident) and he is the author of a. divein.
J'erse.

-ul-Umara.

685

(Vol. T, pp. 268-272.) He was the son of Qa.zalbash Khan Mshar. In his father's lifetime he beoame known for his rectitude and ability, and did oourageous deeds. As the Superintendent of the artillery in the Deccan he acquired fame by his skill and disinteresteness. When his father, the governor of the fort of Ahmadnagar, died in the 22l1d year of SMh Jahan's reign he was raised to the rank of 1,500 with 1,500 horse, the title of Khan, and the charge of the said fort. As a result of his high spirit and generosity he did not let his father's men be dispersed, but kept aD of them as soldiers or servants (sh.iiflird-pisha). He sought fame, and because of honest-mindedness he took his 'father's debts upon himself and set himself to support his relations and kindred. In the 24th year, he had an increase of 500 and on the death of Qazzaq Khin, he became thiinadiir of Pathri, in the Deooan. He afterwa.rds came to the Court, and, in the 25th year, was made Mir Tuzulc. When Prince Dara Shikoh was appointed with a large army to the Qandahar expedition, traj Khan was made BaJdjshi and given a flag. on his return, he was raised to the faujdiiri of Jammu and Kingra and reoeived a grant of 57 estates in that hill.oountry. In the 30th year when Prince Aurangzib was made Na~im of the Deccan and appointed to chastise ' Ali' Adil Shah and to ravage his territory, traj Khan was sent in company with Mir Jumla who had been appointed to assist the Prince with a .large army of auxiliaries. After the Prince had taken the fort of Bidar he sent traj Khan with Naorat Khan and Ka$lab Khan to Ahmadnagar as the men of Siva (Shiva.ji) and Manaji Bhonsle had stirred up strife there. When the incident of Shah Jahan's illness oocurred, Dara. Shikoh, who was lying in wait for his opportunity and was always intent upon defeating his brothers, but was unable to carry out his plans, issued strict orders and sent out sazdwal8 l for the presence at the Court of the offioers in charge of the auxiliaries. iraj Khan, who was closely wnnected with Dara Shikoh a.nd style~imself Darashikohi took the road to Upper India in company with Mu'taqid Khan, the eldest son of Najabat Khan. They say that the Prince (Aurangzib) had written to Vazir Khan the Na'ib at Burhinpiir to praotise oonciliation upon the two, and to keep an eye upon them, or else to use deceit and strll.tagem and to arrest them. When they came near the city in question the said Khan invited them to a feast, and they wished to aocept, but they <lame to know that there was a half-cup I (saucer) under the oup. They immediately set off and from the banks of the Na.rbada IJ'aj Khan sent off by the hands of the Prinoe's couriers this couplet which evidently was intended for Vazir Khan.

My heart is jealous of nought but the enjoyment of the beloved, Life received one garment, and that too a shroud. In the time of Muhammad Farrukb-siyar he died.' His son Mir Hidayat Ullah who received the title of Hoshdar Khin and a.fterwards of Iridat Khan was in the time of Ba.hidur Sbih faujdiir of Niirmahl in the Pa.njab and was also for a long time faujdiir of Deeg in Malwa. In the . 6th year of Muhammad Shih's reign he came to the Deccan with Afillli Jah, and after the ba.ttle with Mubiriz Khan, he for some time was Divein of the Deooan, in Imocession to the deceased Diyanat Khan 7 and held a commission of 4,000. He lived for a long time at Aurangibid, and at last was appointed the governor of the fOI t of Gulbarga. In the Trichinopoly s expedition he accompanied A~f Jah, and died on the way baok near Aura.ngibid in 1I57 A.H. (1744 A.D.). He was a skilled soldier; even in old age he did not lay aside his weapons. He spoke much and was well knownfor sword-practioe. 1l His poetry was without distinotion. He was much addioted to women and had many children. His grown-up sons died in his lifetime. At the time of writing his son ij:afi~ Khan is the governor of the fort of Gulbarga.
'Alamgimama, p. 202. Islamabad Chii.kna in the Conca.n, MaiitlJir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 331. 3 MOOdJir-i-',dlamgWf, p. 383. , The Marosol' in Jazrett's tr8Il8lation of A'in, II, p. 208, and Ma.ndsor of the
l B

map~. Rieu, III, p. 938.

It is curious that the MaiiUlir.ul.Umara does not mentkn his history which seems to be his most important work. see Elliot, VII, p. 534 and Scott's History of 'he Deccan. s Ir8.dat lQlan died in 1128 A.H. (1716 A.D.). 7 An ancestor of the author. s In March, 1743, vide Cambridge Hi8tory of India, IV, p. 384. 9 S!uJm8hlr 8Mn8i might also mean connoisBeUl'Bhip in &Words.

iFor SazawalB, see Wilson, Glossary of Revenue Terms, p. 473 and Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 42, note. 2 Zer kasa nimktisa hast is a phrase for a trick. See Bahir-i-' Ajam lith. edition. p. 479; the metaphor is ta~en from a wrestling trick.

686

IBAJ DAN.

.ul.Umara.

IRSHAD KHAN MIR ABttL-'ALA-'ISA KHAN MABIN.

687

Verse thanksgivings that we have forded the Narbada, A hundred

employed in service; he had some knowledge of poetry and language and was generally well-informed. This verse is by him:
Verse.

Centum fJ.atus podirisque tortiones 1 quia flumen transivimus. When he ca.me to the presence (of Shah Jahan), he was given the
faujdiiri of one of the Eastern districts, and in the time of war he, at the

instance of Dira Shikoh, kept a large body of troops in attendance and prooeeded towa.rds the Capital. Afterwards when the drum of the sucoess of 'Alamgir beat high and Dara Shikoh traversed the desert of flight, the said Khan placed the brow of shame on the ground of humiliation, and through the intercession of 'Umadat.ulMulk Ja'far Khan was forgiven his fauIts, and made the subjec~ of princely 'clemency ~ At the sam~ time Ja'fttr Khan was made the governor of the province of Malwa, and Iraj Khan went there as one of the auxiliaries. In the beginning of the 3rd year, he was made fa..ujdiir of Bhilsa in that province, and after that was made faujdiir of Ilichplir. When in the 9th year, Diler Khan was appointed to collect the tribute of Chanda and Deogarh, haj Khan went with him. By his good service on this occasion he acquired royal favour, and was promoted to the rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse. Afterwards he spent 8O~e time in the Deccan, and, in the 19th year, again became .faujdiir of Ilichptir in succession to Khan Zaman. In the 24th year, he was made the governor of Burhanptir, and later of Berar. On the 23rd Ramac;la.n, 1096 A.H. (23rd August, 1685 A.D.) he rolled II up the carpet of life and was buried in his own garden close to the walls of llichplir. He had made. a lJara and a quarter (pUra) near this town and he had also, opposite the town and on the bank of the river which traverses it, laid the foUndation of a dwelling, the remains of which are still standing. He was of a very pleasant disposition and of a.greeable manners. He was a copious eater of choice foods, and as his establishments, etc., were greater than his appointments he was always in debt. At first he was married to the daughter of eadiq Khan Mir Ba1M8hi, and on this account he assumed a higher position than others. She died c~dless. He had three sons, but none of them rOBe high. Mir Mli'min, hIS son, was the best of all. For some time he acted as_the deputy of ~n 'Ali Khan Bahii.dur 'Alamgirshahi the ~iihaddr of Ilichplir. The eldest of his son .Mirzi 'Abdur-Ri9a as he had charge of his fl\;her's aocounts became possessed of the lJara and quarter without sharing them with anyone else. He was childless. Bis wife known as Bahli 8 Begam W&!J a virtuous matron and lived in becoming fashion tili her death. The souroe of her livelihood Was the income of the said quarter. Another son Mir M:anlichihr died in his youth. He had a son who was of bad character. Bahli Begam mentioned above adopted a8 a dJ!,ughter the child of her brother andgave her in marriage to him. Some seven or eight years ago when that matron died all the property reverted to her (the adopted daughter). After two years she too died and her sons have the property. The third son, Mirza Muhs.mmad Sa'id, waS chiefly
l ReM appears to be Bo contraction for riBha or twisting. but it may mea.n pimples. There is a play on nUd which means both ninety and the postf'riors. Perhaps buttocksores is the mOlit correct trauala.tion of nUdri8h. . . 2 Mad0ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 262. a In the text Babhli, but three lines lower down it is Bahii.

Regard not as idle the superscription on a gold coin, It is an incantation which can evoke a fairy. He was granted his father's title and was for some time talPJildar of Chanda. At last he fell into difficulties and could not get a hold anywhere. He went off to the Carnatic and spent some time at Bii.laghat , Carnatic, in the company of 'Abdun-Nabi Khan Miyana; later he went to the Payanghat and died there. He had no children. Even in old age he was not without physical beauty, and was a friend of the writer. May God forgive him!
IRSHAn ~AN MIR ABOL-' AL!.

(Vol. I, pp. 290, 291.)

He was the sister's son and son-inlaw of Amanat Khan Khawafi.l He was for a long time in the $uba of Kabul. In the 42ndyear of Aurangzib's reign he came to Court auel. on the death of Kifayat Khan was made Divan of the Khdla. On account of his honesty and trustworthiness and his success in affairs he became favourite to such an extent that he was envied by his contemporaries. As the envious heavens are not pleased to see anyone prosper and are always throwing the stone of disturbance at the glasshouses of men's desires, he had not lived many days in comfort when in the 45th year, 1112 A.H. (1700-01 A.D.) he died. His eldest son Mir Ghulam Husain had the title of Kifayat Khan. Two of his sons survived one MU: ij.aidar, who at last got his father's title, and the second Mir Saiyid Muhammad who was granted the title of his grandfather.
'ISA :KIIIN MABIN.2

(Vol. II, pp. 825-828.)

He is also called Manbah He belonged to a branch of the Rltnghir 3 tribe which regards itself as belonging to a. Rajplit clan. Most of them live in the Chakla of Sirhind and the Patha. Dliab and carry on agriculture and are land holders. Nor do they withhold their hands
1 For his life, see Maiiljjir-ul-Umara, Text I, pp. 258-268. and Beveridge's translation, pp. 221-230. 2 Also written Main and Mahin. Khan Khan, II, p. 767, has Muhmand. 3 The Ra.ngar of Elliot's Supp. Glo88ary. I, p. 4, and note. They are Rajpiits w~o have been converted to Muhammadanism, But it is stated by Mr. Williams, Htstorical Sketches, Cak'Utta Review Selection8, 2nd Serics, III. p. 228, that the word Ranghur means in Sa.hranpiir a Rjpiit of any denomination. and not only a convert to Islii.m. 4 Patha is evidently wrong. There is the reading Thatha, but probably the t~e reading is Etah which is the northernmost district of the Agra Division, and lies on the ea.stern edge of the middle Diib.

~~e-l~_--'

---.-,.. - .- .689
No one of
(MIRZA) '18.1 TABU.iN.

I ,

688

'IM UAN MABIN.

.td-Umara.

from highway robbery and other kinds ofrobberies. In former times 'lsa's ancestors were not reckoL.ed as landholders. His grandfather Bwiiqi exerted. himself and acquired a name. As he advanced in power, he practised robbery and plunder and attacked caravans. Then he collected a force and robbed. as far as his &rm could reach. Gradually, by force he took possession of men's lands, and becamE:> powerful. In the battl~ with A'mm Shah (in 1707 A.D.) he, in company with Muhammad Mu'izz.ud-Dinfought well and got a Dame for coura.ge, and was given a ma.".,oo. In the oonflicts which took place at LahOre between the p';inces, he attended on Jahiindiir Shah with a well-equipped foroe, and, m the confusion, acquired much plunder ; he carried off all the treaRurecarts, and no one questioned him. After the victory he received the rank of ~;OOO and the faujdiiri of the Diiab Patha and of Lakhi Jangal. From bemg a petty landholder he became an Amir and a confidential efficer As opportunism and a careful study of the situation. are . th~ marks. of Zamindars, particularly of usurpers, who_ always lDdulge lD creatmg disturbances so when Jahandar Shah fell 'Isa became altogether a rebel and plunde;ed everywhere. He attacked the caravans of Delhi a?-d -Lahore as if they were his source of revenue, and hllfl frequent fig~ts WIth the faujiJ,ars. By cunning and by letters and presents he e~tablished a?alliance with l;lamlllam-ud-DaulaID!an Dauran and thereby mcreased hIS presumption and oppression. T:L.e Jdgirdars of the neighbourhood could not collect a dam of their rents. From the banks of the Biyas, where he had made a fort called Badresa, to the town of Tharah in Sirhind which is on the Sutlej, he was in possession of the entire territory, and no one had the courage to interfere with him. As 'Abd-ulll-l;lamad Diler Jang the governor of Lahore was annoyed bv his conduct he, after the affair of the Sikhs had been disposed of, made Shahdad Khan Khweshgi-who was a brave man-fa:!fjdar of that neighbourhood and commissioned him to extirpate 'Isa. Though Husain Khan (Khweshgi)-the lord of the Khan-and tl.!e head of the turbulent men of the period-was not willing that 'Isa shOuld be extirpated, because of the idea that as long as he existed, people would not trouble tliemselves about him (J.Iusain Khan)-an idea which was correct as his biography shows-still Shahdiid Khan was bound to -carry out the governor's orders. ~en in the beginning of the _5th year. of FarruJro-siyar's reign l the armles met near the town of Tharah-which was 'lsa's birth-place and where he had been brought up-he joined battle with 3,000 gallant horse and fought vehementIy.2 Shahdad Khiin could not withstand him and turned to ftee. By chance abullet struck 'I8a's father Daulat Khan-who lived at ease by his son's fortune (daulat)and he was killed. 'Isa Khan drove his elephant against Shahdad Khan who was riding a small, female elephant, and struck. him two or three times with his sword. Just then a bullet reached hIm and there was retribution for his actions. His head was cut off, and by the orders of the governor it was sent to the Court. After that his zamindarireverted to
1 Apparently in 1717, as FarrulID-siyar proclaimed himself as the Emperor in April,I712. 2 There occur here the words mardum taza nigah d8ht. Does this mean that 8hihdid's men were raw levies? See Maiifllir-ul-Umara, Text II, p. 712. Apparently the words' mean: he ('Isa) saw that the men were raw recruits.

his son, who manages it in the on!inary zaminddri fashion. the tribe acquired suoh a name as 'Isa)

(Vol. III, pp. 485-488.) His father was Jan Baba uncle of the father 2 of Mirza Jani Beg 8 the ruler of Sindh. When Mirzi Jani died 'Isa became agitatM by a desire for rule. Khusrau Khan the Circassian, who was the chief Vakil of the family, placed Mirza Qhazi in his father's place, and wished to imprison 'Isa. He had the good fortune to escape from that country and to arrive at the Court. Jahangir gave him a high rank and appointed him to the Dec.can. When Mirza Qhizi died as governor of Qandahar, K1lUsrau !9!an placed upon the Tarkbani masnad 'Abdul 'Ali a member of the family, and thought that he himself would be the real rulel. As Jahangir susp6cted that 'Abdlll 'Ali might, with the help of Khusrau Khan, become ind~pendent there, he sent a farman to 'fsa Khan. When the latter came to_the Court to pay his respects, some envious people represented that 'Isa had Zor a long time put ,the horse-shoe in the fire (i.e. been plotting) with the wish of becoming the ruler of thl;l country, and that if he were now confirmed he might join the governors of Kachh and Mekran and Hurmuz (Ormuz), who were near at hand and seek the all.ia.nee of Shah 'Abbas eafavi and that it would take a long time to redress +;he ev$ so caused. The King became suspicious and appointed Mirza Rustam of Qandahar to the government. By his exertions th~ whole plant of the Tarkbans was uprooted from that country and Mirza 'Isa was made jagirdiir of Dhanpiir in Gujarat and appointed to that province. When Shah Jahan after his failure left Sindh, and came' by the Rano 'and the country of Bhara li in Gujarat and returned to the Deccan, the Mirza had the good luck to present to him money, stores, horses and camels, and so lay the founda.tion of good fortune for himself. Accordingly, after the death of Jahangir, the Mirza came to Agra and appeared at the Court. He received an increase of 2,000 with 1,300 horse and attained the rank of 4,000 with 2,500 horse, a.nd the government of Sindh. But afterwards the administration of the country was, of necessity, given to Sher Khwajavho was styled Khwaja Baqi Khan, and the Mirza had to return from the Court without gaining his object. He received the fief of Mathurii., 6 and, in the 5th year, the _number i)f his troopers was increased, and he was sent off to the jdgir of Ilichpiir. In the 8th year, he had an increase of 1;000 and 1,000 horse and obtained the rank of
'Isa
1 There is some account of 'Isa in KhafI K!!an, II, p. 767, where he is called {{han Mohmand. 2 That is. he was grand-uncle of Jii.ni Beg, See Blochmann's translation of

A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 392, note 2. 3 There was an earlier Mirza 'Isa Tarkhan son of Mirza 'Abdul 'Ali whQ died in 974 A.H., vide Elliot, l, p. 325. 4 Barahzan, but it should be Rann, i.e. Rann of Cutch. 6 Khafi Khan, l, p. 383, mentions Shah Jahan's leaving Sindh for the Decc8Jl. 8 'Isapiir a suburb of Mathura is named after him; see Growse. Mathura, p. 175.

691
690
5,000 with 4,000 horse, two-horse and three-horse, and was made Javjdtir of the Sarka.r of Sorath. In the 15th yeM, he was made governor of Gujara.t in succession to A'~am Kh.n. The charge of Sorath was given to his eldest son 'Inayat UlIih who had the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. After the Mirza was removed from the government, he received again charge of Jiinagarh, and, in the 25th l year, the d.efence of that country was entrusted to his second son Muhammad ealiJ:l, and the Mirza was 8ummond to the Court. In Muharram, 1062, he had reached the town of Sambhar where he died I. Though he was over 100 year8 old his natural force was Dot abated. He still had youthfullusts and was much addicted to pleasure and drinking. He was not without skill in music. He had many children. 'Ina.yat unah, his eldest son, who was an officer of high rank, died in the 21st year of the reip;n. Most of his sons died in the Mirza's lifetime. After his death Mirza. Muhammad eilil;1 who was the best of them (i.e. of those who survived him) and of whom a separate account (Text III, pp. 560-562) has been given, attained the rank of 2,000 with 1,500 horse. Fath Ullah attained the rank of 500, and' Aqil received a suitable rank.

Najm.ud.Daula. showed courage and was killed l (1162 A.H., 6t~ J?ly, 1750 A.D.}. Mii'taDl.anud.Daula. had two other sons, Mirza. AlI Iftikbar-ud..t>aula and MIrZi Muhammad' Ali Silar Jang. In the retgn of 'Alamgir II, .theywere proceeding from Delhi to ~afdar J ang's ca~p, but it cha.nced that ~afdar Jang died at this time, and th':, t~o brothers lD 1168 went to Shuja'ud.Dau1a in Oudh. Afterwards Sii.lii.r Jang was made Baf;!Jski by SMh' A.lam.
ISKANn"'R ~!N DZBEG.

(Vol. l, pp. 84-87.) He was a descendant of the princes of that tribe. He di~ g~od service under Humay\ln and obtained the title of Khan at the beg~g of the exped!tion to India, and after the conquest he was apP?ll.lted governor of Agra. On the occasion of Hemii he left Agra and JOl~ed Tardi Beg Khan in Delhi, and in the battle command~d the .left W1llg. The imperial vanguard and left wing defeated the rtght WlDg of the enemy and pursued them, and obtained much plunder. 3~~ of t~e enemy were slain. At this junctm:e Hernu a.ttacked. Tardl Beg Khan and drove him into flight. The V1ctors were astoIDshed ~hen. t~ey returned and had to follow TardiBeg. Iskandar Khan came .to Slr~m~ to Akbar and was appointed to the vanguard of the army agalnst Hemu along with' Ali Quli Khan Zaman. After the victory he was despatched to pUrsue the fugitives and to protect Dellii from plunderers. He made haste and killed many and obtained much booty. He was rewarded by the title of ~an ' Alam. ._ When Khi~ Khwaja Khan, the governor of. the PanJab retreated before Sikandar Khin Siir-who had designs agalll8t the country-and set abont fortifying LahOre, and. Sikandar Khan taking a~vantage of this opportunity set about collectmg revenue from the provlD~, Akbar instantly gave Iskandar Khan Siyiilkot, etc., in fief, and sent hIm off to assist Khidr Khwaja. After that he was rewarded with the fief of Oudh. As ease and comfort make the turbu1ent and opportunists seditious Iskandar Khan in the IOth year, left the straight path and became';'rebel. Ashraf Khan was sent from the Court to concilia.te him and to bring him to the Presence. He, after some prevarications, went off to Khin Zaman, and they together rais~ the s~andardof re. It. Is~a~d~r Kha.n in company with Bahidur Khan Sha.lbanI fought near Khalrab8.d with Mir Mu'izz-u1-Mu1k of Mashhad, who had been deputed by His Majesty to chastise him. Though in the end Bahii.dur Khan obtained the vietory, Iska-udar Khan was defeated in the first attack and fled. In the 12th year when Khan Zaman and Bahidur Khan again rebelled, Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas was sent with a. large force against Iskan~ar Khan, who was behaving contumaciously in Oudh. There wa~ fightl~g between them for a time. When news came of the deaths of Khan Zaman and Bahadur Khan IskandarKhan had recourse to fraud and stratagem, and proposed peac~. After spending some time in this way he put h~s family and belongings into some boats which he had kept ready fo~ thIS purpose and crossed the river. He sent a message that he was stIll of
1

(MO'TAMA.N-un-DAULA) ISHXQ l\.!JXN. (Vol.

m, pp. 774-776.)

His father came to India from Shiistar and settled in DelhI. In the reign of Mahammad Shah he entered the service and received the title of Q.hu1am 'Ali Khan. He was made Balciiwal (Clerk of the kitchen). Ishii.q Khan was born in India, and, in the time of Muhammad Shah he became Khan-i-Sarru1n. In the 22nd year, or 1152 8 (17~9 A~D.) he died He composed poetry. This verse is his = As my small heart was full of thoughts of that rose (beloved), The flute of my sleep last night was the whistling nightingale. He left three sons. The eldest was Mirza. Muhammad WhO, like his father, was an intimate of MuhaI!lmad SUh and an object of envy to his contemporaries. At first he was called Ish,q Khii.n but later received the title of Najm-ud-Daula. He was appointed as 4th Balsl1ski. Ma.hammad SMh gave his sister 4 in marriage to Shuja' .ud-Daula the son of eafdar Jang. After Muhammad Shli.h's death he was retained as RaMski in Ahmad Shah'stime and appointed KrOri II ofDellil. When eafdar Jang had his fights with the Bangash Afgbans, who are found in the northern part of the Delhi Province, and a battle took place between the towns of San and Sabawar, in which eafdar Jang was defeated
1 On p. 560 of Vol. III of the Text of Ma0ir-uZ,Umaf'the year is given 88 the 24th. I I t is stated in Elliot, I, p. 302, that 'Isa Tar!Wn died at the age of ninetv-five in 1061 A.R., 1651 A.D. Bimhhar in R&jputAna, ImperiaZ Gazetteer, pp. 21, 22. a Mu1;lammad Is1;li!.q Khan Mii'tamanud-Daula died in April, 1741 (vide Irvine, Joum. Aa. Soe. Bengal for 1879, p. 67). , She was the Bho B~am of FaiQibiid (Irvine, loe. cit., p. 67). 6 For Krmi, eee Sir Jadunath &rw, Mughal Admini8tration, pp. 41, 42, note; he was "the collector of II ravenue area yielding one Kror of Dam, i.e., 2llakhs of rupeea" ; also pp. 86, 87. .

xxn,

see Irvine, loe. cit., p. 75.

692

ISLAM KBINCmSHTI F1R1JQI.

Ma!l1ir

ul-Umara.

ISLAM KHAN CHISHTI FAROQI.

693

the same mind and was shortly coming in. As his heart and his tongue were not in accord, the officers crossed the river and followed him. He went off to GOra.khpiir, which was then in the possession of the Mghans, and went to Sulaiman Kararani, the rule!" of BengiI. He marched in oompany with the latter's son (Bayazid) to conquer Orissa. When he returned, the Mgbans did not think that his presence among them was proper, and plotted against him. He came to know of it and petitioned the Kh8.n-Khanan who was in Jaunpiir. The latter consulted His Majesty, and giving Iskandar Khan hopes summoned him. Iskandar Khan came quickly to the Kh8.n-Khanan. ID!an-Khanan in the 17th year, 979 A.H., took him with him to the Emperor, and at the intercession of this officer Iskandar Khan was pardoned, and received the Barkar of Lucknow in fief.. At the time of departure he received a dress of honour (Chiirqah), a waist-dagger, an ornamented sword and a horse with agilded saddle, and was appointed to join the Khan-Khanan. Some time after reaohing Lucknow he fell ill, and on lOth Jumada I, 980 A.H. (18th September, 1572 A.D.) he died. He had the rank of 3,000 l. J SLAM :K1I AN
CmSHTI

F ARU QI.

(Vol. I, pp. 118-120.)

His name was' Ali'-ud-Din, and he was a grandson of Shailffi Salim Fatbpiiri. He was endowed with an excellent disposition and abundance of good qualities and was pre-eminent among his friends and connections. In virtue of his being connected by fosterage with Jahangir he held a royal office and received much honour. The sister of the well-known 'Allami Shaikb Abiil Fa4l was married to him. When Jahangir became the King, he received the title ofIslam Khan and an office of 5,000, and was appomted governor of Bihar. In the 3rd year, he was wade, after the deatb of Jahangir Quli Khan Lala Beg, the governor of Bengal. As 2 that country had from the time of Sher Shah been in the possession of Mgban officers, large armies were sent there in Akbar's time under the leadership of high officials, and for a long time there was much fighting, etc. At last the Mghans were extirpated, but remnants of the tribe continued to exist on the frontiers. Among them 'Uiliman ID!an, the son of Quthi Lohani, becltme prominent, and several times engaged in battle with the imperial troops. This WltS especially so in the time of Rajlt Man Singh, who in spite of his efforts, was unable to uproot the thorn of 'Uiliman !Qlin's rebellion. When Islam Khan's turn came, he ltrranged an army 3 under the leadership of Shaikb Kabir Suhja' at Khan-who was nearly related to him-and it set out along with auxiliary officers, from Akbarnagar (Rajmabal) against 'UtJ!nian Khan and after achievements which put the masterpieces of Rustam and Isfandiyar into oblivion-as has been fully detailed in the account of that officer (Text II, pp. 63~33)1 Apparently this ISl<8Ldar Khii.n was the son of Sa'id Khii.n and is the man mentioned in the Tiirii;A-iRashidi, Elias and Ross's translation, p. 340, etc. I Apparently from Iqbiilniima-i-Jahiingiri, p. 60 el seg. a Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 586-588. Riyiilj-U{1-Sawtin (translation) has an account of the battle on pp. 174-179, but the above is copied from the Jqbiilniima, wc. cit.

'Utbman Khan was sent to annihilation and his br~ther (~a.li Khan) made his submission. As a reward for this good serVICe, he, ill the 7th year was promoted to the rank of 6,000. In the 8th vear l, 1022 A.H. (1613 A.D.) his life came to an end. His body waR conveyed to Fatbp~, which was his birth place and where his ancestors were bul"ied. His history is a strange one. His virtue and gravity were such t~atprob~bly, in all his life he never took part in drunkenness or other forbIdden things. Yet in spite ~fthis, all the saltatory troops in the wh~le of.the proVin~e o~ Bengal consisting of lUli, Mi.rkani \ karu;hni (d~ncmg.grrls) and dOmnt (gypsies) were his servants and receIved from hIm R:s.80,000 a ~onth, or nine lacs, sixty thousand a year. Men stood holdmg trays of.Jewels and silken stuffs, and he distributed them in pres~nts. He carrIed the customs of high office (tuzuk-i.amtirat) to such a pItch that he use~ the jkaroka (lattice) for exhibiting himself to high and low, .and the prIvate parlour (GhU8l~ana) which are things fitting only for kings 4. He also had elephant-fights. He was not particular about his ~ess and wo~e a skuD-cap (tdqiya) under his turban. He wore a shirt under his tumc. From the dishes on his table 1,000 poor were abundantly fed, but first they set before hinl bread of millet (juwar and biijra) and vegetables (sag) and dry rice called 8athi 6. His spirit and liberality threw the story of Ratim and Ma' an into oblivioQ. During his government of Bengll.l he istributed 1,200 elephants to his maru)QlxJiirs (officers) and servants. Altogether he supported 20,000 persons, horse and foot who belonged .to the clan of Shaik..bza.das. His son !kraffi Khan Htishang was the child ofShailtb Abiil Fadl's sister. For a whilehe held an appointment in the Deccan. In the e~d of Ja4angir's reign he became the governor of the fort of Asir. A daughter of Sher Khan Tonvar lived in his house (i.e. was married to him). He did not get on with her, and her brothers took her away. Itt spite of his descent from such a family h~ was an oppressor. In the middle of Shah Jahan's reign he was, for certam reasons, removed from his fief and office of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, and made a recipient of payment in cash (naqdi 8).. He became a h~rm~t in Fatbptir and ha?charge of the shrine of ShaI\tb Salim. He dIed m the 24th year. HIS half.brother Shailtb Mu' a~zam was appointed to the charge of the shrine, and in the 26th year he was made faujdi1r of Fatbptir, and held the ra.nk of l 800 substantive a.nd with increments. In the battle of Sa.miigarh 7, ~hen'he was in the altmi8h 8 of Dara Shikoh's army, he died bravely D.
1 5th Rajab, 1O~2 A.H., 21st August, 1613, see Rogers and Beveridge's tra.nsla. tion of TUzuk-i-JahiingiM, I, p. ~5? . _ . _ _. I In Haughton's Bengali Dlct'lOnary the form IS hurkanlya andhurki, and the definition is-a woman who refuses to live with her husband. . . I Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 358, note 2. see also Ibid., p. 325, where Jahiingir forbade Amira to use the jhariika, and AurangzIb abolished it altogether. . . 4. For a detail('d ac('ount of the PrerogatIves of the Emperor, see SIJ' Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, pp. 133-147. . 6 Sathi rice, so called because it ripens in sixty days af~r be~~_ S?wn. 6 This cash in exehange of Jiigir was better known as lOOV,-t)agw'. 7 Date of battle was 8th June, 1658. see Sir Jadunath &rkar, Hiat.ory oj Aurangzib, I, p. 383. 8 Advance-guard of the centre, J.rvine Army of. the Indian MOfl.hula, p. 22~. 9 The lliography of Isliim Khii.n appears to be macc~te. It 18 not mentIoned that he removed the headquarters of the government of Be~ii.1 from ~ii.jU1aQal to Dacca, to which he gave the name of Jahingirna.gar. see Elliot, VI, p. 328.

'"
I

694

ISLAM KHAN MASHHADI. ISLAM KIIAN MASHHADI.

Ma.ilJ:ir

~ulUmara.

ISLAM KHAN MASHlIADI.

695

(Vol. I, pp. 162-167.) He was Mir 'Abd-us.Salam, and had the title of Ikbti~ K!!an. He was one of the old servants of Shah Jahan. At fust he did secretary's work. In 1030, the 15th year of Jahangir-when the royal standards went for the second time to redress the affairs of the Deecan, the Mir was made Vakil of the Darbar (i.e. Shah Jahan's agent at his father's Court) with a suitable rank and the title of llilitisas Khin. At the time when Jahangir was estranged from the Prince, h~ ~a;-recaIled from the Court and joined Shah Jahan and in the troubles that ensued did not try to part from him. Afterwards, when the fort of Junair was made Shah Jahan's residence, he was sent to Bijapur to convey to the heir Muhammad 'Adil Shah condolences for the death of Ibrahim ' Adil SMh. He performed the duty satisfactorily, and when Shiih Jahan became the Kina, he waited upon him with a valuable present, and was given the rank ~f 4,000 with 2,000 horse, and the title of Islam Khan, and appointed 2nd 1 Ba1sllshi-a department in which none but confidential servents can be employed. When Shah Jahan went to the south to put down Khan Jahan LOdi, he was appointed as the governor of Agra. When Sher Khan Tonvar the Na~im of Gujarat died in the 4th year, Islam Khiin was made a maru;abdiir of 5,000 and the governor of that province. In the end of the 6th year, he became Mir 2 Bakhshi; the words Bakhshi-i. mumalik give the date, 1043 A.H. (1633-34 A.D.). In the 8th year, he was appointed governor of the extensive province of Bene;iH in place of A'~m Khan, and there opened wide the gates of victary. He chastised the Assamese properly and captured the son-in-Iaw of the ruler of .Assam, and conquered forts so quickly that in the space of two 3 pahars (6 hours) he took fifteen fort s 4. He also took Srighat and Pandu and established tMnas in the whole of Kuch Haju. Also, in the llth year, he captured 500 of their boats. Manik Rai the brother of the ruler of the Maghs-who was in possession of Chittagong--solicited the protection of Islam Khan owing to the ascendency of the Arracanese, and came to him in the 12th year, 1048, 1638, in Jahlingirnagar, commonly known as Dhaka (Dieca). In the 13th year, Islam Khan was summand to the
There are passing references to Islam Khn in the TiJ,zuki-Jahiingiri. From these it appears that he was brought up with JahiIDgir and that he was one year his junior. He was, therefore, born in 1570, and was 43 when he died. He is buried at Fatl,J.purSikri where there is a massive monument built over his grave. l Bakhshi dilwam u 'Ar(l mukarrar-2nd BaJillshi and officer of the Revision department. As Irvine has shown, 'Ar(l mukarrar is the Superintendent of revision; vide Army oj the Indian Moghuls, pp. 18, 42. 2 That is, Ist BaJillshi. B.dshiihniima, I, p. 542. 8 Blochmarm, Jourrl.. As. Sac. Bengal, XLI, for 1872, p. 61, has "Before noon". 4. Biidshiihniima, II, p. 85, and Blochmann, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal; XLI, p. 61. He translates the word fort by stockade. Is1ii.m !\hiID's first persoru:d expedition was in the llth year. For the sonin-Iaw's capture and death, see loco cit., p. 88. He was apparently S~g Deo's son-in-Iaw.. For capture of the 500 boats, see p. 88. :rhe account of ~ss~ .and_of t.?~ cll;mpalgn, etc. In the Biidsh.hniima, II, pp. 64-IJO, IS very full. Mandu IS Pandu III lt. Part of the account is translated in Elliot, VII, p. 65 et seq. The most complete translation is that by Blochmarm noticed above. The campaign oCl:urred in the autumn and winter of 1637 in the llth year of Shiih Jahan's f(ign.

Presence and received oharge of the high office of vazir. When Khan Daurin 1 N~at Jang, governor of the Deccan was killed, Islim Khan at the New Yea,r's feast of the 19th year obtained the rank of 6,000 DMt and horse and the government of that province. His brother, 80ns and son-in-mwalso had 8uitable increase8 and accompanied him. They say, that when the news came of Khan Dauran's death, Shah Jahan told Islam Khan to a.ecide who was fit for that government. He went home and told his counsellars and weIl-wishers what the King had said. After deliberation he mentioned what came into his mind, namely his own name.. They 8aid to him: "How can this be right ~ The post of the Premier and the proximity to the King cannot be staked against the government ofthe Deccan." He said, "I agree, but what has occurred to the King is that Sa'ad UIliih Khan-to whom he is partial-should be made Vazir and he has sent for him under a pretext. I fear that I may be superseded; Under these circumstances what better can I do ~ " AU approved of his decision. The same day about the end of the sessions he, contrary to custom and rule, appeared at the Oourt with his 8WOrd girt on and with his shield. The King asked him the caU8e of this, and he replied that an !Jrder had been given to choose someone for the Deccan. No one appeared to him to be suitable except himself. The King approved and asked as to who should be made the Deputy Vazir. He said there was nQ better man for this than Sa'ad Ullah &lan. This was also approved. When he was arranging f!?r his departure Sa' ad UIlah Khan wa!J confirme<,i ip. the Vazarat-i-kuU (Chief Minister). All perceived the good judgment and right thinking of Islam Khan. In the 20th year, he was raised to the high rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse. When he came from Burhanpiir to Aurangaba.d illness prevailed over him, and he perceived that it was the time for his last journey. In accordance with the advice of Chatr Bhoj, the writer on his establishment, and Khwija 'Ambar the m~addi (clerk) of his jligir, he burnt his records and clandestinely divided 2 his property among his sons and broth!3rs and other persons of his household and 8ent a statement of &.25 8 lacs to the King. On 14th Shawwal ofthe 218t year, 1057 A.H. (I2thNoveinber, 1647 A.D.) he died, and in accordance with his will he was buried in Aurangabad. The tomb and garden which were made, though old, remain in good condition to this day. Khwaja' Ambar remained 4 seated at the head of the tomb. Shah Jahan heard of what had taken place (about the property), but, in consideration of his long service, overlooked the occurrence and promoted everyone of his sons in accordance with their deserts and gave them employment. Chatr Bhoj he made Divan of Malwa. Islim Khan had a full knowledge of the rational andtraditionary sciences and of elegant compositions and of calligraphy. In reference to royal business he was jealous (lit. greedy), and did not want that anyone should have possession of it. He did his work with stric~nessand severity, and the men of the Deccan, who had been tormented by &lan Dau.ran,
l The second officer who bore that title. He was asBassinated at Lahore (Beale), properly four miles from Lahore, and died on 7th Jumada I, 1055 A.H. or Ist July, 1645 A.D., vide Maiiq}ir-ul-Umarii, Text I, p. 767. 2 Text karda, MS. guJta. I Text 25 lacs which is surely wrong. MS. has only Rs.25. 4. Apparently the meaning is that he took charge of the tomb.

__---o_ . . . .----.. . - ,-------..

696
ISLAM OAN MIR J;lIYA-UD-DIN I!USAIN BA.DA.1WSHl.

Maath.ir

-U- U mara. l

-ISLAM KHAN MIR DIYA-UD-DlN I:lUSAIN BADA.IOI8llI

697

did riot 1 have their eyes salved (i.e., cured or wiped dry). But he exerted himself to improve the country. He sold the stones of the forts at a profit and made new arrangements. He had on his establishment a good supply of horses and elephants, and though he had not the power to mount on horseback, yet he laboured hard in taking good care of the horses. He had six sons. Arno~ them, Ashraf Khan (Text I, pp. 272274), ~afi Khan (Text II, pp. 740-742) and' Abd-ur-RabIm Khan (Text n, pp. 812, 813) have been separately noticed. His third son Mir Muhammad Sharif was, after his death, raised to the rank of 1,000 with 200 horse. In the 22nd year of Shah Jahan's reign he went on the Qandahar compaign with Sul~in Muhammad Aurangzib. In the 24th year, he was made Superintendent (Darogba) of the jewelled weapons. Afterwards he was made BaMski and Reporter of the Capital. At last he was made clerk of the port of Surat. At the time of SMh Jahan's illness, when Sul~an Murad Bald1sh aimed at the sovereignty, he W&8 seized and imprisoned. The 4th son Mir Muhammad Gbiyatb, after his father's death, rose to the rank of 500 with 100 horse, and in the 28th year became Bals!lski and Reporter of Burhii.npiir, a.nd Superintendent of the wardrobe (Karkirtiqkhana) there. In the time of Aurangzib he was again (~) appointed cJ"'rk of the port of Smat, and BaM1ski a.nd Reporter of Aurangabii.d. In the 22nd year (of Aurangzib) he died. The sixth, Mir 'Abd-ur-Rahman was sent off in the 16th year of Aurangzib &8 the Chamberlain ({lajabat) of l1aidarabii.d ~ii,ba, and for some time, W&8 Ba~ki and Reporter of Aurangabii.d and also for a time he was Master of the horse and Darogia-i-' A,.q, mukarrar or SIIperintendent of Revision department.

ISJ,AM

JiIlJ.N MIR

l?IYA-uD.DIN J;lU8A.IN BA.DA.USHl.

(Vol. I, pp. 217-220.) He was an old Wala-Shaki (household.trooper) of AurangzIb. He spent his life in his service and always did well. At the time when Aurangzib was a prince he was Divan of the Prince's establishment (Sarkiir-i-Shaki). When the influence of Dara Shikoh, owing to the kindness of Shah Jahan, was so great that whatever he wished done in the affairs of the Saltarw,t was carried out, the Prince resolved to set OUT, ostensibly to wait upon his father, but really to remuve his elder brother -and in the beginning of Jumii.da I, 1068 A.H. (5th February, 1658 A.D.) he sent off his eldest son Sul~an Muhammad along with Najabat Khan as an advance-guard from Aurangabad to Burhanpiir, and Mir J;>hiyaud-Din who till then had acted as the Divan-was sent with Sultan Muhammad. Afterwards the Prince himself came to Burhanpfu, and encamped at the garden Farmanpari 2 which is a mile from the city, and the Mir received the title of Himmat Khan. After the battle with
The text here seemB corrupt. By miBBing the word dashtand in the text the meaning becomes clear as: the Deccanis did not have their eyes cured lUlder Ialim .\Q!in, i.e., they still had to weep, but the prosperity of the country was increased. 'Alamgirnama, pp. 50, 51. Full details of the march are given by Sir J adunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, I, pp. 344-347. See also the later chapters for the details of the struggle for the throne.
1

. ed the title of Islam Khin. In the battle with Dii.ra JlIo8want he recelV Kh- Deccani putBahadiir Khan Koka. into diffiSbikoh when ~ustam -~ with the right wing and fought ~a~y. culties, the Mir advance. me essential to pursue Da.ra S~oh, After .the victory, when lt beca dia hi of Islam Khin w&8 applllted :Mub.ammad Sul~n, under the ~uar ns ~ ~ ID!an obtain~ acommission to manage the affairs of the CapItal, and I,~a~ Rs 30 000 1. In the battle of 4,000 ~th 2,000 ~orse, and a ;:~s~~ t~e right ~ng, and when Raja with Shu]a , he w~ ID the va~the right wing and from treachery and Jaswant, who was ID comm::J.n f desertion the Khan 2 became the lf'Jder rebelliousness took the/~ t? th heat of the engagement the elephant s in his place. It c~a:nce t a ~ en be' struck with a rocket and th:rew ~ At this time the King came on which he was rIding.took frtght o the troOps into C~)llfUslOn. Man~~:: o:h~rs who had not left the field. in person to asSISt a?d he~rtene 't1l.Sultan Muhammad who had been After the victory Islam Khan went ~ - - Mir J umla and other officers inted along with Mu'~am _an , - d appa . fSh ,-, to go in pursUl~~ uJa. f 11 of despak from Akbarnagar to Tan_s:, When ShuJa went !'way II 'th 10000 horse in Akbarnagar (RaJ' f d ~ nding that side of the ""u' rt""am Khan left Islam Khan w1 h lU ~ ' d t h' the c arge o e.le ) mahal) and entrllste Sh~an of the 2nd year (28th April, 1659 ~.~. 5th Ganges, When on l fMu'azzam Khii.n fled to JahangtrShujii.' being oppressed by t~e b ows o his roinedfortunes to .Arracii.n, na,aar (Dacca) so that he mtght convey t f his dislike4 of the general, ~ _. h month on accoun o pre Islam Khin ID t e : e sed by his privations (~), went offto.the d et;n:i or because he was res O this account he was for a tune epn-v. without being summ~ned.d d n In the 3rd year, he was restoredt~ h~ of his rank and repr1IDan e ~ he was made governor of Kashmir m former rank, In_t~e 4th_ ye When the royal army proceedEid to that succession to Ibrahim Khan. d IsIa Khan in obedienee to an order, ever vernal and :f~er{~::shahram which 'is an extensive and :po~u1o~ waited upon the a , oad to the hills in the begiI1D:1Dg o pargana, and the ~econd stage on:::r b an increas~ of 1,000 horse and the 6th year. ,His ~a~~v3,000 hJ:.se, and was madt? go,:ernorhof he had a ma~ab o , d ft h's arrival at that mty w en Agra: A full month had ~ot ~la~~: b: i~~ of 1074 A.H. (~663 A.D.). the messenger of d~ath arr~see~~he chro~ogram of his death: . . . Ghani 6 of Kashmir cko~Pw:-lci Jak (Islii.m Khan of elevated dlgJl1ty IS - Murd Islam K an a dead: 1074). . . h b f the lord of knowledge and ~ertainty m He was burIed ~n ~ e6to oGod's eace be upon him l-m who~ Mir Mub.ammad Nu man -M.ay anI near whose tomb he had built the Khan had placed great reli;~~ilding is: Bani Islam Khan Bahi.idur, a lofty.Jllosque. The date o . A H 1648 A,D.), He also Islim ~n Bahadur is .the build:.er (~~5: is ~ ';~ry loRy and substantial built the'Idgii.h mosque m KashmIr, w lC

tt

..

I
I

a Khin Khan, II, pp. 54, 57. A.lamgirniirna , ~ ~~%rnad Tahir, t'ide Rieu, II, p. 692a. Mir Nu'man to " Hls name was u . ' _ , t is meant There was a t' d ~ But perhaps some Kashmirl sall~ _ _. 627 and as is men IOne -m Khan was related, see 'Alamgtrnama, p. , h w.om lala below in the text.

1 2.

liliiifi Khan, II, p. 34.

------------------~---~-----

698

Madillir -ul-Umara.
ISLIM lUJ.lN RttMI.

699

edifioe. His heir was ffimma.t Khan Mir Ba.kbshi. One of his d.a.ughters was married to Mir Ibrahim, the ilon of Mir Nu'min. The said Mir went l off in the seoond yea.r to oonvey to MecC,& properties worth six laos and 10,000 rupees whioh .Aurangzib had sent for the holy pla.oes, and died there in the 4th yea.r. ln short, Islim Khin was not devoid ofperfections. He had a poetio bent of mind. These two verses of his a.re well known ;

Veru.
Without thee, grief's evening ma.kes a night.atta.ck on my day, The pupil of my eye is from weeping drowned in blood. Make a pleasant place, O desert, for this night, The army of my sighs will encamp outside my heart.
ISLIM ~AN RttMI.2

(Vol. I, pp. 241-247.) I;Iusain Pasha was the son of 'Ali Pasha. Pasha in that country (Turkey) means an Amir. He was governor of Bllfra and was nominally subject to the Sul~an of Turkey. Muhammad, his uncle, was offended with him and went to Constantinople with the request that his brother's son should be dispossessed and that he (Muhammad) should be appointed in his place. When he did not succeed there in his object, be went to Abshar, the Pasha of Aleppo, who had the power of appointing and removing the governors of some of the cities of Turkey, and represented the misbehaviour and evil ways of his nephew. He also asked for an estate from the produce of which he could provide for his necessities. Abshar wrote to Husain Pasha to restore to him an estate out of the dependencies of B~ra. When he came to B~ra, ij:usain Pasha acted according to Abshar's letter and kept Muhammad in comfort in his company. When Muhammad in concert with his brother exceeded his authority and began to behave in an unseemly manner, ij:usain Pasha imprisoned both of them and transported them to India. They cleverly contrived to get out of the ship {ln the shores of Lahsa 8 (Al-Hasa) and came to Baghdad to Murtal;la Pishi. Muhammad oraftily represented to him that ij:usain Pasha was in league with the Persia.ns and that he posse8Bed abundant riches and said, that if Murtal;la would come with troops and expel ij:usain and give the governorship of Ba$ra to him (M:uhammad), all these riches would revert to him. Murta4a reported these suggestions to the Qa~r (the Sultan of Turkey) and obtained permission to go to B~ra a.nd depose ~usain Pasha. When the plan came into operation and he came near B~ra, ~usain Pasha sent Yahya (John) with an army to fight. When Yahra perceived that Murtal;la had a large force and that he was unable to reSIst him, he yielded and joined Murtal;la. When ij:usain Pasha heard this,
l In M~ir-i-'Alamgirithe amount is 6 Jacs wun;h of goods_ and Rs.30,OOO in cash. Was it not Mir Ibrahim the son of Mir Nu'man who wsos sent with the money and who died in Arabia? Of. 'A!amgimama, p. 627. II Fryer mentions that he MW him encamped near Siirat. He calls him the Bassa of Mesopotamia. . . . . 3 EI.Al)ea OI' El :ij:asa in E. ArabIa IS the name of a distrIct. 7lJ

he was disconcerted and conveyed his family a.nd goods to Bhabhii. 1, which is a dependenoy of Shiriz, and turned for assistance to the Persia.ns. MurtaQ.ii. came to Ba.(lra, but in spite of all his search oould not find the treasure that Muhammad had mentioned. on this account he put Muhammad and his brother and a number of others to death. Some time afterwards the Arabs of the peninsulas (Mesopotamia.) on being oppressed by the misbehaviour of MurtaQ.a rose up against him a.nd defeated him. MurtaQ.ii. fled to Baghdad, and many of his men were killed. This news was sent to Husain Pii.shii. and he was invited to return to ~ra. He left his family and property at Bhabha, and came to ~ra, and began once more to rule there. He did so for ten or twelve yea.rs a.nd always maintained a friendly intercourse with the grea.t princes of India. and sent them letters and presents. For insta.nce, in the 3rd year of 'Alamgir he sent l! a. letter full of congratulations 011 bis accession, together with some' Iraqi horses. In short, when the ruler of Turkey, on account ot the troubles a.nd opposition offered by ~usain, ordered that Ya.hya. should be a.ppointed in his place, I;Iusain was unable to remain there any longer. Nor could he go to the Sultan of Turkey. Being helpless he set off with his family and a few servants to Persia. When he arrived there he did not meet with any favour, J10r could he gather the flower of kindness. By the guidance of fortune he determined to migrate to India, and set off. His arrival was approved of by the Emperor (Aurangzib) and a robe of honour, a palanquin and a female elephant were made over to a macebearer to be conveyed to ~usa.in in order that the exile might be comforted and made hopeful of favours. When he reached Shahjahanii.bad (Delhi) in the l2th year on l5th eafr, 1080 A.H. (15th July, 1669 A.D.), the BakMhi-ul-Mulk Asad !\han and the $adr-UI}-ljudur' Abid Khan received him at the Lahore gate of the city wall. Danishmand Khan Mir Ba!HJ8hi came forward (to meet him), and ~usain Pasha was introduced according to ceremoniaI and permitted to kiss the throne.. By the touch of the royal hand on his ba.ck, his head was exalted beyond the sky 8. He presented a. ruby with Rs.20,000 and ten horses. He received a lac of rupees and other presents and the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 4 horse a.nd the title of Islam Khan. The house of Rustam Khan Deocani-which was a lofty mansion on the bank of the Jumnii.-together with carpets, etc., and a boat so that he might come by the river to the Court, were given to him. His eldest son Afrasiyab .received the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse and the title of Khan and his other son' Ali Beg obtained the title of Khan a.nd the rank of 1,500. After that he was granted an inorease of 1,000 with 1,000 horse and a-tanTg)wdh (salary) in money for ten months and a remission of the charge of the keep of the animals 6. La.ter on he
l Apparently it is the Babahan of the maps and on the road from Shiraz to Bashdf,\i. II I!lfi Khan, II, p. 124. 3 The description of Husain Pii.sha's arrival is taken from the MaaCbir-i-'A!amgiri, p. 85 et 11t!q. The phrase about the head being exalted above the sky occurs on p. 86. The Dii.nishmand Khan of the text was Bernier's pairon. He, as BaJWshi-ul. Mu1k conducted the Pii.shiio sos far as the entrance to the (JJawli;Acirla. 4 !hafi Khan, II, p. 234, has 4,000, but Maatl!ir.i.'AUJmgiri 5,000. 6 see Irvine, Army of the Indian Mogula, pp. 17, 20. Few offioors received the full twelve months' pay. The animalB were, it BOOrns, the Emperor's and

T
I

700

Ma4!J!ir

~tilUmarii.

IsMI'IL BEG DOLDI-ISM.l'IL UAN BAHADUB PANI.

701

was made $iilJadiir of Malwa. As courage and ability were conspicioU8 in him, he became a favourite, lO,nd soon was recognized as one of the great officers of India. . Aurangzib wished that he would send for his family and settle in the country. As he, for certain reasons, delayed in sending for his wife and for his third son Mukbtar Beg, and made evasions, he was removed from his office and excluded from the Presence; he took up his abode in Ujjain. In the 1 end of the 15th year, at the petition of 'Umdat-ul-Mulk Khan Jahan Bahadur, Nii1:im of the Deccan, he wail restored to his rank and office and appointed to command the vanguard of the army (of the said Khan). He was frequently engaged against the armies of 'Adil Shah and the grandson of BahlUl of Bijapiir. In the 19th year, l1th Rabi' II, 1087 A.H. (23rd June, 1676 A.D.) at the moment of engaging the e.nemy (dar 'ain tariizu bUdan-i-jang), and while distributing (the troops) fue fell into thegunpowder, and Islam Khan's elephant got out of control 2 and went straight into the enemy's ranks. The foe surrounded him and cut the ropes of his howdah, and when he fell to the ground they put him and his son 'Ali Beg to the sword.

desire (muriid), and in the same year MulWtir Beg was styled Nawizish 1 Khan, and in the 30th year made faujdiir and governor of the fort of Ma.nd4iir (in Milwa, now in Gwilior). In the 37th year, he was appointed to the cha.rge of the Oha1da of Muradibid. After that he was made faujdiir of Mandu, and later he was appointed governor of I1ichpiir. In the 48th year he.became $iiJJadiir of Kashmfr..
ISMX'1L 2 Bila DOLDI.

(Vol. I, pp. 64, 65.) He was one of Bibur's officers, and was distinguished for his courage a.nd counsels. When Humiyiin returned from Persi&. and besieged Qandahir, the position of the besieged became di.ffi.cult, lI,nd Mirza 'Aska.ri's officers deserted and presented themselves before Humiyiin. !smi'U Beg was one of them, and after Qandahir was taken he was made the governor of Za.min Diwar 8 During the siege of Kibul he and Khi~ Khwi.ja lbin were sent against Sher 'Ali, who had been sent by Kli.mrin to plunder a foreign caravan which had reached Chirikar 4. Sher 'All could not return to Kibul, as the road was blocked by the imperialists, and so he ha.stened off towards Q.hazni. A battle. took place in the pass of Sajiwand between him and the imperia.lists, the latter were victorioU8 and returned to Humayiin with much booty, and were rewarded. When Qaracha Khin, who at first had done good service and had received boundless favours, revolted and. seduced a large body of men and carried them off to Mirzi Kamrin in Badakbshin, Ismi'il Beg was also led away and so he received from Humiyiin the nickname of l{lJir8.. Afterwards Humiyiin went in person to Bada!roshan a.nd on the day of the battle with Kimran Isma'il Khan was made a pri. soner. HumayUn spared him at the intercession of Mun'im Khan and made him over to him. He accompanied Humayun on the expedition to India, and after the taking of Delhi was sent with Shih Abul Ma'ili to Lihore. Nothing more is known about him 5.
IsM.l'IL l;\lI.lN BA.H.lDUR PANI.

Ver8e.
Death headed his path, and he fell before it ; The game was of itseJf drawn to the net of destruction. He had great ability, zeal, courage and right mindedness, and did great deeds. He also had a taste ior poetry. This quatrain is his :

Ver8e8.
For a while we 3 trod the path of want, We practised beggary at the sublime gate. As a present we brought pieces of our liver, That we might create acquaintance with our friend's dog. After his death, Afrasiyab Khan wa", made an officer of 2,500 with 1,600 horse, and Mukbtar Beg', who had come with his father's belongings in the 18th year to Ujjain and had been given by proxy (gAiiibiina) a maru,ab of 700 with 100 horse, received the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. The properties of the deceased Khan, whkil amounted to three lacs of rupees and twenty thousand aBhrafis and which had been confiscated in Ujjain and Sholapiir, were restored to his sons, and an order was given that they should meet the claims against their father. Afterwards Afrisiyib Khan was made faujdiir of Dhamuni, and in the 24th year was ,made faujdiir of Muradabad on the death of Fai~ Ullah Khan, and.aa gained his
not the officers' own. Islam got 10 months' pay and his sons 8 months'. Also . . see Maii0ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 88. 1 Ma4t.hir-i-'.4lamgiri, pp. 121, 122. Islim Khiin had now sent for hiS family. 2 .M:aaQjir-i.'Alamgiri, p. 151, and Khan Khin, II, p. 236, who puts the battle into the 16th year, 1080, but in Sir Jadunath Sarkar's History of Aurangzib, III, p. 394, it is stated to have been in the 19th year. . . 3 Ma(!jir-i-'.4lamgiri, p. 87. We in the verees means he and his SOllS, while the sons later described as pieces of our liver. 4. MaQ0ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 143.

(Vol. l, pp. 370, 371.)

Sul~an Khan, his father, was ajama'diir and his (the father's) daughter was married to Sarmast Khan, the son of' ~mat 6 Khan who in the battle

are

Maat!lir.i.'Alamgiri, p. 195. In the first edition, viz. that by Ghulii.m 'Ali .!zid, Adham Khii.n Koka is the first name. In the 2nd, viz. that now translated, Isma'n Bag's is the first name. 8 Zamin Dawar or more correctly Zamin-i-Dawar is a district in the territory of Ghiir in Khurisin, see Raverty, '1'abakt-i-Nd8iri,II, Index, p. 273. 4. chirikarin in the text, but as pointed out in Blochms.nn's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 423, nl'>te l, "Charikar (lat. 35 long. 69) which lies north of Kabul" is the correct reading. 6 He appears in Abiil Fa4I's list as a commander of 2,000 (Blochmann, loco cit.). His nicknameis considered by Blochmann to be Khirs a bear, i,c, a rude fellow. But it may be the Arabic Khars a wine-jar, Akbarnama, Beveridge's translation, I, p. 523, note 1. 8 He was 'Iwa4 K!lin's chief jama'diir. The battle in which Dilawar Khan was killed, was fought on 23rd May, 1720; see Elliot, VII, p. 496 and Khifi H!!in, ll, p. 879.
l 2

702

ISMA'n. KHAN MAKRA.

-ul-Umara.

ISMA'n. QULI KHAN DRtt-AL-QADR

703

with Saiyid Di1Awar 'Ali Khan dism~)Unted .in.front of the elephant of 'Adud-ud-Daula 'Iwa~ Khan and sacrificed hIS hfe. _Afte~wards Sarmast Kh~n and Sul~an Khan obtained jdgirs. Isma'U Kh:n_With 1,000 horse W""as the hereditary servant of ~alabat Jang, and Nq;am-ud-Daula A_~f Jah. As his fortune was in the ascendant, he gradually ?ecam~ Na ~b of theNi~amat, and (had the) man!t~~men: of the estates 10 Ber~r. ~ he had an old acquaintance with JanoJi Bhonsle, who was then Ta l'lJ1diir of that province on the part of the Mahrattas, he mana;ged the coll~ct1Ons on the principle of: slant 1 the cup, but don't spili. For a long tlffie he managed affairs there. At last his brain became ~amaged ~hr~mgh the use of intoxicants and he showed marks of presumpt1On. This d1Sple~d Nizam-ud-Daula A"af Jah and he determined on his punishment, and _~ th~ year that he went towards Nagpiir to punish the sons of RaghuJl Bhonsle though Isma'U presented himself with a small body of troops t his c~mp thinking that the killing of Rukn-ud-Daula 2 the manager ~f the establishment of that chief (A~af Jah) had proved an eye-~lve, he was not received with favour and heard words of anger.. He W1S~ed to return home. Meanwhile a force, which had bee~ appo~nted agamst him made its appearance. He was helpless, but With thirty or forty troopers, who stuck to hinl, he attacked and dro'le off t~e matc~lockmen and entered the hostile cavalry. As he advanced he wlelded hIS sword. When he had received many wounds, he came to the centre of the army and fell from his horse, and gave up his life in ~189 A.H. (177~ A.D). His sons Salabat Khan and BahlUl Khan became objects ?f ~O~pa&slonan~ received injagir the estates of Balapiir s, Badanpara.l-Blbi and KaranJ village in Berar. They are stili serving, and are comfortable.
ISMA'n. ~!N MAKnA. 4

(youngest son of Aurangzib), and Asad K!!ii.n and l}hiHfaqar Khan became strained, :Qbiilfaqar Khan judged it expedient to withdraw from the siege and recalled the troops and the guns from the batteries. Isma' il Khan had his battery on the other side of the fort, and could not get away quickly. Santa Ghorpare 1 and others who were waiting for their oppor tunity came and joined battle with him. As he had but few men he was wounded and made prisoner by the Mahrattas and imprisoned for a year. By the efforts of Acham Nair-with whom he had acquaintancehe was released after paying a heavy ransom. In the 38th year, he appeared at the Court, and was honoured by an increase of 1,000 Dhiit and the appointment of looking after the roads from Anandi 2 to Murtadabad. In the 41st year s, he was made faujdr of Islamgarh, or Rahiri in place of' Abd-ur-Razziq Khan Lari. In the 45th year, he was made faujdr of Banishah Durg 4. The conclusion of his history does not appear.
ISM.! 'IL QULI ~.!N DRtt-AL-QADR.

(Vol. I, pp. 105-107.) He was the younger brothe.r of I;Iusain Quli KhiinKhan Jahan, and one of the high officers of Akbar's reign. In the battle of .Tiilandhar when Bairam I5:!!an was defeated and made to retreat, the imperialists pursued Isma'il Quli Khan and, captured him. After his brother waR received into favour, he too was well treated by the Emperor, and performed great debds in company with his brother. \\-'ben his brother died as $Ubadar of Bengal, Isma:U Quli Khan came to the Court with his (brother's) goods and chattels, and was favourably received. In the 30th 5 year, he was sent to chastise the Baliichis, who had become rebellious and did not submit to authority. When he came to Baliichistan, the people were first contumacious, but soon sued for peace. Their chiefs, (Lhazi Khan Wajih and Ibrahim Khan Daulat, accepted service, and their country was restored to them by the Emperor. In the 31st 6 year, when Raja Bhagwant Das was recalled owing to insanity from the government of Zabulistan (Mgbanistan), Isma'H Quli Khan was appointed in his place, but he exhibited improper traits and fell out of favour. An order was given that he should be put into a boat and sent to Mecca
l Khorpura in the text. See KliMi Khan, II, pp. 415, 41~ Maii!!J,ir-i-'.Alamfliri, p. 357; and Elliot, VII, p. 346. It is the Ghorepuray of Grant-Duff, History of th. Mahrattas (1921), I, p. 70, who states that according to the family legend th!; Ghorepurays were originally Bhonslay and got their present nll.1Ile owing to all ancestor's having boon the first to scale a fort, deemed impregnable, by fastening a cord round the body of a ghorepur or iguana (the lizard known in Bengal as goh samp). Santa, or Suntajee Ghorepuray was afterwards murdered by another Mahratta, Grant-Duff, op. cit., p. 295. He is the Santli.ji Ghnrpare of the Cambridge History of India, Iy, p. 291, etc., and Santaji Ghorpade of Kincaid and Parasanis. II Maii!bir-i.'Alarngiri, p. 369, has Aindi. Murta<;lii.bad is another Ilame for Mirich, Elliot, VII, p. 364. 3 Maa!!J,ir-i-'.Alamgiri, p. 387. 4 Maii!!J,ir.i-'.Alamgiri, p. 440, has Nabi, but Khan Khan, II, p. 495, has Bani. See Elliot, VII, p. 371. It is another name for Panhala. 5 Akbanuima, Text III. p. 475, Beveridge's translation. III, pp. 716, 717. 6 Akbanuima, Text III, pp. 491. 492, Beveridge's translation, III, pp. 742-745. For the various spellings of the name of Rli.ja Bhagwant Das, see Blochmann's translation of the .A'in. I (2nd edn.), p. 353.

(Vol. I, pp. 291, 292.) He formerly served with Sihhandi 5 corps in the Carnatic district 'd -bad In the 35th year of Aurangzib's reign he received, of H al ara . hd" f on the recommendation of l2biilfaqar Khan Ba a ur, a c.ommls.slOn o 5 000 with 5 000 horse and the title of Khan, and was appomted, 10 comp~ny with l2biilfaqar Khan to storm the fort of Gingee 6. In th~ 37th year, as during the siege, the relations between MuhamU1ad Kam Bakbsh
1 That is the conditions were impossible. 2 This is 'not the Rukn-ud-Daula who was also calle? Lashk~r K!!an and who at one time replaced the author of the Maii!!J,ir-ul-Umara. Re died m 1170 A.H.

(1757 A.D.). . f ". II 3 Balapiir is mentioned in Jarrct's trall~latlOn_o . .d. tn, ,y. 234 a S I'n the _'. Sarkar of NarnaIah. Karanja, Badhona and Karanja m Sarkar GawIl are also mentioned on p. 232. . _ . ., 'la -4 It is 4M> Makhli. (of Mecca 7) in the text and m the Maa~tr-t-.d '1n!!t1't, . 357, etc., but Khan Kha.n, II, p. 416 a~d elsewhere has yakka or so,litary champIOn, ~hich term is applied to men of distinguIshed bravery who combat smgly. Probably this was the correct title. . 5 Local Militia, see Irvine Army of the Indian J;1oghuls, p .. 166. . ~ In the text Khinji, but this is a mistake for Gmgee. It IS the famous 91I,:ge~ in South Arcot which Bussy took in 1750. See ~afi Kha.n, II, p. 418;. Maa~tr.t "la'1nf1't",p., and Elliot 'VII P.' 348. Jinji in Kincaid and Parasams-HUltO'1'Y 357' .4 .' of the Maratha People, pp. 23, 100, etc.

---r
704:
I'TIB.1R lilJAN gWlJASARA.

MadY1ir

by the way of Bhakka.r. He had recourse to entreaties, and tho~ his requests were granted, he was removed fro!U wh~re he w~ and a.ppom~ed to chastise the Yiisufza'is. Suddenly varIOUS kinds of diseases resultmg from the obnoxious atmosphere broke out in the hill-country of Sawid (Srit) and Bijaur. The chiefe. of their own accord came before Is1;J1i~n Quli Khin and submitted. When Zain Khl.n, the gove.mor of Zib~tan had pressed hard upon JaJila Raushani and m~e him l~ve Tlrah ~or the pm-country ofthe Yiisufza'is, Zain Ibin, to Wlpe ou~ the dJBgl'ace whi~h he had incurred in the affair of Bir Bar, entered the hill-country. eo.<hq Khan also was sent fron the Court so that he might take post in Sawid, ;:Od that Jalila might be caught whichever way he turned. Ismi'n Quli Khan, who was t1liinadiir of that country, took umbrage at eidiq Khii.n's ~1Iling, and leaving the passes open went off to t~e Cow:t;. SU~denl~ Jalii.la got his opportunity and came out. For ~his reason Ismi n Quh Khan was for some time under censure, but, m the 3300 year, was appointed to the government of Gujarii.t. When in the. 36th ye~.: Prince Sultan Murid was appointed to the govl:'rnment of M81wa, lama II Quli. Khan' was made his Vakil, bu~ he did not act p:operlr as .Murid's guardian. In the 38th year, eidlq Khan was appomted m hIS place, and lsmi' n Quli Khan was recalled to the Court. In the ~9th year, he was allowed to go to Kalpi, which was his fief, so that he might develop .the property. In the 42nd year, 1005 A.H. (1596-97 A.D.), he was ra18ed to the rank of 4,000. They say, he was much given to pleasure and displaJed great luxury in food and clothiIIg, and in carpets and other furniture. He had 1,200 women, and when he went to the Court he used to have seals put on the strings of t~eir drawe!s. A.t.last thl:'Y a~ ~ot annoyed and joined together and po~soned l. hIm. HIS. sons, Ib!ahim Quli, Salim Quli, and Kham Quli obtamed SUItable appomtments m the time of Akbar.
I'TIB1.R :K1I1.N ~WlJASAR1..

-ul-Umara.

I'TIB.1R UAN N.l~I'TDI1.D tm1.N GUJAB1.TI.

706

1,000 horse, and in the 8th year, one of 5,000 with 2,000 horse. In the IOth year~ his rank was increased by 1,000 horse and in the 17th year he had the rank of 5,000 with 4,000 horse. When he was very olu he received charge of the province of tha Capital (.Agra) and of the fort and the treasury. In the 18th year, when Prince Shih Jahin marched fro~ Mandii with the intention of waiting upon his father, and the fl.ames of <liscord shot up between them, the Prince came to Fatbpiir and h&1ted there. When the royal troop8 arrived, he retreated. After that. when the ~y~l cortege.came ne~ Agra,. I'tibir Inin, as he had rendered,good servIce ID protectmg the City, receIved the rank of 6,000 with 5 ()()() horse and the gift of a robe of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse and a~ elephant: At the appointed time he departed to th other world.
I'TIB1.R l\J!1.N N~m.l

(Vol. I, p. 65.)

His name was Khwija 'Ambar. He was a eunuoh, and a confidential servant of Bibur. In the year when Humiyiin went off to 'Iraq from near Qandahir 2, I'tibir Khan and others were appointed, to look after Maryam Ma.kani s. He did good service on this occasion. In ' 952 A.H. (1545 A.D.) he waited on Humayiin at Kibul and was appointed to serve Akbar. After the death of Humiyiin, Akbar sent him to Kabul to bring his mother, and in the 2nd year of the reign he returned in her train. After some time he was made the governor of Delhi and died there.
I'TIM1.D KIIIN GUJARITI.

(Vol. I, pp. 93-100.)

~ujarit. As the ~ul1;in had ~ull confidence in him he appointed him in his harem and asSigned to hlID the adorning of the women. I'timid Khin as a pr~c.a.ution at~ camphor and so made himself in potent. As he

(Vol. I; pp. 134,135.) He was one of the confidants of Jahii.iIgir, and from ver! ea:ly years. was his attendant. When Khusrau was arrested after his flight and ~ brought to the Court, and the King moved from Libore to Kabul, Sharif . Khan Amirul-Umara, to whose charge Khusrau had been committed ll,; remained in Lahore on account of illness, and'l!!usrau was put. under thai charge of I'tibii.r Khan. He had at first a suitable. ranJ,r, and l~ the 2n~ " year the district (l.uzwili) of Gwaliyir was aSSIgned II to hlID as ~ tanf!l1wah (salary). In the 5th year, he got a rna1UJabof 4,000 With,:

He was one of the Hindii' slaves of Sul1;in Mahmiid the ruler of

see hi8 life in Blochmann'8 translation of the A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 388, 389.' According to the Index to lI!ifI lI!lin, II, p. 983, I'tibar Khan W88 one of the. conspirators who proposed to release II!lU8l'&U and kill J ahangir, but thi8 is a mistake. " The Hindu who joined in the conspiracy was not I'tibar lQ!an. but his ~a.nag~r" eiihibmadar; see Khafi Khan, l, p. 258, and also the ace~unt of th~ CO~lr8CY. lB ; IqbJ,'I'IiMrw-i-Jahiingir'i, pp. 28, 29, where it is 8tated that lt was a Hmdu belongIng; to I'tibar lI!an, and who looked a~ter hi8 aen:llIlts. TJ.1e H~du wa8 executed. a Though Gwa~iyar w!8 a~gne<! t~ _hlm for his mamtena.nce (Rogera and t Beveridge's tl'8Jl81atwn of Tuzuk~Jahan(fi1"t,. I, p. 113).he_was n~t 8ent there, at least:if not immediately, for we find him afterward8 m AfK]!~stan and ID; c:~e o: Khusra~.~ Perhap8 Khusrau was later to be removed to Gwaliyar and .80 Itlbar Khan got biJ" jagir there.
I
II

possessed abiht!, steadmess of conduct, and the appearance of integrity, he rose to a high rank. When in 961 A.H. (1553-54 A.D.) the Sultan after reignin~ for eighteen years was killed by the treachery of a servant named Bur~an, the latter. putto death twelve of the principal officers by pretendmg that the Sultan had summoned them but I'timid Khan had t~e foresig~t not to attend. He gathered together helpers, fought and killed Burhan. As the Sul1;in had. no son, I'timid Khan, to extinguish
I.Also known ~s -Ihwaja 'Ambar Na:j:ir-see Akbarnarna, Text I, p. 224, and Bevendge'8 translatwn I, p. 451. Nii,ir Wll.8 a revision officer and aasistant to the Diwdn, Bee Ibn HasanOentral Structure of Mughal Empire, p. 239. ~ a Apparently meaning that Humli.yiin started for Perma after he had been lorced to leave India in 1543 A.D. I 3 ij:amlda Banii, ,?other of Akbar-eee Beveridge'8 translation of Akbanw:imG. , p. 33, ~~" fo~ her htle of Maryam Makdni. . 4, M~ryjJ, ...S~kandari calls him 'Abdul Karim (Bombay lith. edn" p. 293).

~T
706
I'TDLlD eIN GUJA.RJ.TI.

Ma4fl!ir'

__ U mara. _.J -

I'TIMA.D 1UJAN GUJABATI.

707

the flames.of sedition, raised to the throne a boy named RaQi-ul-Mulk l of the family of Sul~an Ahmad the founder of Ahmadabad, and gave him the name of 8ul~an Abmad Shah. I'timid Ibin, however, kept all the power in his own hands and left him nothing but the title of KiLg. After five years the Sul~n came from A1;lmadibii.d and joined Saiyid Mubarak Bokbari, who was one of the great officers. After a battle in which he was defeated by l'timid !\t!an he had to take flight. When he again joined I'timid Khan, the latter acted as before. The Sul~an from want of sense plotted with his associates to kill I'timad Khan, but he anticipated the Sul~ii.n and killed him. In the year 969 2 A.H., he brought forward a child called Nanhu 3, who did not belong to the royalfamily, and swore upon the Qur'an before the officers,' This is the begotten son of Sultan Mahmud. His mother was pregnant and the Sultan made her over to me to produce abortion, but, as she was then five months gone with child, I did not do so ". The officers were helpless and accepted the statement and raised the boy to the tluone under the name of Sultan Muzaffar. I'timad Khan became the Prime Minister as before. 'But the te~itories were divided among the officers, and all of them were confirmed in their offices. They fell out with one another and were either victorious or vanquished. When I'timad Khan kept the Sultan ',mder surveillance and in his power, Chengiz Khan, the son of I'timad-ul-Mulk, a Turkish slave, asserted himself and opposed I'timid Khan, urging that if Sul~an Mu~aJfar were really the son of Sul~n Mahmud, why was he not allowed a free h."ud. At last with the assistance of the rebel Mirzii.s, who had fled from Akbar, he led an army against I'timad Khan. The latter offered no resistance, but left the Sultan and fled to Dungarpftr. After some time Alf Khan and Jujhar Khan, who were Abyssinian Amirs, brought the Sul~an and made him over to I'tiroad Khan. They chen separately went off and joined Chengiz Khan in Al}.madii.ba.d. Without any cause becoming suspicious of him they killed him. I'timad Khan learnt of this and taking the Sul~n returned with him to Ahmadiibad. When the officers quarrelled with one another, the rebellious Mirzas came from Malwa and took po8!!ession of Broach and Surat. The Sultan too, who :was looking for an opportunity, came out of Ahmadabad one day and joined Sher Khan Fft1ii.d.i who had a strong following. I'timad Khan wrote to She:r Khan that Nanhu was not the son of Sultan Mahmud, and that he was sending for the Mirzii.s and going to make them tbe sovereign. The officers, who Were in league with Sher Khan said, that I'timid Khan had in their presence sworn upon the Qu'ran (that Mu~affar was the son), and what he was now saying was the result of enmity. Sher Khan tben led an army against Ahmadabii.d.. l'timii.d. Khan sbeltered hinIself there and solicited the help of the Mirzii.s. There was a great disturbance. When this had lasted a long time, I'tiroii.d. Khan saw that things were not improving and that the amelioration of the distracted country was beyond
l This tIoCcount is incorrect. Radi-ulMulk was the name of the man who fetched the boy; see Bayley's Histoory of Gujarat, p. 454, and De and !'rashad's translation of !l'abaqt.iAkbari,III, p. 394, note 4. 2 ~t the end of the year in !l'abaqt.jAkbari, and therefore co1Tesponding to 1562 A.D. 3 Variant Nathii. see !l'abaqt .j-Akbari, loco cit., p. 397.

his power. He had recourse to Akbar and petitioned him to conquer the country. In the 17th year, 980 A.R. (1572-73 A.D.), when the :King came to Pattan, a stone of rlisunion fell among Sher Khii.n's party, d the :Mirzas also went to Broach. Sultan Mu~affar who bad become : : ated from Sher Khan, was wandering about ~ t~e neighbo~~o~ in~distracted state, and was captured by the l;<-mg s men. I t1IDii.d. Ill.~n and the other officers set their hearts upon bemg loyal and ador?-ed ~oins and the pulpits witb th!' name of Akbar, an~ came an.d waIte~ him and entered service. When on 14th Rajab o~ thlS.. ye~r , upon 't 'f Ahmadabii.d was made illustrious by Akbar's arnval, BarOda, ~;a.:p~ and Sftrat were granted as fiefs to I't~ii:?- Khan and the ot~er officers and they undertook to extirpate the Mirzas. ~en. the Ki;ng went t~ visit the seaside, the Gujarat officers, who had w.aIted lD the c~ty on the pret"lxt of making arrangements-when. the t~e for making ived that it would be ImpoSSIble for them to exouses had e xpired- perce . 11.1.. l Mulk t annise as formerly and thought of absconding. lU!tlyaru. . d:'arati was the first to do so, and the loyalists who had not abscon?ed b J ght I'timad Khan and others tC' Akbar. He lost favour and fOI a hme : :made over to the charge of Shahbaz Khan. In the 2Ot~ year, he was . . d' to L'avour and had charge of the Court 111 order that agam receIve m l. d il the minutiae-espeoially in the matters of jewellery and adorne utens ~ng re might be looked after by him. In the 22nc year, 'Yh~n_m~n. we.. to :Mecca under the leadership of Abu Turab GUJarati, I tlmad --:lan, who had long been desirous of v~siting the holy places,. also ob~~me~l l ave On his return Pattan GUjarat was granted to hun aS lus f:01, I~ the 28th year, he ~n the departure of Shihab-ud-Din ~~n:ad.~~a:" was appointed as the governor of Gujarat, a~d a number of ~Is:~n~U1S~(fi officers were sent with him. Some courhers represe.nte a w en I'timii.d Khan was in full vigour and had n~erou~ frlends he had no~ been abl;-to manage the turbulent elements m GUJarat, an~ that now . d bad no supporters it could not be rIght to send ' . . wh en h e was d ec limng an him there; their remonstrances were, however, wlth~u! effect. - Ah' l When I'timii.d. Khan came to Ahmadabad, Shihab-ud-Dm ma< repared to go to the Court. His unrighteous servants, who form~rly~rOI~ ~ercenarv motives had Iain in wait to kill their master, but by aF ill-tl~ tem orisi the affair bad been smoothed over, sepa,~ated rom . ' The~ ide~was that he had lost his jgir, and that untIl he reached ~he Capital they would not get interim expense~, and that before the que:~ll~i of branding had been settled, it would be dlfficult to get ~v~n ~ mo~ Win of bread. So it would be far better to a~opt as thel~ ea _e: u. o Muzaffar who was living under the protectIOn of the Lobh~~tl:an~:n make a disturbance. Experienced persons represented to. ~ tIm~s-;er. that Shihab-ud-Din had abandoned the attempt to conciliate (hl.liary vants) and was going off to the Court, and that th~ officers of the. aUXI ars force had not yet arrived, and that, under these cIrcumstances, I~:P:hat proper to restrain hinI from departure. They also represen oney the jigir8 should be given back to him for a time, or that :i:eh~ not should be expended and so end the uproar, or as the re . kn ' and yet matured their plans, they might be suppressed by qU1c eu

ih:

November 20, 1572 A.D., see Beveridge'S tramilatlOn o

f Akba

IIIpoll." mama"

"'-"'~'~""'""'r------"'-'''------i

""
709

708

I'TIMAD UAN gWA.JAsAR1.

.ul-Umara.

I'TIQAD :KHAN FABRU1\.BSH!.B:I.

skill. But l' timid Khan accepted none of these proposals and said l : It is his servants who are at the bottom of the disturbance, he will have to settle it, or be responsible for the consequenceS. When Su11;in M~ joined the rebels and the fire of sedition burst forth, I'timid Khan was compelled to haaten to Shihabud-Din-who had gone off to Kari II twenty kos from Abmadabad-to induce him to turn back. Though wellwishers said that he was making an easy task difficult by leaving Ahmadabid when the enemy was within twelve kos of it, their words were of no avai!. When Sultan Mu~affar leamt that the city was undefended, he came post haste and took possession of it. He collected a force and prepared for battle. Before the engagement took place, most of Shihab ud-Din's men turned unfaithful and there was a great confusion. I'timid Khan and ShihabudDin hastened to Pattan and took shelter there. and wished to leave the- country. Suddenly some auxiliaries arrived as also some men who had ~parated from the enemy. I'tim8.d Khan learnt a lesson from what had happened, and distributing money among the officers and men made them attend zealously to their duties. He and Shihab-udDin remained on guard and men were sent under the command of his (I'timid Khan's) sOP Sher Khan to fight against Sher Khan Fiil8.di. They were sucoeBBful. At this time Mirza Khan' Abd-urRahim-who had been appointed with a proper force to ohastiseSultan Mu~affar and the Gujarati rebe1s--arrived. He left I'tim.d Khan in Pattan and went forward with Shihab-udDin. I'timad Khan was for a time governor of the area tili he died in 995 A.H. (1587A.D.). He held the rank of 2,500, though the author of the Tabaqat.i.Akbari 8 makes him of.the rank of 4,000. ShaiIW Abiil Fa41 says that the Gujaratis are a pest composed of coward,ice, deceit and dishonesty, but have certain qualities such as order, simplicity and humility, and that I'timid Khan may be regarded as the prime example of this class.

I'TIMAD JilrAN JilrWA.JASAR1.

(Vol. I, pp. 88-90.)

His name w".s Phiil Malik. In the reign of Salim Shih he, on account of his honesty, received the title of Muhammad !Qlan. When the Mgbans fell from power, he was enrolled 4 among the servants of Akbar, and did good service. In consequence of the public clerb, from fraudulent, or negligent motives working to increase their own fortunes and neglecting to collect and develop the imperial revenue!!, Akbar began personally to look into matter~ of finance in the 7th year after the catastrophic murder of Shams.ud-Din Khan Atka, am~

Muhammad Khli~l by his ability in t~ matter acquired the Emperor's confidence and mrproved the collectIOns. He therefore received the title of I'timid Wlin, and the rank of 1,000, ~nd had the entire work of the exchequer entrusted to him. In a short time he carried out the Emperor's ideas, and brought the affairs of the treasury into proper order. In_ the 9th y"ear, after the arri,:al ?.f the _roy~l cortege at Mandii, Miran Mub&r&k Shih, the ruler of Khandes lKhandesh), sent ambassadors with prese~ts, an~ solicited that his daughter may be admitted into the royal seraglio. HlS request was granted, and I'timad Khan was entrusted with the arrangements. When he approached thefurt of .Asir Mirin :Mubarak Shih brought him into the fort with all honour and sent off his daughter with a numbe!, o~ nobl?s. I'tim~ Khan did' homage at the first stage out from Mandu durmg Akbar s return journey to Agra. Af~er that ~e ww:, for a t~e, a:epointed to Bengal along with Khan. Khanan Mun lIll Khan and Khan Jahan Turkman, and did excellent service. In the 22nd year, 984 A.H., he went off from Dipalpiir in Malwa to take cha~ge of Bhakkar on the death of Saiyid Muhammad Mir 'Adal. He, by hIS energy, led a force to Sehwan and was victorious. He returned after having ooncluded a peace. Success makes most men lo~~ the thread of reason, especially in the case of those who are oongemtally had, and experienced sages have observed that c~tration softens the character of all living creatures except men, and m the case of the latter increases their fierceneBB., So I'timid Khan'sarrogance increased, and he had no regard for the weak and made no attempt whatever to conciliate them. He behaved oodly to the inhabitants and to his servants, and used to treat them with harsh. ness. He regarded craft as sagacity and did not act justly towards them. In the 23rd year, 986 A.H., when Akbar was proceeding to the Panjab I'timid Khan wished that his soldiers should present themselves at th~ Court for the branding of their horses. In his blindnCBB he thought of calling in the loans whi.ch he had advanced to the men. Though they plead~d.poven:.y,,he .paId no heed, and did not act with justice. One monungMaq,ud Ah, a servant, who was blind in one eye joined with some ..m~cr~ants, ~nd ~ed. this carelesswretch. Some say, that when Maq,ud Ali explamed hlS CIrcumstances, I'tim8.d became angry and said that he deserved to have urine poured into his blind eye' and that the man immediately drew his dagger, and stabbed him so hard in the belly ~hat he did. not breathe again. I'timid Khan founded I'timidpiir at a dlStance of SIX kos from .Agra. He also made a large tank there and ereoted buildings including his own tomb. He was buried there 2.
I'TIQAD JilrAN FABRU:KHSHAHI.

Vol. I, pp. 339-M6.) His real name was Muhammad Murad Kashmiri. . In the time of Bahadur Shah he became Valal of Jahindar Shah, and had the rank of
_ 1 PhUl Malik was gi,,:6U the nan;e Mul)s.mmad lIhin in the days of salim Shii.h Sur son of Sher Shah, vide Akbarnama, Text II, p. 178; Beveridge's translation II, p. 277, , for ~ ~.also Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 13, note, and p. 473

1 This account is taken from the Akbwrniima, Text III, pp. 410, 411 ; Beveridge's translation III, pp. 608-611. 2 Gadhi in the text. 3 1'abaqat-i.Akbari (De's edition), Text II, p. 436, Translation II, p. 663. ~ This is apparently based on the detailed account by Abill Fa41 in Akbarnama, Text II, pp. 178, 179; Beveridge's translation II, pp. 276, 277.

710

I'TIQ.1D ~.1N FARRUKB-SH1.R1.

MaiitJ!ir

-ul-Umara.

I'TIQ1.D KHAN FARBUU-SHAHI.

711

1,000 and the title of Vakalat Khan. In the time of Jahandar Shah he was promoted, and when the turn of Muhammad Farrukh-siyar. arrived, he was included in the list of those to be killed. But his old relationship with the Saiyids saved him, and he obtained the rank of ] ,500 and the title of Mubammad Mura.d Khan, and was entered among the yasawals of the Tuzuk (State me8Bengers). When Mubammad Amin Khan the 2nd Balmshi was appointed to MiUwa:---ao that he might perhaps prove an inipediment to Amir-ul-Umara's leaving the Deccan-he delayed in marching. Muhammad Murad was appointed as Saziiwal 1 but with all his outspokenness and long tongue he could achieve nothing. He came to the council-chamber (Sar-i-Divan) and said, "He has no obedience in his brain and so sazawalship has no effect on him." The Emperor made no reply. Again he said without any circumlocution, "Ifthis time you pass it over, nothing will remain." The Emperor said, "What is to be done ~" He said, "Let an order be given to your slave to go and say 'March immediately, otherwise you must give up your office of Ba!fJJ,shi '." Farrukb-siyar said, "Go and tell him so." He went and spoke so vehemently that he marched that very day. His boldness and loyalty pleased the Emperor, and he made him a Privy Counsellor. His favour also increased owing to his being a countryman of $a[tiba-i-Niswan (the mistress of women), the Emperor's mother. The Emperor was worried and vexed on account of his disagreements with the Saiyids of Barah and their predominanee, he was every day making new plans and holding new consultations about extirpating them, but from stupidity and want of courage these came to nothing. One day Vakalat Khan got his opportunity and threw such a glamour over things, and built such castles 2 in the air, saying "unless it comes to a fight with the opposition, the net-work of their power will spread on every side in asholt time" that FarruJili.siyar-the light of whose intelligence and discretion had become extinct--did not see the real issue and was deceived by him, and in a short time raised him to the rank of 7,000 with 10,000 horse and in every undertaking made him his confidant and intimate friend and gave him the lofty title of Ruknud-Daula I'tiqad Khan Bahadur Farruk.b-Sh&hi:. There was not a day that he did not present him precious jewels and other valuable things. He made Sarlciir Mura.dabiid a province, and gave it the name of Rukna~ad and ma~e. it his fief. At his advice he, for the purpose of destroymg the Salylds, summoned Sarbuland Khan from Patna, N~am.ul-Mulk Bahadur Fatb Jang from Murii.daba.d and Maharaja Ajit singh fl:om Jodhpfir, Jtnd every day held consultations with them. If anyone said that if the robe of the Vazdrat is given to someone, Qutb-ul-Mu1k's power would diminish, and his position greatly weakened, the Emperor would say" There is no better man for this post than I'tiqad Khan ". The officers (who were already grieved at the advancement of a man of no family, who was notorious for foolish talk and immoralities) could not stand his being made the Vazir and retired. And, in fact, what a mad idea it was! (They thought) troubles and dangers; and loss of life must be undertaken by us, while the Vaziirat and dominion are to be the portion of another.

Verse.
I'm the lover and the beloved is a.t the beck of others As Ist Shawwii.l 1 is-the' ld of Ramac;lin. Stranger still:, while all these great deeds were in contemplation, the Emperor depnved many of the officel'll of their fiefs and appointments, and; made them discontented, while Qutb-ul-Mulk regarded them as hia spoils and soothed and conciliated each one of them, and drew them into his own party. The Emperor's schemes and consultations were without profit.

l ~haww61 follows the month of Ra.ma.Qin, and the feast of the 'Id is on Ist ShawwiU though oalled the 'Id'i-Ra.maQii.n. II This is the e.daptation of the second half of a. verse from :ij:6~, the first.half being: .....1 ~ . ...elie).. &J .,At( ~...... .,t( ... ~
.J

-.u

..

.OT) ('-'

--.

Bailiff or Agent, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Literally: arra.yed BUch verdant gardena.

Mughal1dmin~ration,p. ~2.

But soo SIr JOOll1l;lloth. Sa.rkar's edition of lrvine'8 The Later MughalB, J, pp. 376-381, from where lt Will be soon that the poBBeEOn of the fort wa.s tIloken by Qu~b-ulMulkand Ajit Singh on 4 Rabi' II, and on 8 Rabi' Qutb-ul.M:ulk entered the pa.la.ce, repIa.ced the guards, and later the interview took pIa.ce.
3

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

~~.o.

__

..

_ . ~

...c_

712
~mla l)

I'TIQ!D UAN FABBUKB-8HAH1.

-ul-Umara.
Another said:

I'TIQ~D UAN FARBUn-SHAHI.

713

on the Amir-ul-Uma.ri.'8 troop8 in the Sa' 8.d.at Ullill Kbin bizi.r, and W808 ma.king a usele88 disturbanoo when music announced the acoo88ion of Raft' -ud-Darajit. He W&8 arre8ted with great indignity &Dd hi8 house oonfiscated. The preciou8 jewels which had been presented to him, and many of which he had dispo8ed of, were re8umtlU and he W808 exposed to contempt and J:Ilisery. Fa.rrukb-8iyar W&8 deposed after a reign of six year8 and four months, not counting the eleven .months of Jaha.ndar Shill's rule which were inoluded in his reign. He was con.fined on the top of the Tirpoliya' I in the fort in a dark and narrow room. He was blinded and guarded with great severity. They say, that his eyesight was not entirely destroyed. .. . . A trustworthy person who was nearly assoCIated W1th the SalY1ds has been heard to state, that when it W&8 decided that Fa.rruldl-siyar should be blinded, Qu~L-ul.Mulk without mentioning the circumstance to anyone (else) gave his own antimony-box (surmaddn) in open Divan to Najm-ud-Din 'Ali Khin, saying it was the King's (Rafi' -ud-Darajat's) order; and that he went and blinded Farrukb-siyar. Farru/tb-siyar offered :much resistance and 80 they were obliged to throw him down. Mterwards when he perceived that his sight had not been injured, he endeavoured to conceal the fact, and whe:never he wanted anything he would say "Have pity on this a sightle8s Olle ". Qu~b-ul-Mu1kand the Amir-ul-Umara. would smile and say "He thiIlks we don't know". Any~ how he"; in his simplicity, tried to induce his guards by promises to take him away to Raja Jai Singh Siwa'i. When the brothers heard of this, they, for political reasoI18, twice tried to poison him. Owing to his tenacity oflifethis had no effect. At lastthey conducted him to annihilation by thong-pulling (ta81M-lca8ki 'l, which W&8 his own first invention. On the day that they were conveying his bier to tomb of Humayiin Bidshih there was a general riot. Two to three thousand men and women of the city, especiallY the rabble and faqirs of the market, &88e?lbled and accompanied the bier. They flung 8tones at the Saiyids' men and abused them. For three days they &88embled at his tomb and recited . . funeral prayers. 6 Good God! Men in this affair have beoome Haidaris 6 and Ni'mat AllahiB. One said: . Verse8. You saw what they did to the mighty King They committed a hundred violences on him, When I sought the date from Wisdom; she aI18wered : Siiiliit 7 bawai nimak-~rami kardand (the Saiyids behaved disloyally to him).
l 3

Verss.

They did what was right with the siok King, They did all the physician should do, One wise as Hippoorate8 wrote the prescription Qf the date,1 Siiiliit I dawii8k anekek bayad 1ca.rdand (the Saiyids gb.ve him the right treatment). But it is quite evident that in coDBidel!ing the claims of kings, ancient and modern, which are fixed and definite with respect to the hereditary servants of their house8, and more particularly the claims in regard to these two brothers in the service to their master, it is not absolutely correct that the occurrence of thir shameful business was due to them, and that each of them behaved with thorOUgh ba.seness and ingratitude. The real case is quite otherwise. Rather they too performed the duties of service. They failed not in exposing their lives and properties, and made Fa.rruJm-siyar the Emperor of Hindustan. True, in the eyes of justice this di,d not create a claim, and was rather the performance of a duty, and what should be expected from lc;'yalty. Bu~ what does the spirit of selfintere8t say 1 And what d~s farsIghted prao~lC~1 reason command 1 Is it wrong to cheokma'te wlCkedness before. l~ IS suooe88ful1 Self-interest is innate in man! If they had not antICIpated ma.tters, they would have lost thei: lives and their honour! ~~ the be~ t~ey might have obtained deliverance from these oalamltIes, by WIthdrawmg at the commencement from Court service, and oontenting themselves with their high posts in the provinces. The love o~ glory and of po'!er, which are the worst of faults, did not let them do this. And at this tlIDe would other cl&imants have left them in peace 1 Anyhow, if we look at the real 8tate of things, Muhammad Fa.rrukb-siyar was .himself the cause of.the rebellion against his sovereignty. From inexpenence and folly he made mistakes. In the first place he should not have oonferred on the Sa.iyida the great offioe of VlIZir to whioh the Sa.iyids of Bi.rah had no olaim. For from the time of Akbar up to that of Aura~zib which represents the beginning a~ end of the. regula.tioDB for the soyereignty of India-though the Sa!Y1ds of Bi.ra.h were pr~moted to .high offioe8, yet they did not even receIve the low ranks of Di~ ?f proVlDoes or of managers for the King's son8. If from regard to ~helr olaIm an~ from appreoiation of their merits it was proper tha.t the r~ms of the Caliphate should be put into their'hands, he should not h~ve listened to the words of self-interested intriguers-who under the veil of loyalty do the work of thousands of ill-wishers~bout this type of faithful servants who spared. neither their lives nor the~ property for him, and from wh?m no danger W&8 to be apprehended 10 the future unl;ess ca~ for this was given to them. What ha.ppened W&8 the result of his own dOIng, and what ever resulted was due to himself! My pen has gone gallopping. Where has it gone ~ May God eff'aoe it !
Or the dated prescription. The words yield 1131. see Sir Jadunath Sarka.r's edition of lrtline'a Later Mughals..!. I!Jl' 895, where it is stated that the first qll!"trl\in was by MIrzi. 'Abdul Qidir B6dil, and the rejoinder by Mir 'ApDat ullih BilgrAmI B6~abar. 8
1

Kbar-~la means a foolish attack. II Literally three arches. In the text ~ ~, vision, but the true reading must be bi ~, without

vision.
4. Also spalt ta8ma. See Elliot, VII, pp. 444, 445, for an account of the murders committed at FarruJg)-siyar's accession; also see Sir Jadunath Sarkar'sedition of lr'l.Wne'8 Later Mughals, I, pp. 275-281, and the account of Farru~.siyar's reign in the same work, pp. 244-403. 5 Cf. l!I!ifI lI!in, II, p. 820. 6 These are the two rival sects which have an annual fight in Pews during Mul)s.rram, see :MaJ.cQlm'sHiBtory oj Perm (ed. 1815), n,;'p. 593. , The words yield 1131.

tr

714:

-ul-Umard.

715

After his property and his reputation had ~e~ given-to the winds I'tiqid Khan for &. long time remained 8hut up ID his house. When the Amir-ul-Umara W&8 killed by the 8word of vengea.nce, Qu~b-ul.Mulk proceeded to DelhI and oonciliated. ~ny: of t~e old and new officers who had left the world and were liVIng ill retmment. Amo~ the~, he pleased I'tiqid Ibin by confirming him in his man.,ab, ~d gtvmg him a sum of money for his expense8 and the charge of a t'i8iiJO, (cav&lry). But the 8Oheme, &8 he designed it, did not 8UC~. H~ o~y accompanied him a few kOB and then returned to Delhi, and ~ved ill retirement until he died a natural death. Though he W&8 notOTIOU8 for his feeble intellect and meanness yet he had abunda.~t kn0:wleQge, and in a short time made his fortune. Yet a.ll men speak ill of hIm.
Observation.

I
I

Suooess does not wipe out fauits.

Verse.

Suocess in the world's riches does not lessen one's sins, For gold does not remove blackness from the touohstone. Rather it makes them oonspicuoU8.

Veru.
How can a defect behid under a. garb of gold When the new moon puts on her robe, its spots become visible. 1

i
1 'Uryan lit. naked. Apparently the meaning is that when ~he new moon waxes, the spots on the surface become more marked.. For a detailed ac;coU1;l~ of I'tiqid Iilin, or &8 he is styled Mul;lammad Muriel, see SI1' Jadunath Sarkar s editIOn of lnJtne'8 Late,.M'Ughal8, I, pp. 340-345, 381, 401, 406. II T",,"k-t-J~.Rogers and Bevllridge'e transJa~i~n ll, p. 215. . 3 The text has ~ m'UkM which ~~s ~telligible though tht're IS an Arabic word makM which means abounding ln milk. The word appears to have boen ~ ~ kumud which means lotus and also white water lily in Sanskrit and Bengair see a~o IlhAfi Ilhin, I, p: 562. In J~t's t~~tion of A'Jn,. II, 223, it of p.'the rieeis stated that in Dandes, i.6. lhind6sh, are,,:,hich Burhan~ was the ca~ta!-, is of fine quality, .... and betel leaves ln ab~ee See.also AriJRC MiaceUafl1/, reprint of 1787, p. 148. where it is sta~ that. Kbandes nee ~ l!1 Hindustan pattny chawal which is the omy 8p6Cies brought f~m ~t r,rovmce IS generally used by the higher c1aMes. It is a long and sma1l-gramed nee .

pik. During his government ~abib Chak and Abmad ehak, who were the leaders of that qua.rrelsome people, laid claims to the ohiefship, and stirred up great diasensions, and at last went off ruined to Tibet. I'tiqad Khin, who held the rankof5,000 ll!Jiit and horse, w&8removedfrom Kashmir in the 5th year of Shih Jahin, and in the beginning of the 6th year came to the Court. He brought with him and presented the ..arities of Kashmir, such &8 plume8 made of the feathel"H of the wild goose which surpass 1 the mU8ky ha.irs of the Yak, and varietie8 of shawls such &8 jiimawar, kamarbands, embroidered g8hpich (ear-covers) and especia.lly woolen garment8 from the fils II and fur (kark) from a wild animal, whose flesh is edible and which is found in Qa.ra (1) Tibet, also carpets which sell a. hundred rupees a yard and compared to which the Oarpet8 of Kinnin are like sack-cloth (paliiB). In the same year, he W&8 on 17th Sha'ban appointed to the governorship of the prov~ce of DelhI in succession to Lashkar Khan. In the 16th year, he W&8 made ~.badiir of Bihar in 8uccession to Shayista Khan. As the Zamindiir of Pala'iin 8 (Pala.mau) relying on the extensive forests in that_ province became rebelliou8, I'tiqid Khan sent; in the 17th year, Zabardast Khiin With an army against him. He travetsed passes and jungles and put the rebels to the sword. Pra.tap, a ZamindtJr of the area submitted and by the instrumentality of the a.foresa.id Khan presented a lac of rupees &8 1Ji8hk48h and w&ited upon I'tiqid Khi.n in Patna every year. At I'tiqid W!&n's request Pratip obtained the rank of 1,000 dJJ.iit and horse, and Palima.u was given to him &8 his fief at a rental of one krOl of diims. In the 20th year; when Prince Mub.a.mmad Shiiji' W&8 reca.lled from Bengil, the government of that province, which for population, extent and abundanoe of produce is equal to a clima (iqlim), W&8 entruted to I'tiqid Khin. When Bengil was again made over to Shah Shuji' , I'tiqid Khan returned to the Court. He had not a.rrived when the government of Oudh was made over to him, and an order was issued that he should go off on this duty from whatever p1a.oe he had reached. In the 23rd year, 1060 A.H. (1650 A.D.) he left Bhr&ich and came to the Court, and died. They say, that the first persons to build new houses in Agra were three in number, viz. Khwa.ja Jahan Jahii.ngiri, Khwija Waisi the Diviin of Sul1;in Parwiz, and I'tiqid Kbin ; the best and most artistic of the three was I'tiqid Khan's mansion. As it W&8 admired by Shah Jahin, he presented it to him as pi8hk48h, and inthe 16th year Shah Jahiil presented it to' Ali Mardin Khan Amirul-Umara.
1 The literal translation of the pall8&ge seems to be: Plumes made of the feathers of the goose which are BUch that musky tresses would shrivel up from envy on beholding them 8S hairs do when exposed to the fire, and various shawls such as jamawilr (gowns), kamarbal1d8 (waistbands), embroidert'd g68lvpech (ear-covers) and especially woollen garments from the l'iia and fur from a wild animal whose flesh is edible and is found in Qari Tibet, and woven earpete which fetch a hundred rupees a yard and compared wah which the carpets of Kirmin are like sack-cloth (pala8). It looks as if the author thought that ka,.k the Turkish name for fur was the name of an animal. P088ibly he read it as g'U"g.a wolf. II SO in text, but in the A'in, I (Blochmann's iranslation, 2nd edn.), p. 97, the animal is called 'fiis. Kark is a Turkish word for fur. Qari or Tibet means apparently Black Tibet. Perhaps it should be Qar, i.e. white or &nowy Tibet, but it is clear from Bernier that "Tu,g" came from Great Tibet. 8 Palimiin in Bd8kdhnihna, II, pp. 248 and 366. Palamau ill in Lohardiga, Chota Nigplir.

8B

716

'IWAl? DAN QIQSH1rr-'IZZA.T DAN gW.lJA B.bl. 'IwAl? Ii111N QIQSHIL.l

.ulUmara.

JIDe BIo K.lNTIB:.

717

(Vol. II, pp. 776.777.) His name was 'Iwa.c;l Beg, and he was one of the officers of the /!tlba of Kabul. When in the 2nd year of Sbih Jahin's reign the thli/fUJ, of Du\lik I W&8 recovered from the hands of Uzbegs, he was granted the 'ra.nk of 1,000,600 horse, and appointed &8 the tMlnmliir oftha~ area. In the 6th 8 year he was given an increase of 200 horse,. II:nd lU t~e ~th year', he W&8 exalted by a rise to the rank, substantIve and With ~. crements, of 1,000 with 500 horse. In the IOth lS year he was successful ID receiving an increase of 200 horse, and. in the llt~ fl ye.ar ~f 3_00 hor~. And in the incident, which occurred lU connectlbn With Ali Mard.an Khan 7 handing over the fort of Qandahir to the royal servants, h~ (' Iwa9- IQ!an), who was already waiting in @azni, at .the instance of Sa'id Khan 8, the governor of Kabul, went to tha~ place With one ~housa~d cavalry and took possession of the fort. And l~ the battle which sa id Khan had to fight with Siyiwash and the Qaza.lbasharmy, he formed the %ngua.rd, and his honour was raised to the skies by the bestowa.l o~ a. klJu'at and a jewelled dagger, and promotion to the rank, substantIve and with increments, of 2,500 with 2,000 horse and t~e gra~~ of drums.and a horse and an elephant ll. And having hurried With RaJa Jagat. S~h to conquer the fort of Zamin Dawar, he !endered v~luab:e services m the etLpture of the fort of Sarbin and the Slege of Zamm Dawar l0. . And for a time he W&8 in charge of Qalat. In the 16th ~earl1 he was appomted governor of (lhaznl in pla.ce of Ibinazid ibin. Smee through prolonged illne8B, frailty and weakness went on increasing, he was dismissed 12. In the 4th year corresponding to 1050 A.H. he died.
'IzZAT ~lN ~W.lJA BIBI.

W&8 granted the title of' Izzat Ibin, ~nd he was presented with & flag and an elephant and made faujdar of Bhakkar. In the 6th year, 1042 A.H. (163233 A.D.) he died there.

J
J.lDe RIo 1UNT1H.1

(Vol. I, pp. 520-523.) He belonged to the Jadw&n (or Jadun) tribe to which K.ishn (Krisbna) belonged. He was one of the nobles of N~m Shih. When in the 16th year of Jahangir's reign the heirapparent, Shih Jahin, addressed him self for the second time to the task of chastising the rulera of the Deccan, who had withdrawn their heads from obedience and had stretched out their arms to seize the imperial lands, Jadu Rio, who was the leader of the armies of the Deccan paid homage to the Prince and was made a Panjha'liiri ll, both personal (Dhiit) and in the number ofhorse. Together wit.a his sons and grandsons and other rela.tives he held offices of 24,000 with 15,000 horse. He held the choicest jiigir8 in the Deccan, and rendered great assistance to the governors of the oountry, and always furthered the imperial cause; himself living in great comfort and afil.uence. When in the 3rd year of the reign of Shih Jahan, Burhanpiir became by the shadow of the world-conquering standards an abode of peace and security, Jadu Rao the wicked, out of ingratitude and thank1essness turned away from the path of submission to the threshold of the Caliphate, and with his sons and BOnsin-law joined Ni;ii.m Shah. As the latter knew that faithlcssness was irinate in this bo.df!lJ!it, and that treacherous doings were part of his nature, he designed to get hold of him and to imprison him for a time. For this purpose he summoned him to his presence, and as the time of retribution for his disloyalty h~ arrived, he, in his ignorance, hastened to come with all his tribe. .Suddenly a troop came out of ambush and prooeeded to bind them. They did not yield, but drew their swords, and the two parties fought with one another. Jadu Rio and his two sons Dchla 8 and Raghu, and his grandson and successor' (jiinashin) lswant 6 (Baswant 1) Rai were killed The re mainder, along with Karjayi 6 his (Jadu's) wife, who W&l<l the manager of his affairs, fled from Daulatabad to their own country Sindkher 7, which is a pargana of Mahkar Berar near Jalnapur-where Jadu Rao had built a fort-and took protection there. Though Ni;im Shih tried to conciliate them, they did not give heed and turned, with a
l Kii.ith in Bd81uihnma. Probably Kli.ith or Kiyath i.the reading. Bee Wilson'a gloll8ary, under Jidon and K:-li.ya.ttha. 2 Bad8Juihnma, I, p. 182. . a Variant Ujlii.. 4 Perhaps jnasMn is rhetorical, meaning only the continuers of the family. fi Baswant in Bad8hiihnma, I, p. 309. 6 Apparently Girlja, the mountain born, a name of Pli.rvatt. . '( The Singhar oi Elphinstone and Sindghar of Elliot, VII, :p. ll, Sinhg~h in Cam1Jrid{Je Hiatory oj India, p. 267, note l, and Sinhgad in Kincald and ParlI8Ill6, History oj the Maratha People, p. 25, the Sinhgarh of Imperial GautUer XXIII, p.12.

(Vol.

n, pp.

775, 776.)

It appears that he W&8 related to 'Abdullih Ibin Firuz Jang. In Jahingfr's reign he obtained the rank of 1,000 wit,!l 700. horse. _Mer the coronation of Shih Jahan he came from lAhore With Yamm-ud Daula. and paid his respects and was c~nfirmed in his rank. In the ~rd year he attained the rauk of 1,500 With 1,000 horse and accompamed 'AbdullAh Khan BahAdur who W&8 sent in pursuit of Khin Jahan LOd.i. In the 4th year, his rank was increased to 2,000 with 1,000 horse and he
BlochJnann's tranelation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 399, note l. pt. l, p. 261. The fortress of ~iik is situated in BAmiyin at the extreme end of a defile on one of the two routes from KAbul to Bli.miyli.n, see Raverty's translation of !l'abakt.t-Nfiri.n, p. 1025. I 4. Id., pt. 2, p. 13. a Bd81uihnma, l, pt. l, p. 451. 6 Id., p. 242. II Id., ll, p. 5. 7 Id., p. 32. 8 Id., p. 33. t Id., p. 48. . ., . _ . 10 Id. pp. 54-59. Zamin Diwar ill a distrIct III the .terntory of Ghur lU lQlurii.sIi.n, see Rsve~y, op. ,cit., !, p. 324, note.. For a detail~ account of .Shih Jahii.n's campaigns ID Tran8'Onana, see Banann Praahad, Ht.8tMy oj 8hahJahan, pp. 188--209. 11 Id., p. 173. 12 Id., p. 200, his successor was Piirdillh/i.n.
1 For Q&qiIhAl, _ 2 Bd8Mhndm, I,

718

JADU RAO KANTIH.

Maa!Jlir. ul-Umara.
(Mij'TAMAN.UL.MULK) JA 'FAR KHAN .

719

thousand expressions of penitence, to the imperial Court. Inasmuch as the forgiveness of offences is a trait of mighty princes, the great offences of the tribe were pardoned and they were received into service. A gracious order was issued to A'~am Khan, the governor of the Deccan, who was in the Balaghat intent upon uprooting Khan Jahan LOdi. He through the instrumentality of Danatji l, who had been Jadii Rii.o's manager, received them honourably, and decided upon suitable appointments for everyone of them. Offi.ce.s and gifts were issued to them from the Court to the value of &8.1,30,000 for their expenses, and they received good tanMwdha (assignments) in the .Deccan, Berar, Khandesh, and the estates of Jadu Rio were restored to them. Whf.ln they paid their respects at the Court, in the 4th year, Bahii.dur, the son of Jadii Rii.o ll, received the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse and a flag and drums. Jagdeo the brother of Jadii Rao received the rank of 4,000 personalty and cavalry and a flag and drums, and Pa.tang (t) Rio was exalted by receiving the rank of 3,000 perso~alty and 1,500 cavalry which had formerly been held by his brother Iswant (or Baswant) Rao who had been slain, and the grant -of the title of Jadii Rai, which had been his grandfather's. Betiiji was granted the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse whioh had been the rank of his father Uebli.. In the 5th year Jagdeo Rio died, and, when in the 8th year, Bahadurji died, DatA-jI, his son, got the rank of 3,000 with 1,000 horse. When he was killed 8 in Aurangzib's reign in a battle with the Mahrattas, when accompanying Diler Khan, his son was honoured by the title of Jagdeo Rai and a high rank (man,ab). Afterwards, Man Singh, one of his sons, took care, with a small force, of the defence of Aurangabad in the time of the government of. Ma~iir Khan ROzbaha.nI. He built a house upon the side of a tank (!). Another brother, Raghii went to Jagdeo Rai. Sha.hiiji' Bhi5nsle, the father of the notorious Siva (Shivaji) obtained a name in the N~am: Shahi territories by becoming the son-in-law of Jadii Rai, and since then there has been a oonneotion li between the families. The sister II of the present Raja Shahliji was married to Jagdoo Rao. He in the 6th year of Muhammad Shah's reign, 1136 A.H. (1724 A.D.) was present at the battle 7 between Ni~amul-MuIk AIJaf Jah and Mubariz Khan the governor of lJaidarabad which took place at his fief of Shakarkhera s. He left

A~f Ja.h and joined Mubariz Khan, and was killed in the melec. From that day no one of the family has held an office or an estate. His son Man Singh, who is the sister's son of Raja Singh, subsists, with his paternal uncle's sons in Sindkher (or Sindkhera) on the zamindari fees (ras1lm) of Sarkiir Daulatabad which was from old times assooiated with bis anoestors, and on aooount of his attachment to his native oountry he does not lea.ve it. At the present time, on account of straitened oircumstances h!'l has become helpless and gone away. This Sindkhera is apargana yielding thirty krOTs and belongs to Aurangabad and is in the Sarka.r ofMahkar and the province of Berar. It was the real native country and the anoient residenoe of Jadii Rao. Six or seven kos from the town (qal)ba) there is a village of the pargana which is known as Devalgaon Raja. Jadu Rao built a strong fort there and set himself to bring the place into cultivation. At this time also it has a large population while the town near it is lying waste.
(MU'TAMAN-UL.l\'IULK) JA'FAR KIiAN.

(Vol. Ul, pp. 751-755.)

Di!;leti in Biid8hiihnama, I, p. 310. Taken from Biid81uihnama, I, p. 310, but the figures, etc., are slightly different. There Pate.ng is Tilang and Betii is Bethii. 8 'Alamgirnma, pp. 1009, 1010. Diler Khan was not killed. 4. There is an account of Shivajl's descent in Scott's Hiatory oj the Deccan, Il. He was delCended by his mother's eide from the Rijpiits of Udaipiir, though it was throngh the son of a concubine. see also Kincaid and Para.snis, op. cit., pp. 5-14; the names of the father and son are given there as ShAhajl and Shivijl Bhonsle. o Text in 8iUala rd pa darmiydn 6vidently ml"&ll8 that Jadu Roo's family was connected with ShivijI's from the time of his father's marriage. The phrase pa darmiyan ba8had. also occ1l1'1l in Khan I!han, II, p. 777. 6 There is the variant h'Wcihan-Gda'-8ister's daughter. 7 The battle was fought on 23rd :M~am, 1137 A.R. (l1th October, 1724), Maiitl!ir.ulUmard, Text III, p. 843. It is there stated that Shako.rkh&a is sixty kos from Aurangii.b&d. see also SiyariMuta'akh1dJ.irin, I, p. 247, and Elliot, VII, p.526. 8 Shak&rkhelda in Berir, 20 13'N., 76 27'E., later named Fat~Mlda; for details of the battle-see Irvine's Later Mugha18 (Sarker edn.), II, pp. 144-150.
1 2

Originally he was a Brahman boy. J;laji Shafi' of Il;lfaban bought him and called him Muhammad Hadi, and brought him up like his own son. He accompanied ij.aji Shafi' to Persia, but on the death of the latter he returned: to the Deooan and became an inferior servant of J;laji 'Abdullah of Khurasan, who was the Divan of Berar. Mterwards he became a royal servant and in the reign of Aurangzib he obtained a suitable rank and the title of KiiIialab Khan (the labour-loving Khan), and was employed in the Deccan. For a time he was the Divan. of Haidarabad. Mterwards l he became Divan of Bengal in successIOn Qiya Ullah Khan, and received the title of Murshid Quli Khan. ~en Muhammad Farrukb-siyar prooeeded towards .Agra to oontend WIth his uncle Jahandar Shah, he sent J;laidar Beg with a foroe to Bengal to oolleot the revenue. Murshid Quli opposed him and defeated him. When Farrukh-siyar became Emperor, he appointed Rashid Khan 2, the brother of Afrasiyab Khan Mirza Ajmeri as the governor of BengiiJ. A battle ensued and Rashid Khan was killed. Murshid Quli was enabled by Jagat Seth Sahii 8, who was one of the wealthy men .of the province, to expend lavishly and so he obtained the governorshIp, the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse and the title of Mii'taman-ul-l\'Iulk 'Ala-ud-Daula Ja'far Khan Bahadur Asad Jang f. Mter ruling there

to

1 In 1113 A.H., 1701 A.D., see Stewart, History oJ Bengal, p. 352. IIi RiY<14 u8-Sali#in, Text, p. 252, Translation, p. 254, it is stated that ~e was previously the Divan of Orissa; this appears to oo correct for in MaaU!ir.i'Alamgiri, p. 483, it is also stated that Murshid Qulr was Ham or Governor of Orissa. 2 See Riyci9-.u8.Salii~in, Text,' p. 268, Translation, p. 269. RashId Khan is stated to have been the elder brother of Afr8siyab IDtan. Apparently he invaded Bengsl before FarruJWsiyar defeated Jahandar Shah. For AfrasiJ,ab. Khan, see Irvine, Journ. A8. Soc. Bengal for 1898, p. 154, note l; he was famous for hIS personal strength. 8 ~ in the text is a lapSU8 calami for ~ ' . . . 4 The text has the word ncimwari after the titles. But lt BOOms that tlll8 lB >lo mistake for Na,iri, see Irvine, loco cit., p. 157. Ndmwari or fame would be without any meaning.

720

(W'TAMAN-UL.MULK) JA 'FAR MIN.

MadtJ!ir

_ul-Umara.

721

for many years he died in 1138 l A.H. (17251926 A.D.). He tounded Murshidabiid. They say, he was a most accomplished Colleotor ('Amaldar). He made a pit full of nastiness and gave it the name of Baikunth. In it he imprisoned the landholders. Baikunth is the Indian name for paradise, where, according to their belief, the righteous dead find a place. He was succeeded by his sOll-in-law Shuja' -ud-Din Mubammad Khan Bahiidur, who was also oalled Mirza Deccani. He was a Burhanpur man and his father was Niir-ud-Din, who belonged to the Mshar family, and, one of his ancestors was' Ali Yar Sul~an, who in Shah ',fahmii.sp:s . time was the governor_of Farah near Khurasan. Shuja'-ud-Din was for a time in charge of Ilkandal, which is a dependenc,y of the province of Farkbandabunyiid (~aidarabiid). In the time of Ja'far Khan's governorship he was the governor of Orissa, and later proceeded rapidly to Murshidabad. From Mubammad Shah he received a high rank and the title of Mii'taman-udDaula Shuja' -ud-Daula Bahiidur Asad Inin. He abolished Baikunth and released the landholders. He ruled for thirteen years and died in 1152 A.H.2 The date of his death is Raunaq az Bangala raft: glory has departed from Bengal (1152). Mter him his son 'Ala'-ud.Daula Sarfaraz Khin Bahiidur Haidar Jang, who was called Mirza Asad-ud-Din, succeeded him. Mt~r ten months he was killed in 1153 AJI. by 'Alivardi Khan, who had been promoted by his father. Murilhid Quli Khan Bahiidur Rustam Jang was the brother-in.law of Sarfaraz Khan. His name was Lutf Ull8.h; His father ~aji Shukr Ullah of Tabriz came to India and s~ttled in Siirat. Lu~f Ullah was born there. When he reached the years of discretion, hfl studied the sciences, and went to Bengal as atrader. Shuja'<-ud-Daula perceived his merit and gave him his daughter in marriage. His first title was Lu~f 'Ali Khan and after Ja'far Khan's death he was given the title of Murshid Quli Khan. At that time he was the governor of Orissa. When' Alivardi Khan after the murder of Sarfaraz Khan went to that province, he collected a force and opposed him. He was defeated and went to the Deccan. In lIM A.H. he returned s with a force to Orissa, and made Sa'id Mubammad Khan son of l;Iaji Mubammad the nephew of' Alivardi Khan, who was the Na'ib of Orissa, a prisoner. 'Alivardi Khan proceeded post haste to Orissa and defeated him. Then he returned to the Deccan. The N~m-ul Mulk .AF}af Jah Bahiidur was kind to him, gave him a fief and made him his companion. He died in 1164 A.H. (1751 A.D.). He wrote poetry and his pen-name was Makbmiir. The following verse is by him:
I RiyiilJ,<U8-Sala1in, Text, p. 287, gives 1139 as the date and has the chrono-

Verse.
Do not fancy that weaJdings are unable to perform hard tasks, Because even a mountain can be painted by a brush l (painting' brush). His wiIe known as Mihman Begam lived a long time. She died in ~aidarabiid in a house which her husband had bought. Her son Yahya Khan was for a time governor of Khii.npiira in FarlUlundabunyiid (~aidarabiid). He left it a few years before this bi~aphy was written.
JA'FAB

J;YrXN TAKLtt

(Vol. I, pp. 507-509.)

He was the son of Qazaq Khan whose father Mubammad ~n Sharaf-ud-Din Uidlli was governor of Herat and guardian of Sultan :Mubammad Mirza eldest son of Shah ',fahmasp l;lafavi at the time of Humayiin's visit to Persia The Shih's farman-which is a code of regulations for the polite and generous-was addressed to him in reference to the hospitality to be shown to Humayiin., Sharaf-ud-Din behaved as was proper, and earned encomiums by performing fitting service in receiving so valued a guest. After his death Qazaq Khan became the guardian of the Mirza, and the governor of Khura.san, and growing presumptu,ous did not behave with proper respect to the Shah. In 972 A.H., the Shih sent an army against him under the command of Ma',iim Beg eafavi-who was the Vakil of the kingdom. It chanced that at tlU!> time Qazaq Inii.n was attacked by dropsy, and his following dispersed. He was compelled to shut himself up with SultAn Muhammad in the fort of IJrotiyar-ud.Din. The Shii.h's troops entered Herat and Qazaq Khan was induoed' to surrender by agreements and pr(lmises. In that condition he died. His properties ca:me into the possc8EIion of Ma' (lum Beg. After this oatastrophe, Ja'far "Reg-who for his ~traightforward nature and courage was held in respeot by his father-took refuge with Akbar, and was favourably received. In 973 A.H. he was attached to Akbar's stirrups in the pursuit of Khan 7-li.man Shaib8.ni. After that, when 'Ali Qull Khan's offences were condoned, on condition that so long as Akbar was in those parts he would not cross the Ganges, and Akbar went off to visit the fort of Chunar,Khan Zaman ignorantly and foolishly crossed the river. Akbar on receipt of this news made a rapid march against him, and Ja'far Beg quickly came to Qhazipiir, and distinguished himself by taking hold of some boats which contained Khan Zaman's goods4&nd chattels. He was promoted to the rank of 1,000 and granted the title of Khan 2.
1 JUama-i-mu:i literally a pen of hair. The variant is &/)Ijna-i-mm- which would mean the nest of an ant. 2 See Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd Edn.), p. 471, and AktJ'Jmma, Text II, p. 265, Beveridge's translation, p. 395. From the latter it appes.rs that Khan Za.mii.n's boats were not seized at GhiLzipiir, but further on at Sarwiir, and it does not seem that Ja'fiir H!!in did anything special about them. Blochm~ points out that Ja'far H!lii.n afterwards served wider lJw;ain Tukriya in the Sleg<' of Nagarkot. In 1'abaqt-i.Akbari, De's edition, Text II, p. 451, and trans1ation II, p. 679, it is stated that Qazaq I!lin (wrongly Qariq Khan in the transJation) was put to death, but his son Ja'far I!lin died eo natural death.

lidar Into Jawar. But the InstructIOn In the text IS to deduct Jidar from diiralkAilJat to get the date of death, and this yields 1139 and agree with the statement that 1139 was the date of death. Jawar would give 1137. The translation of the chronogram would be: the wa.1I of the Capital has fa.1Ien or the wall has fa.1Ien from the abode of the Ca1iphate. 2 !Ierea.llydiedon 13 J;Th~lJljja,.1151 A.H. or 24 March, 1739 A.D. See R'y(l U8-Sal1in, Text, p. 307. If z IS read In place of az the chronogram becomes correct. 3 He did not return. It was his son-in.law Mirza B1qir who did. see Stewart, op. cit., p. 451.

~~~ ." zi ~ral~ilJatjidar ifJtiid." . Th~ translator of the RiyiilJ, (p; 285) has altered

722

JA'FAR JA'FAR

UAN 'UMDAT-UL-MULK. lilIAN 'UMDAT-UL-MULK.J

-ul, Um.ara.

JA'FAR

KHAN

'UMDAT-1JL-MULK.

723

MadlJjir
King repeatedly honoured him in the 8th and 9th years by visiting him, and Ja'far Khan tendered rich and rare presents. In the 13th year, 1081 A.H. (1670 A.D.) he died l in Shihjahanii.h8d after a long and severe ilineBB. During this time, Aurangzib twice visited him, once to inquire after his health, and the second time to condole with him. The Princea Muhammad A'?,am and Muhammad Akbar were ordered to proceed to the house of his sons Nimdar Khan and Kamgar Khan to expreBB regret and sympathy, and also to comfort their mother Farzii.na Begam. A special robe of honour was given to each of the sons, Bond to tbir mother was sent a tOra II suitable to her condition. Afterwards Prince Muhammad Akbar brought both brothers out of their mourning and presented them at the Court. Each received an ornamented dagger with pearl appendages, as well as various favours. Mourning robes were also sent to the other relatives. Ja'far !\han was distinguished among the later officers for goodneBB . and right~indedneBB, and was conspicuous for his excellent manners, etc. Everyone praised his highmindedne8B. They say, that he :was very fond of expensive white cloth. The Q4i of Dhir 8 il. the provmce of Milwa.--having heard of this-had fine cotton pieces specially prepared and embroidered carefully with flowers', so that clothes (t1uinM) worth fifty rupees were inferior to their linen finish <gutnaak). He then presented these as a rarity. He was called in to pay his respects, but Ja'far Khan frowned and said, "It is very coarse and had better be changed ". The Qii4i respectfully represented, "I ventured to tender these as' hangings for the doorw.ys into the courtyard. " Ja'far Khan was much pleased and ordered that these should replace the curtains. Stories are also told of the eJtquisiteness' of his powers of smell and his palate. They say that one day they brought a melon to him which was full of sweetnes8 and fl.a.vour 8. He was pleased and said: "I have never eaten a better melon than this one, but it has a fishy smell." on enquiry it was found that it was Bo melon from the Kankan, and that in that country they mix bits of fish with earth for manuring the melonbeds.
I Mati0ir-i.' Alamgiri, p. 103. For an account of Ja'far Klrbn, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's History of Auraflgzib, III, pp. 65-67. Be was appointed Vazir A'~m on 30th December, 1663, and died on 6th May,1670. 2 Tih'a means regulation, and perhaps here means that suite.~le pro~io~ was made for her videMaiilAir-i.Alamgiri.p.103.PerhapsthewordlstheHindustli.nI tOra a purse, but more probably the passage means that clothes suitable for a widow Wl're sent. a Jarrett's translation of the A'in, II, pp. 197, 206. 4 Jcimawr~a flowered sheet or shawl, vide Steing&88. & Bab farsh chiindm-<Jhiindnl is a white cloth spread over a carpet, but Chii.ndnl also means a canopy and the use of the word bab sooma to imply that the cloth was intended as a hanging or purdah for a doorway. The words in J~'rar J.Q!in's remark aresarJ tawn kard which preaumably mean that you can change the present, or take it back. But there is the varjant sarJ natatD6n shud which would mean : I cannot Use it, or, wear it, and imply that he thought the cloth was p1'e8Elnted to him as wearing apparel or as a principal carpet. The QiiI;ii's reply was that he meant it merely as hangings over the doorways. . 6 see the story in lbMi Ibln, II, p. 234. .The word there. and which is doubtless the correct one, ill" sUga1'llWg-fragrance. T~e fishy smeli W~ only detecte~ at. the time of eaiing. 8hika1laf'ldigi in the text IS not so appropnat~, though lt might refer to the softnell8 of the melon.

(Vol. I, pp. 531-535.) He ~as the son of l;ladiq 2 Khan Mir Bakk8ki and the sister's son and ~on-m-~w (khwesh) of Yamin-ud-Daula A$&f KM,n. His wife was Farzana 8 Beg~m commonly known as Bibi Jiu. From his early years he w~ an object of royal favour, and was always distinguished for dev~tlOn and good service. When his father died, the Emperor (Shah Jahan) ~ent Aurangzib to oondole with him, and having put his mind at rest m reference to royal favours to bring him and his brothers to the Court. When he appeared, he received an increase of I 000 with 500 horse, and was raised to the position of 4 000 with 2 horse Inasmuch as real kindneBB does not 4 requm: an oocasidn or a pr~text and a be~evolen~ heart seeks for a subterfuge, the Emperor in the 7th ye~r glordied Ja far Khi.n's house by visiting it, and he became distingmshed above his compeers. la the IOth year, Ja'far presented jewels and rare stuffs. Out of graoiousness to a servant goods to the value o~ one lac of rupees were received and he was raised to the rank of 5 000 WIth 3,000 horse. After that h~ was, for some reason, a subject of ~ensure for some day~, but agam became the recipient of boundless avours. In the 19th year, he was made governor of the Panjab. In the en~ of the 20th year, he was raised to the office of Mir Ba!rllshi in SUCCCBBlon to_ Khalil Ullah Khan. In the 23rd year, on the death of Malcrl~.mat ~an he was made governor of the province of Shahjahanabii.d (DelhI), an~, m t~e 24th ye~, he W&tl appointed governor ofthe province of Thatha (Smdh) m succeBBlon to Sa'id Khan. In the 30th year, he came to t~e Co~. When MU'a?,p,m Khan was removed from the high office of Va~~r, J~ far Khan was exalted, in the 31st year, to the high office of the C~ef ~ter~ ~nd received the ornamented inkstand. After the battle ~lth D&r~ Shiko~ when Aurangzib .was encamped at Bagh Niir (near .tigra), Ja far Khan, who had remaIned in Shah Jahan's service did homage al~ng with the other royal servants. After the first ent~one ment', which to~~ p~ce at Bil A'zabad, Delhi, Aurangzib proceeded to~a~ds the PanJab m pursuit of Dii.rii. Shikc3h, who to the end made vam efforts ther~, and the usual ceremonies of acueBBion were put off tili th~ second anmversary. Ja'far Khan was 'given the governorship of l\~alwa,.and by receiving R.nincrease of 1,000 horse, both du-aspii and 8~h-a8pa (t~o-horse and three-horse troopers), his ma~ was raised to 6,0C\? ~th6,000 horse. When F8.,lil Khan the chief Divan died in .K~shmlr m th~ 6th year, an order was issued summoning Ja'far Khan.Hc ~n his way from Kashmir paid his respects to.the Emperor at .Pampat m 1074 A.H. and was made Grand Vazir. As the house which he had begun on the banks of the Jumna, was now finished, th~

000

~ Sty~ed. Jumdatu!Mu!.k in Mad0ir.i. Alamgiri. p. 103. s MaiifJ:!tr',,!l:Umara, Text I!, pp. 729-731. Bid8hiihnama, I, p. 538. ilo Farzana Begom was th~ s18~r of Mumtaz Mal;1aI, the wife of Shah Jahan. . .It .sooms that the negative ID nami k1Jwiihad is wrong, and that the mesnin IS th:t kindness looks f~r an occasion for exteJiding favours. g The first co~natlOn took place in the ShaIamii.r Gardens at Delhi on Ist August. 11)58, see SIr Jadunath Sarkar. History of Aurangzib, II, p. 446.

-_.'---""1"" ====-=.=._..=_=----'"-----------1..
i

724

JAGA.N NATK. JAGAN NAm. 1

Mady!ir

.ul-Umara.

(KUNWAR) JAGAT SINGH.

725

(Vol. I, pp. 514-616.) He was the son of Rija Bibiri Mal of whom a. separate account ~ has been given. The Rija placed him with two of his nephews (brother's sons) as hostages with Mirzi Sharaf-udDIn I:Iusain, who during the timeof his government of Ajmer had.set a price 8 on the Rija.'s head. ~er warda when the Raja obtained an introduction to Akbar and received glorious favours, Jagan Nath, in view of repeated commands from the Emperor, was released from the hands of the MIrzi. After that he was recipient of bound1ess favours, and sometimes in attendance on the royal stirrups, and sometimes in company with his brother's son Kunwa.r Min Singh performed valuable services. In the 21st yea.r, when R~i Prat8,p the Zamindar of Mewir confronted the royal army, some leadmg o:fficers gave way, but Ja.gan Nii.th stood finn and behaved bra~ely. Rim Dii.s the son of Jaimal, who was one of the noted foes, was killed by him. In the 23rd year he obtained a fief in the Panjib and went off there. In the 25th year, when there were signs of MIrza J;lakim'scoming from Kabul to the Panjah, and, an imperial expedition having been decided upon, a force was sent on in advance, Jagan ~ith a!s0 was appointed to this service. In the 29th year, he was appomted With a large force to chastise the Rani who had become presumptuo~s, ~d his residence was plundered. Mter that he went to Kashmrr With MIrza Yiisuf Khin. When the affairs in that area were arranged, he came to the Prese;-ce and paid his respects. After that, in the 34th year, he was sent with Prince Murid to Kabiil, and, in the 36th year, when Prince Murid was appointed to Mii.lwa, he accompanied him and achieved fame. After that, he accompanied the Prince to the Deccan. In the 43rd year', he obtained leave from the Prince and went to his home. From there he came to the Court, but as he had come without orders he was for some time not granted an audience. When the Emperor returned 'from the Deccan, and halted at Rantambhor, Jagan Nith in obedience to summons arrived there in advance. As the fort was a part of his fief, one day when the Emperor was visiting it, he, according to the rules of devoted servants, scattered money, etc., and in consequence was more highly honoured. Mterwards he again went to the Deccan. In the first year of Jahingir's reign he was- appointed to accompany Prince Sultan Parviz in the' affair of the Rana. When the Prince in consequenc'e of KhUBraU'S rebellion took Bagha ll, the Rani's son, with
l In the text it' is Jagnath, but more correctly Jagan Nath. I Ma0-w-td-UmM, Text II, pp. 111-113. Beveridge's

him and proceeded to A.gra, Jagan Nith was left in the area with the whole of the army. In the same year he was appointed to put down Dalpat of Bik..nir who was cr~ting a disturbance in Nagor. I.n the 4th year, he was made 1 a Panjhaziiri with 3,000 horse, and h18 son Rim Chand II received the rank of 2,000 with 1,500 horse, and was sent to the Deccan. Rija Ma.nriip, one of his sons, at the time of the confusion was attached to the stirrups of Shih Jahiin. After the accession of the latter he received the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse and the gift of a flag and a horse with a silver (plated) sadd1e and an elephant, and &.25,00. In the 3rd year, he went with Raja Gaj Singh to devastate the country of Ni~m.ul-Mu1k Deccani, and in the same year he died. His son GopaI Singh 8 received a suitable rank.
(KUNWAR) JAGAT SINGH.

(Vol. III, pp. 149, 150.) He was the eldest son of Raja Man Singh Kachwaha. and was distinguished in Akbar's reign for leadership, and did good service. Jn the 42nd year, he was sent as an auxiliary to Mirzi Ja'far AJiI&f Khin, who had been directed to chastise Rija Bii.sii the land-holder of Ma'u and Pathin, but could not 8Ucceed on account of the discord among the officers. In the 44th year, 1008 A.H., the King's standards were unfurled in the direction of Mii.lwa for the conquest of the Deccan, and Prince SultAn Salim was :sent to extirpate Rina Amar Singh. Raja Man Singh, who had become tired of settling Bengil and had come to the Court, was appointed to accompany the Prince. And the guardianship of the extenwive province of BengaI was entrusted to Jagat Singh as his father's deputy. He was still near Agra and engaged in making preparations for his journey when he died suddenly in the prime of youth tlrrough excessive' drinking. The Kachwiha tribe was plunged into great grief, and Akbar out of his excessive kindness sent his young son Maha Singh in his place. The sedition.mongers and some Mghanswho had accepted s.ervice-took no notice of Maha Singh on account of his youth and rose in rebellion. He, from inexperience, thought the affair all easy one and went forward to fight. In the tOWI18hip of Bhadrak (in Orissa) a hot engagement took place 6 in the 45th year, and the imperialists were defeated. The rebels took possession of some places. Raja Man Singh left the Prince and went quickly to Banga), and did great deeds in retrieval of the disaster. Mahi Singh, like his
1 He was made a Panjhm:iiri by Akhar (Akbamma,Text ill, p. 786, Beveridge's translation III, p. 1178). This wall in the 46th year. In the A'in, Blochmann's translation I (2nd edn.), p. 421, he is included among the commanders of 2,500. 2 Blochmann, op. cit., p. 422. 3 Blochmann, ibid., p. 423. 4 J agat Singh was addicted to drink, but Ablil Fa.<;U in recounting his death (Akbarnama, Text III. p. 763, Beveridge'B translation III, p. 1141) does not ascribe his death to drinking. He died on 26 Milir, 1008 A.H. (October, 1599 A.D.). 6 The battle took place on 18 Ardibihisht, 1008 (May, 1600 A.D.). Maha Singh was living in the l0th year of Jahii.ngir, and his death is recorded in TUz.uk--JaJiijngiti, Rogers and Beveridge's translation I, p. 377, and it is sts,ted there that both fathel' and son died at the age of 32 SJld of drink.

translation.

I Akbarnma, Text II, p. 155, Beveridge's translation II, p. 241: the name of the Rija is given there as Bihii.ri Mal. Probably the meaning is not that Sharaf. udDIn set .. price upon the Raja's head, but that he levied a contribution upon him and took his son and nephews as hostages for the payment. ~ Akbarnma, Text ill, p. 743, Beveridge's translation III, p. 1110.. :; Bagha or Bakha ic mentioned in the BiidIlhhnama I, p. 173, and lli Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tuzuk.-.1J;&hangi1'i, I, p. 74. He was apparently a younger son of Amar Singh Raja of Udaiplir and a grandson of the famous Pratap. The Raja offered him to Prince Parviz 3.S a hostage, but the latter refused and said he must either have the Raja himself or his son Karan. But whe~ the news of !QjUSl'SU'S rebellion "all received, Parviz had to content himself with Baghs.

pp. 409-411.

- --- - -- -

--------

,!
(RAJA) JAGAT SINGH.

726

Maiiil1ir

-ul-Umara.

JAGMAL--JAGRAJ.

727

father, ?ecIlome addicted to wine in his youth and brought disgrace to the family, and pla.yed away his sweet life for bitter liquor.
(R.1JA) JAGAT SINGH.

(Vol. II, pp. 23S-241.) lie was t~e son of Ra.ja Basu. Wlien his elder brother Raja Siiraj Mall, after his father's death, became an object of Jah&ngJr's favour, he was granted theancestral property. As Jagat Singh did not get on with his brother, he r~cei:ved a small office and w~nt to Bengal. In the 13th year, .when SuraJ Mal behaved badly, the King hastily summoned Jagat Smgh from Bengal and gave him the raJ)k of 1000 with 500 horse and the title of RAja, and &8.20,000 as also a jewelled dagger, a horse and an elephant, and sent him to Raja .Bikramajit Sundar Dis, who_ w~s in active. pursuit of Suraj Mal. At the end of the reign of Jahangtr, Jagat Smgh had the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse. In the Ist year of Shah Jahan's reign he was confirmed in his rank and in the 7th year, when the King went to the Panjab, he came and did hom~ge. In the 8th year, after the return of the King from Kashmir, he was appointed to the thiinMiiri of Lower Bangash and to the chastisement of the tribe of Kha.ng who lived in that area. In the lOth year, he was removed and was made one of the .Kabul alUiliaries. He did good service in arresting Karim Did son of Jalala' Tariki (Raushani). In the llth year, when 'Ali Marda.n ~ made over Qandahar to the imperial officers, ~nd Sa'id Kha.n went off with the Kabul auxiliaries to put down the Perstans who had come there, Jagat Singh was in the vanguard. He w8.? sent to ~amin Dawar. He took the fort of Sarban and proceeded t? beslege Zamm Dawar. After taking it, he did good servioe in the Sl~g~ of Bust. In the ~2th year, when the Emperor was in residenoe at Lahore, he came and dId homage, and received a robe of honour, and a pearl necklace.. In the same year he was made jaujdiir of Upper and Lower _Bang~sh~ In th~ 14th .year, when he asked for the jaujd,ri of the lJ?man-t.kOh ~f Kangra m sllccession to his l!on Rajrup and the collectIOn of the trIbutes of the hill Rajas with an offer of 4 lacs his request was granted, and he received a robe of honour and a horse ~th a silver saddle. When he showed signs ofrebelliousness, he was removed, and summoped .to the Presenoe. As he delayed in coming, the King se~t three armtes under the commands of Khan Jahin BarIlob, Sa'id Khin ~afr Jang, and ~lat Khan; while Prince Murad Bakbsh with anothe~ army was dep~ted in th~ir support with a view to taking Ma'~ and Nur~arh, and Taragarh, whic~ were strong forts of the territory. At that tIme he had worked hard m strengthening them. Jagat Singh did his utmost in contending with the royal forces. ~~n Ma.'u and Niirpiir came into the hands of the imperialists, and Taragrah was near~y. lost, _he was obliged to apply to the Prince for ~don through Salyld Khan Jahan. After his pardon <lame from the King, and he agreed to demolish Taragarh and Ma'u he in the 15th year, <:&me to the Court ~th his sons withfau~ (tunics) r~und their necks and dld homage. The Kmg forgave hirn and confirmed him in his former
l

rank. In the same year he went to Qandahar with .Prince Dara. Shikoh. He was entrusted with the fort of Qa.lat in the province of Qand~r. In the 17th year, when Sacid Khan ~afr Jang became the governor of the province, and as t~ere was not a good understanding between him and the Rija, he was removed from Qalj.t.' In the 18th year, he received a robe of honour and a sword with golden and enamelled armour and a horse with a silver saddle and was sent to assist the Amir-ul-Umari in the taking of BadalIbshan. He, out of bis zeal, kept a larger contingent than his rank required, and was made bappy by receiving their pay from goverlJDlent and entered BadalIhshan by the route of Tiil. When the men of KhOst submitted and came to see him, he, at their advice, built a strong fort of timber between Sara.h and Andara.b, and fought three times with the Ozbegs and Alma.na.n, whom N~r Muhammad, the ruler of Bal1W had sent, and put them to flight. Having put a strong tkdna in the above-mentioned fort, he returned to Peshawar. In the 19th year, corresponding to 1055 A.H. (1646 A.D.) he died there 1. Shih Jahin comforted his son Ra.jriip-of whom a. separate account 2 has been given.
JAGM1L.

(Vol. I, pp. 510, 511.) He was the younger brother of Raja Bihara. Mal I. When the Rija attained suooess through good fortune, every one of his relatives achieved . relative degrees OfsUCCeSB; Jagmal became, in the 8th year, the guardian of the fort of Mirtha. In the 18th year, when Akbar made a rapid expedition to Gujarit, Jagmi! was put in charge of th~ great camp, and obtained the rank of 1,000. His son Khangir', who was living in Agra with his uncle RAja Bihiri Mal, was sent by the Rija to Delhi a.t the time of the disturbance of Ibrahim Husain Mirzi. ln the 18th year, before the royal expedition to Gujarit:he (i.e. Khangir) got leave and joined the royal camp in Pattan. In the 21st year, .he went with Kunwar Man Singh to punish Rana. Prata.p, and afterwards Was appointed to BengaI, and in company with Shii.hbii.z Khan distinguished himself in the King's service. When Shahb8.z Khan retreated without achieving success from Bhati (Lower Eastern Bengal) and took the route to Tinda, Khangar 6 on the march with some others fell in with a body of rebels who Were returning from plunderirig, and ft. battle ensued between them. on this occasion Nauriiz Beg Qa.qshaI, one of the rebels, was kiUed, and the others fled.
JAGRAJ,

also known as

BIKRAMIJ1T.

(Vol. I, pp. 526, 527.) He was the son of Raja Jujhar Singh Bundela. In the first year of Shih Jahii.n's reign he received the rank of 1,000 with 1,000 horse.
II, p. 481. MaQ0ir-t#-Umara, Text II, pp. 277-281. 3 Also written Bih&ri Mal, see note 3, p. 724. 6 SO also .Akbam4ma, Text m, p. 439, Beveridge's translation III, p. 660. 6 see Beveridge, op. cit., p. 660, note l, in reference to the construction and meaning of the sentence.
l

BdBhhnima,

Tmuk.i-Jahiingiri, Rogers and Beveridge's translation I, p. 283.

-----------~,

--'-'- - ' ."

728

JAHANOIR QULI KHAN.

Maiiillir

.ulUmara

JAH1NoIR QULI U.lN

729

When a year later Khan J&han LOdI fled from Agra and travelling by unknown pa.ths in the Bundela country came to Deogarh and so entered l the territories of the N~am-ul-Mulk, and the imperial troops-whioh had been depute-d to follow him-failed to follow, the Emperor began to suspect that Khan Jahan's easy passage through (his country) and the failure of the royal forces in following U;p, were the results of the guidance and misdirection of Jagraj. In the 4th year, when Khan Jahan LOdi hastened to Malwa from the Deccan in company with Darya Khan Rabila, and in great confusion entered the Bundela territory, with the intention of proceeding to Kalpi, Jagraj, to make amends for his disgrace, and to obliterate his father's shame, girded up his loina and pursued him. He reached the rear-guard, which was commanded by Darya Khan, and ll, battle ensued. During the course of the fighting a bullet struck Daryi Khan and he was killed. The Bundela men thought Daryi Khin was Khan Jahin and fell upon the body, and Bikramijit cut off the head and started for the Court. The past was atoned for, and, as a reward, he obtained the rank of 2,000 with 2,000 horse 2 and the title of Ja.grij and the gift of a role of honour, an omamented sword as also a flag, and drums. Afterwards he came to the Deccan as a substitute for his father, and, in company with Khin-Khinin and Khin Zamin, did great deeds in battles, sometimes on the right wing and some times in th.e rear-guard. He also hazarded his life in the sieges of Daulatibid and Pareni:la. in defending the batteries and in single combats. In the 8th year, he went home on receiving a letter from his father who was in disgrace with, the Emperor on account of the killing 8 of Bhim Nariya.n the Zamindr of Chiirigarh. When Khan Daurin the governor of Burhinpiir heard of his flight, he' hastened after him with a body of troops, and killed some. Jagrij was wounded, but went off by unknown paths and joined. his father. .After the royal forces' came up, he and his father fled, but he was killed in 1044 A.H. (163435 A.D.) under circumstances stated in the account of Jujh4r Singh. Durjan Sil, bis son, was made prisoner at the time of the pursuit.
JAH1NoIR QULI :KlIAN,

of P80tna and Bihar. When a royal order was passed that whiohever of the fiefholders in the provinoe should be disobedient to Jahingir Quli, might be slain by the latte~, the prestigc:..and power of Jahinglr Quli beoame impressed on people s hearts. Rija Sa~j,m l, th? la.ndholder of Kharakpiir-who was one of the greatest laadholders ID that area and who from Akbar's time had al~ays been on good terms and obedient to the imperial officers, so much 80 that Rij8L Todar :Mal made him his adopted son-could not brook Jah8.ngir Quli's sway and prepared for war. The latter marched against him with a suitable ~orce and after a hard contest &ngrim was wounded by a bullet and kille-d, and the Khin triumphed. In the 2nd year, 1016 A.H., on the death of Qu~b ud.Din Khin Koka, who was slain at the hands of Sher Afgall !stijlii (Niir Jahin's first husband), Jahingir QuIi was raised to the high office of.the governorship of Bengil After his arrival there, he made varIOUS administrative arrangements, but had 2' not ma.de much progresg when the army of death attacked him. He died in the 3rd year, 1017 A.H. (1608 A.D.). -He was famous for his finn be?ef ~ .the Faith and hi worship of the truth, and strove hard to obtam 8pmtual.rewards. .He employed one hundred Qafi7: who, whether he was trave~ or halt~, finished several readings of the holy Qur'in, and gave hIm the ment aocruing therefrom. He too recited many prayers and passages of the Qur'in. But with all this devotion and piety he was hard of heart. He possessed neither a soft heart nor pity. ~n th~ very time of his pra!ers and rosarie8 he did not refrain fro,m making mgnals for the sco~s 'and hangings of guilty persons. He had & hundred trompeters ID his service who whenever there was a fight l, sounded all their trum~ts at once and thus olove the gall-bladQers of rusti~ and villagers. He also had one hundred Ka.shmir pellet-bowmen, who were 80 expert that a bird could not fly over their heads without '. eing struck bt' apellet.
JAHANGIR Qut.t lt;p:.lN '.

(Vol. I, pp. 524, 525.) (Vol. I, pp. 512-514.) He was Shame-ud.Din known as Mirzi Shamsi and the eldest SOn of the Khan A'zam Mirzi '~Kokaltish. During the time when Mirzi Koka was' the governor of Gujari!, he, on account of suspicions of long standing, embarked in the ship l1ihi at the P,'?rt of Baliwa~ 5, which is near SOmnit (SOmnith) and went off to the l;IiJ8.z; he took Wlth him his sons and household, .with the exceptions of Shamsi and Shadmin. Akbar out of his unbounded graciousne88, raised Shame-ud-Din to the rank df l 000 and, as he was distinguished from his brothers by wisdom and prudenc~ and other excellent qualities, he was always in favour
1

His name ,was Lila Beg Kibuli. He was one of the slave-born servants of Mltzi ~akim. His father Ni~am Qah:J:1iq was the lamp. lighter (ckirtigjcki) of the Mirzi's banquets. Lila Beg became a favourite with the Mirzi on account of his zeal, and did good service. When the Mirzi died, he entered the service of Akbar who made him over to the Prince.Royal Sul~an Salim. As he had a high spirit and did good work, the Prince favoured him and gave him the title of Biz Bahidur. In a few days he became the owner of drums and an equipage. When the Prince succeeded to the throne, he was raised to the high rank of 5,000 and received the title of Jahingir Quli Khan, and the governorship
1 2 3

See Blochmann's t~anslation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 494, note 2, for an account

Badahiihniitna, I, p. 289.
Op. cit., p. 339.

Jujhii.r Singh put Bhim, or Pim Narii.yan to death after inducing him to come out ofChiirii.garh, Bada/ujhniima, I, pt. 2, p. 95. The story is also toldin the Maamir. ul. Umara, Text U, pp. 214-218, in the notice of Raja Jujhii.r Singh Bundalo.

of his life. . ",..LL ht H e had no t 2 Pardiikhta but apparently the vanant na par......,.ta IS ng. arranged matte~ w~e~ he died~. His rule in BengiU onlJ; lasted for a year and some months, vide R~yti4-u8.Sazal~n, Text, p. 1,74, T~slatlO!1' pp~ l ~2! 173. a There are references to Jahii.ngir Qull lU Iqbaln.ma4.Jah,ang~n,p. 33, and Tfl.zuk.i-Jahangiri, Rogers and Beveridge's translation 1, pp. 144, 153, etc. 4 Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 499. 6 see Blochmann, op., cit., p. 345, for further details, and Akba'rnama, Text III, p. 638, and Beveridge's translation ITI, pp. 979-981.
9

730

(BAJA) JAl BAM BADGttJAB.

from the time of Akbar to that of Sbih Jahan ~nd lived a ~ If~ ~ a ood name. During Akbar's time he attamed .the r .0 _ ' . in the 3rd year of Jahangir's reign the provmcde ;:s taken from Murtada Khan BoJ,Wari (Shaikb Farid) an given m e ~ the Khan A'zam and as the Emperor was somew:hat put out (a't~ lcabidagi d48~) ~th the Khan and did not trust him on account o. being a partizan of Khusrau he resolved that the Khan shoul\rema~ at th Court and that Jaha.ngh. Quli Khan-who was an honest ouse- rn se:'vant a~ one of good discretion in whcm he had full oonfidenceshould manage the provinoe as his father's deputy. l his t d It is notorious that Mirza Koka could not contro . II OTe, ':d that he was wont to use extravagant language. EspeOl'&ld y, t e co t . so wou no res~c not restram 1.:_ If wh en h e was a ngry' . that he ned that Jahangir J.U,UJse . h even the presence of the King. One day lt so appe t: th 'l " ' 'd t Jahangir Quli Khan "Will you stand surety for your a er. ~~hanoir Quli replied, "I ~ be surety for his life and pr0P':rty, but I gb 'bl cannot e responsl e f'or h's tongue" After that he t f Jaunpiir l. ' was raIsed to the rank of 3 000 with 3,000 horse, and received the gove~en o _ . At the s~me time Prinoe, Shah Jahan took po~sslon of Be~gii.lffa~d proceeded towards Patna. 'Ab~uhll~_.Kh~~Firti~a:te :~e ~o th~ : Allahabad as a vanguard, along WIt aJa '. be d Chausa fe ,Jahangir QuU !\han perceived that res~~ance was . yo~ his owerind prooeeded hastily from Jaunpiir and Jomed at Allahibi:d Miria Ru~tam Safavl. the governor of the are~. Lat:r he was put m h f All h -b'".J 1 and on the acoession of Shih Jahan, though he was c argeo a a ..... , . . nk ccession removed from Allahabad he was kept m his fiormer r a . In su _ to Beglar Khii.n, the son of Sa'id Khan, ne was made governor of SO~th and Jiinagarh. In the 5th year, 1041 A.H. (1631-32 A.D.), ~e di:d there Shih Jahan out of kindness to a house-born serv.ant (Kkanazdd) raised his son and heir Bahram \I to the rank of 2,000 With 2,000 horseJ d 'nted him in the room of his father. He was a bra~e an an capa balPPoI e young man , and founded Bahrampiira in Gujarat after his own name. (R.1JA) JAl R.1M BADGOJAB.

~en

of GUJ.ar~

'

-ul-Umara.

(MIRZA BAJA) JAl SINGH KACHW.1HA.

731

of ~ ,000 with 800 horse. In the 12th year he was successful in receiving an merease of 200 horse. In the 13th year, he was sent in attendance on Prince Murii.d Bakbsh, who was first appointed to Bhera, but later o~dered to Kabul. In the 14th year, he again accompanied the same Prince to Kabul. In the 19th year, hi(! rank was advanced by 1,500 and 500 horse, and he was sent on the eXpedition for the conquest of Balkb and Badakbshan with Prince Murad Bakbsh. And after Balkb was taken, he was deputed with Bahadur Khan and ~alat Khan for the pursuit of Nadhar Muhammad Khan the ruler of Bal kb. In the 20th year, he by sucoessive degrees attained the rank of 2,000 with 500 horse. In the neighbourhood of Balkb he performed valiant deeds in conneotion with the chastisement of Ozbegs and Almanan. In the 21st year, corresponding to 1057 A.H. (1647 A.H.), he died there. The Emperor, on re~eipt of this news, exalted his son. by granting him the title of Raja and mcrease of ma7l{lab, and thereby raised his position amongst bis equals.
(.MtRZ.! RAJA) JAl SINGH
1

KACHWAHA.

(Vol. III, pp. 568-577.) He was the son pf Raja Maha Singh. When his father died, he, in obedience to the summons, came to wait upon Jahangir, and, in the 12th year, at the age of twelve receiv~d the rank of 1,000 with 500 horse and the gift of an elephant. Afterwards, he was appointed to the Decoan along with Sultan Parviz.. He gradually received promotion and rose to a high rank. After Jahangir'S death, as Khan Jahan LOdi, the governor of the Deccan, was becoming rebelliou8 and had gone to Ma.lwa: Jai Singhwho, owing to his helplessness, had kept on good terms with him, went off to his home from Ajmer on hearing that Shah Jahan was oom~g. From there he came to the Court in the year of the accession (1628 A.D.) and received an increase of 500 horse and had the rank 2 of 4,000 with 3,000 horse and the gift of a flag and drums. Together with Qii.sim Khan Juvaini he was sent off to chastise the sedition-mongers 3 of Mahaban which is a pargana in the Sarkii.r of Agra, and returned after inflicting suitable punishment. When in the same year, Nadhar Mubammad Khan, the ruler of Ballili, stirred up strife and came to KabUl and besieged the oity, and Mahabat Khan Khan-Khanan was deputed to p~nish him, Jai Singh was sent wjth him. In the 2nd year, he was sent with Khwii.ja AbUl ~asan Turba.tI in pursuit of Khan Jahan LOdI. In the 3rd year, he was sent with Shayista Khan to punish Khan Jahan LOdi and to devastate the oountry of the Ni:?lim-ul-Mulk; he was granted' an increase of 1,000 horse and the rank of 4,000 with 4,000 horse. When Khan Jahan Barah was summoned to the Court on account of illness, th;-vanguard of A'~m Khan's foroes was entrusted to J,ai Singh. He did good service
. 1 He was a great-grandson of Man Singh. Bd8hhnama,II, p. 145. His father died at the age of 32 at Balapfu in Berar. vide Rogere and Beveridge's translation of Tuzuk-i-Jahngiri,I, p. 376. 2 Bd8hhnma. I, p. 120. 8 BfidBhhnma, l, p. 196 and pp. 204, 205. 4 BiidBltiihnma, I, p. 296.

(Vol. II, pp. 241, 242.) He was the son of Raja Anup Singh 8, who was also known as Ani R-' S' hd'lan During the lifetime of his father, he 4 was honoured ~~ :~~ab' and appointed to various offices. After his (father's) ~ath in the llth year of the reign of Shah ~ahan he :W~ granted a Kbit'at, the title of Raja, and the rank, substantIve and With merements,
l Kewal Ram says he was made governor of Bihar in. succession to IbrihIm Khan in the 12th ear of Jah.ngir's reign and was removed lD the 14th .year on the ground tha.t his c!tlectors oppressed the ryots. After that he was appomted to the Deccan. _ J"~" s relgn. see Bd8hhniihna, 2 Bahrii.m died in the 18th year of Shah alU.n II, P his biography see MacitAir-ul-Umara, Text II, pp. 220-223, and Beveridge's translation pp. 261-263. " b d B':"-hh4 Det~1s of the increases in rank and his explOlts are ase on uu<> nama. l, II.
9B

il;;

732

(MIRZA RAJA) JAl SINGH KACHWAHA.

Maiifhir

ulUmara.

(M1RZ.1

RAJA) JAl SINGH KAOHWAHA .

733

in the battle of Bhatiiri l, and in the attack upon the Petio:'" (sub~b) and town of Paranda 2. In the 4th year, he served along With Y~m~ ud-Daula, who had been directed to devastate the country of A~il Shah; he was stationed in the left wing of the reserve. He came WIt~ him afterwards and did homage. Mterwards he had leave to go to hIS home. In the 6th year, he came to the Court and on the ~ay of the elephant fights when an elephant. attacked Aurangzi~, the. Rii.~a spurred his horse against it and flung hIS spear from the right SIde . At the end of the same year he was seI1t off with Sultan Shuja' to the Deccan. In the 7th year, he was app~inted wi~h Khan Za:man to rav~ge t~e c.rop~' and to take Paranda. Durmg the sIege of thIs fort and m br!~mg lU forage there were cons~ant fights ~th the enemy and t~e R!,J~ stood mm and did good serVICe. When lU the 8thJear, the fJu;.ba:wn of the Balaghat, which is another name for the Barkara of. D?,ulatabii.d, Ab~ad. nagar, etc., was made over to the Khan Zaman~ Jal Smgh was appomte~ to assist him. In the same year, he had an mcrease of 1,000 and hIS rank became 5000 with 4000 horse. Mterwards he came to the Court and did homage. In the'9th year, he was sent off with Khan Dauran Bahadur to chastise Sahii Bhonsle. In the lOth year he came to the Court and as he had done good service in the Deccan, the King gave him a'robe'of honour and leave to go to his country of Amber so that he might rest for a while. In the l1th year he again came to the Court, and was attached to Sultan Shuja' who, after' Ali Mardan Khan ~ad made over Qandahir, and as there was a likelihood of Shah ~afi's commg, had been sent off there. In the 12th year he was sUlDmOne? to the Court.! and received a pearl neck1ace and an elephant and the tItle l> of Mirza Raja. In the 13th year he had leave to go to his ~ome. I~ the 14th year he was appointed to Kabul in atten~nce ~~ Pr~ce Murad BalWsh, and. in the following year he was sent With Sa ld Khan to take the fo~ of :Ma'u which belonged to the rebel Raja Jagat Singh, the son of RaJa Basii. When he reached there and the siege was protracted, and an order was given for taking 6 active measures, Raja .Tai Singh behaved better than the others. As a reward he received the rank of 5,000 with 5000 horse of which 2 000 were two-horse and threehorse. The custody of the fort was entrusted to him. Afterwards, when Raja Jagat Singh's sins were purged Raja Jai Singh came to the Court and received a robe of honour a d~corated dagger, a horse with gold trappings and an elephant, ~nd went to Qandahar along with Prince Dara Shikoh. In the 16th year he came to the Court, and was then allowed to go home. In

1 In the Alp:nadnaga.r territory. There was battle t.here in the 19th year of Jah8ngir, see MaiU.hir-ul-Umara, Text I! p. 518, but th18 cannot-be the one now Teferred to. Apparently the word Bhii.turi must be wrong. 2 Biid8hahnama. I. p. 357. Elliot, VII, p. 22. a In Biid8hahnii.ma. I, p. 492, it is stated that Jai ~ingh's horse would not face the elephant and so Jai Singh bad to attack from the nght dank. 4. There does not appear to be any fort of the name of Kar, and it seema that the idea was to ravage the crops. The expedition referred to is described in the BiidBhahnama, I, pt. 2, pp. 35, 36. It is there referred to. t~o 6t~ year. 5 B.d.Bhahndma, II, p. 145, where it is stated that Jal Smgh s great-grandfather Man Singh had this title from Akbar. 8 B.d.Bhahnma, II, p. 271.

the 17th year he, in Ajmer, produced before the King 5,000 horse of his own troop8. In the 18th year, when the government of the Decoan was entrusted to Khin Dauran, and he was summoned to the Court to receive instructions, Raja Jai Singh was directed to pro~d to the Deccan and to guard that country tili Khan Dauran arrived. When Khan Dauran died at Lahore a confirmatory robe of honour was sent to the Raja, and ih the 20th year he was summoned to the Court. After that he was attached to Prinoe Aurangzib on the Balkb expedition. When in accordance with orders that province was made over to Na.eJhar Mubatnmad Khan, the Raja had charge of the left wing during the return journey. In the 2nd year his contingent was increased by 1,000 twohorse and three-horse troopers, and his rank raised to 5,000 with 5,000 horse of which 3,000 were two-horse and three-horse, and he went with Prince Aurangzib on the Q&nd&hir expedition. The right wing was a.ssigned to him. When Q&ndahar was not taken, and Prince Aurangzib was summoned to the Court, Jai Singh came with him in the 23rd yea.r. In the end of the same year he had leave to go home and was appointed 1 to chastise the turbulent men of Kiman Pahari which is between Agra and Delhi. When it was reported that after going home the Raja had collected nearly 4,000 horse and 6,000 musketeers and archers, and gone to the pargana in question and after cutting down the jungle had killed and made pr~soners of many of the rebels and had got possession of much catt1e, 1,000 more of his troops were made twohorse and three-horse and his rank was increa.sed to 5,000 with 5,000 horse of which 4,000 were two-horse and three.horse troopers, and pargal1.q, 1;Ial Ka.liyll.na (Chal Kalinah) of which the revenue was 70 lacs of diima, was assigned for their support In the 25th year he came to the Court, and was attached to Prince Aurangzib for the Qandahar expedition, and had charge of the vanguArd. He receiveo. a special robe of honour and a horse with a gi1ded saddle, and an elephant from the royal gtables When the taking of Qandahii.r was delayed, Jai Singh waited on the King at Kabul in the 26th year, and in the same yeM was attaohed to Sul~an Sulaiman Shikoh who had charge of Kabul. Afterwards he was attached to Prince Dara Shikoh for the Qandahii.r expedition, and when that was unsuccessful, he came to the Court and took leave to go home. In the 28th year Sa'd Ul1ah Khan the Jumlat-ul.:Mulk was appointed to demolish the fort of Chittor, an~ Jai Singh accompanied him. In the 31st year, when there was a report of Sultan Shuja's having gone astray and of his having laid hold of many of the exchequer-lands, Jai Singh was sent as a guardian of Sulaiman Shikoh to oppose SultAn Shuja' , and had an increase of 4,000 horse and 1,000 two-horse and threehorse. Mter Sultan Shuja' was defeated, he was promoted, in his absence at the instanee of Prince Dara Shikoh, to 7,000 with 7,000 horse of which 5,000 were two.horse and three-horse, and in accordance with the .orders of the Prince started for the Court. When Aurangzib's army moved
KlIMi Khan, I, p. 701, says that in the 24th year the Raja'8 son Kesa.ri Singh

was appointed to chastiso the Mewatis and that pa.rgana Kamii.n. Pahari was given

to him as a reward. See Mat.hir-ul-Umarti,Text III, pp. 156-158, for an account of Kesari Singh who is there called Kirat Singh. Kii.mah and Pahari are mentioned in Jarrett's translation of A'in, II, p. 195. The pargana ~al Kaliyii.n.a of t~xt should be Chal Kali.nah, see Jarrett, op. cit., p. 194.

T i
i

-ul-Umara.
734
(MIRzI BAJA) JAl SINGH KACHW1HA.

(n:stB1.J BAJA) JAl SINGH SAW~'I.

(!>BIRAJ 1 mJA) JAl SINGH S.AWA'I.

735

from the Deooan, and after defeating Dara Shikoh and Jaswant Singh came to Agra and from there advanced to Delhi, Jai Singh left Sulaiman Shikoh prudently (aMr jim l 1) and entered Aurangzib's service. He was rewarded by an estate worth a kror of dama, and in the Ist year of Aurangzib's reign was sent off to support Khalil Ullii.h Khan who had gone in pursuit of Dara Shikoh. When Dara Shikoh proceeded to :Multan, Jai Singh ha1ted, according to orders, at Lahore, and waited on the King. As he had long been absent from home and had undergone the fatigues of successive campaigns, he received permission to go home. After the battle with Shuja' he <lame to the Court, and did good service in the battle with Dara Sh~oh near Ajmer. Later he was appointed with a force to pursue Dara Shikoh and, in the 4th year he received an estate with a revenue of a kror of dam8. In the 7th year, he was appointed to chastise Siva (Shivaji) Bhonsle who was behaving presumptuously and practising highway robbery on account of his possession of strong forts, suoh as Piirindhar (Piirandhar), whioh he had held from tbe time of the Ni~am-Shii.his, and was also associated with the sea-pirates. He besieged Piirindhar and 80 pressed Siva that he became alarmed and oame to interview the Raja. He took 23 forts and when this news reached the Emperor, he was granted an increase of 2,000 horse two.horse and three-horse, and his rank became 7,000 with 7,000 twohorse and three-horse troopers. In the 8th year,he was appointed to devastate the country of 'Adil Shah who had delayed to pay the fixed tribute. He advanced as far as Bijapiir and took possession of many places. When there was a scarcity of corn he turned back and entered the royal domaine. He had frequent encounters with the Deccani troops who fought in a guerilla-fashion. .The Raja per80nally exerted himself and fought bravely and discreetly. When the rainy season arrived, and an order was rlfCeived to encamp at Aurangibiid, he came there and was summoned from thence to the Presence. In the lOth year, 1077 A.H., he died 2 at Burhinpiir. He was famed for his good judgment and powers of administration and he was also fully conversant with military technique. He had much tact, and lt was jue to this fact that from the beginning of his career to the end of his life he lived with a good reputation and continually got promotions. His sons were Rija Ram Singh and IGrat Singh, separate accounts of both of whom have been given 8. There is an area outside of Aurangibid and to its west which is named after him 4.

(Vol. II,pp. 81-83.) His fa.ther was Bishaa Singh the great.'grandson of Mirza Raja Jai Singh. His name was Bijai Singh. After his father's death, Aurangzib, in the th year of'his reign, gave him the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse, and the title of Rija Jai Singh, While his brother was called Bijai Singh. In the. 45th year, he was appointed to accompany Asad Khan in taking the fort of Sakha.run-ni alias KhaJna. In taking this fort, he, on the day of the a.ssault, distiDguished himself, and in reward he was promoted to the rank of 2.000 with 2,000 horse. After Aurangzib's death he came to Upper India from the Deccan'a,long with Muhammad A'~am Shah, and on the day of the battle with Bahidur Sh&b. he was on the left wing of the reserve. They say, that on the same day he entered the army of Ba.hid.ur Shah. on this account he lost respect in the eyes of tbe people. His brother Bijai Singh, who had chosen Bahidur Shii.h's side- was raised to the rank of 3.000 and disputed with him the possession of Amber. The King, who liked to please everybody, and did not want tQ dishe&rten anyone, oonnscated Amber and appointed Saiyid l;lusain Khan Birah as its Jaujdt:ir. When he went to the Deccan to encounter Kim Bakhsh, .Iai Singh left him on the march on a pretext of hunting, and taking with him his neoessaries and leaving his tents and porters went off with Rija Ajit Singh to his native country. ,There he had a dispute with J;lusain Khan Ba.l-a.h and fought severalbatties. At last the Khan was killed. When B&hid.ur Shi.h returned from the Deccan, Jai Singh made the Khin-Khanii.n his interoessor and waited upon Bahadur Shah on the march. He obta.ined. leave on the promisethat after two months he would present himself. In the time of Farrukh-siyar he got the title of Dbirij, and in the 5th year, he was appointed to chastise Chiira.man Jat 2. Afterwa.rds, Saiyid Khan Jahan Birahi t.he maternal uncle of Qutb-ul-Mulk and I,Iusain 'Ali (the Barah Saiyids), was appointed to this service with a separate army. The affair of Chiiraman was disposed of by the intervention of Saiyid Khan Jahan, and Chiiriman waited upon the King. ,In this matter the Raja was not consulted, and though he kept quiet, he was displeased, and as he took the King's side, the Saiyids became annoyed and disliked him. In the end of the reign, when he was at the Court, the Saiyids were at painsto conciliate him, and he, thinkingtne opportunity a good one, went to Amber in accordance with orders. In the affair of Nekii-siyar he was suspected of siding with the latter, but at last he reconciled himself with the Saiyids. Afterwards when the affairs of the Saiyids fell into confusion, this feeling . did not remain and in the beginning of Muhammad Shab's reign he came to the Court and received various favours s. Afterwards, he was appointed to proceed against Chiiriman Jat, and engaged himself in turning him out and in taking his thiinas. In 1145 A.H. he was appointed governor Qf Mii.lwa in succession to Muhammad Khan Bangash, and in 1148 A.H., at his request the province in question was, through the
l
2

l Sher fikri is a mistake for Bair fikri, see Madtl!ir.ul-Umarii, Text III, p. 769, 4th line from bottom, where the words 8air fihr occur and appear to mean prudent. The expression is not given in any of the dictionaries. 2 According to the MatW!ir-i-' .iflamgiri, p. 62, he died on 28 Mu};larra.m, 1078 A.H. (20 July, 1667 A.D.). 3 Maiitl!ir-ul-Umarii, Text II, pp. 301-303 and Text III, pp. 156-15M. 4 According to Rajputana Gazettur, II, p. 136, Jai Singh the Ist was poisoned by one of his BOns. On the same page there is an account of Jai Singh II, i.e. Jai Singh Sawa'i, the astronomer, who was MIrza Raja Jai Singh's great great-grandson. .The notice hQ.rdly does justice to Mirza Raja. It was he who secured Shivaji and sent him to Aurangz'ib. Manucci was in the service of Jai Singh, and has a good deal to say about him, see vol. II, p. 120 et 8eg. At p. 152 he repeats the fable ab~ut ,Tai Singh's having been poisoned; see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangztb, IV, p. 12.9.

Properly Adl1irij, i.e. Supreme Raja. Sawii,'i in Text is Sewa'i. MlJiithir.ul.Dmarii, Text I, pp. 54Q-548, Beveridge's translation, pp. 436-442. Beale states that he receiveli the title of Saw'l from Mu1).ammad Shah.

"~"T~""---"
i

_
8AIYID) JAL1L $ADB.

736

JALAL KA1tAB.

MadtJ!ir

-ul-Umara. J.ALAL U b QtrJWB:I-(MIB

737

intervention of Khan Da-urin, made over to Biji Rio Mahra.tta. He lived for a long time and then died (in 1743 A.D.). They say, he was full of plsms, and was acquainted with mathematics. Nea.r Amber he built a new city and called it Jainaga.r (Jaipiir). It is rema.rkable for the goQdness of its shops, and the width of its streets. 0utside of the city and also near I>eJhi,'he at great expense built observatories 1. As thirty years were required for the completion of observations-this being the period of the orbit of SatUrIi-a.nd as the lamp of his life was extinguished before that, his observations remained incomplete. He was succeeded by his son Ishwar Singh. After him, in the time of his son Prithi Singh some estates were ta~en possession of by the Mahrattas, and some imperial properties also fell into their hands. At the time of writing Partib Singh, the brother of Prithi Singh, is in possession of the territories.

JALA!, ~AN QtrBOHI.

(Vol. I, pp. 509, 610.) He was an unriv&l1ed companion and an intimate courtier of Akbar. He held the ra~ of~. In the 5th 1. ye~ he was sent to bring Tinsen Kali.nwat who ID reCltmg poetry and ID mnging (DOharpad I) was at the head of the cognosoenti of the art of m~(l, and who was at the Court of Ram Chand Baghela, the Raja of Bhath. Jalil!\hin took with him li letter to the Raja, and the latter sent Tansen along with presents In the llt~ year, when it was reported, that Jalil Khan was infatuated'with a beaut!ful yout~, th~ Emperor was.displea.sed and took away the youth fro~ him. Jalil Kh~ be.came qU1te eXClted and ran away at night taking the youth WIth him. When this was reported Mirzi Yiisuf Khin Ra4avi was sent after him with a body oftroops, and he was brought back.. For a ~ong time he was kept in the JiUJ,ut4naa and subjected to the kicka of ~h and low. After that he was received into favour again. In all expeditIOns ~e was attached to Akba.r's stirrups, and afterwards ~_sen~ off .to _assISt the force that was employed in taking the fort of Slwana ID AJmer. In the 20th year he came there and did good serri-ce. ~hand.ar sen the Rija ?f Mirwir retired in order to escape from the lI~perlal forces. At thIS timea man came forward, and llepresented hImself as Devi Das who had been slaughtered in the battle with Mirzi Sharaf-ud-Din ~usain near Mlrtha in Ajmer. He wished through t~e Khin's instrumentality to be introduced at the Court. As at that tune search was being made everywhere for Chandar sen this impostorone day represented that Chandar Sen was hidden in the jiigir of Kali the son of Ram Rii.i and his (i.e. Chandar's) brother's son. Accordingly a ~or~e w~s~nt ~ainst Kali. Kala denied this and arranged with Shimal Khan 9urchi to put an end t~ the impostor. He (i.e. ShimalIbin). b::ought the lmposior one day. to his house and was prepa.ring to a.rrest ~un .. ' He by the strength o~his arms escaped, and then, having revenge ID _ h~ heart, on~ day:. mIStaking .Jajal Kbiin's quarters for Shimil Khan s attacked hun WIth some others. Jalii.l Khin though unprepa.red fought bravely, but was killed in the year 983 4 A.H. (November, 1575A.D.).
(MIR
SAIYID)

(Vol. I, pp. 530, 531.) He was the second son of Dlliwar Khin. He was appointed to the province of Kabul. Up to the end of Jahingir's reign, he held the rank of 1,000 with 600 horse. On the accession of Shih Jahin he received an increase of 500 with 100 horse. In the 3rd yea.r, he along with Sa'id Khan did good service in the affair 3 of Kamal-ud-Din, the son of Ruknud-Din Rohila. In the 12th year, when the Capital was adomed by the presence of the Emperor, he received a robe of honour and the office,of faujdar of Jammu in succession to Shih Quli Khin. In the 13th year, when Sul1An Murid Bakbsh was appointed with a force to remain at Bhera, he was m~e one of the Prince's officers. In the 14th year, he was granted an IDcrease of 300 horse and the present of a horse, and was appointed to the auxiliary forces of the Deccan. In the 18th year, his rank was 2,000 with 1,500 horse. Mter spending a long time in the Deccan, he, in the 30th year, went off with Mirza Khan Manuchehr to rewe the balance of the tribute of Kokna the Zamindiir of Doogarh 4. Later, at the request of Sultan Aurangzib Bahadur he was made faujdar and fiefholder of Nal?ITabad 6, etc., in ID!andesh. Mter Aurangzib's accession, he, in the 4th year, attained the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse and was made faujdiir of Hoshangabid in Malwa.
1 He also built an observatory at Mathura, but the buildinga have been pulled down;. see G~ouse, Mathura, p. 141. There is an account of Jai Singh'a astronomical work ID A~. Researche.B 'Y, p. 177 et Beq., by Dr. W. Hunter. Tieffentha.ler, I, p. 307, mentlOns that Jal Smgh sent for Father Boudier from Bengal in 1733, and ln 1736 :!father Antony Gabelsper~er and Andrew StrobI. from Germany, paying them their expen~eE'. On p. 366, Tieffentha.ler gives a pedigrea of the Jaipur family from Besehan (VIShnU 1) and Brahma down to Siwai Jai Singh who was No. 119 in descent. . 2 An Afr!lin tribe. 3 lt was an attempt of the Afr!lii.n tribes to take Peqhawar' see Bad8hiihniima I, p. 311. . ' 4 In Malwa: vide Jarrett's translation of A'in, II, p. 200. 6 Vide .Tarrett, Qp. cit., p. 225.

JALAL ~ADR.

(Vol. III, pp. 447-451.) He was the direct heir of Mir Saiyid Muhammad Bokbari Radavi who was separated by five generations from Shii.h '.A.lam 5 who is bWieJ in Rasulabid in the neighbourhood of Ahmadii.bid. Shah' .A.lam was
I ~ut it was in the 7th year, see Akbarnama, Text II, p. 181, Beveridge's translation II, pp. 279, 280. II P;operly Dhurpad, derived from the Sanskrit Dhruvapada, see Jarrett's. translatIOn of the A'in, III, p. 251, note 2. 3 F~r Jilauk1Jiina, see Beveridge's translation of Akbarniima, II, p. 404, note 1. 4 V~de Akbarniima, Text III, p. 159 and Beveridge's t.ranslation III, p. 225, ~d }Uochmann's t.ranslation of. A'i:n, I (2nd edn.), p. 491 Ja.lillhi.n was Beda.. ~I s patron. and mtroduced him dot the Court. He is mentioned in a letter or Fau;1I ~ havmg intl'?duced Badayii;nl 88 a suitable pel'8On to be made aD Imam (leader ID prayers), vide MuneaiiAab!4Tawa!ikA, Text III, p. 304. 5 Jarrett's translation of A'in, III, p. 372. Also KJ)a,rina.i-A,fiyd. II, p. 70.

tr

------------------738
(MIa SAIYID) JAL1L SADR.

-ul-Umara.

(MlB SAIYID) JAL4L

~A.DR.

739

born on 20 Jum.id.a. II, 817 A.H. (6 September, 1414 A.D.) and died in 880 A.H. (1475 A.D.). He obta.ined initi&tion .from his father Qu1ib AJam who WlI08 a gr~son of Sai..yid J&liJ Makbdiim Jahiniyin. on account of & qua.rrel with the governor ofUch and by the orders of JUS father &nd. teacher Shih M.qmiid, he (Qo~b 'AJam) in the time of SultAn Mabmud (Begarha.) who was sepe.ra.ted by two generations from SultAn M~ffar ofGujarii.t, came to that COUntry and settled in B&toh (Ba.twa) three Iros from Abmadl.bid.Re died 1 in 857 A.H. (1463 A.D.). MIr Saiyid Muhammad waa a SUOoe8801 of Shih ' Alam and waa distinguished for ability and holin.es8. Re had no equal in thoughtfulness and piety. Jahangir commi88ioned him. to traD8late the Qur'An in an easy style. .At the time when Jah&ngir went from Gujarit towards Cambay, with the intention of l'l&iling. on the sea, the MIr was treated with great respect and accompanied him. ShAh Jahin also had two interviews with the Sa.iyid. The first time waa in ~madibii.d when he was a Prince, and the second time was when he. was marching from Junair towM'ds the Capital. That great olie made this line aa a chronogram of his own birth: Man tl. daBt tl. daman tJlRasiil--I shall hold with the arm the skirt of the Apostle's famUy (!), (989 2 ). They say that the Sai.yid and his ancestors were of the Imimiya religion. -He died in 1045 A.H. (1635-36 A.D.) in the 8th year of Shih Jahin's reign, and W&il buried near the gate, towards the west of the tomb of Shih 'A1a.m. Mir Sa.iyid Ja.llil was adomed with excellent qualities, and was versed in the current sciences. He had a poetical vein, and his tatl1aUU{1 was Rat;li'i. . This quatrain of his is famous: Owing to my pride and haughtiness I am helpless, what can I do 1 ~hough I am a bondsman of need; what can I do ? I am dyingthrough poverty but will not supplicate to mybeloved. I am a lover with the temperament of a beloved; what can I do ! He WM born on 15 Jumii.daII, l003A.H. (25 February, 1595); Wlirill! RallUZ-Heir of the Apostle-is the cbronogram. After the accession of Shih Jahin he came, by his father's order, to offer congratulations. Ile was received at Agra with favour. After lilil desires were fulfilled he returned to his native land. He again came to the Court. As his
l'Jarrett, op. cit., Pr 372. The month and day of Shah' A1anl's birth 88 given in the text differ from those in Jarrett. The latter agrees sa to the month with the Mi1't-i.A!J,mad/i, and it appears that Saiyid Mul;18mmad WSB the son of Saiyid Jalil Mah AIa.m. There is an account of Saiyid Mul;I8mmad and his son Jalil in Biid8hhniima, I,.pt. 2, pp. 328 and 331. . II The chronogrsm yields 989 A.H. (1581 A.D.). The same chronogram is given in the BdsMhnma, I, pt. 2, p. 329. That in the Minit-i-Ab-madi, II,.f!' 27, 18 slightly different and is apparently incorrect. As Saiyid Jalii.1 the son WSB born in 1003, his father must have ma.med and probably had a child at the age of 13 or 14. It WSB apparently at MaJpniidib8d that Jahingir 8aW Saiyid Mul;1ammad and enpged him to trs.nslate .the Qur'in; see Rogers and Beveridge's tranl>la.tion of TUzu~i-Jahcingiri,II, pp. 34, 35, and Iql/dlncima-i.Ja1Kingiri, p. 107. The date of death of Saiyid Mu1}am m ad is given in the Mtr6t.i.A?mwdi, II, p. 27 &lJ 12 Rajab, 1045 A.lI. (22 December, 1635 A.D.). He 'lVaa buried in the ~ond Cemetery whichW8IJ made by Saif lI!in.

aneestoI-d had also served as officers of thc kings of Gujarit, Shih Jahin

on the 7th ShacbAa, 1052 A.H., in the 16th year, by importunity induced the Mir to doff' the garments of a faqir and to acoept the rank of 4,000 aDd the oBlce of thefJadiJrat of India in succession to Miisa.vi Kbin. The Sa.iyid, not'Withst?,nding his pleaaIDg m~nners and lofty descent represented l that oWIng to the perfunctormess and carelessness of Musavi Khin grants of maintenance land had been made to many persons who were not entitled to them, and many had got hold of lands by forged ~ocuments. An order was ~ed to the dominions th~ until lnquiry mto grants had been made, ma.mtena.nce lands are in general confisoated. Although in the realm of service this kind of inquiry-which is based upon the obligations of one's position and the claims of the master-is r~~nably.and properly regarded as commendable, yet it resulted in the SalY1d havmg a very bad name with the public. It ha.ppened that at the same time the Begam !;1ihiba.'s 2 dress caught fire, and she was ba.dly burot. Much charity was bestowed, and prisoners.were released. Debt/iwere remitted, and the above order was also cancelled. ~e Mir's allowa.nces were gradually increased till they came to 6,000 W1th 6,000 horse. If death had spared him.. he would have had still greater promotion. He died youDgat Libore, in the 21st year, on the Ist Jumid.a. I, 1057 A.H. (4 June, 1647 A.D.). They say, that Mulli Muhalllmad of Mazandarin came from ~ersia in ~is youth and visited many parts of India, and then settled lU Abmadabid. He became acquainted with the Mir and instructed him. The Mulli's poetry is not without charro. This verse comes from his 8iiqi1liima:

eiifi

Ver8e.
This wine has no connection with water You'd say it iS the melted sun. The MulIi made an anthology-ca.l1ed the Butil&na. It conta.ined 60 000 ve~es fr~m the Dit1718 of poets. Saif Inin the governor ~f GUj~at, believed lU the :MulIi. In deference to the demand of ~&hingIrhe was obliged to send him. He died on the road. During that period he made thisquatrain: . , O SMh, neither throne nor ring remain, For you only one or two y~s~f earth remain. Empty your chest and fill the darvishes' 8 bowl For this is all that will.remain for you. ' When the King heard t~ he felt compassion.
ShJh Jahin. She W&IJ burot by accident on the night of 6th April, 1644 A.D . see Sir J8dunath &rimr, HiBtory 01 Aurangzib I pp. 6~, and Yazdani's edition of Amal-i.~, II, pp. 399-403. see ~ls~ ManucCl I. p. 219, note. 3 Kaa'-~-dMVi8hin a kind of wine cup, and also a darVJsb's .kuli. Mulili Mul)amm8d lS mentioned. &lJ a poet of Ja.hli.ngJr'6 reign in lqlHilnma.i-Jahiingiri p. 308.. He is also mentioned at pp. 3f!6 and 499 of Sprenger'8 Oa4alogue and the .A1i8hlt:ada. It seeb1ll he W&IJ a natIve of Arnu, see Sprenger, p. 68 and note andp. :J3. see also the account of the Buti4cinain the Bodlewn Oatalogue, p. 1913. .lT,) :166. The work was begun in the reign of Akbar. .
1 Bd8hhMma, II, 365. 2 Jahiniri the daughter of

p.

u:

740

-ul Umara.

SHAlo JAM1L BAK1ITIYAR.

741

In short, Mir Saiyid Jali! left two sons. The first was named Sa.iyid Ja'far. In appearance and disposition he entirely resembled

his father. When the Mir undertook the employment of qadr, Ja'far became his successor at Snih '1Ia.m's tomb. The other son Saiyid 'Ali known &8 Ra4avi Khin became the qadr of India. A separate account of him has been given (MadY!ir-uZ-Umard, Text II, pp. 307-309). Mir Saiyid Jalil married his daughter to Sha.ikb Farid son of Saiyid Ba.hwa' of BolWira known as Dindir Khin.
(lWW.lJA)

JAL.lL-un.D!:N MAB:Mttn ~UR.lS.lNI (Cut.NoSe).

(VoJ. I, pp. 61lHlI8.)

BUJOQ

In the beginning he was a servant of Mirzi' Askari and went at his orders from Qandahir to collect the revenues ofthe province of Garmslr 1 ; during this time Humayun W&8 passing through that country on his way to Persia. He heard of the arrival of the Khwija and sent Biba DOst Ba.JWshi to him, so that he might take the proper course and enter into his service. The Khwija, accepted and became his servant. He presented everything he had in the way of money or goods, and Humiyiin made him his Major-domo. When after the return from Persia and the taking of Qand&hir the Khwaja behaved in a greedy manner to Mirza , Aska.ri's servants, he was handed over to Mir Muhammad' All. When in the year 959 A.R., Humiyiin sent off Akbar to Q..hazni-which had been included in his fief-in order that he might learn the way to rulethe Khwija W&8 sent with him and made his adviser in all affairs. From that time he was continually an object of favour, and did good service. As the Khwija W&8 aPadshah Quli 2, and did not go out of his way to pay homage to other men, and as courtiers desire that everyone should Batter them, many of Humiyiin's grandees did not like him. He also had the fault of jesting and sarcasm, which is the worst offence in men of rank, and used to make fun of the Amirs. He said improper things under the guise of jokes-which the ignorant call joviality-and there was hardly anyone who had not been pricked by his thorns. In the beginning of Akbar's reign the Khwija received the rank of 2,500 and was sent off to the government of Q..hazni. The selfseeker group found its opportunity and incited :Mun'im Khin, who was the governor of Kibul, and reyived in him the old idea of vengeance. Also in India. Bairim Khan was incensed against him and incited Mun'im Khin to put him to death. The Khwija heard of Mun'im Khan's antipathy and fell into anxious 'thoughts. He could not go to India as the King had, on accomit of his youth, no authority there, and Bairam Khin was all powerful. Once in Humayiin's time, Bairam Khin had, on account of the Khwija's improper language, taken the opportunity of seizing him in the bathroom and treated him with great ignominy. Now (that he had the power) it was clear what he would do. What violence would not his riva.ls have recourse to now 1 Nor 'Could he remain in Qhazni
Na,iri; l, p. Ul, note 3, etc. I Thia WlI8 the title Jilalud-Din took, and it implied that he .lave IIII.d nobody else'.
. l

for the anger of Mun'im Khan was apparent, but disloyalty against him was the worst of fauIts. Consequently, he could not see how to give up service and go elsewhere. At last Mun'io Kha~ .sent a body of men to him and summoned him to his presence after gIVIng oaths and promises, and' then imprisoned him. After that, tho~gh h~ e:yes were lanced several times, his eyesight W&8 not des~royed. Think~g that he had been b1inded, Mun'im Khan rele~ed him. The KhwaJa went off,.as quickly as possi~le towards IndIa by: way of Bang~h, but Mun_~ Khin heard of thiS and sent some actIve men after hIm. The KhwaJa was caught along with his younger brother Jalil-udDin Mas'iid. and W&8 bound and imprisoned. In the 3rd year s~~e me~ were appomted one night to kill these two innocent m~n. Barr?,m Khan, also ~ad sent an order for their execution. On heanng of thIS Akbar was mwardly indignant, but &8 he had not yet thro~ off the veil of inaction he left the punishment of evil-doers to the Almlghty 1 God.
SXAIlW JAM.lL BAtillTIYA'R.

(Vol. II, pp. 566, 567.)

He was the son of Shai:kb Muhammad Bakbti;v8.r, ~nd their d;ynasty entitled Din LaqalJ had been living for a long. tl~e m C~andwar ~n.? Jalisar near the ~uba of Akba.,!ibad (Agra). His ~ISter, Gohar,unNlSa, was the Superintendent (Sar-A mad) ?f the p~laces In ~he hareD;1 of Ak bar; and by reason of this close associatIon Shal!ili Jamal W&8 r~18e~ to t~e rank of 1,000. ~nvious people, who had t~orn~ of. ang~l1~ m then: hearts at his advancement, secretly mixed pOIson In hIS dri~ water, the Shaikb became ill and Rup, one of the servants of the King, who had drunk some of the'same water, also fell ill. When the news reached the King,'he himself administered antidotes, and both of th~~ reco~ere.?-. In the 25th year, he was ordered to accompany I~ma il Quh Kh~n on the expedition against Niyabat Khan, who had rebelled, and did good service in the battle front. .In th~ 2~th year, he was .?-eputed with the Prince SultAn Murad agaInst Mirza M~a~ad I;lakim:. On the day of arrival of the Prince at Kabul,_th~ Shadili With gr~at military skin took possession of the pass of Chanartu, and after fight~ a battle 'th th~ forces of the Rakim Mirza joined the army of the Prmce. One &y Akbar was offended at the smelI of wine which exuded from him, and excluded him from the Court. The Shaikb out of shame and 'pride squandered away aJI his property and asau~ed t~e garb o.f a .mendl~ant. The King becoming greatly annoyed at this actIOn put him mto prISon. . After a time, however, his faults were forgive~ and he was reBtor~d to favour. For a time he performed faithful serVICe, but;. &8 he contmu~d 'with his vice, he later developed tremors. In .the 30th y:ear, while returning from Zibulistan (Mihinistin), ~e, ~WIng to the mcrease of his ma.Iady, was permitted to stay at Ludhiina, In the same year, 993 A.H. (1585 A.D.), he 2 died.
l Thia biography i. taken from the Akbarnma, Text 1,1, pp. 70. 71, and ~eve ridge'. tranI1ation II, pp. lOS-lIO. see also Blochmann 8 translatIOn of A .n, I (2nd edn.), p. 4J7. M~J<'''' . J u---" 18 . IHia biography mainly ~ on the above account ID included in Blochmann'. translation of .A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 469. 470.

A tract of country in. the territory of KhuriiBii.n,

Bee

Raverty, 1'abalfit.i
WIUl

the King's

.....,..r.... ........

742

(M1B)

:u.M.1L~UDDIN

INJO.

Maii~ir

(MIRZi) J1N1 Bita ABQBON.

(MIR) JAMU.. un.D!N 1 INJO.

m~ of "hich he had himself superintended in Bijipiir~n ~ hilt

(Vol, III, pp. 358-360.) The Injiis belong to the Saiyids of Shiriz, and they are desoended from Qii.sim-ur-Rii.si son of Hasan son of Ibrihim Ta.bitabi'i Husa.ini. Mir Shih Mahmiid, and MIr' Shih Abii Tura.b were' in l8.ter tnnes the most distinguished of this fa.mily. -By" "the help of MIr Sha.ms-ud-Din ~ ~. Shiistari the ljadr o~ Irin, the first becaroein Shih 'rahmisp's tlille ShaIib~ul-Islim of Persla and the second .A.q4i.vJ,.Qtul4ilt (Qi4i of Q84is). Mir Jama.l-udDin was their cousin. He came to the Deccan and. was treated with respect by the rulers there, and they allied themselves with him. Mterwards he entered Ak.ba.r's" service, and, in the 30th year, received the rank of 600. In the 40th year, he had the rank of 1,000. They say, that by the end of .Akbar's reign his rank was 3,000. When in the end of the50th II year "the fort of Asirga.rh was taken, 'Adil Shih of Bijipiir showed a desire to give his daughter in marriage to Prince Da.niyii.I, and Akbar sent off the Mir there with the betrothai paraphernalia. The Mir, in 1013, held the marriage feast on the bank of the Ganges (Godiva.ri) near Pattan and made over the bride to the Prince, and himself came to Agra He produced before the King such a tribute as never haC come before from the Deccan. As he was intimate with Prince Sultan .3alim, he obtained the rank of 4,000 when the latter ascended the throne and was e:mlted with the gift. of drums and a flag. When Sul~in Il!usrau fled. from the Court ll, the Mir was sent off to bring about a reconoiliation by offering him the territories which Mirzi Muhammad ij:akim had held. He out of foolishness and ?,n evil fate did not ~ccep~ the offer.. When he was captured and brought mto the Presence wIth his compamons, I;[assn Beg Badakbshi, who was the chief of Khusrau's affairs, ma.de a long story before Jahingir and said, "I was not the only associate (of lQlusrau), all the Amirs who are standing here, were partners in this business. YetJterday Mir Jaroil-ul Din Injii, who came to effect a reconciliation, took from us an agreement for an appointment as a Panjhii/zari (5,000)." The Mir changed colour and beoame agitated- (dast pijeka ga8ht). The Khin A'zam boldly said "It is strange that Your Majesty lends an ear to this babbler. He know~ t~at he will ~ put. to death, and he ~ants to ha~e a number of persons killed along With hlillself, I am the prlille mover ID this business let me be visited with every severity that I deserve." The King on 'hearing these words, tumed away from the matter, and comforted the Mir~ After that ~he ~ was appo~nted governor of Bihir. In the nth year, he had the tItle of Ac;lud-ud-Daula 4. He presented a jewelled dagger-the
Blochma.nn's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 499-501. Asir was taken in the 45th year, 1009 A.D., but the marriage did not take place tili four years later. . 3 4 z akJuj~a, apparently the author h~re uses a ~diisti.ni word. The sending of J amaludDm to offer te~o lIluarau 11 not mentIOned iD the authentic Memoirs of Jahii.ngir, but is mentioned in Price's JahangVr, p. 86. In the .Il.uthentio Memoire (Rogers and Beveridge's translation I, p. 68) Jahanglr 8By& he stopped H&tIID B6g when he began. to talk wildly. . " 4. Tuzuk.i-Jahangiri, op. cit., pp: 317, 318. It appears that he presented the ",well~d dagger on Kew Year's day of the llth year, and before he got his title (;oc. c,t., p. 320)_
1

of which WP a yellow ruby (ydqiU) of perfect water and of the mze of half a hen's eggo It also had rubies of good oolour and old emeralda of good water and oolour. Its value was reckoned at Rs.50,OOO. For a long time he lived on his :fief in Ba.hri'ich. He came to the Court from there and died. He 1 had map.y aooomp1ishments. He composed ~he Farhang JaItiJ,ngiri which is highlyesteemed and reokoned &8 a.n authonty. Certainly, it is of ~eat value on &Coo~nt of its de:finitioD8 o~ worda and its fixing of the di&critical marks. His eldestson :MIr AJnin-ud.Din was appointed to the Deooan along with him. He.w&8 ma.nied to the~aughter of 'Abd.ur.Rabim Khin-lQlinin, and obtamed some promotIon. He died in his youth. Ria second Bon I;[usim-ud-Din II Murta4i Ihin has been separately notioed.
(bZI) JINl Bita AB.o.u0N (the Ruler of Thatha).

(Vol. III, pp. 302-314.) HeS was a delllJendant of Sh&nkal (or Shakal) Beg Tar~in. As Shankal's father Atkii Timiir had bravely saori:fioed li!'e in. battle against Taqtamish lQlin Timiir took oare of Shankal m his obildhood and made him a Tarliliin. Four generations intervened between Atkii and Arihiin lQlin -Who was the son of ~biih lQlin son of ~ulAk.~~. Just prinoes distinguished some of thell servants by c~rtam_pnvileges and gave them the name of TaribiIl8. ~e ushers (Ohtiwas!!4n) hatl no power to prevent the Ta.ribiti:s from havmg acoeBS to ~ur, and they and their children were noi accountable so long &8 they did not exceed the oommission of niD.e offences. Chengiz ibin had ~nferred the rank upon Qashliq and Biti' for having given him information about the enemy, and out of unbounded gra.ciousne88 ~~ved them from the duty of attendance and they were exoused from havmg to sunender t~: royal share in the plunder. Some Tar\hAns were exeJted by Bev~n pnvileges: first a. drum (UJU); second a Timan-lOgA (a yak.tail stan~); third a Noqqra (ketile.drum); fourth two of his oho~n_men had a. qu.lit&tOgA, i.e. a 01tatr.tOgj (umbrella. standard); :fifth hIS qur (wea.pons) we~ ~ borrle-among the Moihu1B no one but the ruler oan oarry qUlv~ m his hand (bar nl.i-da8t); sixth he could enclose a forest as his huntmggro\Uid and whoever entered it becll.me his servant; and seventh he was the he~ of his tribe. In the State.haJI the Am.irs sat on either side of him at a distance of a bow's length. When Tuihluq Timiir raised Amir Liiliji II to this dignity he had two additional privileges, mz., ~e could appoint and dism~s offioers up to the .... rank of one thousand (hazari), and secondly, he and his desoendants were

b:is

e:

l There 18 a very plea8ing account of Jamii.ludDIn in Sir Thomas Roe's Jou'r"Tl4l, HaJi:luyt Society, p. 2313, etc. He died at Agra in 1035 A.H. (1626 ~.D~): He must then have been a very old man. His dictionary the Farhang JaJujng~r~ has been detlcribed by Blochmann, Journ. As. Soo. Bengal for 1868, pp. 12-15, and Iva.now, Ducriptit'e Cat., Persian MSS., A.S.B. (1924), p. 676. II Maiijhir-ul.Umaf'a, Text Ill, pp. 382-384. ., . B Taken from Akbarnama, Text Ill, p. 635, Be.vendge s t~tion Ul, pp. 973-975, and footnotes in which the various appellatIOns are fully d.i8cUlll6d. 4 see Beveridge, loe. cit., p. 973, n?te 5. . 6 Biilagi iD Akbarnama, see Beverldse, loc. C'It.. p. 974.

T~-

----===------~- O~~~ --_=-_==-=-__

744

(MIRZA) JANI B:\IJG ARQHON.

Madil1ir

ul-Umara.

(MIRZA) JANI BilO ABQBON

745

permitted. to .commit nine offences with impunity; an enquiry was, however, mstltuted when the number of offences exoeeded nine In retribution for having shed blood he was set upon a white horse ~hioh was two years old. A white rug was plaoed under the horse's feet. One of the gran~ees of the Barlas clan interrogated him, and one of the heads of ~h~ Arkiwat ~ clan_conveyed his reply (to the Khan). They then opene~ hIS Ju~ular ~em (s"!ihrag). Those two grandees watched, one on eaoh sIde of hIll, tilI he died. Then they took away his body from the pr~sence _a~d sat ~o~ ~nd lamented over him. Khi<;lr Khwaja raised Mir Khudii.dad to this dignity, and added three more distinctions First on !he marria~e day, when all the grandees are on foot except' a royai yasawal who 18 mounted to keep order, the Tarkbin also will be on horse,!>a~k; Second, a:t the happy banquet (of the marriage), one (of lQ!ud~a~ s chamberlaIns) stood on the Khan's right holding the cup of mare S milk (qa'flUl.4) and another on the left. Third, that his seal was to appear on the front of protocols, but the seal of the ruler would be plaoed above his.. Shaikb Abiil Fa~U says that all these favours, if they were o0n.r~rred WIth prudence, would be aooeptable to the Creator but the proV18lOn about not inquiring into nine offences was not reason'able. Should mlers ha~e ascettained by trial that the officer made a Tarkban would not com1lllt ?,~y wrong act, there was some sense in the prooedure ~ut as/or the p.roV18Ion about not inquiring into offences for nine genera: tIOns,. lt would Illply that the Almighty had given the ruler the power of knowmg the future. Mirza. ' Abdul' Ali son of' Abdul Khii.liq was the fourthancestor (greatgrea.t-/:?"andfather) of !anI _Beg,~nd he obtained high rank from Sultan Ma~m_u~ son of Mirza Abu sa ld, and was made governor of Bo kbara. ShaI~anI Khii.n -Uzbeg ~as his servant, ~ut when he came to the sovereignty !!-e _WIokedly s~e:w l! hIB master and his five sons. The sixth was Mirza Isa, whow~ SIX months old. The Arihiin olan being without a head left_Transo:nana and oame to Khurii.san to Mir :obu-un-Niin who was the Amir-ul-l:!mara e:nd Comm~nder-in-Chief of Sultan J;lusain Mirza, and the guardIan, of h18 so~ Badi -uz-Zamin MIrzi, and ileld Qanda.hir in fief. ~en ~d1 -uz-Zaman rebelled against his father, Mir :obii-un-Niin JOIned hIm, and gave him his daughter in marriage. Afterwa.rds whe~ the ~za (i.e. Sultan J;lusain Mirza) died, his two so~ Bad.I -':lz-Zaman an~ Mu~affar Mirzi suooeeded him. Khurii.sin fell into confu~lOn, and .ShaI~ak (Shaibii.nI) Khan oame to attack it. Amir Ubiiun:.Nun _was kille~ In the battle against him. Shuja.' Beg, known as _ Shah Be~,_ was hl~ son and held Qandahii.r. In 890 A.H. he took-the fo,:t of 81\: (Sehwan) from the Jam Ni~am-ud-Din, oommonly known as Jam.Nanda who was the mler of Sindh. In former times the sovereignty of Smdh belonged. to the Sumras. Mter 500 years, during which 36 persons ru~ed, and ID the end of the reign of Sultan Muhammad TuiJ;lluq the sovereIgnty came to the Summas who belonged to the tribe of Jadun. They 0a.I!ed themselves descendants of Jamshed, and each of them was called. Jam.. The country was annexed by the Emperors of DelhI. OccaslOnally lt rebelled. Accordingly, Sultan F"IrUZ Shah in the time of
l See Beveridge, loe. cit., p. 975. the, muter who note 2l.In reference to _ .

Pin Bhata 1 thrice led an army into Sindh and brought him to Delhi. And he made over the country to bis (own) servants. Mterwards, when Pan Bhata showed signs of good conduct he was made governor of the country and sent there. When the Delhi Government became weak, the Sindh rulers allied themselves to the rulers of Gujarat. But as the clans of Shih Beg were fixed in Sindh, he easily took Bhakkar and Siwistin. When Jam Nanda died, there arose a dispute about the sovereignty between Jam Firuz his son and Jim eal&h-ud.Din, who was one of bis sons-in-Iaw. The latter becamesuocessful through the help of Sul~an Mahmud of Gujarat. Jam ~lfiiz was helpless; and took refuge with Shah Beg. He helped him with an army, and Jam ~alah-ud-Din was killed. Jam F'Iriiz again beCanIe suocessful. When Babur Badshah came from Kibul and. besieged Qa.ndahar, Shah Beg exerted himself to resist him. He was not suecessful, and so abandoned Qandahar, and laid hold of Thatha and its dependencies. The chronogram is K1Jariibi ,. 8indk-:-the min of Sindh (932 A.H. or 1526 A.D.). Jim Firuz could not resist him. He went off to Gujarit and became an officer of Sul~an Bahii.dur. Shah Beg coined money and had. the KAu#Ja recited in that country in his own name. -He was a brave man and possessed _of learning and of excellence. The 8OOr1J,-i-'Aqa'id Nasafi8, the 8ha:r1J, Kafiya, and the 8OOr1J, MataU' are by him. He took :Multan from the Langahs. When he died in 930 A.H., his son Mirzi Shah ij:usain succeeded him. He repaired the fort of Bhakkar, which is situated on a height in the middle of the Panjab rivera and erected great buildings. He went on an expedition to Multin. Sultan Mahmud Langah who was the ruler at the time suddenly died, and was suoceeded by his son SultAn ij:usain. Mirza Shah I;lusain besieged the place and took it in 932 A.H., and appointed a governor of his own. Humayiin, in the time of his misfortunes, came there, and was detained by Sultan ~usain by subter. fuges for some time at Bhakkar. Mterwards, when he made N~ :Mirzi '-the paternaI uncle of Humayiin-his ally by promising to make him his son-inlaw, he proceeded to contend with Humayiin. The latter was obliged to go to Persia. SultAn ij:usain. however, did not keep faith with N~ Mirza. They say, Sultan ij:usain was overoome by a fever and could not repose except in the river. He spent six months in descending the river and six months in ascending it. When he was coming towards Bhakkar _some distinguished Arihiins left him and raised to the throne Mirza 'Isa son of 'Abdul' Ali, the great.grandfather of
l See Jarrett's trllo118lation of A'in, II, p. 345, where it is Jim Bli.nhatiya.h. It i8 Jam Malitha son of JlI.m AnaJl in De and Prllo6had'lI translation of fabaqt-i-Akbari, III, p. 774 IIo11d Jam B8.nhatiya in De and Hidayat Hose.in's Text, III, p. 513. 2 The chronogram i8 wrong, IIo11d should be !Qle.rabi Sind, and not Sindh. This yields 927. 932 must be incorrect for Shah Beg died in 928, IIo11d the Maiit!!ir.ul. Umara iWittle lower down gives 930 as the date of his death. Sindh i8 no doubt a copyist!s-error. The true date is 928 aa shown by the chronogram SOOhr SOO'Mn. The month IIo11d the year are Sha'ba.n 928 A.H. or June, 1522 A.D. See Elliot. I, p.502. Much of the history of Sindh in Matitllir article is taken from the A'in, 8ee Jarrett'8 tre.nslation II, p. 345, and 80me is derived from Tabaqat.i.Akbari and Feri8hta'8 History. . a The list of Shah Beg'8 writings is taken from fabaqat-i.Akbari, see De e.nd Praahad's translation III, p. 782, note 2. 4. Properly Yii.dgar N~ir Mirza. He WIlo6 Humii.yiin'l cousin, being the Ion of Bibur'l halfbrother N~ir MIrzi.. The name Yii.dg8r may imply, that he was a posthumoU8 child.

w'&ll

killed. _

Beveridge, loe . u ,P 976, .

10

r ,
;

746
Jini Beg, whose family had formerly been ahiem of the tribe. Shi.h Hus&in, with th& help of his foeterbrother Sultan :Mabmud, who W&8 governor of Bha.kka.r, fought with 'Isa.. A sort of peace was made, and MIrzi 'Iai got three shares, and SUh I;(usain two. When he died in 963 1 A.H. (1f)56 A.D.) the whole country came into the poseession of ~i 'IsA. He died in 975 A.H. A qua.rrel arosebetween his 80ns Mub&mmad Biqi and Jin Bibi.. Mul;l.ammad Biql, the eIder brother, prev&iled and became the ruler. In 993 A.H. (1585 A.D.) he W&8 overpowered by madness and having fixed asword hilt in the wall, drove the point into his belly and died. The Arihnns gave the sovereignty in name to his 80n Piyinda. Mul;l.ammad, but 88 he wa.s a. recluse am incJmed to be mad, the work of administration was entrusted .to his son Mirzi 2 .Jinl Beg. When the Panjib was for fourteen years the residence of Akbar, the Mirzi, although he wa.s so near, did not wait upon him. In the end of the 35th year, 999 A.H. (1591 A.D.) an order wa.s issued to Khin~in-who had been sent off from Libore to tue Qa,nd&hir-to send someone to Jini Beg to warn him to be careful otherwise he wa.s to punish him at the time of his return. Kbin-IQlin8.n held Mu1tm and Bha.kkar i,n fief. He left aside the direct route by Qba.znl and ~nga.sh a.nd took the long route with the intention of visiting his fief. Mea.nwhile, a.s Sindh was added to his ~ons, he obtained permission to conquer Sindh. Mirzi JinI Bag advanced lij() b,witha large force to enooUI1ter him and fought a gal1&nt battle with him on the borders of Siw:istin. He was defeated in Mubarra.m 1000 A.H. and compelled to make pea.ce. ln the 38th year, 1001 A.H., he aooompa.nied IhtnKhinin to Libore, and pa.id homage to Ak1,>a.r. He received the rank of 3,000, and wa.s granted the fief of Multf.n. Sindh wa.s a.ssigned to Shihrukb Mirza. Buta.t that time news ca.me tha.t the Ara:hiins to the number of 10,000 men and women, were coming up the river by boat. The boatm"n and the servants Were distre88ed by the emigra.tion (mulk raftgi)and were tea.rlng I themselves with their hands and teeth. Akbar out of his inDate kindnesshad compa.ssion on Mirzi JinI mg, restored him to the government of Sindh. The port of Liha.rI (Liri B&nd&r) remained crown-land and the 8ar1rdr of SIwistin-which (Jf.nI :6g) had formerly' given a.s pl8h1caBh (tribute)-was given in grant to other men. In the 42nd year his ra.nk was 3,500. The MIrzi was adomed with eloquence., and wisdom, and his words and deeds showed hone!lty. He was a.ddioted . to drink from his ea.rly years, but he did not show any eyll effects from it, and was careful in his speech and aots. Excess of ~e made him ill, and he got convulsions and delirium. He died in 1008 6 A.H., in the 45th year of the reign, at Barhinptir after the taking of .Asir. They say, that one day at an assembly he said that if he had held such a. fort as Asir he would not surrender it for a century. Tale-hearera repea.ted this to
l See De a.nd Pra.shad's edition of the 1'abaqt-i-Akbari,III, p.784, note l. The year of the death of Shii.h !;Iusain's death is given there as 962, but this is apparently incorrect. 2 See Tabaqat-i-Akbari.. III, p. 786. . I Akbarnma, Text III, p. 642, Beveridge's translation III, pp. 985, 986. , He really died in 1009. see Ak1>amma, Text III, p. 783, and Be'Y'eridge'iJ translation m, p. 1172. Perhaps the author means to insinuate that Akbar poisoned bim. It W88 a charge against A.kbarthat he tried to poison MIrZi, 29izl the son of Jii.nI B&g, but the latter by mistake took the poison pili himIeIf.

747

.Ak'" and he "aIHlispleaeed; at this timeThese V6r8eSdied. his: had a Jini B6g He are poetical vein. His pen-naxne
wa.s~.

VerBe8.
the time when love wa.s my oompanion; Sighs during the night and orieslin the moming wertl my normal routine. Heaven's sad influence, however, did not leave it to me To enjoy the fruits of SOTlOW which graoed my life. The length of the country of Sindh 1 from Bhakkal' to Kachh and :Mekrf.n is 257 koa, its breadth on one side from BadIn to Bandar' lAri is 100 1ooB, and on the other from Chindu, one of the dependencies of Bbakkar, to B"1kanir is 60 koa. On the ea.st lies Guja.rit, to the north Bhakkar and. Sivi, to the south the ocean, and to the west Kachhand Mekrin. It is situated in the second climate and lies in the LOngitude 102 30' and La.titude 24 10'. Its Capital city fonnerly was Br&hmanibid; at present it is known as Thatha and DabU. It is noted for its good olimate and abundance of fruits; verdure a.dds to the beauty of the la.ndscape; love of easa and musio are characteristic of the people, and wine and music a.re to be found in every house. The dress of the womenfolk whether old or young is 8&ft"ron coloured. Tpough education is widespread, and leamed and intelleotual men are commonly found, iniquity and debauchery '&re rampa.nt.Nobles and plebia.ns go over to the tomb of the pir of Path&. (who is the patron .intof the oountry) situated on a high area at ft. distance of about a league from the city. The pir was a follower and SUCOeB80r of sh&ikh Babi' -ud-Din Zak&rlyi; his name wa.s lbribim and title shi.h 'A1am. In the north the mountains form several ranges, one extends to Qa.ndahir, and the second from the sea-coast to the town of Kohmir (also known 88 Ri.mgar) and terminates in Siwistin, where it is known a.s LakhI. This area. is inhabited, by an important Baluoh tribe called K.lminI, and which can raise twenty thousand horsemen. A fine bread ofcamels is indigeno:us in the area. A third range runs from Siwistin to SIVi, it is called Khar -, and is inhabited by a tribe called Ta.hmurdi th..t can raise .. force of 300 horse 4loI1d 7,000 foot. Next is another tribe of Ba1uch; known &8 ~ with a force of lL thousand men. A fine breed of horses oomes from this tra.ct. . A fourth mountain chain, which touohesKachh on the one me a.nd the K.alminiterritory on the other, is known a.s Kirah, it is inhabited by four thousand Ba1u.chJs. From the boundary of .Mu1ti.n a.nd Achh there run in the north to Thatha high mountain ranges iDha.bited by numerous elans of Ba1uchs, while in the south from Achh to Gujarit there extends a barren sandy mountainous traot; and also from Bhakka.r to N~~tir and Amarkot. The people are dark and poor and are depeDdent on others for support. In the winter season there is no need of ~na (fur-?ned coat.s), an~ the summer hea.t is moderate except in Siwistin. Fruits of VarIOUS kinds are found and mangoes are specially
l The following account of the topography of j,Qdh and the Liver.Eaters is taken almost verbatim from the account of the &rimr of Thatha in .d'in.i.Akbari, Text I, pp. 655-557. and Jarrett's tranalation n, pp. 836-:-339. KMIIa,. lUId N~ in Jarrett. loe. oil., p. 337.

Fo~un ..te 1v&8

JOB,

748

J ANteK BAlLlDUB.

MadfMr

-ul Umara.
tbe Mirzi's sons to Akbar's Court in the 30th year and received a suitable appointment ~ogether with a ro~ of ~onour, a ho;se and a sum of money. At the_ same ,~lIDe he went off W1th Za.m Khan Koka to settle the affairs of t~e Yusufza.18.. When t!,te. royal army was defeated, and the Kokaltish W1Bhed ~o. kill hImse~,. Jarosh ,Bahidur seized his reign and turned him ~c~, _willing or~. Afte~ards, he took part in the affair of the T~ ~he ~ush?,ms),.fi~st W1~h K~nwar.Min Singh, secondly with f;jidIq Khan, thirdly m &8818tmg Zalll Khan, and performed various servioes. In the 35th year when Khin-Khinin was appointed to take the fort of Qandahar, ~e was one of those who was deputed to accompany him. ~ ~hat affall' was delaye~ and Khan-Khinin was bidden to take Thatha, JaDl8h went t~ere and did good service. In the 38th year he returned to,th~ Court W1th Khan-Khanin and paid his respeot!!. Afterwards he was appomted ~o the Deccan, and was finally in Rimpfui. In the 46th year .correspond mg ~o 1~9 A.H. (1600-1601 A.D.) he died 1 of a pain in his be!ly. After him, his brothers got a jtigir and served in that province. His son w~ Shuji't I Khan Shidi Beg, of whom a separate account 8 has been gIven.
JAN NITH.1R ~lN.

good. In the desert a variety of melon grows wild. Flowers are plentiful, and Shiili rice is abunda.nt and of good quality. In the saJt and iron mines of the area people can store curded milk for as long as four months. A species of fish known as Palwah 1 whioh is unrivaJIed for its taste and flavour is also .found there. This area is very rioh in its produce of grain, and one-third of the produce is taken over as the revenue. This area is divided into 5 8arlcar8 and 53 parganahB, and the revenue is 66,052,693 diims l . During these days the whole province of Sindh is governed by Khudiyar Khin Lati who had for a long time farmed the 8uba of Thatha with the 8arkiir8 of Siwistin and Bhakkar on behalf of the Government (of Delhi), and subsequently when by treaty the country on the other side of the Indus was ceded by the Shih of the time to Nfi.dir Shih, the area on his behalf continued to be administered by "the said Khin. . The greatest wonder in the narrative of this land is the description of the Liver-Eater (Jigar Mwar)-they are known as Da'ins (witohes ~). He is a person who can abstract a man'sliver by glanoos and incantations. Some assert that at certain times and under certain conditions he can render senseless any person he looks upon, and then takes from this person something resembling the seed of a pomegranate, whioh he conceals for a time in the calf of his leg. During this time the person, whose liver has been abstracted, rema.ins unoonscious. And when they beoome hopeless of his reoovery, he throws this seed on fire, and it spreads like a plate. This ( ~ the roasted seed) is divided amongst his oompanions and eaten, and the unoonsciousviotim dies. He gives a portion of this food and teaches the inca.ntation to whomsoever he wishes to make a convert to the practice of this art. And whep he is caught practising this art, they cut open his calf and extracting the seed give it to the victim to eat, and he recovers. Most of the followers of this sect are women. If they are thrown into the river with a stone tied to them, they do not sink. When it is desired to deprive any of them of this power, they brand both sides of his head and aJI joints, and filling the eyes with salt suspend him for forty days in a subterranean 8 chamber, and give him food without salt, and some of them recite incantations over him. During this period he is known as Jl!Jo,hjrah ". Although he has lost his power,he ie still able to reoognise (a liver-eater);' and these pests are captured through his agency. He can restore peo~e to health by incantations, and by a.dministering certain drugs.
J1.NISK BAHADUB.

(Vol. I, pp. 527-529.) He was'.a well-known officer! and his name was Ka.mil-ud-Din I,lusain: He was a faIthful follower of Prince Shih Jahin from his early days and ",as the head of his.confidential and loyal servants. When BanirsI the Inspector of elephants in Jahi.ngIr's time, who in the speed of his t~avel exoeeded even that of the heavens, started at the instance of Yamin-udDaula, with the news of the death of Jahingir Bidshih and :from Kashmir in twenty days reached JUll&ir in the Deccan on 19 :Rabi' I 1037 A H (28 November, 1627 A.D.), and conveyed the news of the death of th~ Emperor. From there, as the resolutions of Shih Jahin in the matters of gov~rnment did not brook delay cr negligence, he after three days' mournmg on the 23rd of the said month started for the Capital city of ~a by _way_o! Qujari~. ~d . he despatched Jin Nithir Khin 4 to Khan Jahan !-,&h at Burhanpur W1th a farman conferring various favours and concessIOns, and confirming him as hithertofore in his ma'Tl,fab jagir and the ~ubadiiri of the Deccan. 'The object was t~ obtain informa~ tion regarding his intentions after winning him over by royal favour more particularly as ~ insincerity and faithlessness were well' known: As fortun~ a~d prosperIty had forsaken him, he on receipt of the jarmiin showed his mdIfference, and sent back Jin Nitbar Khin without any reply, The latter reached the royal Presence at .Ahmadibid and was honoured on the day of the audience with the grant of the rank of 2 000 ~,OOO horse, and the gift of a flag and drums, an elephant and Rs.H~,ooO Jn cash. And in the 3rd. year, on the death of Diyinat Khin he. was
Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.) pp 537 538 ' . , 3 Maiitl!ir.uZ-Umara, Text II, pp. 662-664. ' 'Iqbiilnrnt;t-i.JaJuingiri, pp. 298, 299, KhafI K!lin, I, p. 391, and Banarsi PralMld Htatory of ShahJahan, p. 60. '
l

(VoL I, pp. ~11, 512.) He was one of the YalcaM (single-fighters, i.e., paladins or champions) of Mirzi Muhammad ~akim. After the death of the Mirzi he came with
l Palwah or Palla of Sindh is the famous Hm fish of Bengal. Its scientific name is IltUa iliaha (Ham. Buch.). s According to Jarmtt, Zoc. cit" p. 339, the revenue was 66,15,393 (or var. 66,15,293) dm8 or Rs. 1.65,38.~13-2. a cr.-oJ fl in the Text il apparently a mistake for cr.-oJ T"';'

~ Id., p. 538.

, Dohachrah in Jarmtt, op. cit., p. 339.

760

-ul-Umara.

J.1N SIPAR &lJAN.

751

appointed. &8 the oftioer..in-charge 1 of the fort of A.bmadna.ga.r; and was further favoured with the grant of &.40,000 &8 a contribution for expeD!le8. .Ami in the 'th year, on anival ..t the Court,he W&8 exalted by an inorease of 500 with 500 hOrBe, and appointed &8 faujd4r of the L&khi Janga.l. And. he was later tra.nsferred to BiwiatiD &8 the Jaujdfir. When in the llth year, Qa.ndab-,r was oonquered by the royal officers, the ,abadars and !aujdrs of the neighbourhood with auxiliary forces reached there for help. Ji.nNit;bir Ibin &Jao hastened from his area, and took an active part in the fighting; and in the eompany of. Qulij Ihin EJiibadiir of Qand&hi.r, he rendered valuable Berrices in the oonquest of the fort~f Bust. In the 12th year, another 500 horse were addfld to his MCJtIftlh, and on transfer from SiW'istin to Bhakbr he took up the government of the &reli. in sucoo88ion to Yiisuf Muhammad Ibin. And in the same yeu he died. The lhi.n made a large harem by forcing most of the Zaminlltirs of the area of the tribes of SImja and S1idh to give their daughters to him; and in this ~y W&8 able so successfully to carry out his policy (of control), that in a short time no tra.ce of refra.ctory or corruptive elements W&8 left. After his dea.th,all the Zamitultirs took away their daughters from his house by force., Perhaps this ha.ppened in Bhakk&r (the boundaries of which &djoin thOBe of Siwist.n), for &8 is well known II he did not die in the province of SiW'ista.n. His son Mirza. ~a~ ullih received, in view of his claims &8 a lLJaiJnaziid, royal favours from his childhood. In the reign of Aurangzib he was exaJted with the title of Bui.lat IQlin, a.nd Was the &/chshi of the a.rm.y of PrinQe '!pm Shih at Bijipiir, &nd for a time he remained in this oftioe. They .y, that he used to drink constantly and so died.
(MAnb.1o) JbOJl JASWANT NXVB1LJUB. 8

IQlin Bah&dur,/and entered his service. In the hatties with' Alam 'Ali ~ and Mubi.riz 1bi.D 'Imi.d-ul-Mulk he di&tillguished himself and received .the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse. After Af;I&f Jii.h's death he held a swtable rank and had hereditary estates. He was a good manager o~ p~pe~y, an~ develC?ped the est.ates. He collected a suitable force and distmgu18hed himself In ba.ttles. As he held high rank, he acted as a go-bet'!een for t~e Ma.rhatt&8. In the time of Na!}ir Jang the Martyr, ~e received the title of Jaswant, aud he did good service in his company ~n th~ ~hulc~ry battle, though it was rumoured that he had a share ID N&!}Ir Jang s de~th 1.. He died in 1176 A.H. (1762-63 A.D.). His eld~st so~ A~an? Rao Jalwant who was distinguished for excellence died durmg hiS lifet1llle. . At present his second son Maha Rao, and Rao Ranbhi the son of Jalwant hold the fi.efs, and are in government service.
JAN SIPAR l{p.1N.

(Vol. I, pp. 531h537.) _ He ~as th~ third son o~ Mukbtar Khan of Sabzawar. His name was !dir~h&dur Dd,. .At the tIme when Aurangzib left the Deccan with the m_tent~o,! of o~tammg the ~overeignty and pro~eeded towards the Capital, Jan Slpar Khan accompamed the all-conquermg royal stirrups with his elder brother ~ Shams-ud-Din Mukhtar Khan. - In the batties which that fort:,.mate King waged against his foes, Jan Sipar Khan showed fidelity and dann~. After the battle with Dara ShikOh he obtained the rank of 1,000 With 500. horse and re?eiyed the title of Jan Sipar Khan. After tha~ he was appomted to provmClal duties (Kiirhii-i.berilnjiit Or outside' duties), and always behaved well. In the 24th year, he was made governor of the fort of Bidar. Mter the conqnest of Haidarabii.d he was made faujdar of Zafrabad. When Aurangzib returned after settling that newly conquered country and encamped at Bidar-Zafrabad, AbUl ~asan the ruler. of Telang-who, though his addiction to luxury and ple~ur~ ~ad durmg the fifteen years of his rule never gone farther from ~ldarabii.d than Muhammadnagar Golkonda, which is one leos distant an.J fo.rwhom ev~n daily riding was difficult-prayed that he be allowed to retlre. And m .truth ~urangzib also disliked his disposition which was the very oPPOsl~e of hiS own. Accordingly, he did not deal with him as he. had dealt II With Sikandar the ruler of Bijap1ir after its conquest. He did. not even sumn:on him to his Presence, and from the first day kep~ !.l1m u,!der surveillance. Accordingly, Jan Sipar Khan, who wab ja,,!,Jdar of BIdar, was ordered to convey him to Daulata.bid 3 so that he might spen? the_rest of his life in comfort with his dependants. After t~at the sMd Khan was made the governor of Haidar!tbad which was a nch and well-inh~bitedco~mtry, especially when' the. Qutb.Shahi dynasty had laboured to Improve lt. He spent a long time in that country and
l ~a~ir Ja!!g. was killed on 17 Mul;l.arram, 1164 A.H. (l6th December, 1750 A.D.), lJuje MOO(htr-ul-Umam, Text III, p. 855 and Cambridge History o~ India IV p.387. "J " 28 } 2 Aurangzib began ~y be!ng gene~U8 to Sikanda.r (MaDt!Jir-i.' Alamgiri, pp. 280, 2 'abut he .a.fterwa.rds lmpn80ned him. He died three years afterwards. . ,See Slr J&duna~h Sarka.r, Hitftory oJ Aurangzib, IV, pp. 384, 385, for Abiil l:Ia88.n 8 capture and hIB transfer to Daulatabii.d. Also MaiiU!ir.i.' Alamgiri. p. 309.

(Vol. III, pp. 806,807.) He was the son of Rao Ranbhi' who in Aurangzib's time held high office, and was appointed to the Deccan. As he (Jinoji) had had frequent disputes with the officers of Rija ShiM BhOnsle, they, &iter making agreements with Jilusain 'Ali !Qlin made &CcU8ations against Ja.noji. ~usain 'Ali &lin in order to please them managed by guiJe to imprison him. He was released at the request of :Muhamn:1M Anwar Ibii.n at the time when N~m-u1Mulk A.,af Jii.h went to the Deccan from Mii.lwa and crossed the Narbarlii., and was appointed to the auxiliary force at Burhinp1ir. He, who was in distressed circumstances (lit. had a sore on his liver), was introduced to AlI&f Jah by Muhammad Ghiyith

1 &afI JQlan, I, p. 429. Tb;" Jan Nilhir Inin should not be conf~ with YlI.dgir mg, Lashkar lhAn otherwi8e known as Jan Nitbii.r lQ!i.n who wall Bent an ambassador to the Shah of Pema; Bee Ma40ir.ulUmara. III, pp. 168-171, and Ba.narsi Prasad, Hitftory oj 8hahjahan, pp. 201, 202. In the lat.ter work no distinction is made between the two persona. . a Bani.lkar in the Text appeartl to be a laP8U8 calami for Nimbilkar. Nimbal kaI'1l of Phalte.n are well known in Marhatta history, Bee Kincaid and Pa.raaan.is, HNtorr O/MaNlM People, p. 7.3. etc. . . . 6 He il apparently the Ranbhijl Deccani mentioned in AkJmgIm4ma, pp. 249,

293.

752

JAN SIPAR KHAN. gw.lJA. BABI-TURKAMIN.

Maiif!lir
_ul-Umara.

753

Since Shii.yista Khii.n Amir-ul-Umarii. and' .Aqil He died I Jn the 45th year, 1113 A.H. (1701 A.D.). His eldest son was Rustam Dil of whom a separate account 2 has been given. '
~'1n Kha.wii.fi few have exerted such power for so long a time.
JIN SIPIR 1UI.lN. :KPW.lJA B.lB.l.

ad~ini8tered it well.

(Vol. I, p. 530.) He was the brother's son of Naqib Khii.n 3 of Qazwin. In the time of Jahangir he was given the title of Jii.n Bii.z Khii.n and attained the rank of 1,000 ,,:ith ;WO horse. In the I~t year of Shah Jahan's reign he was confir~ed lU h~s former rank, and lD the 3rd year he was raised to the r~nk of 1,500 WIth 600 horse. For a time he was Jaujdar of Mandsiir, and lD the ~8th yea~ corresponding to 1055 A.H. (1645 A.D.) he died. From the hst (.fihns) at the end of the second decennium in the Shahniiroo it appears ~hat he obtained the title of Jan Sipii.r Khan and the rank of 2,000 WIth 1,000 horse, but the date of this occurrence has not been recorded.
J.lN SIP.lR E;JIIN TURKAMIN.

(Vol. I, pp. 516-519.) His name was Jahangir Beg, and he was one of Jahii.ngir's officers. B;e was long em~loye? in the Deccan, and by his zeal and bravery he dId valuable serV1Ces lD the cause of the King's government. When the affairs of t~e Decc~n ~ere not imp;oved by Prince Parviz in spite of his long stay lD Burhanpur and appOlDtment of leading officers and. large armies, and the expenditure of much treasure; on the contrary the mlers of the Decca~ shook off the rape of obedience, for example, Malik' Ambar ~ho took entIfe possession of the Balaghat estates, it became necessary I~ th~ IIth ~ear to appoint Prinoe Sultan Khurram 6-who after his v1Ctones receIved the title of Shah Jahii.n-to settle the affairs of the oountry. His rising Fortune was dreaded by the Deccanis and they bowed their humble and submissive shoulders beneath the burden. The arms with which they interfered with the imperial estates were shortened and they had to pay tributes and the government revenue. In th~ 12th year the Prince distributed his companions and the officers of the D~ccan to the tharws and Jaujdiiris, as he judged proper. Jahangil' Be~ w~s favoured and sent off to administer the thana of Jalnapiir whICh IS 25 kos (East) from Daulatabii.d, and was at that time the chief tha'na in Bii.l~ghat, ~nd many royal officers were appointed there in acoordance wIth theIf ranks. Later some of the treacherous Deccanis
l Maiit.hir.i.'.A.lamgiri, p. 439, where it is stated that Jii.n Sipii.r Khii.n the Nt1zim of I;laidarii.bii.d died in that year. - . II Mat1thir.ul.Umart1, Text II, pp. 324-328. : See. ~lochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 496-498. . ThiS IS apparently the Badsht1hniima, II, p. 762, but the number of horse there IS 1,500. 6 For t~e Deccan campaigns, see Beni Prasad. Hiatory of Jahiingir, pp. 266-279 and ~an~rsl Prasa?,Histmy of. Shahjahan, pp. 19-21. Also see Rogers and Beverldge s translation of Tuzuk.t.Jaht1ngiri, I, pp. 329, 337.

proceeded to break their engagements and to take possell8ion of the royal estates. Nor were they content with the Bilighii.t, but even raised their stand&rdB as far as Burhinpiir. The Prince was compelled to undertake &BeOOnd expedition to theDeccan and in the beginning of the 13th year of Ja.hi.ngir's reign he came to Burhii.npiir. An army was a.ppointed to chastise Ni~am Shah and Malik 'Ambar. Mter much fighting and severe batties, in every one o~ which the Prinoe's forc~s were viotorious. Malik' Ambar once more WItne118ed the Fortune of the Prince and turned aside from his evil wa.ys and entered by the door of repentance, and stretohed the hand of supplication. towards the skirt of a desire for peace. Everyone of t~e leaders !em~I?ed ~n o~e of the estates (\f Biliighii.t tilI the end of the ralD~, .a~d Jan SIpar Khan With 3~OOO horse remained at Bir. When a new dIVISIon was made of the thii1ta8 he received an increase of rank and was made the thanadiir of Bir. When in the 19th year a battle took place at Bhii.tiiri I-wh~ch is a dependan~~ of A1;l.madnagar-between Malik 'Ambar and Mulla Muhammad LarI the Commander-in-chief a.nd Vakil-U8Saltanat of Bijii.piir, anJi whom 'Adil Shah its ruler both in verbal and written messages addressed as Mulla Baba the MuHa waskilled by fate's deoree, his army was thrown into disord~r, and the royal officers who had been appointed to assist the Mulla were seized with the exception of 1Y!anjar Khan who el'caped to Ahmadnagar, and Jan Sipii.r Khan who conveyed hims~lf .t? his own ~ef and strengthened the fort of Bir. Shortly before JahangIf s death, Khan Jahan LOdi handed back Balii.ghii.t to N~am Shii.h and wrote to the imperial officers, who were in th,e thii1U1S, that they sho~ld ~ake ?ver.t~e estates to the agents ofNi~ii.m Shah and come to Burhanpur. Jan SIpar Khan obeyed the order and joined Khan Jahii.n. A few days had ~ot elasped when the report of the accession of Shah Jahan gave fr~sh JOY to the whole of India, and Jii.n Sipii.r Khii.n flew on the wings of swiftness, and having donned' the pilgrim's dress paid his homage at the commencement of the reign!. He obtained an increase of 1,500 Dhiit a~d 1,000 horso and so had the rank of 4,000 Ifhiit, 3,000 }lorse and the gIft of a flag and drums. In succession to Jahangir Ql1li ~n he was sent to take up the governorship of AHahii.bii.d.. Bu~ acc?rdlD~ to the rule of the revolving heaveI18-that every good 18 allied With evil, and every joy is mixed with grief-the wine of succe~s i~ this iniJtan~ was followed by the crapulousness of failure, and the hmpld waters of JOy had at th.e battom a sediment of SOITOW. The cup was no sooner filled than lt was emptied, and the roll not finished .wi~hout the pages. being tu:ne~ over; in this very year did the cup of h18 life overflow. HIS son Iman: Quli held the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. In the 3rd year of Shah Jahan's reign he was in company with A'~a~ ~ii.n .... ~he gove~n?r of ~h~ Deccan, when one day in Bii.liighii.t the Adil-Shahl and N~am-Shii.hI troops fell upon their rear. Multafat Khii.n, the leader of the army.. left the flank exposed, and Imam Quli and some others bravely sacrificed
l See Bmi P1'8.b8d, op. cit., p. 382. . _ 2 Bt1dshiihnama, I, p. 185. His rank was, however, mcrea.aed ta 4,000 D1Iiit and 4 000 not 3 000 horse and in addition to the grant of a flag and dnnns he W8S !liven' a Dil'at,'and a jev.:elled dagger, and appointed governor of Allahi.bii.d. s BiUshiihniima, I, pp. 244, 304, 305. 4 lrii.dat 1Q!ii.n the Mir Bai;A~hi, who was in genera. command of the Deccan campaign.

...
764:
(lUHlBl.JA) JASWANT SINGH UTHOB.

Ma4Y!ir

ul-Umani.

(M 'HIBlJA) JA8WANT SINGH BJ.THOB.

755

their lives, and gathercd eterna.l fame. Jin Sipir Ihin &Iso had .. brother na.med Murta4i Quli. He had the ra.nk of 1,000 With 600 horse. He died in the Deocan in the lOth year.
(MAHIB1.JA) JASWANT SINGH RITH{)B.

(Vol.

m, pp. 599-004.)

He was the son of Bija Gaj Singh. In the IIth year of Shih Jahin'!! reign he came with his father to the Court, and succeeded 1 him after the latter's death. This was beoause, contrary to the custom of the other Rijpiit&--d.coording to which the eldest BOn S1ic0eed.8-the Rithors chooee the BOn whose mother was the speoial favourite of the father. Aoooi'dingly the King made Ja.awant Singh his father's heir although Amar Singh was the eIder son,and gave him & robe of honour, a deoorated da.gger q.nd- the rank of 4,000 with 4,000 horse, and the title of Rija in aocordance with his father's will, and also gave him a flag tl.rums a horse with golden B&ddle and an elephant from the royal herd. In the 15th year he W&8 awarded a specia.lKbil'at, a jewelled dagger with Phul Kat4mh., a horse with golden trappings, and don elephant from the royal herd and was Bent to Qandahir in a.ttendance on Prinoe Dira Shikoh and in the 18th when the King moved from Agra. to Libore, he w&tl ordered to take charge of the city till the arrival of Shaikh Farid son of Qutb.udDin Khan Koka, and afterwards join the Court. In the 21Bt year h~ rank W38 5,000 with 5,000 horse, of whioh 3,000 were oo-aapa and 8ik-alJpa (two-horBe and three-horse). At the end or the same year the rest of his troopers were also made tlv-tUjJG and 8il-a8pa. In the 22nd year Prince Mub~ad Aurangzib ~idur went to Qa.~ar which was besieged by the Persl&DS, but according to orders sta.yed m Kabul. When in the end of tb:e 8&IDf, year the ~ O&me to KAbul, Jaswant Singh para.ded 2,000 of his troopers before blID. In the 26th year his rank was 6 000 with 5,000. du-a8pa and Bik-lUpa tro6pers, and this was increased in' the 29th year, he aJ illO received the title of Maharaja. As bis marriage with the daughte~' of Sarab ~ sesoo.ia ha.dbeen arr&.nged in the sa.me year, he wla1 per~lltt.edto go to Mathura and afterwa.rds to his home at Ji5dhpiir. In the begmmng of the. 3200 year when news of improper movements on the part of Murid Bakbsh and of the departure of Prince Muhammad Aura.ngzib Ba.hidur from the Deccan was received, Dira Shiki5h' in view of bis own interests appointed two a.rmies to block the way of his two brothers. Th~ Maharaja hlIOd hisra.nk increased to 7,000 with 7,000 horse and was. appomted governor of MiIwa in succession to Shayista Khan and receIved one hundred horses, one with golden trappings, an elephant and a female elephant and a 1800 of rupees. He arrived at Ujjain, and th~ugh Aura,ngzJ.D endeavoured to conoiliate him he was haughty and resisted. After fighting and after some Rajpiits had been killed and others had lled, Jaswant Singh thought himself lucky to have saved his life. In the first year of Awrangzib's reign when the royal army came to the
. l see Tod, AtmeJl8 and Annquitiu oj Rai~f1 (1914 edn.) II, p. 34, for an ~ t of the oeremony of diai.nheritanoe of Amar Singh; the name ill written aa Umra ln that work.

Sutlej in pursuit of Diri. Shikoh, Jaswant Singh, through the medi&tion of some officers, was pa.rdoned and paid his respects. He was allowed to remain at Delhi tili the end of the pursuit, and in the battle with Shuji' he oomma.nded the right wing. As he haJ. been accustomed to the favouritism of Shah Jahin and did not see any such in Aurangzlb, he felt hurt, and eventually from foolishne88 joined the malcontent8 and removed the veil from the face of his aotions. One night he left his station empty and went home with his troop8. In the turmoiI some of the baggage of Prince Muhammad 3ulf,in And of the King and the officers and soldiers was plundered. It was a great shock to the troops. After the end of the battle withShuji' the King moved towards Ajmer. At this time, &8 he W&8 hopele8f\ ofthe King's favour, he intrigued with Dira Shik6h who was coming to his country from GUjarat. Meanwhile hE was by the intervention of Mirza Rija Jai Singh made hopeful of pardon, and withdrew from Diri Shikoh's party. As on account of his frequent faults he could not approaoh the King, he was, in his absence (gjt.i'iMna) confirmed in his old ra.nk And siTen the title of Mahirija, and made governor of Al;lmadibid (G\ljarl.t). Tn the 4th year, he in accordance with orders went with all his troops to &8I!ist Sha.yista Ibi.n in the Deccan. In the 5tb year he was removed from the government of GlJjarit and served for 2 or 3 years in the Deccan, partly with Shiyista I!!an but chielly with Prince Muhammad M:u'~ who had been appointed governor in the room of Shiyista Khin. He exerted himself to the utmost of his power in laying waste Shiva's country and.in the end of the 7th year he CAme to the Court. When in the 9th year the mendship between the King and Shih 'Abbis II of Persia changed to enmity, Prince Muba.mmadMu'~m,who had been appointed to Kibul before the imperial army marched, was accompanied by Jaswant Singh. When news came of the death of the King of Persia, and the Prince in accordance with orders returned &Om Libore, Jaswant Singh also returned. In the IOth year he went to the Deccan in attendance on the 3ame Prince, and in the 14th year he was made flW,Mi/,,r of Jamriid in .the province of Afpiniati.n. In the 22nd year corresponding to 1089 A.D. (December, 1678) he died 1. on account of his wealth and the number of his followers he was at the head of the Rajas of India., but &8
l Tm. is rather a meagre account of Jaswant Singh. It teIla 118 nothing of hill career during the lut eight YeArS of hill life. Nor d0811 it W.CU8I the genuinenetIl of AjU Singh. Todd08ll not give many more factll thoUlth he evotes several pages to J_ant Singh. A.ooo~ to him J...-ant Singh IOlIt two other IOn. during hill lifetime, and he died not ID 1678, but in 1681. 1678, however, SeeInS correct though Beale put, the event-Jn Deoember of that year, and Onne in the beginning olthe year. It occurred at or near Kabul. J8IW8llt Singh's being made a Mahirii.ja ill mentioIltld in l!IlifI IPri, ll,.Po' The account of hil death and of the flight of the RAjpiitllwith m.lIOn Ajlt Singb.i.egiven on p.269, ete. Onne in biB HiIIforiool ~, p. 262, gi.- & tranel&tion of & rem&l'k&ble letter eaid to have been ad~ by J_ant Singh to AUJ'&D&ldb about the capitation tax, but it is doubtful if it,... really written by Juwant Singh. For & detailed account tee Bir Jadunath ~ , H ~ oj .Avt'GtIpib, m,pp. 324-33', (.od pp. -:lIH. 1')2 for the parentage of AjR 8ingh. In Maci0ir.i.'Alamgiri; p. 17l,it is ,tated that J_ant Singh died in the cit,y of KAbul and giVM the date (p. 171) .. 6 Qbul Qa'd& 1089 A.H., 20 December, 16'18 A.D., J8IW&nt Singh', appointment to the lAlinatl4ri of Jamrlid is noticed in the eame work on p. lOt. Kaouooi also ref8l'll to JalIWant Singh'. death (ll, p. 233). .

'.8.

,I I

756

(RXJA) JUJHAB. SINGH BUNDILA.

Mad~ir

.ul-Umara.

KAUR 'ALt nAN.

757

he had been brought up luxuriously and had lived apart l' from the upe and downs of existence he did not possess the art of government. Outside of the walls of Aurangibid, towards the ma.rket place, there are a ward and a tank which bear his name. There are also the remains of a stone . building on the bank of the tank. Kunwar Prithi Rij his eldestson died in his lifetime. After his death two sons Were born t6 two of his widoW8. One soon followed his father. The second is Mubammadi:l Rij who became a Muhammadan, and was brought up in the palace. Another son, who his tribesmen say was conveyed to his home after many struggIes, was made his beir and is AjU ,Singh. A separate account 8 of him Q~ been given.
(R.IJA) JUJHAB. SINGH BUNDILA.

(Vol. II, pp. 214-218.)

"

He was the son of Bija Blr singh~. Mter his father's death he had the title of RAja and received a suitable man,ab. At the end of JahingIr's reign he held the rank of 4,000 with 4,000 horse. In the first year of the reign of Sbih Jahi.n he did homage and received a robe of honour, a jewelled dagger with PkQl Kak1rak, a flag and druD1fl. When Shah Jahin looked into the a.ft'a.irs, Jujhir Singh who had, without any exertion, got much wealth which his father had accumulated, bee&me suspicioU8 in accordance with the saying tha.t "The faithless are fearfu!", and_ rely~ upon his fort8 and his jungles fled at midnight from Agra. to Orcha (Ondcba in Text), and set about strengthening his fortre88es and collecting troops .. Shah Jahin sent Mahibat Khan and many other officers against him and an order was issued to Khin Jahin Lool the ruler of Milwa to enter his country from the south by the route of Chanderi. ~ Abdullah Il!ic also received an order to proceed from hi8 fief of Qanauj along with Bahidur Khan Rohila and others from the e&llt of Orcha. When all three forces a.rrived near Orcba they carried on a hot war, and 'Abdullih Khan, Bahidur !Qlan and Pabir Singh BundEIla. took the fort of lrij. Jujhar SiI..gh was helplu8 and sought an interview with Mahibat Khan, and prayed for forgiveness of his offences. The King &Ccepted his prayer, and Jujhir Singh in the 2nd year Came to the Court with the Kha.n who put a string round his neck and holding the two end8 in his hands produced him before Shih Jahin. He presented one thousand mohurs and 15 lac8 of rupees, and forty elephants. When Shih Jahiil resolved to proceed to the Decca-n in the 3rd year to chastise Khin Jahin Looi and to lay waste the territory ofthe N~.ul. Mu1k-who had protected him-a.nd appointed three a.rmie8 to deva.state the country, he wrote to Jujhar Singh to act a.long with A'~m fihin the governor of the DeCCIlli and ~Inp him the title of Rija. AftelWll.rds. _._-_ .... ---- - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 Az kam uziyad wari4iit ba yaks'ii zist namfida. which may be translated as: he showed an existence apart from great or little circumstance.. Apparently-the meaning ia that as he had alwayll been at'Ruent and powerful, he dill not know the upa tnd doWIl8 of life. He died of Plague ir. ~'he32nd year, Uop A.H. (1688-89 A.p.), vide MaiitJ1,ir~--Alamgi". p. 318. 3 Mafbir-ul-Umard, Text III, pp. 755-760, Beveridge's t~ation, pp. 173176.

when Ya.minud-Daula was appointed to command the Deccan forces, he (Jujhar Singh) and the other ma1lflabdiir8 were placed in the rear. When the provinces of the Deccan were entrusted to Mahabat Khan, Jujhli.r Singh after staying some time with Mahibat Khan left his son Bikramajit in charge of hirs troops and took lea.ve and went home. After returning home he 1 in the 8th year, at the dictates of his own seditiou8 nature, led an army against Bhim Narain 2 the Zaminddr of Chiirigarh which is the Capital of Garh KatankA 3. He induced him by oaths and promises to surrender, and then put him to death with a large number of his kindred. He also took possession of his fort and his property. When Shih Jahin heard ofthis event, he ordered that Jujhir Singh should surrender the land to the government, otherwise an equal amount of land would be taken from his own territory. Also that he should send 10 lac8 of rupee8 of Bhim Nariin's property to the Court. On hearing ofthis from his agent Jujhar Singh wrote to his son Bikramajit, who was in the Deccan, to take to flight and come home. Three armies under the command of Saiyid Khin Jahan Barah, Firiiz Jang Bahidur and Khan Daurin marched off to punish him. Prince Aurangzib and Shii.yista Khan also supported them. When the imperial armie8 had nearly arrived they first attacked Dhimiini and then Chiirigarh. When Jujhii.r Singh could find no resting place, he went with his goods to 'the territory of Rija of DOOgarh. The imperialists pursued him, and there were frequent fights. All his money and ornaments fell into the ha.nds of the Gjlazi warriors. He himself crept into the jungles with his eldest son Bikramajit. The GOnds killed both of them in 1044 A.H. (1634-35 A.D.). Khan Da.uran on hearing of this cut off the head8 of both and brought them to "Firiiz Ja.ng who sent them to 1he King along with a lcror of rupees from Jujhir Singh's buried treasures '.

K
K1.IUR '.ALI l{jIAN.

(Vol. III, pp. 148, 149.) He was one of Humiyiin's pa.ladins. In the year when Humayiin set out to conquer India, Kikar 'Ali Khan attended on his stirrups. In the reign of Akbar he had the rank of 2,000. In the llth yea.r (973 A.H.) when Mahdi Qisiw !Shin the Ta' l1.Jadiir of Garh made up his mind to go to ij:ijii.z without Akbar's permission, Akbar appointed Kikar 'Ali Khan and others to that territory. In the battle with Ibrahim ij:usain Mirzi which took place near the town of Sarnil li in Gujarat, Kika.r 'Ali Khin was one of the fighters. Afterwards he was' appointed to aocompany Mun'im BE\g KhanKhan.in to the Ea.stern districts. One day when the imperial army was besieging Patna, Kakar' All Khin and his
1
2

Bad8hahnafIW, I, pt. 2, p. 95.

More correctly Na.rli.ya.n, but so in Text. Gsrh Katanki or Gondwina, see ImperiaL GM.etteer; pp. 321-326. For a detailed account see Bana.rsiPr8.llad. Hi6tory 01 Shahjahan, pp. 79-89. Middle of Sha'bin, 980 A.H. (December, 1772 A.D.), vide A'in. Blochmann's translation I (2nd edn.), pp. 353, 4l7.
3 4 5

Xn.

758

K.1KAR KB.1N- KAMAL KH.1N GAKKHAR.

MaiiU!ir

.td-Umara.

KAMAL gAN GA.J[J[JlAB.

769

son attacked the enemy and distinguished themselves. They slew many of the foe and were themselves slain, in the year 980 l A.H. (1573 A.D.).
K.1KAR JUI.1N,

or

~.1N JAHIN K.1KAR.

(Vol. III, pp. 152, 153.)

H~ was one of the Wdla-SJujhis (body-guard) of Shih Ja.han. After the aooession he obtained the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse, and a present of Rs.6,000. In the 3rd year when the Royal Court was established in the Deccan he, along with Raja Gaj Singh 2, was appointed to the foroes which were sent to ohastise Khan Jahan L&Ii. and to ravage the territory of the N~am.ul-Mulk. In the 8th year he was appointed 8 along with Saiyid Khan Jahan Barah to punish Juhjar Singh Bundela. In the lOth year his rank was increased 4 by 500 with 600 horse, and in the 13th his rank became 2,000 with 1,000 horse, and he was granted the title of Kakar Khan. Mterwards he was appointed to the fort of Qanda.hir, and he stayed there a long time. When in the 22nd year the King of Persia came and took the fort 6, he went with Kba.w~ Khan the governor, and waited upon the Shah. He received permission and returned to India. Along with Sul~an Aurangzib Ba.ha.dur, who had been appointed for the seoond time to the expedition, he was sent (to Qandahir). In the 26th year he went there in attendanoe on Sult;&n Dari Shikoh 8. No more aooount of his life has been noticed.

KAMAL K1I.1N GAKKHAR.

(Vol. III, pp. 144-148.) He was the son of Sul~n Sa.rang younger brother of Sul~an Adam. The Gakkhars are a large tribe and dwell between the Jhelum and the Indus in the folds of the hills and inhabit caves, eto. In the time of ShailUl Zain-udDin of Kashmir a G..hazni officer named Malik Kid, who was oonnected with the ruler of M!lhanistan, came and took the country out of the hands of the Kashmiris. He brought under his sway the whole tract from the Nilib (Indus) to the slop6s of the Siwiliks and the borders of Kashmir. Though other 7 tribes such as the Khatta.r, Janiith Aiwan (Awan), ChatarnilI, Bhukiyil 8 , Jhapa. (Chibh) and

m,

l In Akbarnama, Text III, p. 82, Beveridge's translation III, p. 1I5, the siege of Patna is stated to have been in the 19th year or 981 A.H. (1574 A.D.). I Biidshahnama, I, p. 294. a Biid8hahnama, I, pt. 2, p. 97. 4 Id., p. 250. 5 The Qandahar fort was surrendered to Shah 'Abbas II on February ll, 1649; see Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, p. 225. 6 For the expeditious of Aurangzib and Dara Shikoh, see Banarsi Prasad, Qp. cit., pp. 226-235, and Oambridge History of India, IV, pp. 204--206. 7 This accOWlt is partly taken from Akbamiima, Text I, pp. 323, 329, Beveridge's translation I, p. 559, and partly from the 1'abaqiit-i-Akbari, De's translation II, pp. 267, 268. For correct names of tribes, see Delmerick in Journ. As. Soo. Bengal, XL, pt. i, 1871, pp. 67 et seq. 8 Apparently the correct spelling is Bhugiyli.I, descendants of Sult;li.n Bhuga. Elliot, VI, p. 309, note, and Tuzuk-i-Jahi.ingiri, p. 47, Rogers and Beveridge's translation l, p. 97.

Maikwillive there, they are all subject to the Gakk.hars. When:MaJik Kid died, his son Malik Kalin suooeeded him. After him his lOD Nabir obtained the chiefship, and after him Titar became the head of the tribe. At the time of the oonquest of India he did good servioe under Emperor Bibur especially in the battle with Rani Singa.. He had two 801lI!, Sul~n Sirang and Sul~in Adatn, and the first of them obtained the ohief ship. He had great oontest8 with Sher Sbih and SalIm Shih,and fought bravely. He made many Mihins prisoners and sold them into slavery. Sher Shih with the object of oha.stising this tribe founded the fortress of Rohtu 1, ano afterwards he in aooordance with the dictates of Fate managed to get him (Sirang) into his power and put him to death. He imprisoned his son KamiH Khan in the fort of Gwiliyir, yet he oould not conquer the country. The chiefship of the Gakkhar tribe fell to Sultan Adam. Salim Khan too made great efforts in order to reduoe the oountry, but did not succeed. They say, that Salim IQlin on one occasion ordered all the prisoners in the fort of Gwiliyir to be put to death. A pit made under the prison and filled with gunpowder. The explosion olew the prison and. the prisoners into the air, fl.nd their limbe were soattered. Ka.m.illhin was there, but the Almighty power (Qtidir-i-pur-Kamiil) preserved him from the oa.1amity. No whiff of the fire reaohed the oorner of the room where he was. When Salim Shah heard of thi8 Divine protection, he took oaths from Kamil ~n and set him free. He went home, &Dd as his uncle Sul~ Adam had got full power, Kamil Khan and his brother. Sa'ld lQlin had to spend their days in aftliotion, and in a pretenoe of submission. In the beginning of Akbar's reign Kamil ~n oame to Jilandhar I and introduced himself, and wall made an officer. He did good. service in the battle with Hemii and at Minkt, &Dd was rewarded by favours. In the 3rd year he was appointed to put down the Miyin&h Af"ihans who were making a disturbance in Sironj in He went against them with a suitable foroe, and was viotOriOUB. Akbar gave him the towns of Karra I and Fatbpiir Hanswa, eto., in fief, ..ndin the 6th year on the occasion of the war with the son of Mubiriz lbin 'Adli-whom the Mihins had raised up-Kamil Khan brought a well-equipped force and 8hared in the oampaign with IQlin Zaman ShaibiD!. He fought bravely in the battle, and Akbar on hearing of this remarked that Kamal Khan had done his duty and that it was time to reward him, and that he would give him whatever he wiahed. When he came to the Court in the year 970 A.D. he represented to the courtier8 that in his love for his native land he hoped that he would get his father'8 land., which thwugh evil fate his uncle had taken p088el.l8ion of. Akbar wrote to ibiD. Kalin and the other Pa.njib officers to divide the Ga.kkh&r tenitory into two portions and to give one to Sul~in Adam and the other to Kami! Khan. If Sul~an Adam resi8ts this order by disobedienee, they are to punish him. When SultAn !damwa.s informed of thiB order he and his son La.shka.ri-who managed his father's affairs-refused obedience,

was

Mil.....

l For the construction of the Fort of Rohtis, _ Qanungo, Sl~,. S1uIh, pp. '05, 406, also pp. 233-235 for his campaign against the Gakkhars. Alao Bee Hidayat Rosain's edition of TiirilJ1-i-Shiihi, p. 205, note 2. 2 Akbarnama, Text II, p. 22, Beveridge's tranalation II, p. 38. a Akbamiima, Text II, pp. 78, 191, 192, Beveri~'. trana1&tio,. II, pp. 1I9. 297.

-----''2---"~-"---==:-r=

-=----= - - - - - - - - - - - -.. (RAN.l) KARAN.

760

][.lM:G.1R D.lN.

Maii!!1ir

-ul Umara.

761

and. the Panjib troops along with KarniH Khin entered the Gakkhar tenitory and fought Bo great battle at the township of lIilan l. There was a severe -engagement and Sultan Adam was made a prisoner. Hil' son Lashkari fled to the hills of Kashmir, but hl:' too was made prisoner. The whole of the Gakkhar territory which none of the former rulers of India had been able to subdue W&8 conquered and made over to Kamal Khan. Sultan Adam and his son were also delivered up to him. He put La.shkari to death and kept Sultan Adam in confinement till he died. It is stated in the ,!,abaqat-i-A1cbari l that Kamil Khan attained thl:' rank of 5,000, and that he was distinguished for bravery and generosity. It is also stated that he died in 970 A.H. (156263 A.D.) which was the very year of his success. God alone knows what is true!

They say, that one day the King directed Amir l Khan of Thatha to give & message to Kimgi.r !Qlin. He sent word of this by a confidential person and reque~t~,d the Khan. to visit him. The Khan pretended ignoranca and asked. What Amir Khan ~ Amir Khan was our cousin " The go-?et~en ~i?: "Amir HhAn 'Abdul Karim of Thatha." The ~in 8&ld: He IS A~d.ul Karim the Fam1sh, (carpet.spreader). Tell him that we do not V18lt the housea of farrishes." By this relUllork he alll;lded to the fact that Mir 'Abdul Karim had boon for a long time Supenntenaent of the Oratory. When Amir K!!in reported this story to the King, he said: "After all he is the son of Ja'flll' Khan. You should not have sent for him to your house." The verses (Qit'a) of Ni'mat Khan' Ali, of which this is the first couplet, refer to Kimgar Khan.

Ver8e. 2
K.lMG.lR :K.lI.lN.

(VoJ. TIl, pp. 159, 160.) He w&stheseoondsonof Ja'f&!' Khin. Hereoeived a suitable rank in the beginning of Aurangzib'l!I reign. In the 7th year his rank was in creased to 1,000 with 200 hoX'8e and he wa.sgranted the title of Khin. In the IOth year he became Ba&bahI of the A(aaaJs in suocession to Lutf UllAh Khi.n. In the 12th year he was appointed DiirogAa of the Jewel market, and in the 19th year was dismissed for some reason, but in the 21st year he W&l!l again received into favour and made :Master of Works (BuyUtdi I) in place of Rabmat lbin. In the 22nd year when the King went to Ajmer, he was made governor of the fort of the Capital. In the 24th year he W&l!l made Reporter (Wqi'a Mwn) in plaoe of Ashraf Khan, and in the 25th year, on the death of' Abd-ur.Rabim K!!an he became 3rd Ba~l!Ihi. In the 21th year he became Master of the Horse in succession to :Mup-.lfibi,n and in the 28th year DrogNJ of the jilau (retinue) and in the 30th year Superintendent of the GAualkM'NJ in suceession to Ba.hrahmand Khin. In the end of the same year, on the death of Mubammad 'All Kbin he beoame K..han.iSiimiin 6 Afterwards, he was removed and in the 33rd year W&8 ordered to proceed with a body o( men to convey :Mubammad Mu'aMam's ladies to Shl.hjahinibid (Delhi). In the 4-3rd he obtained...the rank of 3,000. For atime he was governor ofthe fort of Akba.rii.bid (Agra.). His simplicities are well known, and though he w&8 without t&lent, he on account of his illustriou8 d8l!lCent was muoh wrapped up in himself and did nQt defer to anybody.

The second maniage of the KhAn of lofty lineaga (1) Took place with perfect honour and splendour.
(Rbl)
KARAN.

(Vol. TI, pp. 201-208.) !le wa;s t~e son of Rani Amri son of Rlni Prati.p alias Kiki son of RAna UdaI Smgh son of Rani Singi Zamindar of :Mlwi.r. Mewir is a part of the p~ovinoe of Ajmer, and the 8Mmr of Cbittr belongs to it. It has 10,t?OO villages s. Itslengtb ~ 40 lco3 a.nd its breadth 33 h. It has thr~e Important forta, Chittor t.he Capital, Kombalmir, and :Ma.nda.l. The chief ~as formerly called Riwal, but for a long time he has been styled .Rina.. He belongs to the Gah10t olan. When they made their ho~e ID the village of seaM they became known as SesOdias. They cla.lID to be descended from NausWrwan the Just. Their great ancestor was compelled by Fortune to come to Berar and beca.me known &8 the ruler of Narnila . When Narnila came into the possession of the enemy a young boy, Bipi by name, W&8 conveyed from there to :MeW'i.r by ~ mother. She took protection under Rija MandaJIk, Ho Bhil. When he grew up he became famous for slaying beasts ofprey, and became one of the trusted t'lervants of the Raja. When the latter died he became the
1 A;mir I!!li.n Sindhi of .;taiitJJ,ir.ulUmarii, Text I, pp. 303-ijO, Bevendge's transl&tlOn, pp. 253-259. 2 :!,he poem i~ a coarse satire on an old man's marrying a . " ';L. It was ~amgli.r .!Shin s second marriage. Ja'far Nlan the father of Kii.mgii.r Khli.n had the title of 'UmdatulMulk and was nephew (sister's son) and son-in-la';-of Niir Ja~'!" b~ther A,af KIlin. This biography is based mainly on the references in MtJdt.h.N. .A.lamgiri, pp. 82, 156, 166, 172, 206, 216, 240, 260 281 297 330 405 and 497. ' , , , 3 See J a.rrett's translati~m of --;i'in, II, p. 268, where for villagett "troops " is suggested. ~~ number of Villages IS probabl.y correct, as in the [mpe'fial Gazetteer, XXIV: p. 93, lt ls stated that there are 6,044 ~illages and towns fnMewar (Udaip'~ ~~ludi~g 94 managed by Government of India. It is the area given in Text a".';1 tn :hich seems.to be wrong. Il~ reality M?war has an area of over 12,000 sn,- ,iles. " Var. ~~rn~la.. See Jarrett s translatIOn of A'in, II, pp. 234, 268. ~arnala ~ ill the Akola. distnct of the Berars, Imperial Gazetteer, XVIII, p.,379. The text 18 taken verb.tun from the A'in, Text J, p. 505 . II

year

1 Akbarrnima, Text II, p. 193, Beveridge's translation II, p. 299. It is a ferry on the Jhelum. 2 De's edition, Text Il, p. 438, Tramlation II, p. 664. The date of his death is given there aa 972 A.H. . 3 For duties of BuyUtt, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, pp. 52-54. For a&u8lkAdna or Daulatl.1Bdna, see Ibn Hasan, Central Structure of the Mughal Emrire, pp. 6S--:70, 77-80. . , . 6 For &rm.iSomuin or Mir Saman, see Banarsl Prasad, Htst01'Y of Shahjahan, p. 275; and Sir JadWlath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, pp. 48-52, where hIs duties are described in detail. Also see Ibn Hasan, The Central Structure of the clfughal Empire, pp. 234-252.

------T
MtJfl!ir

--------_._----_ _-- _..... -_ ...

..

783
I

r
il
~
"

a PanjAaz4ri with 6,000 hOl'lle,and wu allowed to go home. Afterwards his son Jagat SiDgh came to the Court aad received a robe of honour and went home with Har DIa Jhil&. In the llth year Kunwar Karan came to the Court~ w'&8 honoured and again returned home. When Sult.&n Iburram was appointed to the Deccan campaign, Rina Amri Singh "Dd Kunw&r Karan waited upon him and sent the grandchild (Jagat) to aooompany him with 1,500 horse. In the 13th year, when Jahingir was proceeding from Gujari.t to Agra, and came near the Rina's temtory Kunwa.r Karan did homa.ge. In the 14th year Rina Amri Singh died l, and Jahingir made Kunwar Karan the Rini, and granted him a robe of honour, &' horse and an elephant. In the 18th year Jagat Singh hill son oame to the Court. When Shih Jahin, after his father's death proceeded from Jun&ir towards Agra, Rim Karan W9-ited on him in the vioinity of his territory and was graciously received. He died in the first year of Sbih. Ja.hin'sreign, 1038 II A.H. (1628 A.D.), and Jagat Singh beoa.me-Ri-na and had the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse. In the campaign aga.inat Kbin Jahin LOdi when Shah Jahin went to the Deccan, 500 horse under the oommand of the Rini's uncle named Arjun were in attendance. For some time the heir-apparent ~ with the expedition, and it. was agreed that 500 horse und61 the. charge of a reapoD8ible officer should always be on duty in the Deocan. He also received from the King presents of jewels, a robe of honour, an elephant &Dd a h01'll6. In the 26th year the Rani died, and the heir-appareDt W'U granted the title of Rina Rij Singh and the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 hol'8e and received his native land in fief. As in Jagat Singh'8 lifetime it 11"&8 reported, that he had begun to repair Chittor, although the agreement was that it should never be repaired, the King appointed 8O.QleoD,e to inquire into this matter. When it was reported that one or two gatei out of the seven had been repaired, Sa'ad ullih Khin was sent in the 28th year with a force to destroy the fort and to devastate the country. Some parganas also were made imperial stations. Rana Rij Singh went to Prinoe Diri Shikoh and represented his humility, and agreed to send his son and heir and to demolish the repairs. He begged that h.is country might not be devaatated by the troops. Accordingly, Sa'ad Ullah Khan returned after destroying 3 the fort. The Rina sent his eldel'!t son, who was six years old, to the Court which was then at Ajmer together with his responsible officers and a present (pkhka8h). The King presented him with a robe of honour, jewels, an elephant and a horse, and as it appeared.that the child had not yet been named by the Rina, he was caJled Subhig 4 Singh. An order was a.lso passed that the Rina should send his son and 500 horse to the Deccan. When Aurangzib came to the throne, the Rina received a robe of honour, and in the 22nd year when the King Was at Ajmer Rini Raj
lOp. cit., II, p. 123.

~~e~

l$th March, 1527 see Oa1tlbridg8 Hi.tJtory 0/ {~, Iy, of Ihin-~ on l T_lo_NU . Akbari II p 39 note l, the ~JrI ~ 18 17 In De's transla.tlODof the . ~-~: . 't'" correctly} II, pp. 442, 443._..;....o..I a Akbaf"llCl1lW, ex p. '" t l s "Sheopoor, 12m. S.W. A~ Ellio" V P 325, the Sheopur of 1".. " " " .' 271 in the GwaJiol' State.. _ . r_Io';"~ Bo....1'II GautUer, XXII,p. . .:... . th erid of the 8th year, see TuzuAH-" ...-.'!t-0' o, . .., He ~as appom........ lD I e 256 The Ri.ni IlUbmitted in the 9th year (op. and Bevendge's tnor:Jation ~ p. . k' Ri.ni Amar Singh. ~. pp. 273-276). B name lD that wor 1 8 . . ,,"*., l. Battle

buti5~hJW~O~5~v~ri~~ ~tion

Tod, Annala and Amiquitiu 0/ Rajaat1u:m (1914 edn.), I, p. 296, states that Rina Karan (Kurrun) died in Jahii.ngir's reign, though he gives the year as 1628, but Jahi.ngir died on 7th November, 1627. a Tod, op. cit., p. 297, represents Je.gat Singh or as he calls him Juggut Sing BS having repaired Chittor, and does not speak of the forti1icatiOWl having been destroyed. . , Subhag-the fortunate. There is the variant Suhi.g.
2

UB

T
I
l

764

(RAO) :KARAN Bl{CRTmYA.

Ma4thir

-ul- U nw,ra.

(RAO) KARAN nR'ORTHIYA..

765

do so sent 1 his son Kunwar Ja.i Singh Singh, after asking pennIss~n tO re~ived a robe of honour, a 8G~Pech2 to the Court. After some a.ys he ea.r when the levy of the J~zya a horse and an elephant. In ~he:~mKk the Rijpiit annoya.nce was ( ll-t,ax) was approved of'y e , he became presumptuous. a nd POded to their natural recalcl~rancy, 23 d t y to march from Ajn er ad . sol ed In the r year d . Accordingly, lt was re hV... th Rini The Rini abandoned U aIpur against Udaipiir and to c as"ISe e ,Ali .~ s was appointed to pursue and fled, and an army under ~~n Shih and Sultan Bidir Bakht him. Afterwards, Muhammadwh !?a~he Ranii.'s territory was tralfipled were nominate~ to the task. ~~hout a refuge. In the 24th yeal he upon, he left hIS h?me, a~d.~s ~f the Jizya surrendered the parganas supplicated the PrInce ~n *h eU h came to the Raj Sumandar 4 t~~ of :Mandal and Budhnur.. en d e Was onfirmed in the title of Rana and waited upon the Prince'OOOan h c In the same year he died and k f 5 000 with 5 orse. and the ~an o , t t :Rini Jai Singh, hi'3 son. a mourmng robe was sen o

.,

(R.io) :KARAN

BlICRTIDYA.

(Vol. II, pp. 287-291.) __ Aft his father'a death he, in the 4th He was the son of ~ao S~r.. d t~e rank of 2000 with 1,000 horse year of Shah Jahi~'S relgn, a :reof Bikinir. In 'the beginning of the and the title of Rao andh~he t~ e country and did homage. He w~s 5th year he cam~ from .ts n~ lVto take Daulatibad. When the saId sent off along WIth azlf Khin. med while on the march to that Khin in accordance WIth orders, ret U h was appointed to the Deccan d ' bk Afterwar s e d II place, he too cam~ c . i of Daulatibid. He also serve we and did good serVice In the takh~ th f:Ma.hibatKhinhewasattached at the siege afParenda. After tfe e~_ o ur In t~8th year when the to Khan Daurin the governor Od B u~ .~nktm~ Jahin Bii.rah was sent off S King came to the Deccan, an. ~lyI d- him ll. In the 22nd year he as to take Bijipiir, he fWD ~pr~~~~ein~~c:~ssion to Siyidat Khin and hahd was made governor o a a f 2 000 with 2,000 horse. In t e an increase of 500 h~rseand th~ ~~a~ became 2,500 with 2,000 horse. 23rd year he had an ~ncrease an 3 000 with 2,000 horse, and afterw~rdB, In the 26th year hIS ran~ ~as ' . to Sultan Aurangzib Bahadur when the fort of Daulatabad was given .

V:

a.

1 Maat.l!ir-i-' Alam.giri, pp. 174's;;~~ HiBtory of Aurangzib, pp. 268-275; 2 For Jizya see S1r Jadunath O' bridge HiBtory of lndw, IV, p. 242. it was levied from 12th April, 1679, see. ~HQB8Jl agrees with Maiit.hir-i-' Alamgit'i, 3 In the text :ij:usain, but the var1an . 186 . - (Rajputa'TlOo Gazetteer, III, p. 13, p. 4' Raj Sumand, 25 miles nor:;:! ~~:';~ri p 208 where the pali!'>J.Ilas are and Tod, op. cit., p. 310).: M :CCO~~g to Tod: op. p. 310, the M~a;n~~ called Mii.ndalpur a~d Bu ~~. d b the Rajputs; cJ. lQlii.fi Khan, II, pp. , , dans were sE!veral t1mes de, ea ? Y 79380 . .. d Sir Jadunath Sarkar, .op. cit., ~p.3 to Tod, Annala ana. AnttqU~hes of an 5 Kurrun son of Raja Raa Srng acco g . Rajasthan (1914 edn.), .n, p. 14:'. t Ahmadnagar, see Ba.narsi Prasad, HtstoT1/ of 8 For the campa1gns agams . Shahjahan, pp. 137-149.

.nl,

the increase of 500 and 500 horse-whioh he had received on condition of governing the fort of DauIatabad-was withdrawn. When the duty was entrusted to him of conquering the Barkar J awir l in the province of Aurangibid, which is bounded in the North by Baglina, South by the Konkan, West by some ~tricts of the Konkan, a.nd East by N.sik,and of which the port of J ewal is a part-and where Sripat the ZamiruJiir was behaving contumaciously, he, on the recommendation of Prince Aurangzib, was restored to the above increase, and Barkar Jawir--of which the revenue was 50 lacs of dama-was assigned to him. He was deputed by the Prince and proceeded towards that district. When he arrived at the borders of Harkar Jawir, the Zamindiir was not able to resist him and submitted. He gave money by way oftribute and took the revenues of the district into his charge, and made over his son to accompany Rao Karan as a hostage. After his return Rio Karan waited on the Prince in the 28th year. Whed on the occasion of Shih Jahin's illness the influence of Dara Shikah became supreme, the officers who had been s.mt with Aurangzib to conquer Bijapiir were recalled and set off for the Court. Rio Karan also left the Deccan without the Prince's leave, and went to his home. Accordingly, in the 3rd year of Aurangzib's reign, Amir Khan Kha.wafi was deputed to Bikanir. When he reached the boundary, Rio Karan submitted 2 and came to the Court with the Khii.n and did homage along with his sons Aniip Singh and Padam Singh. He received the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, and was again appointed to the Decca.n. In the 9th year he went off with Diler Khan Daiidza'i to punish the Zami'Tldar of Chinda s, but as he committed fauIts he became an object of censure. The chiefship of his tribe and the government of his native country were given to his son Aniip Singh, who was granted the rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse. Owing to the income from his fiefs having been stopped, he fell into distressed circumstances and came and settled in Aurangabad. In the lOth year corresponding to 1077 A.H. (1666-67 A.D.') he died. Outside of the town of Aurangibad, on the south side, inclining to the west, there is a quarter which is named after him. He had four sons, Aniip Singh, Padam Singh, Kesari Singh, and Mahan Singh. The three last died childless. They say 5 thlt.t Sultan Muhammad Mu 'a~~am was favourably inclined to Mahan Singh, and that on this account the latter became an object of envy to the Prince's servants. One by the name of Muhammad Shah the Mir Tuz1/.k (Master of Ceremonies),-whose tame deer had entered Mahan Singh's premises-had a quarrel with Mohan Singh in the open Darbiir, and this became very acute. Each used weapons against the other. Other men joined and Mohan Singh was wounded. Thongh Padam Singh was not on good terms with his brot.her, he on
l Jawhar, a native state in the Thii.na district of the Bombay Presidency, a.ee Imperial Gazetteer,_XIV, p. 87. It is the Djavar of Tiefenthaler, I, p. 486. 2 Mqdt.hir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 3?; 'Alamgirnama, p. 599; Kbfi 4]liin, II, p. 122. ~ According to Mat.hir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 59, the name of the Zamindiir of Ch&nda was Manji MaHu. 4 The 10th year of Aurangzib's reign extended from July, 1667 to June, 1668 and Rao Karan must have died during this period. 5 See the story in Tod, op. cit., p. 145, note. He refers to Ferishta, but as that writer died in Jahangir's reign, the reference is really to Jonathan Scott's. translation.

cit:,

'rofu

--_........-_.......- ..,-"-_.
.
766
XJ.BTALAB UAN.

hearing of the affair came and killed M~ammad SMh. They put Mahan Singh into a paJanquin and were taking him to his house, but he died on the way. Aniip Singh was at first appointed to the Deccan expedition and in the battle fought by Bahidur Khan Koka he was on the left wing along with 'Abdul Karim Miyana. In the 18th year, at the request of the said Khan he received the title of Raja, and in the 19th year when a battle took place under the leadership of Diler Khin Dii.iidza'i with the Dep-canis, he was in the rearguard. In the 21st year be was left to defend Aurangab&d. In that year Shiva Bhonsle invested the city. Aniip Singh came out with his troops to his own quarter. Meanwbile, Khin Ja.hin BahMur, who in that year was governor of tbe DeccaD, came up, and the enemy fled. In the 30th year he was appoiDted governor of the fort of N8ftatibid, and in the 33rd, he, in succcssion to Rio Dalpa.t Bundela was appointed to the charge of Imtiyazgarh Adoni. In the 35th year he was removed from there and in the 4Ist he died. The chiefship then came to his son Sariip Singh who held the rank of 1,000 withOOO horse, and who did service under Ubiilfaqar Khan Bahauur. After him his IlOn Anand Singh and his grandson Zorawar Singh became ohiefs. At the time of writing, Gaj Singh the adopted son of Zorawar Singh, who is of the same tribe, is the chief.
t

.ul-UrruJ,ra.

lilJALIL ULLJ.H lilJAN. lYIALIL ULLJ.B ~AN.

767

(Vol. I, pp. 775-782.) He was the younger brother of A~lat Khan l Mir Bakhshi .El married tu ijamida Banii Regam the aaughter of Saif Khan li a ~ daughter'~ daughter of A~afKban Yamin-ud-DauJa (Nl1rJahan's br~tht ~' Jn .the relgn of Jahangir he was imprisoned by Mahabat Khan al er). with ~~ (Yamin-ud-Daula) at the time of MaMbat Khan'sUsurpat~~g of au~horlty. In the 3rd year of Shah Jahan's reign he received the titI: of Khan, and afterwards was made Mir Tuzu~ s (Court Chamberlain). In the 6th.year., 104~ A.H., 1632 A.D., he w~ made Mir A.ti8k (Head of the Artillery), and ill the 9th year he atta.ined the rank of 2000 and was made Qarawal (Chief huntsman). In the 18th year he' obt~ined the rank of 3,000 WIth 2,000 horse" and was made Qurbigi II (Keeper of the Arsena.l). In the 19th year he was sent along with Prince Murid Bakbsh fo; the capture of BallW and BadaJroshan, and became leader of the left ~ of_the rese~v~_ The Prince sent off Khalil ul1ah Khan with Chin QuJiJ Hhin and Mirza Nau4har f eafavi from Charikarau to go by.Abdarah &l1d take the forts of Kahmard s and Q.hOri. The &!an by his rapidity went on one stage ahead with Mirza Naudbar and When they passed the lcatal_ (defile) of Gandak "-whi~h is the boundary between the province ofKabul and Kahmard, he appomted a body of men to go with all possible spe~ to Kahmard. The Uzbegs were di.sconoerted as soon as the heroes amved and left :the fort and fled. A few of them at first stood fum but at last they asked for quarter and surrendered the fort. ' KhaJiJ :rJllah_ ~ .after taking steps for streugthening the fort, went on 'lf:lth Mir~a;,Naud.bar a stage &head of QuJij Khan and sent on a force ag.alnst ~hon-who had come out of the fort under the impression that the lmpenal troops were men of the Hazaraja.t,-but after a short struggle fled. The gallant men followed close on his heeJs and entered

"':S

B.ig

K1RTALAB ~IN.

(Vol. III, pp. 153, 154.) He was originally a Mahratta, and his name was Baswant Rao. In the reign of Jahingir he became one of the royal servants and was appointed to the Deocan. He was given tbe rank of 2,00(} with 1,000 horse. Afterwards, when he became a Muhammadan, he had the title of K.r!;aJab Khin. In the 3rd year of Shah .Jahan's reign, when the royal standards were established in the Deccan, his rank was increased to 3,000 with 2,000 horse. In the 9th year when the King came to the Deccan for the second time, and troops were appointed to chastise Rhahii Bhonsle and to ravage the territory of' Adil Khan, he was sent along with Khan Zaman. After that he served with the governors of the Deccan. Jn the 30th year he was attached to Prince Muhammad Aurangzib Bahiidur in the expedition against Qutb.ul-Mulk l. After that business was disposed of, he was sent' off by the Prince along with Kesar Singh Zamindiir of Deogarh to collect a sum of money for which the above named (Kesar Singhf was responsible. Afterwards when the Fates made another arrangement, and the Prince proceeded to Upper India on the pretext of inquiring after his father's health, he conciIiated Kartalab Khan and took him with him. He was attached to Aurangzib's stirrnps in the batties 2 against Maharaja Jaswant Singh and Dara Shikoh. He died at his appointed time.
------------_._-_.~----

1 The reference is to the expedition against Golconda in 1655 A.D .. see Sir' Ja.dunath Barkar, HMtory Qj Aurcrngzib, I, pp. 204-212. II Battle of Dharmat, April 25, 1658 A.D. and Simiigarh, June 8, 1658 A.D., see Sarkar, op. cil., II, pp. 359, 377.

1 .A~lat Jihan ~ir 'Abdul HiidI, Ma<W!ir-ul-Umara, Text I, pp. 167-172 Beverldge s translatIOn, pp. 295-299. ' _ II M~ir.-ul.Umai-a, Text II, pp. 416-421. His name was Sail Khan MIrzi ~afI and his WIfe-the daughter of YamIn-ud-Daula-was Malika Bii.nii:- She died In the 14th rear of Shah Jahan's reign. JihaJIl UllalI Jihan was son of MIr MIran cf Yaz?-. ~IS ~andfather, who W88 also called JihalII Ullah Jihan, left Yazd and came to !n~a Wl!'h h~s son :MIr ~irjj,n on accotUlt. of his ~amily having been iII-treated by Sh.ah Abbas, .mde .JihfI ~an, I, p. 627; thIS was m JahangIr's time. The grandchildren remamed III PersIa, but afterwards came to India. ~ See Banarsi Prasad, History tJj 8hahjahan, p; 273. He was the Court ChamberIam Or Master of Ceremonies. 4 Biidsh.iihnama, I, p. 474. . 5 For ~_detailed discussion of the terms1]!}at and8uwar, see Blochmann's translat.IOn o~ .ii ~~'. I (2n~ e~.), pp. 249-259; Irvine, Army oj the Indian Moghuls, p. 9; Tnpa:thl Incnan HU/toncal Records Commission, V, pp. 60-62; Banarsi Prasad, op. mt., pp. 284-289. ~ 6. Qilrbeg in dictio~aries iSlj\'iven to me~ Keeper of Arsenal, hut Banarsi Prasad, op. ~t., p. 273, folIowmg Bem Prasad, Ht8tory oj Jahangir, p. 96, calls him .. in cha~ge of the royal standards" .or .. ~ord Standard-bearer ". Irvine in Army oj the Ind~an Moghuls, p. 205, descrIbes him as officer entrusted with the insignia and standards. _ 7 Son of MIrza I;laidar and grandson of Mirza M~affar Safavi, vide Biidsh.iih. nama, ll, pp. 99, 521. . 8 North of Bilmian. 9 G&inbadhak in Biidshahniim"', II, p. 521.

768

KHAL1L ULLAH KHAN.

MaatJlir

.ul-Umara.

769

tbe fort after fighting with him, Qabid took refuge in the citadel, and then came to terms with Khalil illlab Khan and waited upon him. The said Khan made over the fort to Ihtimam Khan and joined the Prince along with Qabad. .After that country had come into the possession of the imperial servants and the learned Sa'ad Ullah Khan had arrived in the city of Balkh for the purpose of making a settlement, Khalil Ullah Khan took the confidential servants of Nadhar Muhammad Khan with him and retl1J;ned to the Court. In the 20th year he again went off to the BaUm campaign with the fortunate and victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzib. He had arrived at I;>uhak when he heard 1 of the death of ~lat Khan (his elder brother), and from excess of affection his heart turned away from worldly matters and he retired into solitude. Though the Prince came to console him and gave him counsels of patience and said to him that at such a crisis it was repugnant to loyalty to withdraw himsclf from thc King's service, the exhortation had no effect. Accordingly, he was punished by being uepnved of his rank and jagir In the 21st year he showed signs of repentanre, and was again given tbe ma~ab of 4,000 Dhat with 3,000 horse, the fief of Mewat and its faujddri in succession to Shah Beg Khan, and was ordered to go to his fief from Lahore without having the honour of waiting upon the Sovereign. In the 22nd year he was made Ba\ilishi. In the 23rd year he was appointed in succession to Ja'far Khan to the high post of Mir Ba!i!Jshi, and in the 24th year he received an increase of J ,000 horse, and on the death of Mukarmat Khan he was made /iubiidiir of Shahjahanabad. In the 26th year he was made a Panjhazari (5,000) with 4,000 horse and was appointed with a large force to go in company with' Ali Mardan Khan Amir-ul-Umara to protect Kabul-the government of which had been assigned to Prince Dara Shikoh and his son-but which the Prince was leaving to besiege Qandahar. Mter that, as the ruler of Srinagar (Garhwal)-which is in the hills north of the Capital-trusting to the strength of his fort and the difficulties of the hills, had not since the accession of Shah Jahan paid his respects, and was showing signs of rebellion, Khalil Ullah Khan was appointE,'(} to chastise him. He was, however, ordered first to go to his fief and put it in order, and then to go on the expedition. In ,the 29th year he came from his estatel' to the Capital and in f;lafr 1065 A.H. (DE'cember, 1654 A.D.) set out with 8,000 horse. The Zamindar of Sirmiir 2-which is the top of a hill north of the Capital, and the place from which ice comes to Shahjahanabad-joined Khalil Ullah Khan and assisted him. When he came to the Dun-which js a place outside of the hills of Srinagar and is in length 20 kos and in breadth five kos, and one end of which touches the Jumna and another the Ganges, and has in both directions villages and cultivated estates--he began near Khelaghar to establish stations (thiinas). Up to the bank of the Ganges he built earthen forts at every place that he: :dged proper, and appointed bodies of men to look after them. When he came to the bank of the Ganges, which had to be crossed in order to enter the hills, he sent a force across and took possession of thana Chandni which was a depE'ndency of Srinagar outside of the Dun and Khelaghar. Bahadur Chand the ruler of Kumaon joined the army with the intention of rendering service.
1 RiiJI,shiihndma, II, p. 677. " Elliot, VII, p. 105.

~ t~e rainy season. had nearly arrived, and the. season for campalgWDg and for entermg the hill-country was over and moreover ~h?~ was no reason for. capturing that oountry the olimate of whioh was Inmuc~l to all but the mhabitants, who belonged to the race of demons and wild beasts, Khalil Ullah Khan, in aocordanoe with the im rial orders.reserved the ~uestion of the hills and settled the Diin-the re:nue of whIch at that tlille was 150,000 rupees or sixty laos of diiImB for t~e tw~lye months~n Chatr BhOj Chiihan as his fief on condition of his resIdmg there. Chatr BhOj then had a r1UU'/,fab of l 500 with l 000 horse. The t1uina of Chii.ndni was made over to the of Hardwir I The~after Khalil Ullah Khan returned to the Court and was again granted an mcrease of two-horse and three-horse troopers. In the 31st year when after the sudd~n illness of Shah Jahin, affairs took a different turn. and a change of reSIdence became essential he in Muharram 1068 A H (Octo~er-N~vember, 16?7 A.D.) moved ~m Shahjahanii.bii.d to A~a: ~he saId Khan w~ appo~t~d t? take charge of the former oity. When lD t~e. end of Shah Jahan s reIgn Diri Shikoh placed il, on acoount of suspIClOn, ~uhammad Amin Khan (son of Mir Jumla) the Mir Ba/enski 8 under surveillance, that high office was restored to Khalil mIih KhAfter that, when Dara Shikoh r~solved to OppOl'le Aurangzib, he, from ::~ great confidence that he had m Khalil mIii.h Khin, sent' h\m off with a strong army by w~y of vang.uard from Agra to DhOlpiir. On the day of the battl~ he, W1th the MU' 5 (1) Tiiraniins and royal officers had command of the right wing. As he had secretly made promises of service and loyalty (to Aurangzib) he, in the height ofthe engag3ment, with 15,000 troopers who were swordsmen and spearmen, did not move frolY' his place .though the 'Ozbeg trooPJl who were with him behavl br~~J and dId what they,?ould to repulse t~e foe. After Dara Shikoh's defeat, and wh~n ~u:.an~zlb was en~amped m the environs of Agra, Fii.dil Kbin the Khan-~:Saman, ca:r;ne .agam 6 on behalf of Shah Jahan and' offered congratulatlOns and mVIted Aurangzib to wait upon the E -b t mperor. AurangzI. ~. fi rst accep.ted ' the proposal, but afterwards at the instigation of :*,lf-op:llionated a~V18er~ refused to go and do homage to his father. Sha:,h Ja~an sent !ilialil mIah Khan and Fal;lil Khan ith messages. Khalil Kh~n wh? III consequence of the former conc0.rd was admitted to a pnvate mte:.v~ew before F84il Khan, spoke so much against the invitation that.AurangzIb s alarm and dread were increased a hundredfold and II detamed 7 Khalil Ullah Khan and sent back Fii.<,liI Khan without the latte~

lcrori

Ull8:h

l Nii.gar Ds the KrOri of Ha~d~ir,fJ'ide Elliot, VII, p. 107. For Kron soo Ja<hmath Sarkar, Mughal Admtnt8tration p. 41 note t 2 'A.lamgimama, pp. 84, 95. " . . 3 For Mir Ba~8hi Bee l?n H~an, The Centra1 Structure of the Mughal Em 're pp. 210-;-233. He discU8seB Dl deta~ the meaning of the word Bakh8hi, the and ~utle,!J ?f t~e officers at the Capital, on tour and on the battlefield: KlIMI Khan, II, p. 22. Ibif~ ~n Ull.h K!!ii.n was not a Tiirii.niii.n, but he had Ozbegs under bim vide bet 11!!~, II, p. 26. .Apparently the word occurs in te:lCt because the author . a( I ractmg from' A.lamgirnama, p. 95, where at line 4 from bottom the word Sya~ fi..... l-occurs after the mention of Bome Uzbeg names. . 6 ' A.lamgirnama, p. ll2. Soo also Sir Jadunath Sarkar' H"'--' o' Aum~" II, p. 415. -~." './ .,,~~,

S'

ll'

n:be;

ritie: ~~~ma, pp. ll4, ll5; SJu'kar, op. cit., p. 416, where all relevant autho-

770

(MIR) DALIL ULL1H YAZDl'.

-ulUmar.

(MIR) DA.LIL ULLAH YAZDI.

771

having attained his object. Though the office of Mir Ba~Aiwasrestore<! to Muhammad Amin Khin, but 'Umdat-ul-Mulk KhalIl Ullih Khan was raised to the rank of 6,000 two-horse and three-horse troopers. He Wall sent off from Ag.l}rabid l in Delhi in command of the forces in pursuit of Dara Shikoh, and he, with Bahidur Khan Koka did not draw the reina till they reached Multii.n. At the same time, in the beginning of the yea.r 1069 A.H. (1658 A.D.) Khalil Ullih Khi.n was made governor of the Panji.b. In the 4th year he fell ill at LahOre and as the illness berame protracte? he came to the Capital, but on account of weakness was unable to pay h18 respects and alighted at this own quarters. Taqarrub Khan (I;Iakim Da'iid) and others of the royal physicians were ordered to visit him. He had been much reduced by the length of the illness, and a slight injury-the consequence of carele88ness in the matter of food-made his case beyond the reach ofmedicine! On 2 Rajab, 1072 A.H. (21 February, 1662 A.D.) he died. Aurangzib' in appreciation of his services ?ast the shadow of kindness on his representatives and showedthem V&1'lOUS favours. Mir Khan, Rub UJ.li.h Kha.n, and' Aziz Ullih his SODS and Iftikbir Khan Multafat Khan and Baha'-ud-Din his brother's sons and SaifUllih 8afa-rl his son-in-law received dresses of honour. His wife and daughter received an annual allowance of Rs.50,OOO, 'l.nd his sons and son-in-law received increases of rank. Khalil Ullah Khan was of noble origin, a.nd had great ability i he long -;;rved the royal dynasty. He spent hill ~t days in loyalty to the reigning Emperor. For these reasons he acqutted a great name. They say that Khalil Ullah Khan in compa.rison with his eIder brother ~at Khan was rough in speech and manners. When both brothers were appointed to accompany Sbih Shuja' to the sieg~ of Parenda, Mahib~t Khan was as much vexed with and full of complamts about Khalil ullih Khan &8 he was pleased with ~at Khan. Mt\f Khan too was always worried on account of his unaccommodating nature 3.
(MIa) JYIALIL ULLAH YAZDl'.

JJll1'&cles and ell'pOSitions. His lineage goes up to the !mam Mti.si K~im (the 7th !mim), may God's blessings be on him and his venerable descendants I The place where the Saiyid W&8 born and rea.red has not been a.soertained, but after acquiring knowledge from many distinguished IDflD he settled in Kirmin. The learneel men of that place accused him of hereBy, and he answered, "They acknowledge the goodnes8 of God, and afterwa.rds they deny the same, but the greater part of them are unbelievers" (Siim ]6, v. 85). As the Saiyid was a pupi! of 'Abdullah Yama.nI Shifa'i Bome regarded him as belonging to the Shifa~i seet, but the following verse of his proves the contrary.
Ver8e.

They say to me what is your religion? O ignorants, what religion elo I have? From Shifa'i and Abu Hanifi. I hold my own mirror before myself; They are all foHowers of my ancestor ; l I hold the faith of my ancestor. . His writings in trea.tises "and pamphlets amount to nearlv 500. As the report of his abilities spread everywhere the kings of tIre a:-ge put the rings of his discipleship in their ears. He died in the year 728 A.H., and is buried in Mahan.2 one of the dependencies of Kirmin. Authorities differ in the accounts of his sons. Those of the order, who to this day sit on the seat of their ancestors, maintain that they are desccnded from Amir G...hiy.t!l-ud.Din who was the direct son of the Saiyid. But !lome maintain that the only !lon of the Saiyid was Shah KhaJil Ullah. When Sultan Ahmad Bahmani of the Deccan, who founded the city of Bidar be~ame, in absence 3, a disciple oethe Saiyid, he begged tha.t he would send him one of his sons. The Saiyid was not willing to send his son, as he had only one, and so sent his son's son Nur Ullah 4. Under the circumstances, G...hiyatb-ud-Din may be a title of Shah Khalil Ullih, and it i!l also probable that the birth of Amir QPiyath-ud-Din may have taken place after this event. They say that Sultan Ahmad considered the arrival of his Master's descendant (grandson) a great boon, and with his officers and sons met him in the environs of the city and brought him to his home. He established a village at the place of meeting and called it Ni'matabid.. He exerted himself to the utmost to do him honour and gave him the title of King of Shaikbs (Malik-ul-Miishd'iklJ) and ordered that he should
l Presumably, MU8ii Klizim who was born in 128 A.H. = 745-46 A.D., see Khazina A"jiya, I, p. 48. . . 2 Miiliii.n is sitll6ted to the south-east ofKirmii.n. Seven appears to be a mistake ~ the Text for 8, as. Ni'mat Ullih belonge to the 8th century of the ij:ijra and died m the 9th century ln 834 A.H. (1431 A.D.), see Ferishta (Newal Kishore edn.) l, p. 329 and Rieu, Persian MSS.'Cat. II, p. 634, where it is stated that Mihan is eight passages (Ieagues) from Kirman, and that Ni'mat Ullii.h died there on 211 Rajab, 834 A.R. (April, 1431 A;D.) at the age of 103 or 104 lunar years. a w.Gi'bna, i.ll. without having had a personal interview with the Saint. . 'Ferishta 86YS Ni'mat ull&h firSt sent his disciple Qu~b-ud-Din, and afterwardB bis grandson Niir Ul1lI.h, ttide his account of Ahmad Shih Bahs.manI, l (Newal Kishore edn.), pp. 328, 329. .

(Vol. III, pp. 335-342.)

He was a descendant of that paragon of wisdom Saiyid Nur.ud-D~ Shah Ni'mat' Ullih the saint who is famed throughout the world for his
1 N1&fI IQlin, n, p. 39, who Bays the Adlarabid garden is now known 88 BAp Shii.limir; see also Sarkar, op. cit., p. 446. . 2 Ma<u.l!ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 39, and 'Alamgirnama, pp. 68~, 663. . 3 Bemier, pp. 53, 54, refers .!Q!ii.lil Ulliili and speaks of 1118 treach?rous adVlce to Dara, but see the jud.icious remarks of Elphinstone, History of India (1905 edn.). p. 584. According to Bemier, ~alil ull&h W88 made Mir Bal$shi ~ place_ of his patron D&nishmand who had reslgned 68 he was not a favourlte With Dira. He aI80 86YS that Khali1 Ull8h behaved treacherously to Dari be.caus e the latter had had him beaten with slippers. If Khalil Ullah stood still and dId not attack ~he foe, would he have venturro. afterwards to advise Dam or would Dara have listened to him? Bemier sooms to be the only person whQ speaks of J\!laIil Ull~'s having 30000 Mug!!als Wlder him. Khii,fi KhAn, II, p. 26, apeaks of hIS attackmg MurM B~lWsh with 3 or 4,000 Ozbeg archers. The Ta4!Jl#a-ul-Umara s~ys he ~ade the ShilAmar gardens in Lihoreat a cost of six Iaes. For further detaIls see Str Jadunath Sa.rkar, History of Aurangzib, II, p. 399, note. , In I{1;azina A~jiya, I, p. 114, it is stated that Ni'mat UDah belonged to the Qidiri order. Also see Beale, Orienwl Biographical Dicttonary (1881 edn.), p. 203, according to which ne died in 1424 ,?r 1431 A.D.

772

(MIR) lillALIL ULLlH YA.ZDI.

Maiiil!ir

ul-Umara.

(MIR) :KHALlL ULLAH YAznl.

\

773

have precedence over the son of Saiyid Muhammad Gesu Dariz. ~e also gave him his da.ughter in marriage. Shah Khalil Ull.h also after h18 revered father's death came with his two sons Shah Habib Ullah and Shah Muhib Ullih to Muhammadibid (Ahmadabad) Bidar. When he ha.d accomplished his purpose he returned to his native country. But some 1 say that he died in the Deccan. As SMh ~abib Ullah and Shah M:ubib IDlah became connected by marriage with Sultan Ahmad and his son Prince" Ala.'-ud-Din Shih Habib Ullah entered 2 the service of the son and made over the'charge of the monastery to his younger brother shih Muhib U11iih. He himself assumed thE' pomp and circumstance of Amirship and indulged in drums and a retinue. He obtained the township of Bir as a fief. When the sovereignty came to the son of Sultan "Ali'-ud-Din who was known as Humayun Shah the T,yl'ant, he imprisoned ij:abib Ullih who had opposed him. As the latter's brain was suffused with the vapoursofleadership, he escaped from confinement, but was at last put to death. The chronogram 3 is: Bar a11lad rii1J, pak Ni'mat Ullak (The pure soul of Ni'mat Ullih departed). Hill descendants are still living in the Deccan. Some persons in Badalilishan and Turah also claim relationship with the Saiyid. Probably in course of time one of his descendants had g<me to those regions. A strange thing is that everyone of them has a different creed and ascribes it to the Saiyid. Those who are in Yazd and Kirman, and represent their great ancestor, have not varied but preserve his doctrines, and his lineage. One of this family who rose to honour and prosperity in PersilI. (Fars) and 'Iraq was Mir Nizam-ud-Din 'Abd, the successor of Shih eafi-udDin son of Amir Qhiyit}}.ud-Din. He became ~adr of Shih Isma'il eafavi. The PakU of the State, Amir Najm 'Lhani, had great faith in this family, and when he went to Balkh he made the Mir his deputy. When Amir Najm Thani was killed (at Gajdiwan) the Mir became the royal VakU. He fell into the hands of the Turks at the battle of Chaldiran in 920 A.R. (1514 A,D.) and was killed. His son Saiyid Na'im.-ud-Din known as Ni'mat IDlah II-who was distinguished for his piety and abstinence and who spent his days in prayer-was married by Shah 1ahmasp eafa ~i to ~ own sister Khanish Kbanam. He died in Hamadan and left behmd hml more than' 40 lacs of rupees; these were divided between his son Amir Qhiyatb-ud-Din Mullammad Mir Mirin and his q.aughter Pari Paik~r (Fairy-faced) Khanam. Mir Miran was the object of honour by the Shah and had the title of Murt84a-i-M:ammalik-i-Islam-thechosen of the realms of Islam. His sons Mir Ni'mat Ullah and Mir Khalil Ullah became famous' by marrying in the l;lafavi family. The faithful of the order of Shah Ni'mat U11ah behaved to him as disciples, and receiv~d enlightenment from him. They were unrival1ed for their grandeur, houses,
This aooma to be taken from Feriahta, op. cit. There is evidently something wrong.in the Text here.. In Mai}tllir-uru..rr;ar, III, p. 337, it is stated that l1abib Ullii.h died (dar guz~ht) ID the reIgl1.of Ala _-u~ Din, but on the next page it is noted that ~abib Ulliih, was pnt to death ~ ~wnayun Shah's reign. It also speaks of Niir Ullii.h when apparently ~abib Ullii.h lS lll;ea.nt. It was Muhib Ullii.h who became the son-in-law of 'AJa'-udDin (see Fenshta.
l

gardens, etc. Their pensions, perquisites, eto., came to 5,000 t6miins and as the disposition l of the Mir was not free from ambition and self seeking, in 998 A.H. (1590 A.D.) the 3rd year of Shah 'Abbis I's reign, Yaktish Khan Mshar son ofVa1i Khan Qiirchibashi the governor of Kirman and Yazd, who was 80 trickster and an ambitions man, and was the soninlaw of the Mir (Miran) instigated him to aim at the rule of all PersilI.. The end of the affair was, that there was fighting at Yazd with Ya'qub Khan the Amir-ul-Umara. of the country and that Ektash Khan entered the city. Ya'qub Khan sent a message to the Mir Miran that as Yaktiish Khan was the enemy of the King, he makes him over to the Mir. The latter, in order to avert suspicion from himself and to save himself, t'ontrived to get Yaktii.sh Khan into his power, and kept him in custody until he committed suicide. Thereupon Ya'qub Khan felt eontempt for the Mir and his other sons, and levied from him large sums as tribute and fines. But he increased his defence for Mir Khalil Ullah, who had always been opposed to his father and to Yaktash Khan. After Yakt~sh Khan's widow, who was the daughter of Mir Miran, had observed the time of her mourning, he (Ya'qub Khan) married her. Afterwards, when Mir Khalil reached the summit' of success, and he became arrogant, the Shah proceeded in the 4th year of his reign to Fars. Mir Miran waited upon him. Meanwhile Shahr Banu Begam, the wife of Mir Ni'mat Ull8.h, his son-who was the husband of Shah 1'ahmasp's daughter-died a natural death in l~fahan, and the Shah himself paid him a visit of condolenee and consolation. But except that Mir Khalil was graciDusly treated, he did not get any further honour. When the Shah came to Yazd, he alighted at the Bagh Gulshan-which was Mir Khalil Ul1ah's residence, and Mir Khalil Ul1ah's wife, who was the daughter of lsma'il Mirza the son of' Shah Talunasp, performed the duties of a hostess. The Shah conferred various favours on Mir Khalil and made over the affairs of Yazd to him. Afterwards, however, 1\111' Khalil also for some reasons became the object of the Shah's censure, and from fear of his life fled with his two sons Mir Miran and Mir Zahir-ud-DIn in very straitened circumstances to India which is the abode of security. In the 2nd year of Jahangir's reign, 1016 A.H. (1608 A.D.) he did homage at LahOre, an,d received the rank of 1,000 with 200 horse, and a fief, and a present of Rs.12,OOO for expenses. The year had not ended when he died of diaIThoea 2. His eldest son Mir Miran received royal favours and was married to ~alih Banu Begam the daughter of Af?af Khan Yamin-ud-Daula, and his tw.o sons Mir 'Abdul Radi and Mir Khalil Ullah-who on account of theIr tender age had remained in Persia-were out ofkindness asked to be sent to India by Jahangir in a letter to Shah 'Abba.s. They both rose to high ranks in the Indian Empire, as has been mentioned separately in their accounts 3. Mir Zahir-ud-Din resigned service and lived in retirement. Shah Jahan granted him an annual allowanoe of Rs.18,OOO, and on thll feast of tbe 'ld and at the New Year showed him special
Taken from' ..IZam Ara'i, accolUlt of 2nd year of Shah' Abbas I. He died in the 3rd year of J ahangir's reign in J IDle 1608 A.D., see Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tuzuk.i-Jahiingiri, I: pp. 145, ~O? _. _ 3 For the biography of Al?alat Khan Mir Abdul Hii.di, see Maay!tr.ul-Umora, Text I, pp. 167-172, and Beveridge's translation, pp. 295-299, while that of Kbalj) Ulli.h Khii.n (Text I, pp. 775-782) is Fublished immediately preceding this 8CcoIDlt, ppt 767-770.
l

op. c:t';he is by Saiyid ':rii.hir forms (th line ?f a quatrain, Ilee Fenshta, op. cit. p. 342 and De and Prashe.d s translatIOn of 1'abaqat. i-A kOON, III, p. 84. .

~hrono~m

Ast~iibii.d.i, ~d

~he

________________
774
KHAN DAUR.1N.

.-..--~"."-."...,'".~"""""=.------~J-

."

'.'_'"
775

Maiitl1ir

.ul-Umara.

U.1N DAUR.1N AMIR-UL-UMAR.1.

favours. His son Mir Ni'mat Ullah received the rank of 1,000. In the 25th year he became the son-in-law of Mirza Murad ~a~ ~afavi t~e .grandson of Mirza. Rustam of Qandahir and who was fauJdiir of Jaunpur arid was made his deputy. In the beginning of Aurangzib's reign he got the title of Khan and had an increase of rank and was living with his fatherin-law.
K1I.1N DAUR.1N.

(Vol. I, pp. 782-785.) He is Saiyid Mahmud the second son of Khan Dauran Nalp'at Jang1. After his father's death he received the rank of 1,000 with 1,000 horse. By grace of fortu~e and in view .of his good .services, he. surpass~d his lIder brother SaiyId Muhammad m the purSUIt of promotIOn and rIche.s. In the 22nd year (of Shah Jahan's reign) he had a manl}ab of 2,000 and ~ the Qandahar campaign he was attached to Muhammad AurangzIb Bahadur. In the 23rd year at the time of the return he came with Sa'ad Ullih Khan-who was hurrying to salute the threshold-and had the honour of an audience. He received his father's earlier title of N~iri Khan. After that, he was made an auxiliary officer of the province of MiiJwa and got the fief of Ra'isin and the government of its fort. In the 30th year he went to the Der;:can in company with the governor of Malwa, who, along with all the oontingent of that country, had been appointed by Prince Muhammad Aurangzib the governor of the Deccan to chastise 'Abdullah Qu~b Shah (of GOlconda 2). After executing that duty in a proper manner, he returned to his home; and in the same ~ear he was again ordered to the Deccan, and as an attendant on Prmce Aurangzib did good service in attacking and devastating the territory of' .A dil Shah 3. When Shiva and Mana;i BhOnsle 4, at the instance of the Bijapiiris, raised the head of disturbance in the neighbourhood of Ahmadnagar, and attacked certain estatea, Na~iri !\han went there with 3,000 .h~~ in company with a number of officers such ~ ~a.rt;alb !\han and IraJ Khan, and acted bravely, and put many of ShlVll s men to the. aword. He took up his quarters in Pandya Birga.on, so that the rebels mIght not reaoh the royal estates. After the taking of the forts of Bidar and Kaly~n, the exertions of everyone of the contingent were brought to the not1ce of Shah Jahan by the Prince and everyone was suitably reward~d. Nasiri Khan received the rank of 3,000 with 2,500 hor~. In one campaIgn aft~r another he tlistinguished himself by good service and became a favourite with the Prince, and when, after the battle with Raja Jaswant 5 tbe Prince encamped at GwiiJiyar, Na~iri Khan came, according to orders, from fort Ra'i&in and did homage, and received the high title of Khan Dauran. In the battle 6 with Dara Shikoh he commanded the right wing ofthe reserve, and after the victory, was raised to the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse, of which 2,000 were two-horse and three-horse. He with
l

a portion of the army was ~nt to govern Alla~abad after taking ,t~e fort, which was famed for Its strength, and whIch was held by SalYId Q.sim Barah on behalf of Dara. Shikoh. The latter, though he had heard of the flight of Dira Shikoh, resolved upon loyalty, and did not desert, but exerted himself to strengthen the fort. Khan Dauran set about besieging the fort, but when Shuja' came from Benares with the intention of giving battle, and arrived Dear Allahabad, Khan Dauran raised the siege and joined Prince Sultan Muhammad who had come near the fort aR the vanguard When Shuja' gave fortune to the winds, and an anuy under the command of Muhammad Sul~n pursued the vagabond, Khan Dauran acted as the Prince's auxiliary. At this time Saiyid Qii.sim Barah the governor of the fort of Allah8.bad, who in accordance with DaraShikoh's letter had joined Shuja's army, made a rapid march to Allahabad after Shuja' had been defeated l, and entered the fort before his arrival. Now he, from a consideration of final results, shut the gates against that hopeless one, and wisely'chose the King's service. When Sul~~ Muhammad came near Anahabad, Saiyid Qasim turned to Khan Dauran, who, before this, had obtained the command there and was besieging the fort. Saiyid Qasim made him the instrument for procuring the pardon of his offences, and Khan Dauran, in accordance with the King's order, encompassed him with favours, and took possession of the fort, and addressed himself to the government of the province 2. In the 2nd year when the government of tha-t province was made over to Bahadur Khan Koka, Khan Dauran was made the governor of Orissa. He went there and spent a long time in that distant province. In the lOth year 3, 1077 A.H., he died there a natural death.
:KlI.1N DAUR.1N AMIR-UL-UMAR.1.

(Vol. l, pp. 819-825.) His name was Khwaja 'A~m, and he came of a noble family.4. His ancestors came to India. from Rustaq in Badakbshan and settled ill Agra. Some took to military life and some spent their days as darvishes. His lIder brother Khwaja Muhammad Ja'far was one of the respeoted hermits. The discussion which Shaikh 'Abdullah Wa'i~ (preacher) of Multan had with him in the 3rdyear of Farru~b-siyar's reign about asceticism and the virtues of the saints is well kno~. Khwa.ja Muhammad Basi~ was the son of Khwaja Muhammad Ja'far. At first Khwaja 'A~m hold a small post in the body-guard (W(llaS1uikiyiin) of Sultan 'Azim-ush-Shan. When the latter, on the death of Aurangzib, pro~eeded' to Agra from Bengal at his father's summons, and left .his son Mul;la.mmad Fa.rrukb-siyar in Bengal, he put his Bon in the Khwaja's charge. As he was possessed of good manners, and ability,
B!'ttle of Khajuh, 14th January, 1659. 'Alamg'irniima, 1>. 303. 3 see Ma<W1,ir.i.' Alamgiri, p. 69.. where the appointment of his 8ucc~sor to the Qiihadari of Orissa is mentioned. his death must have occurred early ln 1667 or late in 1666. 4. For his life see Sir Jadunath Sa.rkar's edition of Imm'8 .Lat Mugnau, I~ pp. 264-266, etc.
l 2

Mat)jir.ul-Umarii,

2 3

4 5 6

History of Aurangzib, I, pp. 209-217. Sir Jadunath S8J'kar, op. cit., pp. 244-250. Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Shivaji, pp. 49-53. Battle of Dharmat, 25th April, 1658. Battle of Simiigarh, 8th JW1e, 1658.

see Sir Jadunath Sarkar,

I, pp. 749-758.

--_.... --_. --=-=-==-------_._------_._----_.,_.

776

.. _ - ~ _ . _ ~ - ~ ~ ~ - - - - ,

KHAN DA.URAN .AMIR-VL-UMARA.

Maiif!lir

-ul-Umara.

DAN DA.URAN AMIB-UL-UMA.RA.

777

he in a few days became the favourite of Farrukb-siyar and had the management of his affairs. Other dependants wrote such 'attacks about him that Sul1iin 'A~-ush-Shan SUIDtnoned him to his presence.. When ~ahiidur Shah died and Sultan 'A~im-ush-Shanwas killed in battle with his brother, and Muhammad Farrulili-siyar sat upon the throne, and with the aid of the Barah Saiyids proceeded to make war upon his uncle Jahandar Shah, the above-named Khwaja came to Farrulili-siyar and was made Darogja ofthe Divan-i-Kh~, and received suitable emoluments and the title of Ashraf Khan. He was also for some time Mir Atish (Head of a;tillery~ in addition to his DarOgkaship. Mter Farrukb-siyar had vanqUls?ed his uncle and had come to Delhi, the Khwaja was in the first year raISed to the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse and had a Bag and drums and the title of f;la~m-ud-Daula Khan Dauran Bahaur Ma~ii!" Jang. Mterwards, when in consequence of the levity and inexperience of the Sovereign, and the arrogance of the Saiyids of ;arah friendship between them was changed into enmity, the Khwaja-who possessed caution and good sense-did not break off with the Saiyids though he shared in the Emperor's counsels. In the 2nd year when the Amir-nl-Umara ~usain 'Ali Khan went off to the government of the Deccan in succession to N~am-nl-Mulk1 Fath Jang Bahadur, he was made deputy of the Mir Bakbshi. At the same time he was made 2nd Bakbshi in succession to Muhammad Amin Khan Bahaur. Afterwards he was made governor of Gujarat, and I;Iaidar Quli Khan, who had been made Superintendent ofthe port of Siirat, was made his deputy. When the sovereignty came to Muhammad Shah, and Husain 'Ali Khan was ~e~in the.first ye~ ofthe.reign and his troops gathered together and SalY1d QhaIrat Khan, ij:usaro 'Ali 'a sister's son, came to the royal enolosure with his men, the King, at the instanoe of his wellwishers mounted on an elephant and stood in front of the Daulatkhana. The Khwaja during the height of the commotion came with his m~ and was attached to the vanguard. After Qhairat Khan had been killed, and the disturbance was quelled, the Khwaja received the title of Amir-ul. Umara and the charge of the office of Mir Bakbshi. For a long time he remained in that appointment. He had pleasant manners, and was affable, and was fond of the society of the learned. In his company subjects of learning were always discussed. He was courteous to strangers, but reserved with his rivals. Whatever he got from his fiefs he spent upon his soldiera who were all in good condition, and there was no self-seeking in his marutgement of state affairs. .!~ey say that when. Ja'far Khan, the governor of BengaI, died and ShuJa -ud-Daula the son-mlaw of Ja'far Khan was appointe<Lin his place, he sent a l~~g~ sum .o! money, which -';light mean lakhs II (of rupees) for the KhwaJ?- I.n addItIOn to the royal trIbute, and the Khwaja deposited t~e wh?le of lt roto the royal treasury. The Rajas were much in league With hIID. When. the Mahrattas of the Deccan made a disturbance in Malwa in 1147 A.H. (1734-1735 A.D.) he went along with the Rajas
l The N~iim-ul-MuIkA~af ~ah. He got t?e title of Fatl;1 Jang from FarrulIDslyar. For an account .of his life, liee Maaf,!J,tr-ul-Umara, Text III, pp. 837-848 and pp. 875--882, also SIT Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later Mughals I pp. 267-271, ete. , ,

2 Ke ta'bir balakUk tawan kard. pluraI of lak, a 1akh or 100,000.

Lakiik is given in the

(]hith.ul-LugAatas -

the

l Baji Rao arrived outside"Delhi on 9 Q!.:Iul J;[ijja, 1149 A.H. (9th April, 1737), see Irvine's Later Mughals, II, p. 289. . . d 2 Elliot, VIII, p. 61, Sir William Jones-Ht8t<nre de Nader Chah, p. 297, an Irvine, op. r,it., p. 343. . k f h' 8 In /SIT William Jones's History, p. 299, only one. s~n lS.Spo en o as aVillg been killed. In a note in Frazer's Nadir Shah, p:. 158, lt IS said that the eldest s~n of Khan Daurii.n was killed, and that ~ii.n Da~an had two .bullet wounds,one ill the arm and another in the side. In IrVine, loe. ed., p. 348, he IS stated to have been rt II ounded in the face. The battle of Kamal was fought on 23rd February, ~~9~ 2rti: February according to Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 359. . .j, Sir William Jones in his life of Nii.dir Shah, op. e~., p. 27, has: the fountam of Meiab Kiupe Kale twenty parasangs north of Mashhad and near. Merv:. It was their swnmer quarters. Frazer says he was boro at 9&lot (Kalat'I.~adir). That lace lies to the N. of Mashhad. Wardeh of the msp8lS probably Aluverd. Sykes History of Persia (1930), II, p. 248, says he was boro at Kala Kulma or Old Fort in the autumnof 1100 A.H.

12

778

gIN DAURIN NAlJUT JANG.

MaciIl!ir

-'Id-Umara.

lilJIN DAUR!N NA~RAT JANG.

779

his own tribe8men who oppoaed him, and prev&iled over them. AfterWard8 in repeated battles he kilIed the MpinB and oheoked their power. After that he acooinp1iahed th.e conquest of the holy Maahhad(1138 A.H., 1725-26 A.D.) a.nd in 1141 A.H. took Iefahii.n. In 1145 A.H. he defeated the armie8 ofR~ and made peace qn five l conditions. (l) The learned men of Riim should oount the Imii.miya 8ect as the fifth sect. (2) The four pilla.rB of the mosque at Mecca belong to the four Imims ; the men of the lniimiya religion should share with them in one pillar and say their prayers according to the J80'far rites. (3) A Mir ij:aj to be appointed every yea.r from Persia, and to be treated with respect and hon?ur. (4) The prisoners of the countries ofPersi~ and Riim ~o be released, WIth wh;o";Usoever they might be, and the buY1Dg and selling of then:l to be prohlblt~. (5) An agent from either Court to be always present so that the affaJl"s o( each country may be suitably disposed of. In the year 1147 A.~.lt he &8Cended the throne, and in 1151 A.H (1738-1739 A.D.) came to IndIa. Muhammad Shih at last made peace with him and made over to him a large sum of money and endless goods a, among them the Peacock Throne which W&8 made by Shah Jahin. In 1152 A.H. he returned, and got possession of the whole territory of Per8ia, Balkb and Hbwirazm. In the year 1160' A.H. his sentries entered his tent at night and killed him. After him some of his 80ns rose to power. The last ofthem had nothing left but a name.

:K1I1N

DAUBJ.N NAlJUT JANG.

(Vol. I,pp. 749-758.) His naine W&8 Kbwija. eibir, .and he was the son of Ihwa.ja ij:i~i Naqshbanw. In the time of Jahii.ngir he obtained an office and was
l There is no such account in Sir Willia.m JonIllI's life of Nidir Shah. Afterwards at all events Nidir Sbih was a bigoted Sunnl. There were said to be four orthociox sects of Muha-mmMAAS, and appal'llIltly NAdir demanded that the Shi' as should be recognised &8 a fifth orthodox seet. see I""ne'8 Later MUf/halB, n, pp. 317-320, for Nidir Shi.h's early life. This date should be 114,8 A.H. On p. 319 he is stated to have ascended the throne on 26th February, 1736; see also Oambridge Hi.Btiory oj India, IV, p. 357, and Sykes. lIi8tory oj PerBia, II, p. 2 4 8 . . . . . . For details of the inden:uuty leVIed by Nidir Shah at Delhi, see SIr Jadunath Bark&r's account in Innne'8 Later MughalB, II, pp. 371-373. .. 4. In Sir William Jonllll's History, op. ciI., pp. 400, 401, the date IS gIven &8 8th June, 1747, and the names of the murders are Ali Kuli Khan, Mo~med Saleh Khan and Mohammed Kuli Khan; and the place is sts~ to ~ve been Fa~haba two farsa.ngs distant from Khabouchan. ~n t?-e O~mbridge H~ oj Indw, IV. p. 371, the date is 2nd June, 1747. Sykes ID hIS Hwtory oj Per8ta, II, pp. ~72, 273,. mentions the names of only two, 'Moha.med Salah Khan and Mohamec T{:uh Khan , and states that he was killed in 1160 (1747). Sir Willia.m Jonllll's Hi8tory in French was a translation ~f the Persian MS. of Tiiri/m-i.JaMn-GuaM.i-Nadiri (see Ivanow, DeBCf'. Oat. ~er8tan MSS., ,.1a. Soo. Bengal, p. 30, 1924) by Mu1:].ammad Mahdi. In the Persl&l1 Te:ct o~ t,hIS work published by the Asiatic Society in 1845, the date, on p. 326, ofNidir Shah S murder is given as ~ ~ .>..D ~ )I)A JL... U'~~I U',)I~ ~~4 ~~. The sa.me date and day are given in Oskar Mann Das Mujmil et-Tarikh.-j-Ba' DNiidWije (Leilien, 1896), p. 15; This according to WdnstenfeldMa.hler Vergleich.u'ng8-Tabellen (1926). would correspond to 20th June, 174,7 A.D. The day, however, does not agree. as &CCOrding to these tables loth June W&8 a Saturday,. and 20th. therefore, would be a Tuesday and not a Sunday &8 recorded by the Author of the Persian work.

appointed to the Decc&n. !QIin-Khini.n l observed in him 8igns of oourage and skill and pa.tronised him. For some reason he retired from his service, and atta.ohed himself to Ni~ Sbih. As he perceived that young men were enoouraged tht:n'e,.he entered among them and so exerted himself that he became an int~te.companion, and received the title of Shih Nawii.z Khin. Later he gave up this semce and became a servant of Prince Sbih Jahin, and received the title of N~iri Kha.n. He was the Prince's close attendant in all the vicissitudes of his fortune and did not leave the least point of good service undone. In the case of occasional necessity he' even looked after the saddles and bridles of the special horses. In the Tons II battle (near Benires) he W&8 leader of Shih Jahin's troops. As on tha,t day all threw the dust of iIl8tability on their heads, he too could not maintain his ground. After' AbdullAh Khin had behaved unfaithfully and .had separated from the Prince, Khan Daurin also deserted in consequen('e of his being'Abdullib Khan's Bon-in-law and joined Malik 'Amb&!'. On his death he joined Ni~am-ul Mulk, who had established himself in position. In the 2nd year of Sbih Jahin's reign he presented himself at the Court and received the rank of 3,000 with 2,()()(} horse and his old title of N&Biri Khin. When in the 3rd year Shih Jabin in BurMnpiir appointed a iarg~rmy to ch&8tise Khan Jahin (LOdi) and to conquer the .Ni~imShihi territory, !QIii.n Daurin was directed to proceed in company with Rija Gaj Singh. Out of his zeal he represented that if the task of taking the country of Telingi.na and Qanda.hir 8-..whither Rio Ra.t/lln had been sent-were entrusted to him, he would in a short time aocomplish it. He received the rank of 4,000 with 3,000 horse, and was deputed to that expedition. He set before himself the taking of the fort 'Of Qandahir '-which wll.8 famed for its strength-and began by defeating Sarafriz Khin the leader of the army of that country and who had prepared for a battle between the town and the fort. Muqarrab Khii.n, Bahliil Khii.n and Randaula Khan the'Adil-Shihi had come in force to the assistance of the garrisO!r.,md were making a commotion, but Khii.n :Qaurii.n's vigorous efforts made them turn back. At this time A '~am Khin the l!iiJJadar of the Deccan came to his help, and as the besieged saw that their capture was at hand, they surrendered. After four months and nineteen days eadiq the son-in-Iaw of Yiqiit Khudiwand Klian gave up the keys in the4th year, 1040 A.H. (1631 A.D.). The guns I Malik l?abt, BijU, and 'Ambari known as Major and Minor, and other great and small oannon to the number of 116, eaoh of which was enough to overthrow an. army or a city, together with other materials for the defence of a fort, were taken possession of. N~iri Khan had
l 'Abd.ur-Ra1}.im Khii.nKhii.nin, Mai4l!ir-ul-Um(lra, Text I, pp. 693-713. Beverjdge!s translation, pp. 50--65. I Tons is a tributary of the Ganges, see Beveridge's tra.nslation of Maii@ir.-ulUmara, p. 456. The battle was fought in 1624 at Damd&nla, a village in the Allahibid district near the junction of Tons and the Ganges, vide Cambridge Hiatory oj India, IV, p. 173. For an account of Shah Jahin'i! rebellion; see Beni Prasad, History oj Jahangir, pp. 366-386, and Banarsi Prasad, History oj Slu;r,hjahan, pp. 40-52. 8 BiidBhdhnama, I. p. 307. 4. BiidBMh.niima, I, pp. 374-377. 6 BiidBhiihniima, I, p. 377. Two guns of the n&nle of 'Ambari &re mentioned there, and instead of BijU we have Tajall!. It was only the four lblf8e ones which were fit for use.

I2B

~--------------------~~~~-~~

780

KHIN DAURIN NA~BAT JANG.

-ul Umara.

KHAN DAURIN NA~RAT JANG.

781

an increase in rank of 1,000 and of 1,000 horse. In the same year at the time of his leavj,ng for BaIaghat he received, at his request, the distinction of the Mtihi-o-mariitib l; this, in old times, wr.s a decoration which was customary with the Delhi Sultii.ns and which was given by them to the rulers of the Deccan. Mter that it acquired great glory in this country (the Deccan), ana was given by the princes thereof to whosoever was considered by them worthy of great favour. In the 5th year he was appointed as the ~fJhaiJ4r of Mii.lwa in succession to Mu'taqad Khan. They say that when Ujjain and Sii.rangpiir became his fief after the death of Khwaja AbiH I;{asan,-who had developed them for a long time-there was suoh a famine in Khandesh and the Deccan that a loaf was dearer than a life (nani bajani me anid). The reliance of the inhabitants of those countries for food was on the corn of Malwa. NaI;!iri Khan filled the granaries with gold. Never was so much money obtained from the estates of Malwa. When in the 6th year Mahabat Khan besieged the fort of Daulatabii.d, Nal;!iri Khan was appointed to assist him, and distinguished himself. One day Khan Zaman had filled a mine with seventy maunds ofgunpowder, when it was fired, 28 I yards of the wall of'Ambarkot and 12 yards of its bastion were blown up, and a wide path was laid open. But on acoount of a rain of musketry and rockets by the garrison no one advanced. Mahabat Khan wanted himself to go forward on foot, but NaI;!iri Khan said: "Such an idea on the part of a leader is contrary to all canons of skill. I'll go." He cast the shield of Divine protection over his face and ran to the fort. He p&ssed through the arrows and bullets and fought with sword and dagger. The ga.rriBon, on seeing such devotion and zea.l, after a short struggle, retired to the Mahikot (the great fort). And when that too was opened by a mine they surrendered and delivered up the keya. Everyone 8 whom Mahabat Khan appointed to defend the fort rejected the task because there was no food in the fort, and because during the four months of the siege they had endured various hardships. N~iri Khan, who had 2,000 troopers in his servi~e, accepted tbe duty from .his great love of work, and in concert with Saiyid Murta4a Khan supermtended the defence of the fort. After the Bijapiir troops had followed the Commander-in-chieffor some stages, they returned to Daulatabii.d. They entered the batteries, which were still standing and invested th~ fort. As NaI}iri Khan repeatedJy showed activity and energy, thfly faded , and had to retire. He received the title of Khan Dauran and the rank of5,000 with 5,000 horse, and, in accordance with orders, made over 5 the fort to Murtada Khan and returned to Malwa. When in the 7th year Prince Muhammad Shuja' was appointed to take Paranda, N8Jiliri Khan was appointed to accompany him. One day when the enemy had pressed upon Khan-Khanan at the time of foraging 6
-~---~--------------------

(naubat-i-gahi) and it was leading almost to a big defeat, Khan Daura.n perceived the position and came up quickly and forced the army which was behind Khan-Khanan on to the forces on his right wing, and then made both bodies join in with the force in front of Khan-Khanan. He also rescued the wounded, and joined Khan-Khanan. On this success the enemy fled, and this great l deed was the cause of Khan Dauran's receiving a great reception a.t the Court. When Mahabat Khan died, Bii.laghat was made over to Khan Zaman (his son), and the Payanghatwhich included the whole of Khandesh and much of Berar-was made over to Khan Dauranat a revenM of 92 krors of iims. An order was also given that Sarkar Bijigarh, SarUr Nad.arbii.r 2 and that part of Sarkar Hii.ndia, which was on the other side of the Narbada, sbould be regarded as belonging to Khandash. When 3 Bikramajit the son of Jujhar Singh BundNa, who, with his father's co?-tingent, was with Khan Zaman in BaIaghat, at a hint from his father, who was meditating rebellion in his wretched country, fled to his home, Khan Dauran heard of it and came out of Burhanpiir to pursue him. He came up with bim at Ashta 4 in the Malwa $iiJJa, and nearly caught him. Bikramajit fled wounded into the difficult jungles and joined his fatber in Dhamlini. Khan Dauran waited for order~ in Malwa, and when the government of Malwa was entrusted to him, he was sent to uproot this plant of disaffection. In conjunction with' Abdullah Khan he displayed great energy in the pursuit and completed the task. In the 9th year he sent the heads of Jujhar and his son to tbe Court 5 , and as a reward received the title of Bahii.dur. In the same year, when Shah Jahan came to visit the fort of Daulatabii.d, Khan Dauran, with Raja Jai Singh and other Rajplits as li. vanguard" and Mubii.riz Khan Niyazi and other Mghans as the rearguard was appointed to take the forts of Udgir, and Alisa, and to ravage the territories of Bijaplir and Golconda. He destroyed every cultivation and babitation to within twelve kos of Bijaplir, and repeatedly punished BabliH Khan Miyanah and Khairiyat Khan ~abshi. When' AdiI SMh trod with humility the path of obedience, Khan Dauran withdrew his hand from devastating his territory and went off towards Odgir. After a siege of three months and odd days on 8 Jumada I, 1046 A.H. (28 September, 1636 A.D.) he captured this strong place from Sidi Mifta:!}. 6 and addressed himself to the siege of .Alisa. Bhojraj 7 the governor after a struggle surrendered the fort, and after then an order wall passed that the elephant Gajmoti (Pearl of elephants)-which was the finest elephant with Quf.b.ul-Mulk-should be taken poe-session of. He
I, pt. 2, p. :17, "t"., and in Khii.n Khan., I, p. 396, etc. After Mahii.bat Khii.n arrived at Parenda a fomging party was sent out. The Deccanis came out to attack it and Mahii.bat Khan first sent his sons and then went himself to defend the party. The DeccaniH lure,1 him on to their main body by pretending to fly and then hemmed him in. He w()uld have been cut off but for Khan. Dauriin's help. l K"r ,la.. tbasta, literally an affair that sent one to his prayers. 2 Nadarbar or Nadhrbiir of Text is the Sarkar of Nazarbiir of Jarrett's traru;lation of .iPtn, ll, pp. 195, note l, 208, 251, note 1. It in Mii.lwa, and is the modern Nan<lurbar in Western Khiindlish, Imperial Gazetteer, XVII, pp. 362, 363. 3 Elliot, VII, p. 47. 4 Brl..luih,uima, I, pt. 2, p. 96. 5 Id., pp. 110-116. Also for the whole campaign see Banarsi Prasad, History of ShahjaJ"'n, pp. 86-89. 6 An Abyssinian, BadsMhnama, I, pt. 2, p. 218. 7 ld.. p. 220, and Banarsi Prasad, loe. cit., p. 147.

Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghul." p. 33. BadsMhniima, I, p. 512; Elliot, VII, p. 38. a BadsMhnma, I, p. 532; Elliot, VII, p. 42. 4 BadsMhnama, I, !? 533. Khan Daurii.n IDoo.e fl:equent sallies. 5 BadsMhnma, I, p. 534. 6 Naubat-i-gahi means turn of foraging. Each commander apparently had to take his turn in looking after the foraging. Badshahnama makes this clearer by adding the pronoun ao in naubat-i-gahi-i-ao bUd: it was his turn for foraging. Gahi here means forage or a party of foragers. Details are given in Badshahnama,
l 2

was


782
-ul. Umara.
DAN JAHAN BAHADUR ~FAR JANG ,KOKALTASlI.

KBAN DAURAN NA~RAT JANG.

783

proceeded to Kotgir l-which was on the boundary of his kingdom, and by his efforts got hold of the elephant and also a lac of rupees as tribute and then came to the frontiers of Devgarh. He took Kilchar and .Ashta -which are dependencies of Kararma.ndgaon I in Bera.r-from the POS8ulsion ofthe powerful Gonds 8, and took Na.gpiir after a siege of some days. Kukiya' the Raja of Deogarh paid a tribute of 1,50,000 rupees and 170 elephants and regained possession of Nagpiir. In the II IOth year Khan Dauran came to the Court and presented 200 elephants worth ten lacs of rupees together with eight lacs of rupees in cash-which the ruler of Gondwii.na, and other landowners had tendered, partly as tribute to the King, and partly as a present to himself, together with the elephant Gajmoti-which was valued a.t Ol'e la.c of rupees, and whose name was changed to PadaMh Pasand (Approved by the King)-with golden trappings (of the elephant) which were prepa.red by Khan Dauran at his own expense at a cost of one 1800 of rupees. As his loyalty and courage were conspicuous, and he had in a short time presented a pi8kkash, such as none of the great officers had colleoted at OJlC time, he received o various marks of favour and was given the title of N~at Jang and a man,ab of 6,000 with 6,000 horse diJ,-a8pa and sih-a8pa (two-horse and three-horse)-the allowance (tanlchwiih) for which was 10 krors, 80 lacs of dama for twelve months of the year which came to 27lll'cs of rupees,-and also the tanlehwah of pargana Shuja'atpiir 7 in the crown-Iands. When in the 17th year PrinceMuhammad Aurangzib came from the Deccan on the occasion of inquiring !tfter the health of the Begam 8 ~abiba, he having regard to various proceedings. of his in the Deccan, which were repugnant to Shah Jahan, withdrew his hand from worldly affairs and went into retirement 9, before his father should show marks of displeasure. This causeless proceeding increased Shah Jahan;s vexation and he made over the government of the Deccan to N~at Jang who was in charge of Malwa. He received the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse, and a present of one kror of dama which formed the highest limit of advancement for officers. They say that Khan Dauran during his government of the Deccan made a new world by his innovations. Many di8hmukhs and deshpiindas were beaten with mallets (meM kOb zada) and sent to annihilation. Also in order to develop the country he consolidated the tankhwii1uJ of the fflan{Jabdar8 who held fiefs in various places. He also visited all the forts, anq made full arrangements for the garrisons (ab-sham) an,d their provisions. He sent to the Court nearly a kror of rupees of Govern1 2

ment tre&sure which was in the forts and crown-parganasso that the world might see that whereas (hitherto) ~oney was always sent from the Court, but he in his ~i1badiiri was sending money from the Deccan. When he was satisfied with the settlement he had made of the country, he set himself to take Bijapiir. ln the 18th year he wassummoned to the Court for SOme deliberation about administration. He accompanied the Emperor to Kashmir, and then took leave and came, to Lii.hore. He halted two kos from the city. At the I end of the mght he was asleep. By a strange fate a Brahman ~oy of Kashmir wh?m he had converted to Islam and enrolled among h18 s~rv!"nts struck him a~evere blow in the belly with adagger. They say that lt took seventee~stltch~~ to sew it up. He did not knit an eyebrow, and conversed ,,?~h Qu~J Khan. He was in possession of his senses for one day, and diVIded his money and goods among his children, and lef~ the balan~e fo~ ~he exc~e quer. He wrote lt petition, in accordance ~ththese d~POSltlOns, '?th his own hand and sent it to the Court. He died on the mght of7 Jumida I, 1055 A.H.(21 June, 1645 A.D.). Sh~h Jaha~ gave to everyone of his children more than was bequeathed ul the will, and 60 lacs of the surphis reverted to Government. As his ancestors were buried at Gwii.liyar he was buried there 2. . . Khan Dauran never slackened lD the service of the Emperor, and was free from covetousnesS and avarice in this respect. He spent three watches of the day and one watch of the night in government service. He left nothing to others, but did all the work himself. But ~e was severe to the subjects, and behaved with harshness and oppressIOn to God's creatures. It was the arrow of the sighs of the oppr~ssed that finished him. On the day that the news ?f his death rea:ched Burhanp~r there was'ho stock ofsugar or sweetmeats lD the sho~w~ch~hepeop!ed~d not give away in thanksgiving. Most ~f th~ ~n~ buildmgs lD Burhanpur were made during his time. MandavI Zamabiid 8 on the bank of the Tapti was built by him. From Saronj to Burhii.npiir he .p~t up 8e~a'i: at every tenth kos. His sons Saiyid Mubammad and S~IYld Mahmud obtained after their father's death the rank of 1,000 WIth 1,000 horse. 'Abd-un~Nabi, who was young, received a man,ab of 500.
IilJAN JAHAN BAHADUR ~AFAR JANG KOKALT.lSH.

(Vol. I, pp. 798-813.)

His name was Mir Malik ij:usain. His father was Mir Abiil M~ 'ali Khawafi who was a Saiyid known for his virtue a~d .piety. H~ lIve? like a darvish. As his honoured wife suckled PrlDce Aurangzlb, his sons Mir Muzaffar Husain and Mir Malik J:lusain were raised to suitable ranks and be'came A.mirs. The first, as his biography shows, was reared in the presence of Shah Jahan. The second from his early years was
Bii.dshii.hniima, II, p. 426. Khafi Khan, I, p. 610. . . Aecording to Mul)ammad Latif, History of Lahore, p. 168, his tomb IS at Chintga.rh 2i miles east of Lahore. . . a Apparently this is the garden 'Alam Aral, celebrated 8S the reSidence Qf Zalnabadi, Aurangzib's favourite; see Mad0ir-ul-Umara, Text I, p. 790. . ~ Later Khin Dauri.n, Maiit,bir.ulUmam, Text I, pp. 782-785, TranslatIOn, ante, pp. 774, 775.
1

p.233.
6

Komgir, Bii.dshahnama, I, pt. 2, p. 120. . _ Ka.rarmandgaon is ,the Mandgiio~ Karar in Jarrett's translation of A'in, II, See Bii.dshiihniima, I, pt. 2, pp. 233, 246. See Bii.dsMihniima, I, pt. 2, p. 247. In Sarkar Sarangpiir, vide Jarrett, op. cit., p. 204; wrongly printed as Shujiia-

3-0

piir.

8 Jahin Ara, the daughter of Shah Jahan was badly burnt in Mareh, 1644. and was confined to bed for 4 months, see Banarsi Prasad, loe. cit., p. 316; and SIr Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, I, pp. 63-66. 9 Biid8Mhnama, II, p. 376,and Khan Khan, I, p. 600. Also Elliot, VII, p. 69. Aur8J\gzib W8Il restored to favour and office at the request of his sister, ~afi Khan, I, p. 006; also Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 316; and Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., pp. 66-68.

784

O.1N JAHIN BAH.1DUR 'AFAR JANG KOKALT.1SH.

MadlJ!ir

.ulUmara.

g.1N JAHJ.N BAH.1DUR ~AFAR JANG KOKALT.1sH.

785

brought up in the Prince's (Aurangzib's) service, and was an intimate courtier and was respected. In the 2'lth year he was displeased with the Prinoe's service and left him, and came from the Deccan with the intention of serving the King. Shih Jahin gave him the rank of 700 with 100 horse, but as the Prince did not like his departure, he in the 30th year begged his father to give him the faujdiiri of HOshangibid Handia. In this way he was drawn hy favour into the Deeoan. In the 3ltJt year when the Prince, after taking the fort of Bidar addrtlSl'ed himself to the taking, of Kalyin, he was sent to take the fort of Nailanka1 . After he arrived at the spot, though the besieged endeavoured to defend it, he suoceeded in its capture, He seized all the defenders of the fort as also the horses and arms, and sent them to the Prince. When the Prince raised the standards of world-conquest and set out from Burhinpiir towards Agra he gave him the title of Bah8.dnr Khan. As the Prince was convinced of his bravery he was put into the van in the battle with Jaswant Singh ll. In the battle with Dira. Shikoh II he had command of the right wing of the reserve. In his zeal he advanced as far as tbe vanguard. Suddenly Rustam Khan Decca-ni with the whole force of the left wing encountered him. Bahidur Khan fought with skill and bravery, but was wounded, and when Aurangzib's army advanced full of glory from Agra to the Capital (Delhi), he received an increase of 1,000 with 500 horse and was sent in pursuit of Dira ShikOh who had gon~ to LahOre to retrieve the position. The JY!a.n by his alacrity crossed the Sutlej, the bank of which the enemy had fortified and which could not be crossed easily. He after crossing attacked the enemy and put them t.o flight. Nor could Dara Shikoh maintain himself in LahOre. He fled and went to Bhakkar. Bahii.d.ur Khan and KhaJil Ullah Khan followed him as far as Multan. In the battle of Khajiihii. (north of Allahibid) with Shuja' , Bah8.dur Khan had charge of the IUmi8h and fought bravely. When Dara Shikoh came to Cutch by way of Bhakkar,he after crossing the Indus went to Malik Jiwan (of ') Dhii.d.har on account of his former acquaintance with him, and after resting from his fatigues for a few days went off with the intention of going to Qandahar, but that tmrighteous landowner saw.hiS selfish advantage in seizing him, and blocked his path and made him prisoner. He wrote the account of this to Bahidur Khin who quick1y came there, and after seizing Dara Shikoh went off rapidly to the Court via Bhakkar, along with Raja Jai Singh. On 16 II :obu'l IPjja of the 2nd year, he reached the Capital and did homage, On that day 6 Dara Shikoh and his son Siphr Shikoh were placed in an open
I 'Ala11}!lirnma, pp. 1008. 1009. II Battle of Dharmat, 25th April, 1658. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Hi8tory of Aurangzib, II, pp. 359-362. 3 Battle of So.miigarh, 8th June, 1658-vide Sir Jadunath Sarw, op. cit., pp. 376-400. 4 Dadar in Kach Gandava, Elliot, VII, p. 244, note. Jiwan was an M&l\ii.n, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., pp. 539540. 5 'Alamgimma, p. 431. Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., p. 641, states that they arrived outside Delhi on 23rd August, 1659 Old Style or 2nd September New Style. . 6 'Alamgirn<ima, p. 431: on Tuesday the 20th corresponding to 17 Shahriye.r. The anroz of the Text may mean next day, but even then it does not agree with the 'Alamgirn6ma; according to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, p. 542, Dil.ri W88 paraded through DelhI on 29th Au~'USt Old Style or 8th September New Style.

litter (ja.') on a female elephant and taken by the road between the oity and the bizir to Old Delhi, and gua.rded in a secure 1 place in Kbic;lribid. Next day, 21 :obu'l ~ijja, 1069 A.D., he was put to death, and buried in Humiyiin's tomb. The Khin received a present of one hundred horseB-as many of his own had died owing to the rapidity of his movements. Later he was sent to put down the commotion of Ba.hidur Bachgoti i-who had raised a disturbance in Baisw8.ra. When he had finished that business, he was made governor of AI1ahab8.d in suooession to IQ!in Dauran and received a manfab of 5,000 with 5,000 horse. He long governed the province. In the IOth year he was made governor of Gujarat in sucoossion to Mahibat JY!in, and he proceeded there from Allahibid, and was long occupied in making a settlement of Gujarit. In the 16th year he received the rank of 6,000 with 6,000 horse-two.horse and three-horse. He also received the title of Khin Jahin Ba.hiidur and the charge of the government of the Deooan in place of the agents of Prince Muhammad. Mu' a~~m. He reoeived a special dress of honour and a decorated dagger which were sent to him along with the mace-bearers. An order was passed that he was to receive the MdAi-o-mariitib (Order of the Fish,etc.) and that he was to be allowed to display it. One of his feats in this year was that he marched rapidly sixty lco8 and inflicted a signal defeat on Sivi (Shivaji) BhOIUlle who at this time was plundering the people of the Deccan and disturbing their repase. He (Khan Jahan Bahidur) obtained a large amount of plunder. Mter he had by repeated attacks defeated and overthrown him, he displayed alacrity in chastising the other sedition.mongers of the Deccan and several times sent tribute from the ru1ers of Bijapiir, and I;Iaidarabid to the Court. The King in cOIUlideration of his good services gave him in 1086 A.H. (1675-1676 A.D.) the title of Khan Jahin Bahii.d.ur ~afar Jang Kokaltish ~nd made him an officer of the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse and gave h1ID a present of one kror of diims and 80 raised him above his contemporaries. In the 20th year, 1088 A.H. (1677 A.D.), he took, after a struggle, the fort of Naldrug which was one of the great forts of Bijapiir, from Da'iid Khan Pani, who was a child 8 of four years ('). In the battle of the batteries in this siege, his son Muhammad. Muhsin was killed. Inasmuch as high rank and greatI1ess end in arrogance and presumption, and success and p~osperity leaa to independence and pdde, or rather they lead from zeal to insouciance and craft (kuhna 'amlagi), sllveral offences of his, were proved and he was summoned to the Court ; he was dismissed, and deprived of his title; and his moveable and immoveable property was confiscated. As he displayed marks of erninence, and the fame of his excellence was spread far and wide, and his
I 'Alamgimma, p. 43. In the ~aww~piira quarter. The raz dOwum of the Text may mean two days afterwards. DuO. W88 put to death on the eve of Thursday the 22nd l2!tu'I ij:ijja, 'Alamgirnma, p. 432. But K!lifr K!lin, II, p. 87; says DAri was P';1t to death on the last day of the month. The Maflji,..i.'Alamgiri,p. 27, also gIves Thursday eve as the date of death. The English date according to Sir J ad~th Sarkar, p. 548, is 30th August Old Style or 9th September New Style. ManucC1, I, p. 356, puta the death into October. 2 A Rijpiit clan-the Chiihii.ns are B&chgOtis. see 'Alamgimlima, p. 461. The occurrence W88 in the 2nd year of the reign. 3 There is surely some mistake here. see MaQ0'''ulUmM'li, Text n, p. 64, a.nd .Beveridge's translation, p. 459, where Di'iid is described 88 entering the royal Bel'V1ce in the 18th year, yet the &ge is given &8 fOUT in all the :MSS.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ._ _

--~----Y"=-

==--------.-------.---.

786

DAN JAHAN BAHJ.DUB ~AFAB JANG XOXALTlsH.

-ul Umara.

KHIN JAHAN BA.HADUB 'AFAB JANG XOJUI,TASH.

787

long service and good performances were over and above ~his, he after some time, in the 2lst year, was f6stored 1 to his rank and tItleS, etc., and t1&e water which kad deparWl retut'1Wl to lU old channel When in th" 22nd year :Mahirija Jaswant died and l(jft no heu- or representative, Khin Jp.hin I was appointed to take po88e88ion of his property. The royal standards moved to Ajmer, and 'the Khin swUtly went oft to JOdhpiir -which was the capital of Jaswant 's country-a.nd set about destroying the idol temples. He brought in several cartloads of idole-many of which were adorned with gold and silver. After the King returned to the Capital, they were, by the King's order, throwil into theJilau~na (place for keeping carriages, etc.) of the DarblJr and under the I steps of the Jahii.nnumi mosque and for a long time were trodden under the feet of comers and goers till no trace of them was left. But the district was not settled, &8 it should have been. The commotion of the Rijpiits and the contumaoy of the Rini' came to a head, and it ended in a royal expedition.. Khin Ja.hin. went off from Chittor to. govern t~e Deccan, leaving Prince Mu\llUllIDad Mu"~~am there. He ill the height of the rains addredl!ed. himself to the siege of the fort of Silber-which was the loftiest fortress in Baglina., and had come into the possession of the enemy,-but after enduring much suffering he had to withdraw ,?thout success, and came to Aurangibid. Mir Mul}.ammad Riga Lahori the commentator on the Matknavi Ma'naoi was with him as a ma"",abdiir. He described the expeditionin verse, and said with reference to the mud and mire:

Ver8e.
The helpless bullock became a bullock 6 of the earth. In the same li year, Muha.rram 1091 A.H. (February, 1680 A.D.) Sambhii. Siwi'i marehed 35 kos at night and fell, without warning, upon Bahii.dur. piira--which was a populous place two kos from Burhinpiir-and plundered it. Kakar Khan the Nayib of Khin Zaman, the governor of Burhinpiir, shut himself up in the city with a few men, and the robber aet fire at his ease to important quarters of the city and reduced them to ashes.. Many noble families were dishonoured, BOme to guard their honour killed their wives and themselves were, killed. When Khin
p. 168. . p. 172. Jaswa.nt left a widow and two sons, according to ElphinBt~ne, History of India (1905 edn.), p. 623. According to Tod. Annala and Antiquitiea of Rajaaehan (1914 edn.), II, p. 44, he only left a pregnant queen who aftenvards became the mother of AjU. The Mat1J,ir-i-'Alamgiri,pp. 176, 177, states- that Jaswa.nt .left two pregna.nt wives and that both were delivered of sons in Lihore. One.of the .sons died snortly afterwards-see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., III, pp. 325-330. . . . _ _ . __ a The Text is not correct and the varla.nt agrees With MaatJl,tT-l- Alamgtrt, p. 175, from where the passage is taken. The idols were thrown into two places--into the DarMr-i.Jif.o,uIl1ld-na and under the steps of the Chief Mosque. Aurangzib treated the idols from Mathuri; in the same way. , Khfi Khan, II, p. 270. Elliot, VII, p. 304. 6 A pun on (}ijO-zami"', the bull Li~in which supports the earth, see Praabad, B., Qoon-Humdyf1.ni,p. ll, note 1. 8 Khafi Khan, II, p. 272. See Sir Jadunatlt Sarkar, op. cit., IV, p. 244 et aeq. The <h\te appears to be incorrect; it was in the middle of February, 1681, that this at~k by Sambhaji was launched afterhis-. coronation, see Kincaid and Par88nisA History of Maratha People, p. 119.
1 MatJl,ir-i-'Alamgiri, I Mathir-i-'Alamgiri,

Jahin heard of this, he hurried from Aorangabid, and in one night and day reached the pass of Fardapiir 1 which is 32 kos distant. There he occupied four watches in cr088ing the pass. It was said that this inoonsiderate delay oco~rred on account of the arrival of Sambhi's agent and the promise of a large sum of money. By this delay Sambhi got away with everything that he could carry away, together witha.ll his prisoners whom he took by way of Ch6pra to the fort of Silber I. Khin Jahin who ought to have gone by a oross-road and come up with him, went straight by the right to Burhinpiir l. This neglect confirmed men's suspicions and Wd.8 the cause of a fresh alienation of the Emperor's affection from him. An order of censure was sent to him, and in that year the propositions , he had made about ranks and increase were entirely rejected. By chance, in the. same period Prince Muhammad Akbar fled towards the Deccan in the 24th year. Orders were sent to all the ()ffieer;' to .stop Akba! wherever he ap~red; if p08Bible, they were!flo takebIm ahve, otherwISe they were to kill him. As he was passing near the hills, of Sultinpur, Khin Jahin, who showed himself &8 very zealo~s to seize ~ and had: come near him, drew rein until Akbar passed the hills of :Bagla.na and With the help of the Bhns and Kolis came to Rihiri, and stayed for some days under &.unbhi.'s protection. Though the news-writers kept this back, yet Mir Niir U11ih the son of Mir Asad Ul1ii.h, the faujdiir of Tilner 6, who was an audacious man; and who relied upon his being a Khi.nazid (house-born one) and on his influence communicated all the details (to the Emperor), and increased the stor~ (of displeasure) in the Emperor's heart, and the craft and deceit of Khan Jahan became apparent to all. As the inflicting of punishment on Sambhi and the chastisement of Akbar both demanded the attention of the Emperor, he, in the 25th year made the Deccan his residence. Khan Jahin was appointed to conquer the fort of Rimalj II which .appertained to Gulshanibid (near Junair). But though he made great efforts, he did not succeed on account of the watchfulness and ability of the governor of the fort, who was.an experienced Mahratta. He was obliged to retire, and on the day of hIS march he set fire to the ma.terials of the batteries which were composed of wood, etc., of which a great quantity had been collected. The garrison came out on the "ttlements in great mirth, beat their great and small drums, and made ribaldremarks. When he ca.me within three leos of Aurangabid he was gratified by the receipt of a dress of honour, and was ordered to proceed to Bidar without coming to pay his respects. He was to take up his quarters there, and to pursue Akbar
IQlafi i!!an, II, p. 274.. . S&l6rin KhaCi Khan. where i t is 8tated that he should have "urned to the left, but instead went to the right. a 'Idalibi.d. in I!hifi !Qlan, II, p. 275. 4 lQlafi !Qlan, II, p. 275, Elliot, VII, p. 308. In Elliot the pa88&ge is translated as_" In his anger he took away from Khan-Jahan all the incre&8ed honoUl'8 and ~molUIilentshehad conferred upon him in that year." But what Ih&fllh&n BaYs lS that contrary to the former practice, all lQl3n Jahan's recommendations about !M1lflJbs and their increaaes were disallowed. Apparently lII!iion Jahi.n bad been In the habit of submitting lists for promotioD8 a.nd they had hitherto been pused. 6 In the text Thanesar, but really Tilnlir or ThiJner. see lQlifl Khan, II, p. 299. It is in !Qlandiish .. e88t of Nandurbir", Elliot. VII, p. 362. 8 ibifilhin,II,p. 282, etc. .
1 I

788

KJJAN JAHAN BAHADUR

~FAB JANG KOKALTASH.

.ul.Umara.

KBAN JAHAN BA.H.1DUR ~AR JANG KOKALTASH.

789

whenever he got any news of his movements. When Akbar came away from Sambhi and embarked on a vessel with the intention of going to Persia.; Ihin Jahin proceeded to chastise the brigands, and in the 27th year attacked them when they were at a distance of thirty ko8. By his vigorous proceedings their bands, which had been collected on the bank of the Kishni, were broken up, many of the infidels were pUt to the sword and their property was plundered. In reward for this service he received a complimentary farman and his sons Mu~ar Ibin, N~i ~n. Mubammad Sami' and Muhammad Baqi received respectively the tItles of Himmat Khan, Sipahdir Ibin, N~i Ibin and Mtl~ffar Ibin, while his brother's son and son-in-Iaw Jamilud-Din Khin was granted the title of eaIdar Khin. When Prince Muhammad A '~m Sbih proceeded to the si~ge of Bijipiir, Khin Jahin.was ordered to take up his quarters at the tM1UJ of Aindi 1 in order to send supplies to the Prince's oaml?' From .there he was appointed in the end of the 28th year to accompany the Prince who had been sent off to chastise:Abiil Hasan of Haidarabid. He went ahead of the Prince with 10,000 horse, and fought severe battIes with Khalil UllJ.h Khan, the head of the army and with ~~ Beg' ~ ~~ Khan, who with 30,000 horse was presumptuously opposmg the Impena.Iist foroos. One day the drums and trumpets sounded at early dawn, and for three pahar8 there was a hot market of warfare. The galla.nt men passed from guns and bullets to fighting with daggers and there were heaps of slain on both sides. In that battle his son Himmat Khan was hard pressed, and though he sent a me88&ge to his father. for. help, the latter was so hemmed in by the enemy who s1l1Tounded him like a haJo that he oould not move a step. At this time P~ab II Ibin, who '!as called Hat Pathar (the stone-hand), whose stonelike hand was dealing bullets around, urged on his horse, and lanoe in hand, oame in front of Khin Jahin's elephant and oried ont: Where is the leader 1 and wanted to pieroe him with his lance. lI!in Jahin sbouted: I am the leader, and without giving him time to use his javelin 8, oast him to the ground with an arrow. At last the predomin&noe of the enemy was suoh that !Qlin Jahin was nearly being defeated. ~uddenly Aurangzib's good fortuIle displayed itself in another form, a raging elephant came among the enemy from the King's side and oaused their horses to rear up. Two or three leading men were overthrown, and the ~aidaribid troops took to flight. They were driven off in spite of repeated onsets.

Verse.
Shttd 4 fat1J bajang I!aidarhiid. (~idaribid was oonquered in battle; 1097 A.H., 1686 A.D.)
Pargana Indi, Khiifi Khan, II, p. 317. I!lifl Khan, II, p. 297, Bari or Pari Khan. His sobriquet is given 8$ Hat Blwtta. ! The word in lbafi ~. is bhiila. 6 The Maci0ir-i-' Alamgiri puta the victory in 1096,.866 editor's note on p. 268. but the chronogram given there yieldB 1097. lJaifi lbin, II, p. 300, says that AUl'aIlpIb W8Il v~ry .~ with him for not following up his victory, and that in writing to him he quoted a line of poetry which hM become proverbial when any untoward event hu been produced: Verse. O breeze of the Mom, all this is thy work.
1 I

is the ohronogram of thiB battle, and of the ruler's shutting himself up in the fort of Golconda. As in reality the Prince and Khin Jahin did not wish to destroy Abii! ija.san, and their first and forem08t. desn:e was that there should be peaoe, and that Aurangzib I;lhould forgIve his offences, thongh his ignorant offioers urg~ him on to batt~e, they restra~ed the~. selves and ignored the attacking and plundenng (of the OIty). ThlS view increased the Emperor's displeasure, and he summoned Khan Jahin to his Presence. As he had been the King's playmate and in addition had the relationship of fosterage-whioh is a strong tie-and was also proud of his skill and knowledge of affairs-espeoia1ly in Deccani matters whioh, he thought, oould not g~t- on without' him-and ~oreover ~e had no oontrol over his tongue or his hands, he behaved Insolently m the Presence, and in the King's absence said improper things in the Divan, and in administrative matters did without hesitation whatever he wanted to do. If an order was received from the King, he did not carry it out. For instanoe, forbidden l things, which were prohibited by .the King, were hi oommon use in his oamp. One day there was a great dIsturbanoe between his men and Mu' a~~m Khan eafavi II in the Jiln,ulcMna (portioo) about the leaving of apalanquin. Khan Jahin was allowed to leave so that he might restrain his men. When he came out, he, in his insolence, told his men to go and loot Mu'a~~am Khan's bazar. This added to the King's displeasure, and he beoame more vexed with him th?,n ever. He resolved to break his presumption and whenever he was appomted to any province he was removed before he could benefit by the harvest, and all his finandaJ8 arrangements were upset. In fine in the end of the 29th year he was sent 4 off to punish the Jats and th~ sedition-mongers of the Agra provinoe, and received a present of two hers of d.na8~ With the exception of Himmat Khin, who was appointecl to manage the affair of Bijipiir, his sons were sent with him, As that diffioult task oould not be accomplished without a large army a.ndmuch effort, Prinoo Bidir Bakht the eldest son of Muhammad A' ~am Shih was a.lso appointed to this expedition. Afte"':,ards by the ~~:ell~nt exertions of the Prince, and the management of Khan Jahin, Rala Ram Jat the leader of the rebels was killed by a buIlet in 1099 A.H. (1688 A.D.). The Prinoe destroyed Sansa.ni and other places which had been founded by Riji Rim and beoame the oontroller of that country. Khan Jahin was sent 5 to the government of Bengal, and in the 23rd year was made governor of Allahibid. In the 34th year he was made governor of the Panjib. In the 37th year he was summoned to the Court from Lihor~. After that he did not go anywhere else away from the Court, tili
Vice and immorality, vide KhiUi Khii.n, II, p_ 299. Father-in-law of Prince Kim BalWsh, vide IQlafi Khin, II, p. 316. Sanbandi; presumably it is san-bandi or the arrangements for the year, but it may be a clerical error for lliban.di which is given 88 a v~iant. It is the An~lo Indian Sebundy, and me8llil militia, and also the expenS.68 connected thereWIth. The p8$sage in the Text is taken from Khifi 1Qlii.n, II.p. 395, who speakBof t~e hee:vy expenses in travelling which the Khan Jahan had to incur on account of his bemg frequently moved ~bout. There is .~ a Deccani word _bandi or IJQmbandhi, meaning relationship and perhaps this l.a the word here meant. _ . . . 6 Khafi Khan, II, p. 316. Cf. Elliot, VU, p. 522. ~ 18 Slxt~n. miles N.W. of Bbaratpiir. Irvine in Jo-um. As. Soo. Bengal for 1904, p. 289, state8 that Rija Riim W8$ killed in July 1688. " But he never reached there.
1 2 3

790

~.lN JAHAN BAHAnUR ~AFAR JANG KOKALT.lSH.

Mat!lir

.ul-Umara.

lilJAN JAHAN BARAB.

791

in the 41s~ ye.ar, on 19 Jumad.a I, 1109 A.H. (23rd November, 1697 A.D.) he dIed ~n the camp of Islamabad. Brahmapiir l. As his illness la:s~ed a !ong tIme, Aurangzib at the time of returning from Sholapiir vIsIted hIS quarters and inquired after his health. As he was confined to bed, he could not rise, and lamented saying as he could not have the honou~ of kissing the feet, he wished that he had died on the field of battle. The ~ng replied that he had spent his. whole life in faithful service and devotJ~n, ~nd did he at this II ag-e stIll have a wish left 1 (He desired that) hIS bler should. be conveyed to the town of NakOdar I in the Diiaba of. the Panjab as his family tomb was there. The accounts of his BOns Himmat Khan an~ Sipahdar Khan have been given separately (Text lIT, pp. 949-951). HIS other BOns were not so distinguished. Nasiri Khin ~as a mad ~a~ and withou~ dignity. His youngest son Abiil Fath lived ~nto t~e .begmnmg of the relgn of Muhammad Shah. He spent his days m afilictIOn. ' Khan Jahan 4 Bahad.ur, the Commander-in-chief was the central figure in the gover~ent. He was u~equalled among the nobility for his gran~eur, lofty buildIngs and splendId possessions. He was polite and graClou8 and was endowed 5 wIth many good qualities. His receptions (ma!J,fils) were superb. Scarcely anyone but he oould express an opinion. He spoke ope~y wha~ he wanted, a:nd others could only answer by ?,sse~t. He did not like much talking. The chief things discussed lD hIS compo:n.y were prose and poetry, swords, jewels, horses, elephants and aphrodislacs 6. He was a good judge of physiognomy. One day, when he was governor of the Deccan, he said to Amanat Khan Mirak MU'in-ud-Din the great grandfather of the writer of these lines who at that time was the chief Divan of the Deccan : 'The King at the time of granting me leave said "ll you hear that Muhammad Mu'azzam intends to rebel, accept the statement, even though he take~' no step towards doing so, but if such a report be spread about Muhammad A '~m, . bewar~ of, crediting ~t whatever he may do; and Muhammad. Akb~r IS a child But (saId Khan Bahad.ur) from my knowledge of physIOgno~y I can say that none but he will tread this wrong path'. At that tIme there was ~ot the least sign of Akbar's beooming a leader, nor any rep?rt of lt. After six months this untimely flower bl?ssomed, and.the dISce~nment of Khan Jahan proved to be in accordance Wlt~ .facts.. His ~aug~tmess and domineering spirit brought him into c~nislOn WIth a King like Aurangzib who trusted to his own genius and dId not have regard for others. Hence 7 it was that at last he was without
. , _ 1 B~e:.hmapiiri later nam.ed Islii.mpiirI not Isliimabad lIS in Text, see Maiithir,- Alamg~"" p. 381, etc., and SIr Jadunath Sarkar, Hiatory oj Aurangzib V. p 6 It was in the Shompiir District on the southern bank of the Bhima river: ' . . 2 The text has 'umr, age, but the Maat.hir-i-'Alamgfrt, p. 390, has amr matter, Vtz., the matter or point of life-devotion. This reading seems preferable _ ~ J~rret's translation of A'in, II, p. 317. In Sarkr Diiba Bet jlandhar. KhafI !!ban, II, p. 448, puts Khn Jahan's death into the 39th year 1106 instead of the 4lat. ' , 4 'taken from Maiit.hiri-' Alamgtri, p. 390. . s In MaG0ir.i.' Alamgtri, p. 390, it is muatajama' i-maratib-i.birr Q ih8iin whkh appears to be more appropriate. . , . 6 Adwiya-i-mubahhi, but MaiiQ!ir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 390, has adwiya-i.muahtahi whICh perhaps means only carminatives or tonics. 7 ~Mi Khan, II, p. 448.

a. jagi,. or employment and was kept in the Presence under surveillance. To his disgust l some of the new Khmn,zii,ds rose into fame for military service. For instance Tahawwur Khan, son of ealibat K!l&n and Jan Nith.r l\ban Khw.aja Abiil Maka.rim were sent off at this time to put down Santa. the brigand and had a battle 2. The whole army and park of the artillery were plundered and Jan Nithii.r Khii.n escaped half de.w.. Ta.hawwur Khan was wounded, and flung himself among the dead 3 and so had a second life. When this occurrence was reported to the King, he said: "All these happenings are due to Destiny, and are not in anyone's power ". When Khan Jahan heard this remark he said, "Good, there'll be no revising 4 of reports in heaven i to give and then take away (praise). In my long leadership I never had a defeat ". False stories about him and tales, which reason cannot accept and whioh belong to. the class of romances, are well known and are on men's tips Ii. Although there can be no question about the merits and great qualities of Khan Jahan, for they followed close upon one another, yet a just review must admit that there was a strain of levity in him. How could it be otherwise. He advanced from 700,all at once to 5,000, without passing through the intermediate stages. But it was stra.nge that Buch a King 1108 Aurangzib, who was not wanting in wrath and pride, should have entertained aservant with such unrestra.ined presumption. In the end II of his days he showed the King in his hall of justice a small, round.. porce1ain water-pot (ajfiihu,) and said it had. belonged to Moses-Peace be upon him! Aurangzib looked at it and gave it to the Princes Muhammad. Mu'izz.ud-Din and Muhammad Mu'a~m. There were two linesresembling some writing engraved on the neck of the vessel. The Princes said: "This should be Hebrew". Bahadur examined the letters and said, "I know nothing about its being Hebrew.Ebrew('Tlwani mabrani) ; some vendor put these marks on it". The King said : " They are letters, the porce1ain is not bad ".
KHAN JAHAN BlRAH.

(Vol. I, pp. 758-766.) He was Saiyid His name was Abiil

l_S

Mu~affar Khan, one of Mu~affar. In the 14th

the Tihanpiiri 7 Saiyids. year of JahangIr's reign

Kb.ii.fi ~n, II, p. 417. The story comes apparently from KhMi ~an, II, pp. 417, 418, but if so, the author of the Maiit.hir-ul-Umara has not quoted it correctly. According to KhMi K!!ion, lQl.an Jahan did not say that he never had a defeat, and it is not likely that he would say so, for it would not have been correct. What hc said was-\Vhat i~ given in heaven, is given once for all (there is no revision there). And then KhMi ~an explains this as meaning that he, Khan Jahan, had never been defeated. But he does not put these vaunting words into his mouth. s Probably this is an allusion to the romantic account of the battle from KhMi Khan, II, p .. 297. 6 The story is from Mad~ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 371. The text has Chinik bad neat which does not seem intelligible. In the text of MaiidJ,ir.i-' Alamgiri we .have Chinik-iba,d neat--the bit of China is not bad. A note to the text of the MaaQ!ir. ul.Umara says that several MSS. have Khuahk: Duahk awardan means to keep silence, and perhaps what Aurangzib said was: When such language is used, silence is best. , The chief town of th... Tihanpiiri Saiyids was Jansath, see Blochmsllll 's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 428-430.
4

th

--'--'-y==-=-- - - - - --_..-- --.. ~792

DiN JARAN BABAR.

------~~--------.

ul-Umara

793

when Prinoe Sultl.n IIlmram ..... sent to the Deccan, he in theb&ttle with the Deo~ fought bravely and was wounded and fell on the field. His Inilit&ry aptitude became impressed on the Prince. When the Prince ohose to separate himself from his respeoted father, and oa.me to the Deooan, and when the crossing of the Narbada by Ma.h&b&t lQ!i.n and Prince Sult&n Parviz had made it impossible for the Prince to stay in Burh&npiir, he went off by Sikitkol (Chioa.cole) belonging to Qu~b-ul Mulk's territory towards BengiJ, and there fought a battle with Ibr8.him Khan Fath Jang l. AbiilMu~ffar distingUished himself in the battle, and all the time during separation, was attaohed to the Prinoe's stirrups. He served well and showed devotion and so gained a plaoe in the Prinoe's heart. When the Prince ascended the throne he, in the first year, gave Abiil Mu~ffar the rank I of 4,000 DhtU with 3,000 horse and Ilo flag and drun1s, and a horse from the speoialstables with agilded saddle and the present of a'lao ofrupees. He appointed him as the governor of the fort of Gw&liyar, and plaoed its dependenoies in his fief. In the same year he was sent with Ma.h&bat Khan to ohastise Jujha.r Singh Bundela who had broken out into rebellion. on the representation of Mah&bat Kha.n Kh&n-Kha.nin, his offences were overlooked, and the royal Divana .left to him Buch portion of the territory in his possession as corresponded to the amount s of his ma~ and assigned the exceSS of his jgir to Abiil Muza.ffar and other officers. In the 2nd year when Khan Jahan LOdi, on ~ooount of a 8uspioion whioh had arisen in his mind, fied from the Capital, Abiil Mu~ffar was appointed, along with!Qlw:aja Abli ~usain Turbati, to pursue him. In his alacrity he went off that same ~t without waiting for his leader and at six ghari8 of the day oame up WIth Kh&n Jahan LOdi on the banks of the Chamb&l near DhOlpiir, and f~ him bravely. Muhammad Shafi' his grandson and nineteen of the Saiyids of B&rah were killed, and fifty of his companions were wounded. When this was reported to the King, Abli Mu~ffar received an inorease of 1,000 horse and a stead from the special stables with agilded saddle and an elephant from the special herd. In the third year he received a KhiZ'at, a deoorated dagger and a horse from the speoial stables with a gilded saddle and. an elephant with gilded trappings ll:nd was appointed to the vanguard of the force whioh had been plaoed under A '~m Khan for the chastisement of Kh&n J aha.n LOdi '. Later 5, when it was heard that the Khan was unable to ride on aooount of a swelling above the navel, Jagjivan:1he surgeon, was directed to go and treat him, and the Khan was told to return to the Court after oonvalesoence. lnasmuoh as the surgeon on aocount of the amount. of matter had to open the swelling and muoh pus had been removed, the Kh&n waited for some time for the wound to heal and then came to the Court. The appreoiative Sovereign gave him a KAiZ'at and an adomed dagger with phUl katara 6 and an inorease .
l

I, pp. 180-184, and Bana.rsi Prasad, Hi8tory oj Shahjahan, pp. 47-49. Bad8hahnama, I, p. 117. Bad8hahnama, I, p. 255. Bis- ma~b was of 4,000 with 4,000 horse. il For the rebellivn of Khin Jahin Ladi, see Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., pp. 66-79. 6 Bad8hahnama, I, p. 316. 6 Katara; is an Indian wurd for B dagger. PhAiJ, i.e. 1l0wer, is B word used for embroidery, and phUZkatara probBbly means II decorated dagger. see Bd8hi.ih'l\ljma, Zoe. cit.
2 3

i-llli[1"

see TUzuk-i,Jahangiri (Rogers and Beveridge's translation), II, p. 299,' Amal

of 1,000 llbdt so that he had the rank of 5,000 with 4,000 horse and was granted a horse with a. gilded saddle from the special stabJe8. ' When the territory of N.m Sbih was trodden under the feet of the royal armies, Kbin Jah&n LOdi saw it was diffioult to remain there and went ~ff to MiJw~. Abiil ~u~a.ffa:r, who was famed for bra.very, a.nd noble lineage, reoelved a speoi,al K}ut'at, and a sword, an~ a Qipchiiq horse from the special stables and was sent to pursue hinJ. As 'Abdullii.h Khin Bahidur was all;!O ordered to pursue him with a separate force, the order was passed that if 'Abdull&h Khan Bahadur should oome to the borders, both armias should join up and'uproot the thornbush of sedition. Saiyid Mu~ffar Kha.n quiok1y orossed the Narbada at the Akba.rpiir ferry and sent out his soouts. At the station of the village of TiJgion in MiJwa 'Abdullah Khan Bahidur joined him, and then they learnt at the village of Nimi l belonging to the oountry of Bandhii-which is 15 1eOB from Sahenda and 30 from Allahibid--:.that lQ!an JaMn had taken to 6ight after the' contest had failed. The g&1la.nt men did not desm from pursuit, and after two days they came up with hinJ, and an engagement took plaoe. He was killed in the e~counter with the vanguard of Saiyid Mu~a.ffar Khan and Sa.iyid M&khan the SOn of Sa.iyid 'Abdullih, the daughter's son of Saiyid Mu~ffar Kh&n and 27 others attained martyrdom. After that Saiyid Mt1~ffar Kh&n oame to the Court and received an inorease of 1,000 horse and was raised to tbera.nk of 5,000 llht1t o 8Uwar and received the title of lQlin Jahan. In the 4th year, he and his following consisting of 1,000 horse dil-aspa and 8'i4-a8pa (two-horse and three-horse) Wllo8 sent otfwith Yamin-ud.Daula to chastise 'Adil Kh&n of Bijapiir. In the 5th ye)J.1'he waited on the King and received an increase of 1,000 horse, dU-a8ptzand 8ih-aspa; In the 6th year 'he 'vas granted a sinilla.r rise of rank. Afterwards he was sent off with Prince Muhammad Shuja' to the siege of Parenda. He did good service on this ocoasion, and when the taking of the fort was delayed, the Prince, in accordanoe with the orders of Shah Jahan, came to the Court, and Saiyid Khan Jahin quiok1y arrived and did homage near Agra. In the 8th year an a4dition was made of du.a8~ and 8ih-aspa troopers to his oontingent, and in the same year he was appointed with other officers to chastise Jujha.r Singh BundeIa who had rebelled. When JujMr Singh hll.<l after a struggle proceeded to Deogarh-whioh was near Berii.rand 'Abdullah Khan Bahii.dur Firiiz Jang and Khan Dauran were ordered to pursue him, Saiyid ID!an Jahan halted in aocordanoe with the llomluands to settle the oonquered oountry and to searoh for the treasures hidden near Cbiirii.garh. After that he came to the Court when Shah Jaha.n intended to visit Daulatibad and after orossing the Narbada had, encamped on its bank. He received a speoial [(laU'at with a gold embroi<Wred cMrqab, a deoorated dagger with a phul-1catiira, a decorated 8oimitar,- and a lao of rupees in oash. In the 9th year he received a special J(JJiZ'at, a speoial soimital- and a horse from the speoial stables and was sent off with a posse of offioers to ohastise 'Adil Shah Bijiipuri. He oame from Bir to Dharwar and leaving his baggage there prooeeded to Sholapiir. On the way he sent men and took Saridhiin. He also attacked the fief of Riban of ShOlapiir and established a station (tkana)
Btid8hah'l\ljma, I,

p.

348.

See also Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., pp. 77-79.

13

--~._----.-----

794:

KHAN JAHAN BARAH.

-ul Umara.

KHAN JAHAN LOD1.

795

at the town of Dharasin l. On several occasions he fought with the Bijapiiris. The said Khan displayOO personal valour and every time infI.icted disastrous defeat upon them. - They Bay that one day Randaula II Bijapiiri was wounded and fell from his horse but one of his companions brought him a horse and took him 01f the field. After portions of the Bijapiir territory had been devaatated, and the ramy season had commenced the Khan turned back in order to go into quarters and came to Dharwar. Mterwards, when '.Adil Khan came to terms and submitted, the said Khan, in accordance with orders, returned to the Court. When in the end of the same year the King resolved to go to the Capital, the charge of the four provinces of the Deccan, that is, Khandesh, Berar, parts of Telingana, an4 Bome of Ni~am-ul.Mulk's territory was made over to Prince,Sa.iyid IQ!in Jahin received a special Khil'at, and was ordered, during the absence of the Khan Zaman at the sieges of Junair, eto., to remain in attendance on the Prince. In the lOth year he came to the Court and was sent to GwiiJiyar -which formed a part of his fief. In the llth year he again came to the Court, and as the King intended to go to Lahore, Khan Jahin obtained leave to return to his fief. In the 14th year he ws.ited on the King in Lahore and received an increase of 1,000 horse so that his rank became 6,000 with 6,000 horse, 5,000 of which were diiaspa and Bih-aspa. At this time, when Prince Jagat Singh the son of Rija Bisu rebelled,. Khan Jahan was appointed with a force to ohastise him and to take possell8ion of his forts. At the time of taking leave he reoeived a special Khil'at and two horses from the royal stables with gilded saddles and an elephant together with a female elephant and a lac of rupees as an advance. In accordance with orders he spent the rainy season in Lahore and later when he had traversed the passes of Bahalwan 8 and Machlibhawanhe encamped within half a kos of the fort of Niirpiir, and made excellent preparations by erecting earthworks and digging mines. Though a bastion of the fort was blown up, but as the besieged had erected a wall behind each bastion, there was no means of entry. Mterwards, in accordance with royal orders, he undertook the siege of Mau' fort and displayed courage. In the fights he so pressed the besieged that the royal forces were able to enter the fort on another side, and Jagat Singh took to flight. As a reward an addition of 1,000 du-a.Bpa and Bih-aspa troopers was made to his contingent. Afterwards, when Jagat Singh expressed his penitence, his o1fenc@s were forgiven, and the sai.d Khan returned to the Court with Prince Murid Bakhsh. As in this year it was reported that Shih ~afi, the ruler of Persia, was coming to take Qanda.ha.r, Prince Dara Shikoh was deputed to check him. The said Khan received a special K1J,il'at and an omamented sword, and two horses from the roya.l stables with gilded saddles and an elephant, and was appointed to accompany the Prince. During this time thf' death of SMh f;lafi was reported. In the 16th year the Khan received permission to go to his Gwaliyar fief. In the 17th year he again came to the Court and, when Shah Jahan went to
Dhara.siyiin in Badshiihnma, I, pt. 2, p. 157. He ill the famous Bijapiir general Ra.ndau1a !!!lan. who played sU<;h an important part in the war against the impE'!rialist army. The incident is mentIoned in Boo8hfihn6ma, r, pt. 2, p. 157. a Balahwii.n, Badshiihnma, II, p. 261. For a connected account of the campaign against the Zaminddr8 of Niirpiir, Stl Ba.narsi Prasad, op. cit., pp. 93-102.
l

Ajmer he was left in charge of Agra. After the retum of Shih Jahan, he rem'ained at the Court for some time. In the 18th year he was allowed to go to his jdgir. In the 19th year he was summoned. and did homage in L&hore. In the middle of the same year corresponding to 1055 A.H. (1645 A.D.) he became paral~ic and a~ter r~maining ~dridden for two months died. ' The appreciative Sove~~l115n ~leve~ ~or h18_loss an~ made provision for his SQns Saiyid Ma.Ill;lur Khan, SalYld Sher Zaman and Saiyid Muna.wwar-the two last became known as Saiyid Mu~afIar Khii.n andSaiyid Lashkar Khan; a seplI-rate account l of. them has been given. The IQ!inha.dagreat name, and was possessed of much charlllCter and generosity. He spent his life with h:0nour. To eyery one of the. royal servants who was associated with him he gave VIllages out of hIS fieE. He was very gentle and considerate. .1'hey ~y that one day Shah Jahin seat;ed him at his table and made him share his me.al. Afterwards when the King rose, !Ql8.n Jahan ran and placed his slippers under his f~et. The King was angry and said, "You should have respect for your high title. When a person has such a title, we and all the Princes, not to s~ak of the officers need his support. And he does not make an exceptlOn in anybody's favour." The King said, "In future in all proceedings the code (tOrok) and rulesmust be obse.rved". }sut t~ey say that he did not succeed in worldly matters, and dId not trust hIS officers. He gr~atly favoured servants from his native land, and their statements were believed by him. One day a collector who 4~ embezzled five thousand rupees of the revenue of his jagir, sent through a. servant ashrarUJ to the value of Rs.3,OOO, with the request thait this was the sum due to the Divan and the accountant , but that he WII.B afraid that they would tomorrow give a verdict for putting him to death. The said Khan was pleased and took the a8krarUJ. Though after this the clerks stateo tll.at &.5,000 ~f the revenue were due from him, the said Khan would not accept theu statement.
K1IIN II JAHIN LODJ.
~Vol.

I, pp. 716-732.)

He was the son of Daulat Khan LOdi and belonged to the Shihultbail clan. His name was P"u Khan-:- In early youth he quarrelled with his father and came to Bengal to Rija Man Singh with his eIder brotlwr Muhammad Khan. One day, when they were desirous of crossing the river and entering the city (Gaur a dispute arose on board the boats, and it ended in a fight. It happened that two brother's sons of the Rija were killed. After the Raja had heard of what the two brothers had dgne in the ntatter he, on account of his former knowledge of them, presented them with Rs.30,OOO and sent them away lest they should be maltreated by the Rijputs. Muhammad Khan died in early youth and Pir' Lad the good fortune to become a favourite with ~ce Sul1An Daniyal. They say his intimacy became such that they Were mseparable, and that

13B

Maatl!ir.ul.Umara, Text II, pp. 465-468. _ _ . For a notice of Khii.n Jahii.n, soo Khafi Khii.n, I, p. 411, etc. The Shii.hu\Wall clan is mentioned ID Jarrett's translation of A 'in, II, p. 308 and in Blochmann's translation of A'in I (2nd edn.), p. 564. For the origin of the Lodfs, see Bellew's Reree8 QJ A/ghani8W-n, p. 99. Shahii perhaps refers to Shih lJusain the LOdi.
l

II

-~--T------~----796
tWIN JAHIN LODI.

Ma!J!ir

the Prince spoke of him as his child (jarzand). After the Prince's death, he in his tW<lntieth year entered into the service of Jahingir and bec&~e a s'pecia.l favourite l. First, he obtained the ~ank of 3,~, a:nd the tl~le of f;\alaba.t ~in and shortly afterwards re~l~ed the high t~tle of Kh8.n Jahan and the rank of 5,000. In point of lDtlmaoy and the influenoe of his words he had no rival, and Jahingir ordered that he should have a seat in the GhU8l-,q,ana. Re repeatedlY took him into the female &Jl8:riments and wished to marry him to a relation of the royalty, and to give him the title of Sultan Jahan. He represent.ed th8.t the title of Sul1;8.n was reservedfo~ princes, and that sitting. in t~~ King's presence, and entering the female apartments were also theIr privileges, and begged that he might be spared such ceremonials, and also that the proposed conneotion with the royalty might not take place. They say that Jahangir did Dl;>t insist on the relation of master and serva.nt between them and treated him as a friend. But he did not withdraw himself from ~ervioe and did not extend his foot beyond the proper limits. When Prince Parviz was appointed to the Deccan, along with Raja Mi.n Singh and Sharif Kh&n the Amir-ul-Umari to assist Khii.nKhanii.n; the work did not make much progress, and in the year 1018 A.R. (1609 A.D.) Khin Jahan was sent with 12,000 horse to assist the imperialists. At the time of his departure, the King descended from the public and priva~e jharo1ca and placed his own turban on Khan Jahin's head, and took hIS hand and set him on his horse., An order was passed that as he went he should beat his drums. On one Ride the King, and on the other IQlin Jahin indulged in unrestrained weeping o~ accou~t of the impen~ separation. At every stage presents for hlD1 arrIved from the King. ~n Jahin did not delay in Burhii.npiir but proceeded towards BiiJii.ghii.t where the imperial oampwas. A great battle took place .at Malkap~ with Malik 'Anlhar. The Hindftstani (i.e. up.oountry) soldiers, who dId not know the Pa.rthia.n 2 tactics of the Decoa.n, went on rapidly a.nd suffered much loss. After that Khan-Khi1nin came, and treated him with muoh politenes, and conveyed him to the BiiJaghit. As it had heen arranged by the Emperor that on one side ilin Jahin should advance with the army of the Deccan, and on the. other 'Abdullii.h Khii.n 3 Zakbm! should advance to Daulatabid with the Gujarat army, and so
1 There is a detailed account of Kl!an J~hiin and his ancestors in Rogers and Beveridge's 'translation of Tuzu~-i-Jahngi,"!, I, p. 87.. z B'Jrgi-giri, cf. Elliot, VI, p. 428, last Ime. Bargi IS tl nam? for the M~attas. For an acCOWlt of the battle, see KhMi Khan, I, p. 318 and Bem Prasad. Ht8tory oj Jahangif', pp. 261, 262. . ' a lt is not clear why the eplthet Zak1imi IS added to the name of Abdullah Khan. He is' Abdullah Kl!an Firiiz Jang of Mad0if'-ul.Umaf',Text, II, pp. 777 -789. Perhaps ehashm Z4k1imi the defeated, is what is meant. In the notice of-ti!!an Jahan Ladi (p. 718) it is said tha~ Malik.'Amba! int~i~?d with Kl!an.Khana.n, aed that accordingly the latter detal11ed Khan Jahan Lod~ ID ~~fanlagar by. pretexts and SO brought about' Abdullah Khii.n's defeat whereas i l l (Text II, p. ?80) m the account of' Abdullah Khan it is said that, this account is not correct, as Khan-!Qlananwas not then in the Deccan but had returned to the Court. . It appears that the author of the Mat.hir,ul-Umaf'has confounded two events. The time when Malik' Ambar is said to have intrigued with Khan-I!li.n&n was the 5th year of .Jahangir's reign (vide Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tt1zuk.i-Jahngiri.I, p. 179, and Elliot, VI, p. 323). This was not the time when' AbdullAh was d?feared and had. to m~e a sbameful retreat. as that occurred some three years later m the 7th year of JahangIr's reign, see Rogers and Beveridge, op. cit., p. 219, and I!bifI Kl!an, I, pp. 273, 274.

I I

.ul- Umara.

tmA.N JAHIN LODI.

797

surround Malik 'Ambar, and chastise him, they say that the latter got alarmed and intrigued with ~.lQlinan. The latter aocordingly by stratagem detained !Qlin Jahi.n for some time in ?afa.rnagar so that 'Abdullii.h IQ!.n reached Daulatii.bii.d and was defeated and had to make ashamefulretl'eat. Malik 'Ambar having got rid of him addressed himself to plundering the grass and food for Khan Jahan's oamp. The price of corn rose so high that a 8er could not be had for a rupee. There was also a great mortality among the quadrupeds. He was reduced to complete oonfu.sion and had to make a sort of peace and return to Burhanpftr. The disaster attached a stigma to the name of lhinKhii.nii.n. Khan Jahin wrote l that "all this has occurred from the hypocrisy of the old trickster. Things must either be left to him, or Il,e must be summoned to the Court, and I with 30,000 cavalry will in tWo years after relieving the. forlresses make Bijipftr part of the empire, or not show my face among the royal servants" Aocordingly, the management of the whole affair of the Deccan was entrusted to KhanJahii.n, and lbin A'~am Koka, Khan' Alim and other officers were added to the foqner auxilia.ries and Khii.n-Khini1n hastened baok to the ('Alurt. But the secret treachery of the royal officers still persisted, and nothing could be achieved. I}bii.n Ja~ii.n was censured and given the fief of Thinesar lli and made to reside in Ilichpiir while the oommarid was transferred to Khan A'~am. Mter a year, when Khii.n Jahin came to the Court, his old intimacy and influence were restored, and there was not a hairbreadth of difference. In the 15th year when it appeared that the Qazalbi1sh (Persian) was trying to conquer Qa.ndahar, .Khan Jahin was appointed governor 8 of the province of Multin and sent to his Post. In the beginning of the 17th year when Shah 'Abbii.s took the fort of Qandahi1r after a siege Qf forty days, .Khan Jah~n, in accordance with orders, went with all has1le to the Court to advise about this matter. But his return at such a time was regarded by those who did not know of the royal orders, as a slight to Khan Jahan a.nd indicating that he was not a leader. They were sure that on this occasion he would fall from his rank, and that he may not escape even with his life. The facts are that commands repeatedly came to him to the effect that he should beware of making an attempt on the fort and that only princea could oppose princes. Mter his arrival at the Court, it was settled that until the Prince came he should proceed. to Multin and arrange for the expedition. They say that many of AfgJJi1n tribes from the neighbourhood of Qandahar came to Malt,an and said to Khin Jahin that on account of tribal feeling, if government would giv-;- five. tanka8 (pice) a da.y per horseman, and two tankas for footsoldiers-which amount was indispensable for food-they would serve in his van in large numbers till they had conquered r~fahii.n. They also promised that they would provide the
_ 1 .Roge~s ~d Beveridge, nama.~.Jahangtri, p. 40. Fer

f?p. cit., p. 179 and Elliot, VI, p. 323, and Iqbala connected account of the Deccan campaigns, see Beni Prasad, HiRtof'y oj Jahan.gir, pp. 261-266. . II This is a mistak" for Thalner. a see Rogers and Bl'veridl/:e, op. cit., II, p. 191, for the appointment of Khan Jahiin as governor of Multii.n; there he is designated my son : jarzand. According to the Tuzuk it was not tilI the beginning of the 17th year that thl'r WlL8 any indication that the Persian king would attack Qandahii.r (p. 233). Khan Jahan was recalled and then sent in advance cf the expedition against Qanda.hii.r.

798

UAN JAHIN LOD!.

MaiiilJ,ir

.ul-Umara.

KHAN JAHAN

UmI.

799

camp with grain at the rate of five 8er8 (seers) for the rupee. Khan Jahin said that if ever the King came to know of this kind of agreement he would never allow him to live. Meanwhile the heavens caused another revolution, for there alOse a disagreement between the King and the heirapparent Sha.h .Jahan and there was disturbance and war. The despatch of troops against Qandahar was stopped, and repeated orders were sent, summoning Khan Jahan. At last the King wrote "If at this time Sher Khan Siir were living, he would in spite of all his enmity come to us, and yet you have not come I" It happened that Khan Jahan fell ill, and for thirteen days and nights he was insensible. Mter his arrival at the Court he was ordered to guard the fort of Agra and the treaSures there, and to take i 'W his abode at Fatbpiir Sikri. In the 19th year he on the death of the Khan A '~am Koka was appointed governor of Gujarat. When Mahabat Khan was removed from the guardianship of Sult;in Parviz and made governor of Bengal, Khan Jahan was appointed in his place and joined the Prince in Burhanpiir. In the 2lst year, 1035 A.H., when Sult;in Parviz died, the whole management of the Deccan was entrusted to Khan Jahan. He went to the BiUaghit to chastise Fat.l). Khin, the son of Malik" Ambar, who was stirring up commotion in the imperial territory, and did not draw rein till he came to Khirki. At that time, ~amid Khan II the Abyssinian-whose wife managed the armywas the Prime Minister of N~am Shah. He had recourse to cajolery and deceived Khan Jahan into making over the royal territory to him for a tribute of three s lacs of hUnB. Accordingly, the .faujdar8 and tlui:ru:ulr8 of Balaghat, in accordance with the letters from Khan Jahan, made over their posts to the agents of Ni~am Shah and assembled at Burhanpiir, with the exception of Sipahdar Khan 4 who did not surrender Ahmadnagar on the pIea of not having received the King's orders. They say that Khan JaMn out of bis far-sightedness, by this kindness to the Ni~am Shah, made him his friend in contemplation of his having a place of refuge on the day of misfortune. At any rate the stain of this evil deed remained on his reputation. At the same time when Mahabat Khan withdrew from the Court with evil designs and joined Shah Jahan in Junair, Jahangir gave his title of the Commander-in.chief to Khan Jahan. Many days had not elapsed when Jahangir went to the other world. Shah Jahan sent Jan Nithar Khan 5-who was a confidential and tactfuJ servant-to Khan Jahan-witha gracious .farmiin and an order for the .confirmation of his governorship of the Deccan. Jan Nithar Khan was to ascertain further his secret sentiments and to ask his opinion about Shah Jahan's marching by way of Burhanpiir. But Khan Jahan, although he had not fallen short in serving the Prince at the time when he was in Junair, at this time accepted the instigation of Darya Khan RohiJa, and the advice of FiU;lil Khan the Divan of the Deccan, who said that Sultan Dawar BakJJsh had been placed on the throne in the camp, and that Shahriyar was laying a claim to the sovereignty in LahOre. He
He could hardIy protect Agra if he stayed in Fati;lpiir SIkri some 24 miles !Q!afI.Khan, I, p. 343, says he was left in Agra in the 19th year. II !Q!afI Khan, I, p. 384. II It is three laca in IqMlndmai.-JaMngiri, soo Elliot, VI, p. 433. KhMiKhan, I, pp, 411 and 429, speaks of six lacs of Mina. 4 Khanjat KhAn in Khil.fI liban, loe. eit., but it is Diyanat Khan on p. 429. 6 !Q!ii.fi libAn, I, p. 391, and B&l1.srsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, pp. 68, 69.
1

also s~i~ that Shah Jahau'-to whom he had rendered such services-had bee~ JOlDed_~y Ma~abat Khan the day before yesterday, and that Shah Jahan had given hIm the title of Sipahsii1iir which had been conferred on him (Khan Jahan) by the (late) King (Jahangir). "You" he said "ar~, by the goodness of God, master of forces and of tribes, ~nter th~ serVice of whoever becomes the King." As the time of his fall was near at hand he, in spite of all his knowledge and ability-in which respects he was the unique of the age-made a mistake and sent back Jan NithaI' Khan without even replying to the farrniin. . When it was reported that Shah Jahan had sent Mahabat Khan frODl Gujarat against Mandii-where Khan' Jahan's family was=he renewed the treaty with the Ni~am Shah and left Sikandar Diitani to_gUl~,rd Burhanpiir. He himself came with the auxiliary officers to Mandu and took Malwa from Mu~affar Khan Ma'miiri who was thp go~er,?or. The. royal officers all gathered round him and many of them sal'?, If ~ou Wish to fight, we all shall help you". When they saw that Khan Jahan had not made up his mind, and that they would have a bad name to no purpose, they turned away from him and went off to the Pre~ence (of Shah Jahan). And Khan Jahan when he perceived that Shah Jahan had marched by Gujarat and. that all the officers and Rajas from all qu~rters ha~ appeaI'E'd before him-and it became apparent that the acceSSiOn of Dawar Bakbsh was only a ruse, and was an adumbration of Shah Jahan's sovereignty arranged by Al?af Khan, he saw that what he (~hah Jahan) h:ad done was proper (i.e. in sending Jan NithaI' Khan to him, etc.). But as the opportunity was gone, what was the good of repentance! He sent his Vak'il to the Court and after the accession sent a tribute along with a coronet (sihra) of pearls. Shah Jahan, who was a world of knowledge and graciousness, ignored his evil behaviour and made I him governor of Malwa. In the 2nd year when hc came to the Court afte~r h~ving settl~d t~e pu?ishme~t of Jujhar Bundela, though ~n the Amtrs dId not ~ecelve hIm as lD the tIme of Jahangir, yet the King 2 lU order to plr'ase hIm sent away to Di:Jlhi 3 Mahabat Khan-who had become Khan.Khanan, and was always lording over everybody-and bow-ed his head to no one. But
Verse.

That cup was broken and that cupbearer was no more. Where was the respect with which he had been treated by his master? Where was the public and private reception? Moreover there was no sincerit~ on either side. An order was given "Why have you all this army WIth you at the Court 'I You must discharge it". Also under s0ID;e pretext.some valuable properties were taken from hini. Continually, dunng the eIght months that he was at the Court he was suspicious on

away.

KhMi liban, l, p. 412. The a~count ?f Khan Jahan's behaviour after the death of Jahangir, etc., may be com nared WIth the account of Fadil Khan in Maiithir.ulUmara Text III pp. 19, 20; B,weridge's translation, p. 54\l. , , 8 Khan !Q!an, I, p. 412, has the Deccan, but Delhi seems mure correct "CC Bdboohnama, I, p. 352. '
1

800

KHAN JAHAN LOD!.

Madt}jir

-ul-Umara.

801

account of his own actions, and lived unhappily and was agitated. One night, in the D(J,rbar, Mirza Lashkari l 't.he son of Mulilil~ Khan said in his hotheaded way to the Khan Jahan's sons, "Today or tomorrow they'll imprisan your father". When these idle words, which had no trace of the truth, reached Khan Jahan, he, by reason of his seeingthat he was out of favour, fell into confusion and suspense and confined himself to his house. Shah Jahan sent Islam Khan to him and asked for an explanation. He, being dominated by apprehensions, represented the alit.>nation of the King's favour from him, and prayed that he might be favoured with a letter of security (aman-nama) in the King's own hand. Shah Jahan sent him such a letter and Yamin-ud-Daula A!'}l1f Khan sympathetically said to him, "If you are to become a herrnit, it is proper that we all should today become your companions ". As the materials for 'his fall and ruin were apparent, he could not be reassured, and after the manner 2 of timid traitors sllspicion augmented his suspicion. They say that one night, when he wanted t.o leave Agra and take the road of vagahondage, A!;Iaf Khan heard of it and reported the fact to the Emperor. He replied that as the promise had bet.>n writtt.>n, it was not right to hinder him or to inflict punishment before the offen~e is committed. They were still conversing when news of his absconding was brought. Immediately Khwaja AbUl ~asan Turbati and other officers were deputed to pursue hitIL They say it was the midnight 3 of the Diwii.li, 27th /;lafr, 1039 A.H. when he came out of his house at .Agra. 'When he came to the HatiyapUl Gate, he threw the reina of his horse's neck and lowering his head on his saddle-bow said, " O God, Thou knowest that I am leaving in order to save my honour and that there is no rebellion in my heart ". When he came to DhOlpiir 4, the first persons to encounter him were Mu~affar Khan Barah, Raja Bethai Das, and Khidmat Parast Khan, A great fight took place. I:Iusain and '~mat, his two sons, Shams his son-in-law, with his 5 two brothers Muhammad and Mahmiid who were grandsons of '.Alam Khan Lodi-who was an old leader of the Afgbans-tog~ther with sixty of his chief servants, such as Bhikan Khan Qureshi, and others were killed. !Q!an Jahan personally fought bravely and. was wounded and endeavoured to reach the river Chambal, but on account of the violence of the current his women were not. able to cross. His wife and daughters and some trustworthy dependants (f1srim'i) were put into litters on elephants and left behind in great 'agitation and confusion.

Ver8e l.
rve brought myself half alive out of the valley of death, 'Tis enough to have saved this out of a long march. On account of the ,delay of the royal army for a night 2 and a da.y Khan Jahan crossed the river. He then entered the jungles of the country of Jujhar Bundela. He took unfre<:tuented ways and proceeded to Gondwana. Bikramajit the son of JUlhar 3 ignored his coming, otherwise he could have apprehended him. Khan Jahin reposed for a time in Lanji and then went by Berar to the country of N~am Shah. Bahliil Khan Miyana the jcigirdrir of Balapiir, and Sikandar Dutani ;oined him. Ni~am Shah regarded his coming as a great gain and receiveoaim with much cordiality and pitched his tents outside of Daulatabad. When Khan Jahan came near his enclosure (8araparda) and had not yet alighted from his horse, Ni~am-ul-Mulk came out to welcome him, and placed him on the ma~nad, and himself took a seat on its corner. He gave him money for his expenses and assigned to him pargana Bir as his tankhwrih, though it was an imperial tlu'ina. He also gave fiefs to his companions and dismissed them. He himself proceeded to collect hill army. In the beginning of the 3rd year, Shah Jahan came to Burhanpur and made it his residence to uproot him. Three bodies. of troops cOIlQsting of 50,000 cavalry were despatched under the leadership of A'~am 4 Khan Sivaji the governor of the Deccan. Khan Jahan confronted him with 40,000 cavalry of Ni~am Shih and others. They say that on the day of battle he was sitting in his palanquin smoking and that 'Aziz Khan his son saidto him, "If you want to give battle you should mount your horse and attack, otherwise why are you ruining the world ~ " He replied, "Do you believe that we shall prevail over the royal army ~ AIas! It has God"given Fortune. I wish that by these strugglings Df a slaughtered animal an atonementmay be made, and that there may be sonie hope for you, and that I may go to Mecca." These words of Khan Jahan caused the dispersal of the Afliliins who had. come from Upper India with the idea. of obtaining the sovereignty (of India). When the rains came, Khan Jahan took up his quarters in the vi1la.ge of Riijauri four lro8 from the town of Bir, and in the slope of the hills. When the rains ended, Muqarra.b Khan the leoo.er of the Ni~am' Shihi army and Bahlul Khan on the approach of the army of A '~m' Khan withdrew to Dhirwa.r from JaInapiir. Daryi IQ!8.n Rohila' had not joined (Khan Jahan); when A'~am Khansaw his opportunity and. set out from Devalgaoll and crossed the Godavari, and from Manjhaligion fell upon Khan Jahiin who had not more than 400 horse. Khan Jahin prepared for the battle and sent off his women to the hills, and came out to fight. When he reached the highlands of Riijaurl. an engagement took place between Bahadur Khan LOd.i, the brother's Bon of Khin Jahan, and Bahad.ur Khan Rohila. Brave deeds were done on both sides, and though Bahadiir
BadsMhnma. I, p. 279. The anny halted for seven watches, Booahtihnama, I, p. 280. a Jujhar was theI> in the DeccM. It is said there that Bikramajlt guided him out of his country to Gondwana, see Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 73. From Sava in Persia, also called Ir6dat Khan, see MaaO!ir-ul.Umara, I, pp. 174-180, Beveridge's translation, pp. 315-319.
l

l Khan Khan, I, p. 412. See also Elliot. VII, pp. 8, !l, and Rri-!Rhiilmf7ma, [, p. 273. The stQry is told with more detail and somo verbal differenei>S in MaddJ,irul-Umara, Text III, p. 4~0, in the notice of Mukbli~ NJan. For a detailf'd aeeoWlt of Khan Jahan during Shah .Jahan's rcign, ~ee Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahall, pp. 66-79. 2 Khafi Khan, I, n. 412. 3 TWo houl'8 after nightfall, KhafI Khan, I, p. 414. Bddshahllma., I, p. 27.,>. gives the date of flight as Sunday, 26 Snfr. See Banarsi Pra.~a<1, op. cit., p. 71, where the date is givi>n as Oetober 5, 162!l. 4, Eighti>en kos from Agra. There is, or was, a Hatiyapiiri or Elephent Gate at Delhi, but the elephants werf' originally at Agra. B That is Sharns's brothers, Bdshiihnama, I, p. 278. Cf. with MaddJ,ir-vlUmara, I, p. 71.'i. 'Alam Khan Lodi had been killed along with Raja' Ali of BJ!iin. dsh in the great battle against Ruhai!.

802

DAN JAHAN 1.ODI.

Maiill1ir

.ulUmara.

liliAN JAHAN 1.ODI.

803
Talib l Kalim wrote this

Khan Rohila fell on the field, the imperial army arrived with help. Bahadut Khan LOdi lost heart and sought to fly. Raja Bihar Singh Bundela ~me up to that doomed man and killed him. Khan Jahan went off with his women on horseback from Sivagaon and came to Bai<japur. Darya Khan joined him on the way. From there he ~astene~ to Dau1atabad, and rested for a while. Though they urged hIm to SIt upon the throne, he replied "Fifty years of my life have gone, I do not know if after me my sons will be fit for the sovereignty. Every Mughal will expel an Afghan with insu1t from the towns and country, and then the maidservants of the Afgh8.ns will execrate me (lit. will take my name and strike their slippers on the ground), saying 'We have come to this state by his wickedness '. I cannot stand all this beating with slippers." BahliiI and Sikandar became displeased and left him. Nor did he see much kindness on the part of the Ni~ii.m Shah. Rather there were signs of the rise of disaffection. He was disgusted with his interested friendship, and at the advice of Darya Khan Rohila, Aimal Khan Tarin, and $adr Khan formed the plan of going to the Panjab so that he might stir up commotion there with the help of the Afghiins. He came from Daulatabii.d to Antur l, and passing by Dharangaon II and Amba P~t~r proceeded towards Malwa. 'Abdullah Khan Firuz Jang and SaIYId Mu~ffar Khan Barah pursued him. He was unabl~ ~o h~t. He continued his march, plundering as he want. Near SaronJ he se1Ze~ 50 of the royal elephants and entered the Bundela territory so that ~e mIght mach Kalpi. Bikramajit the son of Jujhar Bundela to amend hIS former fau1t attacked the rear which wa,s commanded by Darya Khan, and in that struggle DaryaKhan was killed. Khan Jahan was grieved at the death ofsuch a companion and continued his march. When he came to the territory of Bhander 3, Saiyid Mu~affar Khan Barah of the King's vanguard nearly caught him up. Khan Jahan sent on his family, and with 1,000 horse engaged in hot battle. His son Mahmud ~an. and many others were killed. Khan Jahan was helpless and turned hIS rem. When he came to Kalinj ar;-8aiyid Ahmad the governor of the fort barred his passage. In that fight his son J:Iasan Khan was made prisoner. Khan Jahan went on, a doorned man, some twenty kos more, and halted at the bank of a tank at Sahinda 3. He said to his men, "The royal army does n~t cease from following us and is close upon .our heels. How long shall I fly? All our relatives and clansmen have been killed. I too am satiated with life. There is no remedy save death. Whoever wishes, may leave." He distributed to them whatever (property) remained, Many went off on l RaJjab (24th January, 1631 A:D.), t,he others advanced with firm foot and engaged Saiyid Mu~affar Khan Barah. At last Khan Jahan d.ismounted along with his son 'Aziz Khan, Aimal Khan Tarin, and ~adr Khan, and fought with swords and daggers as long as there was life in their bodies. He fell to the ground from an arrow 4 (bullet 1) of Mii.dhu Singh. 'Abdullah Khan Za1clJmi (the wounded) sent hi~ head to the Court and it wa8 shown to Shah Jahan while he was takmg an airing in a boat on th.., Tapti in Burhanpiir. In accordance with his
1 2

orders it was buried in his father's tomb. quatrain. Quatrain.

This pleasant news was an additional ornament, What joy did not this end of two evils cause, The departure of Darya made the head of Pira depart, As if his head were a bubble of the river. The following chronogram enigmatically II giv~s the date: Ki ah o nal.ah az Afg4an bar arrw,d. (Sighs and laments emerged from the Afghans.) In their accounts of Khan Jahan contemporaries have added too much or stated too little. Some maintain that in reality he had no intention to rebel. All that happened was done in selfdefence (khud dari). Others say that he was a born rebel and recaleitrant, and ob!>erve no bounds in their abuse of him. Leaving aside the words of his detractors and panegyrists, what comes out from his history is that he was a straight 8 and hon.est man. He was not a time-server qr a doublefaced person. The blows of circumstance had not touched him. The word of check had not reached his ear, and all out of envy werl' lying in wait for him. The King of India (Jahangir) with all his glory and grandeur was cnamoured of him. Out of pride and unconciliatory nature of his tempera. ment he did not bow his head to heaven or prince (fnlak o mallak). One day Shah .Jahan apropos of something said to Saiyid Khan Jahan Barah, "This title is of a man from whom we and all the princes desire to receive attention, but he out of contl>mpt says nothing to anybody ". All at once the jugglery of the heavens produced a new world, 'and there was a new arrangement on the carp~t of universe. His distinction and intimacy no longer existed. Men who had not been admitted 4 to his presence claimed to be his equals, or rather they raised their heads above him. The exhibition (by him) of some disrespectful actions-which were regarded at the (',ourt as sedition and rebellionproduced the result that every want of attention was regarded as an affront, and. every id.le word as the sound of banishment. Moreover he was jealous and proud, and far from affable. He felt out of place, and his heart was aggrieved. He preferred vagabondage and a death 5 in the desert. To the lofty minded no evil is more intolerable than disgrace after honour. So he brought himself to where he brought
] CGmmonly called Abii Tii.lib. see Rieu, II, p. 686. He was a native of Ramadii.n, and became ShAh .JahAn's poet laureate. His quatrain is a play on the word Daryii. which means both the Daryii. K!lii.n who was Khan JahAn's follower and a river. Pirii. was Khn Jahn's name, Pir Mul;lammad, and may also stand for evil. The 1uatrain is given in Biid8Mhnama, I, p. 352. 2 The chronogram is ingenious. Az AJ!lban yieldR 1040, the proper date, but the word for Afghii.ns, i.e. for the plural number ts <\fghii.nii.n = 1091. We deduct a, and n = 51 from this, as representing ah sighs, and na.lah laments and Ila get 1040. There is also a play on the word Afd!ii.n which means lament,s as well as an Afrl!ii.n. 3 The author passes lightly over this selling the D3ccan to Nilllii.m Shah. 4 Perhaps persons who had not his privilege of admission to the Emperor. 6 BiyaMn margi, desert pestilence T

Katal Antiir, ~ii.fi Khan, I, p. 437. Dharangii.on and Jopra, Khfi Khan, I, p. 437. a Elliot, VII, p. 21, note 2. ~ A spear (bareM), see BiidsMhnijma, I, p. 351, and Elliot, VII, p. 22.

804

-ul-Umara. Maa!hir

KHAN ZAMAN.

~05

himself. At first all his dangerous outbreaks were the result of nothing but a desire to preserve his honour and status. Afterwards other designs were mixed up with them. Or rather they became necessary, e.g. his collecting troops and his alliance with N~iim.ul.Mu1k. If the die had been cast aright and Time had been his friend how could th~ love of the wodd's glory ever have made him how his head for service l In fine, Khan Jahan was possessed of mildness and clemency, and could not bear to injure ony one. Though he was a SunnI he was specially inclined towards the people of Persia. His father was well known as a Shi'a, and there was a. saying of his that there could be no courage without submission to Murta;la 'Ali. At last, Khan Jahan, from companionship with Shaikb Fa4i Ullan of Burhanpiir took a fancy for Sufism, and spent his nights with Darvishes and 'Ulamii, and e:xpressed an aversion to the world. There was nothing startling or extraordinary about his household management. His expenses were sometimes three lacs a month, and sometimesles8. There was a little saving after expenditure. He did not himself look after matters, and was not friendly with Hindus. ~e procrastinated about the taking of accounts from collectors, and other sImilar matters. He had many sons. Some died on the field of battle, and ~lat Khan, who held the rank of 3,000, died in Daulatabad during the period of exite. Mu~affar left his father and went to thA Court, and Farid and Jahan l were made prisoners. '.Ajam and Ahmad fled but after a time came to the Court. Up to the present day none of hi~ descendants has arrived at eminenee.
KHAN ZAMAN.

(Vol. J, pp. 785-792.)

.H~ was Mir Khalil the second son of A'~am Khan 2 Jahangiri and son-m-law of Yamin-ud-DaulaA~fKhan Khan-Khanan the 8ipahsala1. In company with his father he performed distin!!Uished actions and was .the J!ir IJ/w,msher (sword-arm) and main suppo~t of his father.' During t~e ~e of the government of Jaunpl1r by A'~am Khan, his son exerted hImself to such a degree in overthrowing the seditious and rebellious that even the name rebel did not remain in thltt quarter. Wherever he heard that there was a strong fort, he either by stratagem or by courage pulled it down. Many fortresses which were full of guns, and which former governors ha:d taken a long time to subdue, were overthrown by him in so short a' time that no trace of them remained. When his father died 8, he received the rank of 1,000 with 700 horse. . ,!,he,! say ~hat he perform~d 4 Rustam-like feats in the .faujdiiri of Narnol 5 whICh was a perpetual hot-bed of sedition near the Capital. He made a tank there called the Khalil Sagar which eclipsed the fa mp of
Jan Jahan. Biidshlitvr....ma. l, p. 351. His name was Mir Mul;utmrnad Baqir. aliaa Iradat Khan. see DE'ale. p. 88. H~ wjUl brothey ,of A~ Khn ~a'far Beg. Jahangir refers to him under the namE' of Ir8dat. He did not get the tItle of A'~am Khan till Shah Jahan's reign. 8 I!lifl~, l. p. 685, in 1058 A.H. (1648 A.D.). 6, He-c&IUIOt be Kafi;alab Khan of Khan Khan. II. pp. 252, 25:1. who put down the &tlinIls of Namol in 1082 A.H. -5 In the Patiala State. Panjab, and not very near Delhi.
1 2

the tank which had been made by Shah Quli Mahram 1, who had been jagirdiir there for forty years. I.n the 3rd year (of Shah Ja~an) .he had an increase of 500, and was appomted to the Deccan along WIth hIS cIder brother Multafat Khan. In the same year the office of Superintendent of the artillery for the whole of the Daccan was, at the request of Shayista Khan the Go;ernor. conferred upon him. Such an arrangement as he made of the establishment had not been made by any of the governors (of the Daccan). He personally visited all the forts, and examined minutely all details, and provided each with. bullets, lead and gunpow-der. He caused the muster of all thp ol~ art1~c~rs and wor~men (alpsham 2), who for years had, by mean.: Qf favountlsm an? bflbe~y, spent their days in comfort and the en}oyment of promotlO~ 3, ~lth or without providinu substitutes. He built a wall three yard.s m heIght and breadth as a ta;get, and tested every musketeer by making him aim at it from a distance of forty paces three times. Whoevel' did not' even once hit the mark was dismissed. He reduced the allowances of some waak and disabled men, and kept them under surveillance. In this manner, he in one and a half months'saved for the exchequer Rs.50,000 and made his own honesty, skill and perspicacity apparent to the world. In the 27th year he obtained the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse and the title OI Muftalillir Khan. On the death of 'Arab Khan he was made governor of the forts ~f Fathabiid and Dharwar. As during his service in the Deccan he had impressed his character for devotion, etc., on the mind of Prince Aurangzib, the Viceroy of the Deccan, so when confusion arose aJ;ld the Prince resolved t9 proceed to the Capital, Khan Zaman accompanied him. After reaching Burhanpur he was granted an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horEe and rose to the rank af 3,000 with 2,000 horse and was made Mir Bakbshi with the title of Sipahdar Khan. After the battle with (Maharaja) Jaswant hl' received the title of Khan Zaman and the present of a t6v./1, and a drum. After ~he overthraw of Dara Shikoh, and the Sll~cess of 'Alamgir the office of _Mir Ba@shi was restored to Muhammad Amin Khan, the son of Muhammad Mu'a~?am Khan (Mir Jumla), and Khan Zaman on account of his usefulness in the Deccan ha,d an increase or 1,000 and attained the rank of 4,000 with 2,000 horse and was made governor of the fort of Zafarahad Bidar which had bepn added to the imperial territories by Aurangzib. Afterwards he was appointed to the management of the affairs of Ahmadnagar. In the \lth year he was, in successioll to Da'ud Khan Qureshi made governor nf Khandesh, and in the 18th year he had the rank of 5,000 with 3,000 horse and was made governor of Berar. In the 20th year he was made governor of Zafafabad Bidar and had the charge of that fort aSEiglled to him. Tn the 24th year he came 4 with Shah '.'llam from the ~ccan to Ajmer, and did homage. For some days he was attached to the stirrups of the Prince and engaged in the pursuit of Akbar, the rebd (Prince Akbar), and in the chastisement of the Rajputs. In the same year hp '!a.s appointed again to serve in Burhanpur as governor in succession to !rij Khan, and had an increase of 1,000 horse.
I Blochmann's translation of A'in. I (2nd edn.). pp. 38', 388. 2 For Ah8h1im. see Irvine, Army of the Indian MoghuIs. p. 160. ete. a Ba 'iWaz o bila, 'iwaz. But the variant M 'iwaz o biM 'iwa.z, without giving a sl1bstitute or doing any work. appears to be more appropriat", 4 Maail!ir-i-'Alamgiri. p. 209. .

806

KHAN ZAMAN.

Maafjjir

-ul-Urnara.

KHAN ZAMAN.

807

I~ chan_c,:d that in the same. year l, viz., 1091 A.H. (1680 A.D.) Samba Sawa l had, before the arflvalof the Khan made a night~march ?f 35 kos and fallen upon Bahadurpiira two kos from Burhanpiir and had msulted the Muhamrnadans and infidels, and plundered their property. Some ~f the leading men had time to perform the johar fOI' their wiv;s and chIldren, and many took to flight with their families. Kakar Khan Mgban who, as Khan Zaman's deputy w!1S guarding the city (Burhanpiir) protected it with great difficulty. As the learned men a~d the ShailI.b~ of the city le~t off public prayers and reported to the Court tbe predominance of t~e mfidels-who plundered the Muhamrnadans at their pleasurtl -Aurangzlb proceeded towards the Deccan from Ajmer. On 12 2 Ubul Qa'da of the 25th year, the King arrived at Burhanpiir, and Khan Zaman the Governor of the area paid his respects. Wh:n in the same year, Rabi' I, 1093 A.H. (February, 1682 A.D.) Aurangzlb proceeded to Aurangabad, Prince Mubammad. Mu'izz-ud-Din was :,tppcinted to stay in Burhanpiir, and. went from Bahadurpiira, Khan Zaman Was appointed to wait upon the Prince. At the same time Khan Zaman was appointed. s to the government of Malwa in succession to ~ulWtar Khan. In the end of the 27th year, 1095 A.H. (1684 A.D.) h~ died. then,. He was well versed in every science and was famed for his calhgraphy. He was skilled in palite literature and was an able man of ~usiness. He did not need the guidance of others in transacting affaITs, and he was a man of pleasant manners. He was skilful in collecting men--especially were his unerring marksmen--wko could sew up the eye of a snake on a dark night with a fire-bearing arrow-famous throughout ~he world.. He ~as deeply skilled in mu~ic,. and in spite of bis being immersed m busmess he was devoted to smgmg and amusement (rag-orang). He had in his house fairy.faced songsters and attractive musicians. The famous Zainabad.i, who was the beloved of Aurangzib when a Prince was one ofthem. It is stated that she was his (Khan Zaman's) mistress. ' They say that the Prince went one day to the world-adorning garden of Zaina,had in Burhanpiir which was commonly called the Deer-Park (Ahil !mana), and paid a visit to the ladies of the harem there. He held a banquet with hisfamiliars and stralled about with them. Zainabadi 4 was unique as a songstress and excelled in her beauty. She came with Khan Zaman's noble consort-who was the Prince's maternal aunt (sister of :M:umtaz :M:ahal the wife of Shah Jahan), and in the course of the walk she saw a mango tree laden with fruit. Without considering the respect

due to the Prince, she ran forward joyfully and playfully, and leapt up on the tree and plucked a fruit. This movement was a heart-robbing one and it robbed the Prince of his self-control and his virtue.

Verse.
It was a wondrous snare of love's robberies,

The friendly glance of the beloved was more than friendship. By begging and imploring he obtained possession of her from his indulgent aunt and with all his asceticism and purity he gave his heart to her and used to fill a cup of wine with his own hand and give it to her. It is stated that she too one day put a cup of wine into the Prince's hand. aQ.d urged him to drink it. Though he begged and prayed, she had no pity on him and the Prince was helpless, and was about to drink it, when the sly girl drank it off herself, saying: It was to test your love and not to make your palate bitter with this liquor full of evil. This passionate love grew to such an extent that Shah Jahan heard of it. Dara Shikoh-who heartily disliked him-made the story a ground of calumny and detraction and said to Shah Jahan: "What restraint and self-control has that hypocritical ascetic, he is ruining himself for a girl of his aunt's ". As Fate decreed, the flower of her life faded. in its spring, and the Prince was marked with the perpetual scar of separation. Her tomb is in- Aurangabad near the great tank. As the death of one's beloved robs a man of his power, the Prince became altered on the day of her death and in his restlessness resolved to go out hunting. Mir 'Askari 1 '!qil Khan was in his retinue, and when he had an opportunity of speaking privately to him he said: "Will it be advisable for you to go hunting when in this state (of mind)~" In reply the Prince recited the verse: Laments at home comfort not the heart, In the desert one can weep one's fill. '!qil Khan recited this ver!'''' as fluitable to the occasion:

Verse II
How easy Love appeared. Alaa! how hard it was! How hard was parting, what rest the Beloved attained! The Prince was touched, and committed the verse to memory. Khan Zaman during his government of Berar chose the village of Harm three kos from Uichpiir, which is the Capital of the province, as his residence and called it Khanzamannagar. He erected lofty buildings of which traces still remain. He also .had a residence in Burhanpiir. His sons passed away without any of them obtaining distinction.

1 It was the 23rd .year of Aurangzi?, Khan Khan, II, p. 272. See, however, Jadunath Sarkar, Htstory of Aurangztb, IV, p. 244, and Kincaid and Parasanis, Htstory of the Maratha People, p. 119, from which it will be Been that the attac-k was in January or February 1681 A.D. or in 1092 A.H. Sawa'i seemfl to have ~een a title whic~ Sambha .ga,-;e to hims~~; see Khafi Khii.n, II, p. 384. It was a title afterwards given to Jal Smgh of Jaipur. Perhaps it was a Rajpiit title and taken by Sambh a as showing his Rajpiit descent. 2 The l4th ac~ording to Khafi Khan, II, p. 278, and Elliot, VII, p. :HO. 3 Maii!Jlir-!-' Alamg'ir'i, l." 220. H!s death occurred in the end of thc :!7th year, a~ld Mughal Bhan was appol11ted as hIS successor early in the 28th year, vide op. Ctt., p. 246. 4 Apparcntly she waH HO called from living at the garden (thA name signifies: the ubode of grace). The garden seems to have been that made on the bank of the Tapti by jilian Dauran; see Maiit.l1ir-ul-Umarii, I, p. 757. See also Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Ht.tor?! of Aurangz,h, l, pp. !if\-fiR for a detailed account of Zainiihiidi. .

SI~'

MaiiQ1ir-ul-Umarii, II, pp. 821-823. MaiWJ,ir-ul-Umarii, II, p. 823. The couplet wa.s Aqil's own. ac('ount of this love-story, I, p. 231.
1 2

See Manucci's

808

KHAN ZAMAN Ml1r~ATI. KHA.N ZAMAN MEW!TI.

M ad!l1ir

-ul-Umara.

lilJAN Z:AMAN SHAIKH NI~lM.

809

(Vol. I, pp. 829-832.) His father was Shailill G..hulam Mustafi Ki1r~alab Khan of Bahadur Shit-h's body-guard (Wala-Shahi~ and belonged to the Qa<).izi1das of Firiizpiir in Mewat. He had a little learning, and had read some of the ordinary books. The commencement of his service was on the establishment of 'Aqil Khan Khawar! the governor of Shahjahanabad (Delhi). He taught the Khan's children. Mterwards, he became connected with Mun'im Khan the Divan of Prince Muhammad Mu'a~~am (afterw.ards Bahadur Shah), and through his intervention obtained a royal maitab. When Mun'im Khan had charge of the government of Lahore on behalf of the Prince, the performance of mU(Jh of the b~siness was entrusted to Khan Zaman. When the Prince came, after his father's death, from Peshi1war to Lahore, and sat upon the throne and struck coins and had the Khutba recited, he increased the allowances of his old and new servants and gav~ them titles. Khan Zaman on account of his ability and industry had an increase of man{Jab and received the title of Kar~alab Khan. After victory had declared itSelf, he was made krori of the market of the imperial camp, but when Mun'im Khan received the title of Khan-Khaniin and became Vazir, he, on account of his long companionship, had full charge of the administration and received a high rank. When Shah Dhora 1, which is a pargana appertaining to Sirhind and is famed owing its connection with the shrine of Shah Fa1<). QiidiI'i, became the camp of Bahadur Shah, and before the death of Khan-Khanan, Khan Zaman, who now had the title of 'Ali 'Askar Khan, was made- faujdar of the Ohakla of Etawah which is one of the noble Khal~a estates of Agra. He ruled over thirty k08 of territory on the banks of the J umna. Afterwards, when Jahandar Shah came to power, Prince I'zz-ud-Din his eldest son 2 was appointed under the guardianship of Khwaja l;Iasan Khan Dauran to oppose Farru!ili-siya,r who was advancing from Patna. Most of the faujdar8 in the line of rank or near it were ordered to furnish allxiliaries, and the Khan, who had a good force with him, marched and joined the Prince. He accompanied him for some days and became acquainted with the nature of the leader and the ways of the Court. The Prince was only in name and was under the control of the Khan Dauran, and the latter, who was inexperienced, ruled by craft and fraud. His cowa,rdice, etc. foretold disaster. Khan Zaman watched his opportunity and when Farru!ili-siyar approached, he set off with his troopI:! and the treasure which hB had with him and having marched through the evening and night, joined him, and was the object of a thousand congratulations. In the battle against Jahandar Shah, he in conjunction with Chabila Ram Nagar galloped off towanb Kokaltash Khan Khan Jahan, and engaged in the fight. He several timel:! made brave attacks, and after the victory received the title of Khan Zaman Bahiidur, and a high rank as a mark of royal favour. Afterwards he went off to the government of Multan
Sii.dhurah of Jarrett'8 translation of A'in, II, p. 296. The Sadhaura of Imperial Gazetteer, XXI, p. 347. "It is in the Arr,bala district, and the local saint is called in the Imperial GazetteeT Shah Kumais. There is the variant Qai\l. I For an account of the children of Mu'izz-ud-Din Jahandar Shah, see Sarkar's edition of Irviru'a Latf,r Mughala, I, pp. 242, 243.
l

. me power d ft th andacqUIred agreat na. . He did not have so muchS -h and influence . th time of the reigning Sovereign (Mu-b,ammad ~a), an a:. er e III tas~ro he of Nadir Shah's expedition, when Nawwab ~~f Jah weJ.1t ~ to th~ Deccan, he made over the charge of his estates.Ill Upp~r ~ndla to Khan Zaman. 'The end of a groom is to sell hay', and lU the d1SC arge of his duty he died. l
{{JIAN ZAMAN SHAIKH NI~AM.

(Vol. I, pp. 794-7l:i8.) He was from Haidarabiid, and one of the military Shaik.bzadas of t~e H had an !libundant share of courage. He became an. Am~r ~canAbiileHasan the ruler of Telin.gana (Golcon~a). He acq~ued a un er ~ I a dership and military skill. At the tIme of the SIege of ~&~~n~~ :e was at the head of the Qutb.Shahi troops and engaged im erial forces outside the fort. One day he had an encounter on to p of a battery with Khan Firiiz Jang, and there was a fight. Th the imperialists tried to carry off the corpse of one of t~e1r men, the~~id not succeed, and the other side carried it off along WIth some bodies of their own men. Ab-l fl d wh n Fortune and the happy star turned away from u . asan an d: there were inoreasing signs of misfortune, he departed fr~m evey h' d attached himself to the threshold of Aurangz1b. loya tYth~ r~~ci a:l servants of Abiil ~asan, out of. cupidity an? in the When f p offices threw the dust of unfaithfulness on theu !reads hope o al dalm~ut he ;emained his disaffection was regarded as prod an t'no eaAbiil Hasan's downfall, and speClal euos were m ade to win , . 'sr rt f er d h?C Ive o Mter he had accepted service he received 2 the rank of 6,000 l'~h~v~~O horse the title of Muqarrab Khan and the gift of a flag, drums Wl d l' f 'es together with Arab and Persian horses, as also strong an a ac o rupe b' t f It: our His ele hants and other gifts, and was made an o Jec o roya av . p and reIa't' s also received offices, several of them . were 000 h not lower sons Ive O h 21 than 4 000, and altogether they had man{Jab8 ~f 25,00 _~t _ _,orse. -b"" had for the , After H al'dara >LU had been taken and lthe CIty of BljapUr Z -n who t Khsecond time become the seat of the roya encampmen ,_an ama '_ s . . was umque III m l'll'tary science , was sent to take the fort of d . "t _ . t Pa~ala which was in the possession of the enemy: Th.e Khan appoIll e sp1es o . . e father ob taln ln,ormat'on about Sambha who after his th t h s death was of a l . t the leader in the Deccan. Suddenly the news came a e, O~ accoun dis ute with the clan of Bairagis 4 who were rel~ted to hun, had co~e f p R-lI- - to the fort of Khelna, and after makIllg an agreement WIth t~~: a~~:~tisfying himself about the victualling of a fort, had gone, to

De

~~:

grea~

tt .

. S B al for 1896 pp. 186, 198, 199, where he is l See Irvme, Jou~n. Aa. o~. eng an 'Ali As har). Also see Sir Jadunath called' Ali A\lg!!ar Kh~ a;ndLID!an MZamh ls (I pp 230 231. Khan Zaman is Sarkar's edition of I1'1J'I,ne s ater" ug a " . _, _ also called' Ali A\lg!!ar in KhMi Khan, II, p. 721.

/f4.

2 Maiithir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 296. Sh 'kh N' as 3 Pamii"la of Text is Panhala.-one of Shivaji's st~ong forts. al;~a.m ~8 sent to beslege it in 1688, see Sir Jadunath Sar~a.r, H$atory of::Tan~$b, IV, p. 4 Shirke according to Sir Jadunath, op. C$t., p. 399, no 14

810
~angamnir (Sangameswar)-where his pl8kkdr Kab Kalus 1 had made grand houses IUld gardens and was occupied in amusing himself. The Khan hastened tJ..'Jre from Kolapiir 2 which was 45 kos off and separated from Sangameswar by a very steep and bad road. He washed his hands of lifu in zeal for his' master and was accompanied by a few devoted men. Though spies informed Sambha that the Mughals were coming, he from sottish drunker.ness and arrogance signed with his eyebrow for their heads s being removed from their bodies and mockingly said: "The ignorant fellows have grown mad. Can the Mughal tr60ps come here? " Meanwhile the Khan, after abundant hardships and difficulties-in the course pf which he had to go on foot in many places--eame upon him like lightning, with 300 troopers. Sambha, doubly intoxicated by pride and wine called for the help of 4 to 5,000 Deccani t'roopers and fought. By destiny, a,n arrow from the hand of fate reached Kab Kalus and after a short struggle Sambha's party fled, and he crept into the house of Kab Kalus. He and Kab Kalus and 25 of his chief men with his wives and daughters-except Ram Raja his younger brother who was in one of the other forts-were seized. Among them was Raja Sahii, his eIdest son, who was seven or eight years of age. As this news reached the King in Ikliij he gave 4 that place the name of Sa'dnagar. Mter that, when the Khan came out from that desolate place, none of his (Sambha.ji's) assistants and companions could move hand or foot. He (Sambhiiji) came to the Presence at Bahiidurgarh, and was put into the prison of retribution 5. At the same time Aurangzib came down from the throne and placing himself on a corner of the carpet humbly offered thanks to God. The chronogram is:

ul- U1TUJ,ra.

tuJIDMAT PARAST KHAN.

811

had many children. His sons Khan 1 'Alam and Munawwar Khan 2 were among the noted of the age, as will be seen from their biographies. Another was Farid ~al)ib, who with his brothers fell bravely in tlhe battle with A '~am Shii.h. A separate account has also been given of Amin Khan. s Another was Husain Munawwar Khan who chose Haidarabii.d as his residence. He 'received from Asaf Jii.h's establishment the oollectorship of Murta<;lii.nagar. In the year i158 A.H. (1745 A.D.) he died. His sons were held liable to render accounts to the government. Another was N~am.ud-DinKhan whom AurlJ,ngzib in accordance with the father's will brought up as a houseborn child, and married to a sister of Raja Sahii for whom he had taken a fancy. He had Mughali manners, and did not at all resemble his father or brothers. He lived in Aurangabii.d, and was not without fame and reputation. He spent his days in tran quillity, and died in 1155 A.H. (1742 A.D.).. His sons-who were halfbrotherS-long disputed with one another about their father's inheritance.
~IDMAT

P ARAST KlI_\.N.

(Vol. 1, pp. 713'-716.)

Verse Ba zan o jarzand skud Sam1Jhii asir. (With wife and son Sambha was made prisoner-ll OV A.H., 1689 A.D.)
In reward for this great service the victorious Khan received the title of Khan Zaman Fath Jang and the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse and Rs.50,000 in cash, etc. His sons and companions received increases- of rank and the gifts of dresses of honour. Mter that Kha.n Zawan was for a time attached to the army of Prince Mul;tammad A '~am Shah. In the 37th year the Prince returned tc the Court as he was afflicted with dropsy. Khan Zaman paid his respects, and with his sons and other relatives was the recipient of favours and went off with Prince Bidar Bakbt to punish the enemy. Apparently he died in the 40th year. He
l The KUloosha of GrantDuff, History of Mahrattas (1921 edn.), l, pp. 238. 239. etc., and the Calusha of Elphinstone, History of India (1905 edn.), p. 633, and K.alasha in Kineaid and Parasanis, History of Maratha People, p. 127. Evidently Kab in his title and means a bard. He was a Brahman. see Elliot, VII, pp. 285. 305. 2 ShO~piirin Maa~ir-i-'Alamgiri. p. 32!. 8 Khafi Khii.n, II, p. 385, says he ordered their tongues to be cut out. The account is taken from Mai0,ir-i-'Alaf7igiri,p. 321. 4 Taken from Maathir.f,.' Alamgiri, p. 322. 6 For a detailed account of the capture of Sambhaii (called Sambhiiji), see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., pp. 396-407. 14B

His name was Rida Bahiiduf. He 4 was from his boyhood a slave and attendant of Prin~e Shah Jahan, and was a favourite because of his long service, trustworthiness and tact. They say that when the Prince was appointed to the affair of the Rana, Khidmat Pa~ast Khan on one occasion received 500 lashes for some offence, but he did not fall to the ground or uttera sigh. This fortitude won him respect, a~d l~d to an increase in his rank and honour. . He gradually rose to the digmty of an Amir, and received the title of Khidmat Parast Khan (the Khan devoted to service). When Shah Jahan returned from Bihar he, out of the confidence reposed in him, was left along with Saiyid Mu~affar Khan Barah in the fort of Rohtas in attendance on Sultan Murad Bakbsh 5. Mter the death of Jahangir when Shah Jahan came from Junair in the Deccan to Gujarat, and proceeded from the bank of the Kankriya tank _near Ahmadabad--where he had encamped for seven days-towards Agra, Khidmat Parast Khan was despatched 6 from the way with an autograph farmiin to Yaminud-Daula in Lahore. The purport of it was that the time was critical, and that he should cIeanse the world from the coqtamination of the existence of sundry princes who were the source of disturbance. Khidmat Parast Khan reached Lahore by relays in nine days. They say that Sultan Dawar Bakbsh known ~ Sul1Jj.n BuJ.a.qiwhom A~af Khan had placed uponthe throne for some days out of certaJn considerli-tions of policy-was playing chess with his brother Sultan Garshasp. When he heard the noise of Ri,ia Bahii.dur's arrival, he
l Maathir-ul-Umarii., Text l, pp. 816, 817; his f'ill name was Khin 'A1am lkhlas Khan. 2' iii., Text III, p. 654. 655; his full name was Muu.awwar Khan ShailID Miran. a Maathir.ul.Umarii., Text I, pp. 352-357, Beveridge's translation, pp. 236240. 4 B,dshii.hniilma, l, p. U8. 6 Murad BalIDsh was born about this time,lQ!fi Khii.n, l, p. 35~. 6 See Banarsi Prasad, H~tory of Shahjahan, p. 61.

812

lWlDMAT PARAST

KHAN.

-nl- Umara.

813

divined his object and said to his brot1s.er: ." Virtue l , (Ri4ii) has not come, it is your and our Fate (Qat!d) tha.t has arrived." Yamin-ud-Daula in accordance wIth the order made over the blinded Sultan Shahriyal', Sultan Bulaqi and rahmuras and Hushang the sons of Sultan Daniyal to Khidmat Parast Khan. He on 25 3umii.da II I, 1037 A.H, (Ist' February, 1628 A.D.) put the~ all to death in one day. On the accession he had an increase of rank and was made Mir Tuzuk and received an ornamental staff. After that he was made Mir Atish (Head of the artillery). In the 2nd year when Khan Jahin LOdi fled from Agra he-in advance of the officers who had been appointed under the leadership of Khwaja Abul ij:asan to pursue Khan Jahan,came up with Saiyid Mu~affar Khan Barah, and Raja BethaI Das 3 Gaur-with the enemy in Dh61pur and bravelyengaged them. He several times flung himself down upon the foe, and received" a wound from an arrow (bullet ?) which struck his temple and brought him to his end. They say that as Khidmat Parast Khan went rapidly in pursuit, he travelled by night, and losing his way, came upon the ladies (qabila) of Khan Jahan L6di who had gone off with his son-in-law (Muhammad Shah L6di) 6 towards the Chamba1. 6 A great fight took place, and so much bravery was shown on both sides that it cast into oblivion the deeds of Rustam and Isfandiyar Muhammad Shah L6di with his two brothers, and twelve of the relations and confidential servants of Khan Jahan were killed, and RiQa Bahidur with sixty of his best followers was also killed in the King's service. His body was conveyedto the Nalsl1lChs (cattle-market) of Agra and a dome was erected there. He was married to a daughter of K6twli.l Khan a Georgian slave of Daulat Khan-who had been presented by Khan-Khanan. They loved each other so exceasively that the tale of their affection was celebrated all over. Khidmat Parast Khan would say to her: "My life is devoted to the servi~of the King, I will probably die to-day or to-morrow in my master's service, what will happen to you 1" She would show opium and poison which she carried in the corner of her dress. After his death, though she did not have the grace. of dying, she sat itl wretched circumstances at the head of his grave. On this account Shih Jahan gave her Khidmat Parast ~n's property, and also allowed her a daily pension. A y.ear had not elapsed when out of the intoxication ofwealth and th.e instiga.tions of bad company she became enamoured of music and dancing and took to drinking, When the King became aware of this, he gave her in marriage to Qil'adli.r Khin Chela. After his death she sha.ed her head and again lJat at the head of RiQli. Bahidur's tomb. Shah Jahan again grallted her the daily pension.
Punning on his name Ri~. Khifi KbIID, I, p. 394, says the 22nd. In Bad8hhniima, I, p. 79, the date is 25th, .while in Iqblniimii.i.Jahngiri,1'. 303, it is 26 Jum&da I. s Bad8hhniima, I, p. 117, has Raja Bethai Das son of Raja GopaJ. Dis Kaur (Gam). There is a notice of Raja Bethai Dii.s Q&.ur in Mat.hir.ulUmarii, II, pp. 250-256, Beveridge's tr!IDsla.tion, pp. 401-404. :rt is Raja Vitha.1da.s in Banarsi Prashad, op, cit., p. 64. .. Bad8hhniima, I, p. 278; also Ba.narsi Prash~, op. cit., p. 72. 6Ca.11ed Shams in Maiifl.!ir.ulUmarii, I, p. 725. . 6 In the text Chital, It is the Dholpiir river, i.e., the Chambal; see Khafi Kllii.n, I, p. 418. Also soo Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 72. .
1 2

lt is stated that RiQa Bahadur had 200 superior servants and that every day he ate with 50 of them, and that they were excused from guard and from (sawari) personal attendance( 1). After Shah Jahan's accession he was sent with a large force to chastise the Mewas (Meos) of Mewat. There he committed many murders and put them aU to the sword. Those who escaped the sword, whether old or young, were all castrated st> that the race might be extirpated. A large number of women and children were brought as prisoners to .Agra and daily many of them used to die of want and hunger. They say there was a jewelleI' famous for his wealth. He came to the chief Divan, AfQal Khan, and agreed-in the hope of eternal recompense-to stand surety for the payment in four instalments of two lacH of rupees for their release. The prisoners were released, and he paid the firs~, instalment in cash. For the second instalment he gave a {omar (bond) upon his house and effects worth Rs.30,000, and for the balance he came with his sons and daughters into the office (kachehri) and sat there. When this was reported to the King, and the jewelleI' was questioned, he said that innocent women and children were daily dying of hunger, and that in lieu of their blood-money he was offering his own life and his wife and children. Shah .Jahan after this noble payment gave him back hi;; bond (tomtir) and also let him off the remainder. But it was ordered that the Divani clerks should not (in future) accept any security without investigation.

(Vol. 1, pp. 613-615.) He belonged to the race of the rulers of Mug:halistan. The author of the 'J'abaqat-i-Akbari says that he was descended from the Princes of Kashghar. 1 On joining the service of Humayun he was honoured with favours. At the time when owing to the unkindness of the heavens misfortunes made their appearance, he deserted HumayUn (lit. he made the flank of zeal empty of companionship). When that Sovereign returned from Persia, he, in company with Mirza 'Askari, was besieged in the fort of Qandahar. When the siege had lasted a long time KhiQr Khwii.ja Khan threw himself out of the fort at a spot near the royal battery, and taking the coUar of submission in the hand of humility he fell at Humii.yiin's feet, and was again the recipient of royal favours. As he was adorned with high birth and noble qualities, he was honoured by an alliance with the exalted family and was married to Gnlbadan Begam 2 the half-sister of Humayun. By the auspiciousness of this connection he attained to the rank of Amir.ul-Uma.rt. When in the beginning of his reign, Akbar proceeded from .the Panjii.b to Delhi to extinguish the flames of the ascendancy of Hemu, he left KhiQr Khwaja Khan with a suitable force to control the distracted conditions in the Panjab 8 and to put down Sultan Sikandar Sur who was

see De's edition of ,!,abaqa.t.i.Akbar'i, Toxt II, p. 428, translation II, p. 656. For a detailed aooount of Gulbadan Hegam, see Mrs. Beveridge's Hi8tory oj HumiiyUn, pp. 1-79 (1902). 8 Akbarnma, Text II, p. 31 Beveridge'stranslation II, p. 50.
l

~~

::..oo;

="=~------

.-----

----.

814

KHIJ?R KBWAJA KHAN.

.ul. Umara.

KHUD!BANDA KHAN.
~UDIBANDA KHAN.

SIp

a claimant for the throne of India; he in the battle of Sirhin~ had es~a:pe.d from the clutches of Humayun's heroes and taken refuge m the ~Iwa:lik hills. Sultan Sikandar was looking for an opportunity, and consldermg the affair ~f Hemu to his advantage, he gathered a force and. came ~~t of the hills and set about collecting tribute in the Panjab. I KIllQ.r Khwa]a Khan left Haji Mu.b.ammad Khan Sistani in charge of the defences of Lahore and marched out to oppose Sultan Sikandar. When he came near the town of Chamyari and there remained a distance of. ten ~os between the two armies, KhiQ.r Khwaja Khan separated 2,000 of hIS ch01~e men from his force and sent them ahead as the vanguard. Sultan Sikandar did not lose his opportunity a~d a .great fig~t t~ok pla:ce . He defeated the vanguard, and KhiQ.r Kh":.&.]a ~Id not thI~ lt adVISable to stand his ground, but returned to Lahore wIthout fightlI~g and set about strengthening the fortifications; Sikanda.r. pUl'S\led ~ fo~ a short distance and thl.m ~oked to hIS own affairs, and levied t1'lbute and gathered troops. When Akbar had r~uted Hemu, he regarded the putting down of Sikandar as the most Important. matter and. returne~ to the Panjab. They say that when Akbar dete~med upon ~hlS expedltion he took an omen from the Divan of ij:afi~ (LMan-ul.Ghmb) and that this verse tU1'ned up.2

(Vol. I, pp. 814-816.) He was the son of Shayista Khan the Amir~ul-Umara. In the lifetime of his father he in the 36th year of Aurangzi9's reign received the rank of 1,000, with the faujdiiri of Bamaich in Oudh. After his father's death he came to the Court-in the 39th year, and was by the King's order married to the daughter of Jumalat-ul-Mulk Asad Khan. The auspicious 1 planets' conjunction has taken place in the mansion of Leo (llOl}-Sa'dain lcardah and ba Burj-i-Asad Qiran-is the chronogram. . In the 4Oth,year he was made Mir Bakhsbi orthe A~is iri succession to Murid Khan. In the 41st year he had the charge of the Buyiltiit. In the 44th year he was appointed to the government of Bidar in succession to 'Askar Khan lJaidarab8.di, and in the 46th year he was sent off to the Jaujaari of the Karnatik Bijapiir in succession to Chin Qulij Khan. In the 4Sth year, on the death of Ru.b. Ullah Khan II, he was made K1J,an-iSama;n. He held the rank of 2,500 with 1,000 horse. At last he got in A.b.madnagar an increase of 500 with 200 horse. At this time the death of Aurangzib took place. Among the successors to the Caliphate, Mu.b.ammad A'~am Shah-who had gone off to the government of Malwa and had proceeded twenty kos away from the camp, immediately on hearing the news returned to the imperial camp, and ascended the throne. The lords and nobles of Aurangzib, willing or up.willing, or rather out of a show of obedience, embraced his cause, and the Khan in question also joined them. In the battle 2 with Babadur SMh which took place 3 months and 20 days after Aurangzib's death and in which Mu.b.ammad A '~am Shah. and his two sons a,nd many officers on both sides fell bravely, the Khan was severely wounded. 3 He was conveyed to .Agra and though his wounds showed signs of healing and he was able to wait upon Bahadur Shah, but through carelessness the wounds reopened and he died. It is said that when they had conveyed him along with Ma~lab Khan from the field of battle, 'Ali Mardan Kokaltash came up to them and indutged in reproaches, such as are appropriate to such times, and which men of the victorious side use towards the vanquished thereby rubbing salt into their wounds. Matlab Khan iri his weakness lamented and said: We had to do it, and cam~ against our will. Khudabanda Khan, who was partly unconscious on account of his wound, heard him, and. at once became indignant and said: "Good, we had come with great pleasure to make prisoners of your wives and children, and "O kill you. It was not the will of God. This head is ready. Throw it in the worst place that your mEtlice can discover ". He had sons, bm, none by the
l That is, the conjunction of Jupiter and Venus took place in the house of A8ad, i.e. Leo. But the chronogram is wrong, for Khudabanda's father did not die tilI 1105 and his marriage took place in 1107, see Mat1J,ir.i.'Alamgiri, p. 374. If we read burUj instead of bU,.j the chronogram would be increased by 6 and would be ,ril/;ht. The mansion of Leo is the house of Asad (Lion), the father of the bride, 2 Aurangzib died on 28 ~ul Qa'da, 1118 A.H. or Srd March, 1707 A.D. The battle of Jajau took place on 18th June, 1707 (vide Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine'a Late,. Mughala, I, p. 26, and Oambridge History of India, IV, p.SllO. The period of 3 months and 20 days dl>es not, therefore, seem to be correct. l!hafi Khan, II, p. 595, also Irvine's Later Muqhala, I, p. Sl,

Verse.
The water (of life) was not vouchsafed to Sikandar ; This boon cannot be gained by might or money. On hearing of this expedition Sikandar saw that he cou~d not resi~t and withdrew to his fixed abode in the Siwaliks and shut hm~self up m the fortress of Mankot. 3 When the siege had lasted about SIX months and the batteries had been brought close to the f~rt, Sikandar became alarmed and begged for the coming of on.e of t?e leadmg offic~rs to comfort him. By the mediation of ShamsudDm Khan Atga, and. Pir Mu.b.ammad Khan Sberwani-whom Sikandar had won over by a large sum of mone~ his petition was accepted and the Atga Khan was se~t. to soothe hIm. Sikandar made his manyenemies an excuse for not waltmg upon Akbar and sent his son 'Abd-:ur-Ra.b.im with @azi Khan and some. elephan~s ~s a tribute. In accordance with his request Bihar, etc., was gI.ven to hIm m fief, and...on 27 RamaQ.an 964 A.H. (24 July, 1557 A.D.) and lJ.! ~he second year of the reign he delivered over the fort and went off to BIhar. After two years he died there. 4

a For the siege of Mank6t and its capture. see Akbarnama, Text II, pp. 50, 51,
. 58, 59, Bf'veridge's translation II. pp. 79, 89, 90. 4 This is an unsatisfactory biography. The author breaks off an~ digresseR into an account of Sikandar Sur, which is ~8;inly adapted from Akbarnama. T_he klm last mention of Khic;lr Khwaja in this work IS III 1654 A.D. when.he helped Ain.ul-Mulk in treating Akbar when he was wounded by ~n ~ssassm, see Akbarnam~, Text II, p. 202, Beveridge's translation II, p. 31~. For hIS lIfe also, see Blochmann s translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 394, note l.

Akbarnama, Text II, p. 47, Beveridge'R tranRIation II. pp. 73, 74. Akbarniima, Text II, p. 47, Beveridge's translation ~I, p. 75.

J;le:

816

KHUDAWAND imAN DECCAN!.

Maaffltir

-ul Umara.

KHUDAYAR KHAN.

817
Notwithstanding this,

daughter of Asad Khan. One of them was granted his father's title, and contrary to most noblemen's sons-who spend their time in frivolltieshe lived with great virtue and asceticism, a,nd occupied himself in prayers and other religious duties. At the time of writing he is the Divan of .A~f Jah. His honesty-which is a rare jewel in this world-is patent to all. He was, however, pronounced incapable by those who could not appreciate him and was dismissed.
K!IUDAWAND l lilIAN DECCANi.

(langari) had been placed before your servants".

JQlU~ii.wan? Khan was not s.at~sfied a!">out the Shailtb, and did not go

agam to his house. Hence lt IS that m Upper India men of the Deccan are reokoned as fools and as persons of weak intellect.

(Vol. I, pp. 825-829.) (Vol. I, pp. 659, 660.) He was one of the officers of the Ni~am.Shahidynasty of Ahmad.nagar. His father was from Mashhad and his mother an Abyssinian; He was of imposing stature and great physical strength. He was also noted for his courage. When Khwaja Mirak of Iefahiin known as Chingiz Khan became the Vakil and Prime Minister of MurtaQ.a Ni~am Shah he brought forward Khudawand Khan and made him an Amir and procured for him choice estates in Berar. He soon acquired much wealth and power and became a great man. The mosque of ROhanKhra,2 which has stood for ages without being injured. or broken, was built by him. In the year 993 A.H. he came, in company with Mir Murtaga of Sabzawar who was the head of the Berar army and could not stay in the Deccan on account of the predominanee of f;lalabat Khan the Circassian, to Fathpiir and entered Akbar's service. He obtained the rank of 1,000 and received promotion at the Court. But in the 32nd year, 995 A.H., he lost favour on account of improper behaviour between him and his servants at a royal assemblage, and which was the result of his want of tact, and nonappreciation of dignities. When Pattan Gujarat was assigned as his fief he went off there to look after it and died in 997 A.H. (1588.89 A.D.). They say, that one day Shailili AbiH FaQ.l invited him to a feast. There were many Amirs present. As the Shailili had provided abundance of viands, and there was great variety and much splendour in accordance with his lavish ways} there were placed before each of his servants nine dishes, a plate (langar) of mutton.biryan 8 and one hundred.loaves. Before Khudawand Khan were set many dishes of fowl and partridge and varieties of vegetables and curries (salan). He was displeased and got up because they had brought to him roasted fowls through scom and derision. When this affair was reported to Akbar, he said to Khudawand Khan that these things were the recognized dainties of Upper India "Otherwise ifit had been a question of food (i.e. if you had wanted other food), nine dishes 4
See Blochmann's translation of .A'in, I (2ndedn.), pp. 490, 491. Rohankhed of Imperial Gazetteer, XXI,p. 304. The statement in that work that the mosque was built by another ID!udii.waDd seems wrong. 2 Blochmann, op. cit., p. 490, note 2. 3 Biryan is a choice dish, see Blochmann, op. cit., p. 63. 4 See Darbar-i-Akbari, p. 721. Apparently it was not his behaviour on this occasion, but some quarrel between him and his servants that lost him Akbar's favour. According to Badayuni, Text II, p. 372 and Lowe's translation of Muntak1J,ab.ut-Tawarifsh, II, p. 384, ID!udawand died at Kari in Gujarat in 998 A.H. The chronogram Kbudawand Dakhini murda is correct if we read murd instead of murda and this seems preferable to Blochmann's suggestion (op. cit., p. 490) of leaving the h in Dakhini. Mr. Lowe's calculation on p. 381 n. seems to be wrong.
l

He was the ruler of Sindh, known as Leti (Lati) l and he belonged The title of the family in the language of Sind IS Kalhora 2 and his followers were called Sara'yan because most of this tribe came from Sara 8 which is the name given to the district between Bhakkar and Multan. His ancestors wore the dress of darvishes, and they we~e disciples of Saiy~d Muhammad of Jaunpiir the Mahdavi. One of hIS ancestors were connected with the head of the Abrah tribe 4_ who from lJarly times had been the rulers of Sindh. He acquired a piece of land as mad,adma'iish 6 (maintenance.land). His sons lived by it and .ga~hered m~ny disciples and dependants. At last they became zam.ndiirs an~ paId rent to the rulers. Gradually they gained power over the Abrah tnbe and brought many of their villages under their dominion. At last. ca~~ the time of Shaikb ~~ir. He became firmly possessed of zamtndan property and after hIS death his eIder Bon Shai{W Din Muhammad became the lead.er. In the time of Aurangzib when Prince Mu'izz-udDin (afterwards Jahandar Shah) obtained the government of M:u ltan and. the Prince's Btan~ards reached Siwistan, Din Muhammad Wlthd.rew hle head from obedlCnce and. did not wait upon the Prince. At last after swearing on the Qur'an he summoned Din Muhammad and t~o of his re.latives. After the three had oome, he drew up an army to bmd and brIng those who had remained behind with their wives and children. .Yar Muhammad. the younger brother of Din Mubammad quickly sent his family into the inaccessible parts of the hills and prepared to give battle. The Prince's army waS' d.efeated and. Var Muhammad became. bold, and taking up a position in the defiles prepared. for battle. The PrlI~ce was contented with imprisoning the thre4' men and returned to Multan. There he gave orders for putting the three men to death. Therea~wr Yiir Muhammad. became more and. more powerful; he took posseSSIOn of Siwistan, and. took from its old landowners Sibi Darawhich is an extensive area running from Sindh to Qandahiir, as also
~o the ';\bbasi fa~ily.
Th.e Darbar-iAkbari says, on what authority it is not known that Khudiiwand K!lan's offence was a violent dispute with his servants which l~d to hisbehaving p;esumptuously in Akbar's Darbii.r. Khudawand Khan was married to Abul FadI's ~ls~er. In 1'abaqat.i.Akbari, De's edition, Text II, p. 445, translation II p. 672 lt IS stated that he died in 995 A.H. ' , ~ It is Lati in Maiitl!ir.ul.Umara, III, p. 312. Abbas was the Prophet Muham. mad Buncle. . II For Kalhora, see Imperial GW.uteer, XXII, p. 398. 3 ~e Indus from the junction of the Punjab rivers to Sihwii.n is called Sari tride .E.~)ot, I: p. 526, t~e Simi or Tilpiir tribe, see Imperial Gazetteer, XXII, p. 398: ' SIr8lkl IS a dlalect of Smd. : This is a tribe ~n Lar~ii.na, Bee .JmJ?erial Gaz~tteer, ~VI, p. 139. 281. See Blochmann s detaIled note In hIS translatIOn of A';n. I (2ntl edn.), pp. 280,

818

KBUD.1yAR KBAN.

MaU!ir

.ul-Umara.

KBUSHJ.lAL BIG KAsH@ARI.

819

other estates. Day by day his star rose higher and higher. Apparently 1 in Muhammad Farrukh-siyar's time he received the title of Khudayir Khan and a ma1L!tab. He died in the end of that reign. Among. his descendants there were two principal ones---,Shaikh ~iir Muhammad and Shaikh Da'iid. For some time'there was strife between the two brothers. At last Shaildl Niir Muhammad prevailed and sat in his father's place. He made peace with his brother and Qf'l>igned him a part of the estate. Shaikb Niir Muhammad received from the Court his father's title of Khudayar Khan, and had a ma~. His power exceeded. that of all his predecessors. His pomp and grandeur reached the highest point, and he brought most of the zamindiirs under his power. In the earlier years of his rule he fought severe battles with the Da'iidpiitras-the Zamiruliirs of Shikarpiir-and was victorious. He .drove out that tribe from their original abodes with their wives and children to the number of 6 to 7,000 men and women. The Da'iidpiitras had been confirmed in the zamindiiri of Shikarpiir in the time of Prince Mu'i=?=?-ud-Din. The rel\<S0n for this was that when the Prince sent an army against Baltbtiyit Khan the Zamindiir of Shikarpiir, a body of the Da'iidpiitras accompanied it and did good service, and cut off the head of Bakbtiyar Ktian and brought it to him. The Prince as a reward for this service made over that country to them. 'Abdullah Khan Barauhi the ruler of Kalat 2-which is a strong fort between Sindh and. Qandahar-:'-was always making attacks on Khudayar Khan's territory, and every year levied a tribute. Khudayar Khan in the year 1143 A.H. (1730-31 A.D.) proceeded against 'Abdullah Khan, who was unique for courage. He came out of Kalat with a small force and having crossed the boundaries of his territory, met the enemy and a severe battle ensued. By Divine decree he was killed on the field, but though Khudayar Khan took some of the dependencies of Kalii.t he, on account of the mountaul0US nature of the region, could not capture Kalat. After this victory he received from Court the title of Khudayar Khan Bahadur Thabit Jang and the rank of 5,000 and the gift of drums' (naubat, i.e. he was allowed to have music played) and a robe of honour. In 1149 A.H. (1736 A.p.) the g9vernment of the province of Thatha and the Sa.rHar of Bhakkar were conferred on him. The whole of the country of the Tarkhans and additional territory. came into his possession. Wh~n Nadir Shah resolved to march against India he wrote to Khudayar Khan to allow him a passage through his territory. Khudayar Khan refused and fortified the passes so that Nadir Shah had to invade India via Kabul. After his return to Kabul, as he was displeased with Khudayar Khan, he turned his courser's reins towards Sindh. When the news of :&adir Shah's arrival at Dera Ghazi Khan-which is 30 leos from Multan-reached Khudayar Khan, he decided to retire from his own wrritories. He went off to deserts and sandy places which an army could not traverse. His intention was to return after Nadir Shah left. Sind. With this design he marched from Khudaabad and Siwistan with all his family and the tribe of Kalliora and his 8ardiirs and came to. Amarkot which is a strong fort. On hearing this Nadir Shah made. a. rapid march and came to Ainarkot. Khudayar Khan saw no remedy but to submit and came and waited upon Niidir Shah. After Nadir Shah had
1 In Im;periaJ, Gautteer, XXII, p: 398, it is stated that he got the title from Aura.ngzib. In BaIiichistin, Imperial Gauf.teef', XIV, p. 305.

reproached him he said: "Why did you run away from me ~" Khuda.ya.r Khin replied : "We from the time of our forefathers were the servants of the King of India, if we had shown an lnclination for you, you would not have believed us." Thissaying was approved and accepted, and in the 8ame interview ~adir Shah gave him the good news of his territory being restored to him 1. Mter taking goods, etc., Nadir Shah returned to him one-third of the territory, and gave one share to the Da.'iidpiitfas and the third share to the Zamindiirs of Bhakkar. Some time before this was written Ghulam Shah and Sarafaraz Khan his son-who were related to Khudayar Khan-managed the government of this province, and at present also it is in their hands.
K.uUSH~

B1tG K.1sHQHARI.

(Vol. I, pp. 773, 774.) In the 19th year of Shah Jahan's reign he held 2 the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse, and was out with Sultan Murad Ba\Wsh to conquer Balkb and Badakbshan. Mter Balkb was taken and the Prince returned to India, Jumlat-ul-Mulk Sa'd ffilah Khan was appointed to settle the country there, and he and other Kashgharis were appointed to the tho/rudari of Sherpiir 8 and Sam Chii.rek. In the 20th year at the instance of Jumlat-ul-Mulk his rank was raised to 1,500 4 with 500 horse. In the 22nd year he was sent off with Prince Aurangzib to Qandahar and there along with Rustam Khan and Qulij Khan he distinguished himself in 'the battle with the Persians. In the 23rd yea.r his rank was 2,000 with 1,200 horse, and in the 25th yea.r he went off again with the Prince on the above-mentioned expedition. In the 28th year he was sent, along with Jumlat-ul-Mulk against Chittor and displayed great rapidity of movement. Afterwards he went off with KhaIn. Khan to chastise the Zami'TU1iir of Srinagar (Garhwii.l), and in the end of the 31st year he went to Mi.lwa, and showed wurage and loyalty in conjunction with Jaswant Singh in opposing the march of the troops of the Deccan w1ien Prince Aurangzlb was reported to be proceeding to inquire after the health of his honoured father. Mterwards in the battle of Samiigarh he was attached to the stirrups of Sultan Dara Shikoh. His subsequent career is not known.

_ l Soo a.lBo Maii0ir.ulUmara, III, p. 312, and Blochma.nn's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 391, note 2. There is a.n account of N8dir Shah's dealing with &!udayar KhiiJl in Elliot, .VIII, p. 97. The life of NQdir Shah which Sir William Jones translated into French in 1773 is the same as that used by the author of the ~a0if'.ulUmaf'a, ?liz., Tari1M.i.JahanGusha.iNadiri by Mul}.ammad Ma.hdi bin Mul}.amma.d N~ir AstrabiLdi (see Ivanow, Descriptit>e Cat. Persian MSS. As. 800. Bengal, 1924, p. 30). NiLdir ShQh's invasion of Sindh is describe<! there on pp. 260-263 (As. Snll. BengaI's edno of 1845). NiLdir Shah visited Amll.rkot in Tabruary, 1740, t>i<UI Elliot, YIII, p. 99, l'ut 1I52 in that work en p. 98 should be 1153. For Amarkot see Akbarnma, Beveridge's tra.nslation, I, p. 55, note 4.. 2 Bad8hhniima, II, p. 460 Two yours before this he got a present of Rs.2.000, op. cit., p. 342. 3 Bad8hahniima,.n, p. 565, has Sarpul and San Chirek. It also ca.l1s lQruBh:a&l Beg, the son of Mirza SharafudPin ~usain. perhaps the officer who was tbe KotwiLl of Delhi, op. cit., p. liO. 4 bad8hahniima,.lI, p. 595.

820

K.RUSRAU B~-K.RUSRAU SULtAN. KUUSRAU

Madfl!!ir

-ul-Umara.

!rnUSRAU SULTAN.

821

BE.

(Vol. I, pp. 673-675.)

He was an Ozbeg qurU{Jcn.i.l His ancestors were men of wealth and power in Turan, and always held their heads high through their rank and wealth. They also had a -name for bravery. He too possessed this quality. When he came II to India, he was greatly favoured by Jahangir and promoted to a high office. As marks of sense and ability were apparent in him he was made faujddr of Delhi 8 and Narnol which are hotbeds oj strife and 8Cdition. They say that he had 400 plumed (qarquraddr) Uzbeg troopers mounted on Turkish horses; they were all brave men.. In carrying out the duties of this magistracy, he did not neglect one wta of what was necessary for putting down the disturbers of the peace. He cleared the country of the weeds and rubbish of rebela, and was applauded by the Court. When \n the 8th year of Jahangir's reign, Ajmer became the abode of royalty, the heir-apparent 4 (Shah Jahan) was sent with an army against the Rana and Khusrau Be was enrolled among the auxiliaries, and did good service. The Prince loaded him with favours, and his rank and influence were increased. The Prince wrote lt recommendatory letter about him to the Court. When Shah Jahan by the strength or his good fortune established thdnas in the hilly country of the Rana, Khusrau Be was appointed to do the thdnaddr's wor.k: There he died a natural death. He had a magnanimous dispOSitIOn and every day he caused food to be prepared for the soldiers, and everyone who did not appear at his table was put down as absent r. (without leave). He was very liberal with gifts and rewards. A horse h~ regarded as if it were a goat. He changed nothing of what had been his customs and habits in Turan.
~USRAU SULtAN.

(Vol. I, pp. 767-772.)

He was the son of Nadhr Muhammad Khan, the ruler of Bal1,W and Bada\Q,shan. When in the year 1051 A.D. (1641-42 A.D.) the lQau!ba of Transoxiana was recited in the name of Nadm Muhammad, he in concert with his eldest son 'Abdul 'Aziz Khan occupied with complete assurance the rn.wrnad of Khanship at Bokhiira, and carried on the admini!\tration along the right path. In the year 1055 A.H. he went to Qarshi 6 and took possession of Urganj, the rulcr of which, Isfandiyar Khan had died. Nadhr Muhammad's elder brother Imam Quli Khan had paid great deference to the Uzbegs and left to them the realization
A sentinel at the. entrance to the female ap8rtments, a. game.keeper. Vide Rogers a~d Beveridge's translation of the Tilzuk.i.Jahiingiri, I, p. 206. 3 Vide Rogers and Beveridge, op. cit.,p. 229, where Mliwii.r is apparently a. mistake for M6wii.t. 4 Vide Rogers and Beveridge, op. cit., p. 256. 6 P,reswnably his pay-was reduced, see article (]1Jaif'.1IiRliri in Irvine's Army of the Indian Moghul8, p. 25. . . 8 Isfandiyil.r died in 1053 A.H. (1643 A.D.). He W80B the son of 'Arab Mu1:J.am. mad and brother of AbiH Ghii.zi.
1 2

of the revenues and the settlement of Transoxiana and-had been content with the name of Khan. Nadhr Muhammad now called upon them for the payment of the revenues of Imam Quli's time. That contumacious and independent tribe were annoyed and resolved to get rid of Nadhr Muhammad and his son. i He received a hint of their union and resolved to throw a stone of separation in their midst. He appointed each .of them to a different place. He gave Samarqand and its dependencies to 'Abdul 'Aziz and appointed Beg Oghli as his guardian and Khusrau Beg as his Divan. 'l'ii.shkand 2 and its dependencies he gave to his third son Bahram and appointed Baqi Yuz as his guardian. ;He appointed Nadhr Be; ~he guardian of Imam Quli Khan-who had great influence among the Uzbegs and whom he regarded as the chief of the sedition-mongers in the government of Balkb. Qanduz, which is the capital of Badaktshan, he gave to Khusrau Sultan. Kahmard and its dependencies and the Hazarajat-which had long belonged to Ilangtosh-he took away in spite of the fact that no fauits had been committed and made them over to his fourth son Subhii.n Quli, and made Tardi 'Ali Qatan his guardian. He also resurned many fiefs and made them remunerative. He also resumed many old Madad-i.ma'ish 3 (subsistence-allowances) tenures and 8uyurg/Jals on pretext of the grants having been forged, and took possession of them himself. Inasmuch as his dominion had come to an end,' and his fortune was proceeding to a fall, he, for some reasons, annoyed the Khwii.jas of Turan~ wh0I?- eve:ybody whether high and low, regarded with respect, and With thiS deSign he made every pasturage qurq (1.e., reserved) for his own cattle and would not allow these to be used by anyone else. Consequently all the people becamedisaffected. Though 'Abdul 'AZiz, his son and heir, tried to induce him to make, like Imam Quli, BoJIbara his headquarters, and to give him Balkb, Nadhr Muhammad refused on the grQund that he had spent forty years in BalJIb, and the climate agreed with him, and it was disagreeable for him to leave the place and the treasures accumulated during so many years. He also annoyed his son by thwarting him in his designs, and in the non.recognition of truth he shut his eyes to the wishes of the leaders of Palkb-who during a long period had not omitted the smallest office of loyalty, and were naturally expecting favours and graciousness. He alao disregarded all the preoepts of skill and caution and when anyone of his well-wishers gave him a secret hint about the disaffected, he in his shallowness divulged the matter and thus ashamed and discredited his informers. At last the whole of Turan and all the Turaniyans suddenly broke out into rebelliop and beat the drum of opposition, and recited the Khu#ba of Transoxiana in the name @f 'Abdul 'Aziz, while the Almanan, who were looking for an opportunity, proceeded to pillage and destroyed many establishments (lriir1Miinajat or manufactories). At last Nadhr Muhammad came to an agreement with his son that he himself will keep the government of Transoxiana, while that Balkb and Badakbshan will belong to 'Abdul
l That is, his eidest. son' Abdul' Aziz. The union here spoken of was that of his sons, and so he sent them to different places. The account in the Maathirul Umara is taken from Biidshiih:n.ama, II, p. 435, etc. II '1'8oBhkent in Ferghana in modernatlases. 3 For Madad.i.ma'ii.8h and SuyurgAiil8, see Blochmann's translation of A'i, I (2nd edn.), pp. 278-280.

_-"_-~-'-iiii-';;;;::::'=----'''''''''===-==-=~='=-''=-''=-''::.o..-

"""'--------""-----_1823

822

~USRAU

SUL'!'AN.

-ul-Umara.

KHWAJA JAHAN HERATJ

'Aziz, and that the.Ee should be peace. But on account of the doublemindedness of the Uzbegs, and the insolenee of Almanan he was in daily fear of his life and property. He left 'off hunting and for a time shut himself up in the fort of Bal\W. When Jahangir died, and his heir Shah Jahan was far off in Junair in the Deccan, Nadhr Muhammad thought the field was empty and in his hot-headedness and arrogance led a ia.rge army to conquel' Kabul. Though it did not succeed, and he had to make a shameful retreat before the pressure of the viotorious imperial troops, yet he stretched out the hand of oppression over the inhabitants of the towns and districts, and every place that the Uzbegs found unguarded was plundered. From that time it was impressed on Shah Jahan's mind that it was necessary, according to the verse: Verse. Stones are the retribution of clodthrowers. That an army ~hould be sent to Balkb and Badakbshan and that the ancestral properties should be recovered. On account of other occupations (in India) this design could not be carried out. At this time when spontaneously there arose confusion in the country, and the Alman infidels lighted the Hames of oppression and by slaying the good and noble, and dishonouring their families made themselves deserving of condign punishment, Prince Murad Bakbsh 1 was sent off rapidly in the 19th year with 50,000 cavalry to conquel' the country and to punish the unruly tribes. When the Prince had traversed the pass of TuI and came to the plain of Sira 2 the Ozbegs and Almanan, who had ravaged the villages of the Badalilishanat, and had made Khusrau Sultan's position difficult, fled on hearing the sound of the victorious army, Khusrau Sultan thought peace was best and came with his son Badi' Sult~n and 2,000 house-holders of Qanduz-who had suffered from the ravages of the pillagers-and submitted to the Prince. When K!!usrau arrived near Andarab the Amir-ul-Umara 'Ali Mardan Khan came and saluted him on horse-back. When Khusrau entered the Prince's tent, the latter acted according to the rOyll.l orders and stepped to the edge of the carpet to receive him and place him near the rnmrnad and showed him various attenti0ll!l and kindnesses. He made him various presents, including Rs.50,000 in cash and sent him to the Court. Marhamat Khan 3, the son of ~iidiq Khan deceased, was sent from the Court with four Arab {:tnd Persian horses with gilded saddles and valuable cloths from among the choice fabrics of India, together with a palanquin and chalu1r duli (litter) with silver poles and velvet lining for his ladies, and two complete advance-tents 4 and directed to bring him with aU honour to the Court. on 29 Rabi' II, 1056 A.H., when he reached Kabul, the officer in charge sa 'd Ullah Khan and Mir Jalal Sadr-us-Sudur went out to meet him and paid their respects. His reque~t to b~ a:Uowed to wait upon the Emperor
l For an account of Prince Murao BaJmsh's campaign in Transoxiana see Ba.narsi Prasad, Histary of Shahjahan, pp. 195-201. 2 This apparently sho~d be Sirah; see Biidshahnama, II, p. 517. For Tw see .Tarmtt's translation of A'in, II, pp. 399, 400. a BiidsJujhnama, II, p. 519, and Khii.fi Khan, I, p. 625. 4 In du dast peshkhma, the wo,.rl dast seems to be pleonastic.

was granted. After he had paid his respects, Shah Jahan raised his head with the two hands and embraced him, and ordered him to be seated. He showed him various favours and presented him with Rs.50,000 in cash and gave him a ma~ab of 6,000 with 2,000 horse. The house of Khan Dauran Bahiidur with carpets and other splendid furniture was assigned to him. His son Badi' Sultan, who was with him, received an annual allowance of Rs.12,600, and Khusrau Sultan, who was a man of a feeble constitution and an opium-eater, and had long endured the oppre8sions of the Vzbegs, never seen happiness, and never had had a moment's peace on account of his dread of the Almanan, sudd.enly arrived without care or effort at God.given comfort. He at his ease tasted the joys of life. He did not seek for service. Sometimes in Lahore and sometimes in Shahjahanabad (Delhi) and occasionally in attendance on the Sovereign he passed 1 his time. In the 26th year he was removed from II his ma~ab and received a pension of a lac of rupees. In this year his son Badi' Sultan was raised to the ma~ab of 1,000 with 200 horse. At the end of Shah Jahan's reign his rank was 2,500.
KHWAJA JAHAN HERATI.

(Vol. I, pp. 630-632.) He was Khwaja Amin-ud-Din Mahmud, and was known as Amina. He was it pioneer in the science of accounts. He wrote shikasta very beautifully, and was exceedingly acute and careful in the valuation of property and in the correctness of his calculations. He was attached to Humayi:n's I3tirrups during the journey to Persia, and later was always the recipient of royal favours and for some time was the Ba1;])shi of Prince Muhammad Akbar. When Akbar ascended the throne, he was promoted to the rank of 1,000 and granted the title of Khan Jahan 8. Fo!' a long time the administration of the kingdom was carried on in accordance with his sage advice. When Akbar left him and Mun'im Khan and Mu~affar Khan, in Karra Manikpiir, to jlut in order the affairs of Khan Zaman Shaibani, and returned to .Agra~ and the officers neglecting the administration of that part of the country proceeded to the Court in the beginning of the IIth year, MUl?affar Khan made a rapid journey from Etawah and arrived first at the Court. He reported' the double-dealings of the officers, and Khwaja Jahan was censured and the royal Grand Seal-which was the insignia of his office-was taken from him, and. he was distnissed to the ~ijaz. Later, on the intercession of the courtiers, the Khwaja's offences were forgiven. In the 19th year, 981 A.H., when the royal standards advanced to take ~ajipur and Patna, the Khwaja owing to indisposition remained in Jaunpur. When Akbar returned victorious to Jaunpiir
KhaJi !ilian, J, p. 695. KhaJi !ilian, I, p. 716. SO in the text, but this is a mistake for ~waja Jahan. For an account of life see Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 467, 468 4 Akbamama, Text II, p. 270, Beveridge's translation II, p. 401. In the text it is stated that Mu~affar Khan made a rapid journey from Etawah, but according to the Akbarnma, Mu~affar Khan hurried to Etawah and there denounced the other officers.
1 2 3

me;

824

gWl.J-A JAHAN KABULI.

Madtl!tir

-ul-Umara.

KBWAJA JAHAN 1rnAWAFI-U. QULI KHAN BAHADAR.

825

and proceeded towards Agra, a 'fTI,Q,8t elephant ran at ~he Kh~~ja in Jaunpur. His foot cl\,ugh~ in a ten~.rope and he fell. HlS condltI~n at once became critical, and m the begmrung of the month of Shawwal, 982 A.H. (January, 1575 A.D.) he died in Lucknow: Mirza Beg, w~?s,e ta1ckallU8 was Sipihri l and had a good poetical vem, was the KhwaJa s bf(;ther'~ son. As he had acquiJ::ed t<l_t'akkul (reliance. up?n God), he withdrew from service and lived in retirement. He .dled m .98~ A.H. They say that he secretly used to help the needy. ThIS verse IS hIS:

Verse. 2
Remove by a smile the poison of thine angry .eye~, For they sweeten with salt when the almond IS bItter.
~WAJA

a purse on the road and restored it intact to the owner. That silly and avaricious man complained that half of his money had been taken out. When this dispute was brought before the Khwaja he ordered that the purse be given to the finder, adding that it was a windfall for him, and he said to the owner, "Yours must have been a different purse". He at once became penitent and confessed that his money was so much. When it was counted it was found all right (i.e., the amount was what the owner had stated). The Khwaja died 1 a natural death. He built a stately mansion in .Agra. Among his sons, Jalal-ud-Din Mahmud held a jiigir and a mn/fU;lah till the end of Shah Jaha.n's reign. He did not possess discretion. Mirza'Arif (another son) was handsome and agreeable. He had no rival as a polo-player. He was on terms of-intimacy with Jahangir. The f1.ower of his life perished in its spring (i.e., he died in his youth). J;iJJ:Wl.JA JAHAN ~AWAFl. (Vol. I, pp. 748, 749.) His name walj Khwaja Jan, and he was one of the old serva.nts of Shah Jahan. When after the receipt of the news of the death of Jahangir, Shah Ja.han moved from Junair and arrived near Ahmadabii.d he made the Khwaja, who was exalted to the r~nk of 2,000 with 600 horse, Divan of Gujarat. In the end of the 4th year he begged to be allowed to visit the holy places, and this walj granted. As the King had allocated five lacs of rupees to be sent to the needy in those bles~ed places, he ordered 2 that the officers of Gujarat should make over to the Khwaja, who was known for his honesty, 2 lacs and 40,000 rupees worth of such goods as would be saleable at the two holy places. He was to s~ll these goods and distribute the price (i.e., the capital and the profit) to the poor there. In the 9th year he returned and presented nine Arab horses as a pMhkask. In the 12th a year he was removed from the Divani of Gujarat and died in the 17th 4 year; 1053 A.H. (1643-44 A.D.). J;iJJ:w lJA 6 QULI IiIlAN BAHAD.AR. (Vol. I, pp. 834, 835.) Son of Nadhr Be who was one of thenobles of Tiiran. He came to Aurangzib on an embassy from there. On his return, he sent Yiilbiiras Khan his eldestson to India for service. After his death, his second son Beglar Begi Khan came with his dependants to his eIder brother. The
l The .authors of the Maiit.hir-ulUmara apparently used only the first volume of Tuzuk.i.JaMngiri. Khwaja Jahan died in the 14th year of Jahingir's reign. Jahngir gives an account of him in his Memoirs, see Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tuzuk-i-JaMngiri, II, pp. 121, 122, note. His being in charge of Agra is mentioned on p. 67. 2 BiidsMhniima, I, p. 406. :ij:akim Masil;l-uz-Zamin was associated with him. His name was Khwaja Jan or Mulla Khwaja Jan, but his. title was Khwaja Jahin. There is a special notice of him in BiidsMhnama, I, pt. lt, p. 333. He was a native of Bihar. 3 Should be the llth year, see BiidsMhniilma, II, p. 105. 4 Op. cit., p. 728. His rank was 2,000 with 600 horse. D !Qlwajam in the Text,

JAHAN KABULl.

(Vol. I, pp. 672, 673.) His name was Khwaja Dost Muhammad, and he wa~ a _~tive of Kabul. When Jahangir was the heir apparent, he w~s. hIS pwan. As his daughter was married to the Prince, he became dlstmgUIshed ~bove his fellows. After the accession he obtained high rank and the title. of Khwaja Jahan. He conducted his duties well and becan:~ a favouflt~. Whenever Jahangir went out to hunt near Agra, the Khw~Ja was left m charge of the fort and city. They say th~t ~fter t~e mor~ng pra!er the spiritual Ma(hnavi Ma'navi s of the Maulana of Rum (Jaml-ud-Dm) was ead in his assemblage for four gharis. After that he attended to work, ~nd by his discemment and knowledge of business disposed of ~isputes. Some of his decisions are amusing. They say that. a man compl~medthat the wife of his brother, who was impotent, had ,ta.ken posseSSIon of the property asserting that her child was her husband s. When she was asked, she said it was true that her husband was withou~ spefIJ.1' but that she, on the advice of a !Jakim, had for forty ~ar~ gIven hIm t~~ head of the Rilhu 4 fish to eat. This had produced vmhty. The KhwaJa ordered that two grooms should make the child ru~ up and down, and cat~h the sweat of his face and body in a handkerchief. When the handkerchlef became wet he took and smelt it. It smelt of fish, and those pr~sent all conti.rmed this. On another 6 occasion, they say that a person plcked up
l Blochmann, op. cit., who says that his takh,aUWJ was Shahri. But ~t ~s Sip~ in Ba.diiyiini Muntakh,ab-ut-Tawarik.h., Text III, p. 241. See also Darbar-t-Akban..

p. 72;-This verse and others are given in Badayiini, rip. _ cit., p. 24.1. Proba:.bly the salt in the second line is the white rQw of teeth seen lD the amde, the biidiim or almond may mean the eyes. ' , ' M '8 ' 3 For details of this work see Ivanow, De8cript~ve Cat. Pe~8Wn, ::>. As. ::>oc. Bengal, 1924, pp. 216-218. Jami has said about thIS Ma!ihnaVl:

~~ \:iU) )~ \:if} ~
.....LU ~)I~ ~) ~ ~
4 5

~~ G}.ro .:>~
.....

~~ \:if Ww) ~J <lt- I.:."'"

The famous Indian Carp Labeo rohita (Ham.-Buch.). This is a familiar .story.

IS

826

UAWWA~ KHAN BAKHTIYAR KBAN DEOOANI.

Khin at t~a~ time wa~ a suckli..lg. Beglar Begi during the days of power of_th~ ~IYlds of. Barah, became faujdiir and governor of the fort of Mandu, In successIOn to Marhamat Khin. He also went there with his brother. In 1136 A.H. when Ni~im.ul-Mulk, after his second Vazir8hip, req~~sted l.eave from Muhammad Shih and went off to the Deccan,l he JOl~ed hIm on t.he way. Mt.er t~e battle 2 with Mubiriz Khin he got a fie~ In the I.?rovI~ce of Bur~anpur, and spent his time as faujdiir of Sarkar .Khargon 8 In the prOVInce of Khindesh. In the beginning of the rule of the martyred Na~ir Jang, he was made deputy.governor of Berir but. a~ter some months he was removed. After that he was at one tim~ fauJ~r of Baglana, and at another deputy-governor of Burhanpl1r. In tJ:~. tlille of ~alibat J~ng,_he recei,:"ed the title of :Qlll1lfaqar.ud.Daula Qa lill Jang.. .wh~n Khandesh came Into the possession of the Mahrattas, he went away In dlstress to ~alabat Jang in Haidarabad. He received th pargana o~ Ja~gaon 4 in Berir in fief, and 'went off there. After som: d?,y~ h~ dIed In 1179 A.H. (1765 A.D.). A~f Jah treated him with dIstInctIOn, and when he paid his respects put his hand on his head. But he was very .:eserved. He composed simple verses and had the penname of Mauzun. This verse is his:
Ver8e.

-ul. Umara.

KIRAT SINGH.

827

as the faujdiir an<;l tiyilldiir of Mandsl1r in Milwa. In the 23rd year when the qiiJJadiiri of Malwa was granted to Shih Nawiz Khin, and that of Mandsl1r to Mirza Muhammad, son of Mir Badi' of Mashhad, who was the soninlaw of the said Khan, he was transferred from there and appointed as an auxiliary in the Deccan forces. In the siege of Gc31conda he served with Sulw,n Muhammad Aurangr;ib, and when later' the said Prince was nominated as the Governor', he was granted the rank of 2,000, 1,500 horse and the title of Khawwi~ Khin. And in the series of batties which took place between Aurangzib and Mahirija Jaswant Singh and the riva1s for the kingdom,! he' attended the royal st,irrups, and later went to Bihir on being appointed to that qiUJd. And when before the second coronation 2 the fort of Chunar was delivered from the hands of Saiyid Abii Muhammad a servant of Sul1i8.nShuji', he was, appointed as the guardian of that fort'; and inthe 2nd year was removed 4. from that office. Nothing further is known about him.
KIRAT SINGH.

(Vol. III, pp. 156-158.)

Whene'er without thee I visit the rose.border, The perfume of the bud and the flower gives me a headache.
~an~us I.ntervals after their father's death.

. No~e of his sons attained any position. They passed away at But Khwaja Qudrat Un-h IS stIll alive. a

He was the second son of Mirza Rija Jai Singh. When the seditioUB Mewas of Kimi 6, . Pabiri and Koh Mujahid between Agra and Shihjahanabid troubled the residents and travellers in the tract, and the pargtlonas were going to waste on account of their attaoks and the fief holders were put into difficulty, IGrat Singh was, in the end of the 23rd year of Sbih Jabin's reign, raised to the rank of 800 with 800 horse and the district in question was. assigned.to him as his fief and residence. An order was sent to the Mirzi Rija tQ extirpate the wicked crowd (the Mewas) and to plant his own men there in their stead. The Rija made the place his home and came with 4,000 cavalry and 6,000 mU8keteers and archers and proceeded to CUt down the jungle. He put many of the contumacious inhabitants to the sword and made prisoners of a large number of them. A large quantity of cattle fell into his hands. Those who escapedthe sword were expelled. The Rija received the rank of 1,000 horse two-horse and three-horse, and the pargana ~il Kalyin 6,
l Battle of Dhatm8t, 26th April, 1658, and the battIes with his brothers in' the War of Su"cession. See Sir Jadunath,Sil.rkar's Histmy of AU1'angzib, II, p. 34~12, and Oambridge Hi8tory of India, IV, pp. 222-228. . II 11\t.h June, 1659. For details of the coronation see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., pp. 613--624. ' 8 'Alamgirnama, p. 349. The name of the fort is givell as Chanooa. 4, Shuja' !Thin was appointed his successor, see' Alamgirnama, p. 418. _ 6 The Kamah of the A'in, Bee Jarrett's translation, II, pp. 96 and 195, Pahiri and Koh M1ij1\hid are aIso mentioned there. They were in Sarkir Bahir and pro~ vince of Agral see also Elliot's Supp. Glossury, II, pp. 102, 103. The Sarkii.r is some. times called Pahii.ri. For the Mewis or Meos se- Imperial (}azeUeef', XVII, p. 313. Kama is the Kiman of the Imperial Gazetteer, XIV, p. 325. It is now in the Bha.rat. piir State, and is 39 miles N.W. Mathura. In Khifi Khiin, I, p. 701, mention is made of the attack upon the Mewatis by the Mirzi Rija Jai Singh'8 son who ie there called Kesari Singh. 6 This should be ChiH Kalinah in Namol Sarkar, s,ee Jarrett's translation of A'in, II, pp. 97 and 194. See Maiit.hir-ul-Umara, I:j:I, p. 673, where the re~enue of Chal Kalina is mentioned as 70,000 dams. It was really much mo~, bemg over 7. ktora according to Jarrett, op. cit., p. 194. see aIso the article Kaliana, Imperial Gazetteer, XIV, p. 307. It is now in the Jind State.

l For details see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later M hal II pp. 131-137. He took leave from the Emperor on 17th Decemb 172:g s, ,

Irvin:.\p. cit., p. 145. 8 There was Kh - . B-' h S P of A'in II p 206a N arg~)filmd lJ agar ark~r. l\fiHwa; see Jarrett's translation ,. , . _ . ow III n ore, see Imper<al Gazetteer XV 251 4 In Sarkar Narnila; see Jarett, op. cit., p 234, and Impe~I:zi Ga;etteer XIV p. 28 . . , ~ 6 ,Lakhi .Jangal was the extensive uncultivated area south of th S tl . Irvme s detaIled note in Manucci, IV, p. 426. e u eJ, see
ISR

Shak:r~~:~~~ ~~ ~a~~i~~~is~;/~J1~~~~~~: l~~~~.see

=-------------'.",.__._-_... "-"--'1
828
(RIJA) KISHAN SINGH BHADIWARIYA.

Maaf!jir

.ul-Umara.

KISHAN SINGH RITH{)R

829

the revenue of which w8.ll 80 lacs of diims, was assigned to him to pay for the increase,. IGrat Singh 1 also had an increase of rank and was made faujdiir of Mewat. As tM cypress of his talent grew by the stream of the Mirza Raja and the plant of his intelligence was nourished in the garden of knowledge of that great man, his tact and skill soon became-impressed on the mind of the King. In the 28th year when the royal standards came to Ajmer he received the rank of 1,000 with 900 horse and was seJit off to guard the Capital. Mter the end of the 30th year when the buildings of Fliil;libid known as Mukbli~pur in pargana Mu~arabad Sarkir Sahiranpu.r I were nearly completed on the banks of the Jumna neM the northern hills -which are in the vicinity of the Sirmu.r hills-the King often visited that delightful place which was 47 leos from the Ca.pital; IGrat Singh was sent off to guard the environs of Shahjahinabii.d. When his father separated from the Sulaiman Shikoh, and was proceeding to join Aurangzib, Kirat Singh, who, after the battle with Dara Shikc3h, had gone to his home, joined his father and entered into service with him. He received a flag and was sent off to put down the Mewat rebels. For a time he wasfaujdiir of the Metropolitan district. Mterwards he did good service along with his father in conquering Siva's territory, and with 3,000 men erected batteries in front of the fortress of Purandhar.s When Siva submitted, and all the officers of the army received royal favours, Kirat Singh obtained the ~ank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse. Mterwards, when the Mirza Raja went off to attack Bijapu.r, and the Iltimi8h was under Kirat Singh's charge, he fought bravely with the Bijapuris , and when the Mirza Raja died in Burhanpur, he came to the Court and received drums, and the rank of 3,000 with 2,500 horse. He again joined the Deccan auxiliaries and spent a long time in that country. In the 16th year, 1084 A.H. (1673 A.D.) he died.4
(RIJA) KISHAN SINGH 6 BHADAWARIYA.

(Vol. II, pp. 228-230.) Bhadawar is a tract three kos from Agra, and the inhabitants of this area receive their name from it. This tribe is bold and undaunted, and formerly it was turbulent. Akbar had the head of the tribe trodden' under the feet of elephants. 6 Mter this they were always law-abiding
l It is mentioned in El1iot's Supp. Glossary, II, p: 103, that Kintt Singh got the parganas of Sarkar Sahar in fief from Shah Jahan. 2 Sarii.ngpiir given in a note as II variant is incorrect. a Purandar of the Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 254, is famous for the masterly campaign of Raja Jai Singh against Shivaji in 1665. It is now II military sanatorium in Poona district, see Imperial Gazetteer, XX, pp. 396, 397. 4 Maiilbir-i-' Alamgfri, p. 128, According to Tod, Annals- and Antiquities of Rajasthan (1914 edn.) II, p. 288, Kirat Singh poisoned his father at the instigation of Aurangzib, and was rewlL1'ded by the-gift ofthe district of Kamah. See, however, Sir Jadunath Sarka.r's History oj Aurangzib, IV, pp. 128, 129, whf'~e the death of Jai Singh and his character are discussed in detail. 6 See B1ochma.nn's translation o{A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 547, 548. ~)J~' in the Text. e The only reference to the expedition againet the tribe in Akbarnama is in Vol. II, text, p. 78, Beveridge's tr&DJllation, pp. 119-120, whe11l Adham!iliii.n is stated to have been appointed to subdue the country and punish the seditioU8 tribe.

and did service. In the time of the said King, Muktaman Bhad'wariya was the head of the tribe and held the rank of 1,000. In the time of Jahangir the chief was Raja Bikramajit who accompanied 'Abd~ah Khan in the campaign against the Rana and afterwards waS appomted to the Deccan. He died in ~he IIth year ,and his son Bh6j came from the Deccan and did homage. In Shah Jahan's time the chief was Kishan Singh. He in the Ist year s~rved with Mahabat ~an i~ t.he affa:ir of Jujhar Singh, and in the 3rd. year he was sent off Wlt~ Shaylsta ~an to devastate the country of NI~amul-Mulk who had gIven protectIOn to Khan Jahan L6di. In the 6th year he did good service in the siege of Daulatabad, and .in the 9th he went with Khan Zaman to punish Sahii Bh6nsle. In the 17th year corresponding to 1053 A.H. (1643 A.D.) he died. As he had no son except one by a concubine, Badan Singh his uncl:)'s grandson received a robe of honour, and was granted the rank or' l 000 with l ,000 horse and the title of Raja. In the 21st year he had ~ne day gone to pay his respects at the Darshan (the King appearing in the Jharoka) when suddenly a mast elephant ran at him and pinned one of his retainers under his tusks. The Raja boldlY'struck the elephant with his dagger and as a fire ball 1 (char!iJ)i) was discharged at the same time, the Raja escaped injury and his retainer was released. r:I;h~ Raja was rewarded by the gift of a robe of honour, and the renllSSIOn of Rs.50,000 out,of a peshkash (tribute) of two lacs of rupees which he had agreed to pay when he was confirmed in his ?hiefship. In the 2.2nd year he had an increase of 500 and went o~ m atte~dance of Prmce Muhammad Aurangzib Bahadur to the Qandahar campaIgn. In the 25th year he again accompanied the said Prince, and in t~e. 26th year he was sent with Prince Dara Shikc3h on the same expedltlOn. In the 27th year he died. His son Maha Singh attained the rank of 1,000 with 800 horse and was granted the title of Raja, and the gift of a horse. In the 28th year he was appointed to Kabul, and in the 31st year he had the rank of 1,000 with 1,000 horse. Afterwards, when Aurangzib became victorious, and Dara Shik6h was defeated, the Raja entered the Emperor's service, and in,the Ist year of his reign he went with Subkarn Bundela against Champat Bundela. In the lOth year he did good service wit~ KamiH Khan in chastising the Yiisufza'i tribe, and as areward 500 of hIS trooper;-were made two-horse and three-horse. J.Ie died ~n :he 2~th year. His son Udai Singh-who had already been m the King s SerVI?e ' and a favourite and had been appointed to accompany the Mirza RaJa Jai Singh in the Deccan campaign-was in the 24th year made governor of the fort of Chitt6r. On the death of his father he obtained the title of Raja.
KISHAN SINGH RATH{)R.

(Vol. III, pp. 150-152.) He was a half-brother 2 of the well.known Raja Siiraj Singh and full. brother of the mother of Shah Jahan. By virtue of this great relationship, he, in the time of Jahangir, became an intimate courtier and rose to
l Blochmann, op. cit., p. 134 under Charkhi. .. 2 'allilti a half-brother in Text, but Jahe-ngir calls him hIS own or full broth?r, see Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, I, p. 291. . TJ:.~ blOgra.phy of Siiraj Sing Rath6r ca~led. Soor. Sing ~y. Tod-Ann:?ls and Anttqutttes 0/ Rajasthan (1914 edn.), II, p. 29, IS given lU .MaaQ!tr.ulUmara, II, pp. 179-183.

830

LASHKAR lilJAN.

Madilftir

.ul-Umara.

LASHKAR KHAN ABOL lIASAN MASHJlA.DL

831

a. high position. He behaved treacherously and m...lioiously to his _el~er orother who was one of the pillars of the Sta.te. It happened that. Gobmd Das Bhati-who was Raja Suraj Singh's agent and lflltnager-kI11ed, _~n account of aquarrel, Gopil Das the Rajll,'s brother's li\on. As the Raja (Su.raj Singh) was very fond of him, he did not resort to vengeance f?r the murder. Kishan Singh was annoyed at this indulgeuce, and lay III wait looking for an opportUn1ty to a.vengehis nephew. I~ t_he lOth year of Jahangir,1024 ,A.R,.when the royal~mp w~s at AJmer, on a day whenJahangir visited the PushklLr.lake, Kishan. Smgh g?t o~ horse. back before morning with the intentIOn of exactI~ retnbutIOn and came to the place where Raja Siiraj Singh was staymg. He sent Rome of his tried men on foot to the quarters of G5bind Das, and they attll.cked a party of men who were on guard th.ere. DU~ing the tum~t Gobind Das awoke, and came out without preVIous warmng from.one Sl.d e of t.he house. Kishan Singh's men-who were searching for hlm~kllled hIm LS soon as they saw him. Kishan Singh; as he did not yet know what [lad happened, came on foot in great agitation and ange~ to t~e pl~ce! !tnd though men wttrned hini, it was of no use: ~eanwhile Raja Sur~J Singh also awoke- and Clime out with a sword III h18 hand, a:nd sent hIS men to oppose. In the tui:nuIt, Kishan Singh and /rome of hIS men were killed. ,The other8 got to their horses and escaped. ~he Raj.a's ~en followed and a hot fight took place in front ofthe royal wmdow (Jharoka). Wh6Boever's head was struck by the scimitar (8hamskir), it was cut down to the waist, and whenever the swords (tig1J,hii) of Indian steel reached the waist the body was divided into two.. Sixty-eight l Rajpiits of the two parties displayed the devotion of thei~ life. They say that from that day the scirnitars of Sirobi 2 are hel~ .m res~ect, ~nd ar~ so~ght after. Jahangir, after this catastrophe, dlVld~d hIS (Kishan. SIngh s~ ma1lfab among his -sons and confirmed them III the possessIOn of hIS natIve place of Kishangarh. S
LASHKAR KIIAN.4

tied to a horse's tail. For some time he was imprisoned and then released. He was appointad. along with Mun'im ~ Khi.n-Khinan to take part in the conquest of BIhar and BengaI. In the battle with Di'iid Kara.r8.ni who had laid a claim to th08e areas, he was III the centre and supported the Commander-in-Chiefand was severely woundmd. Though ~ wounds healed, he, for want of care, died in Bengil. Ile was a man of wealth and had a thousand mounted servant. of his own. The excessive punishments impo!led by the Emperor may seem to 8.avour of wra.th, ~or the rule With wise kings-wno regard capital pumshment, etc., as mseparable from their position-is to apportion chastisement according to the (1'8J1k of the) individda.l. Some they rebnke only by a s.tern gIance or a frown, another they reprimand by a. seTere talk, another they punish by hlows of the tist while still another they chastise by the whip and the stick. A8 some on~ has well said:
Qu.atrain. ff it be neooll8a.ry to punish some one. 'Tis Wl'ong to chastise every one in equal measure. O players on tha instrument l of jus~i96, ' Beat the drum with the tist, the fiute with t.he breath.

.But if we co.nsider t~e idi?Syncrasy of this pomp-loving man, the pUlll8hment was Just, for m sPlte of all his high rank he endured suoh cOl;ltem;ptu01l8 .treatment and out of his meanness of spirit did not relinqu18h 8e1'VIce. Yet many servants of inferior rank, at a frown or a ha-rsh eXpression,. give up their .lives so &8 to preserve their honour and so acquire llnqying fame. '
Reflection z (or Warning).

(Vol. III, pp. 161-163.) His name was Muhammad I:Jusain Khurasani, and in the reign of ,Akbar he held the rank of 2,000 and was Mir RaMski, and Mir 'Artti (Superintendent of petitions). In the II th year he was removed from his office on account of charges brought against him by MUf?affar Khan Turbati. In the J6th year he insolently came in open daylight drunk to the D.ar'biir and created a disturbance. When this was reported to the Emperor, he was, in spite of his high rank and connections, fed round
l In Jahangir's Memoirs, Rogers and Beveridge's translation, op. cit., fl: 293, the number is given as 66, viz. 30 on Raja Siiraj Singh's side and 36 on Klshan Singh's. Perhaps the author of the text has a?ded Kisha!1 Singh and hi.s nel?hew Katan. Tod, op. cit., p. 33, refers to the slaymg of Govmdas and ascnbes lt to the instigation of Shah Jahan when a Prince, and puts it near the end of Jahii.ngir's reignl , . . _ II Capital of the native state of that name. It IS 28 mIles north of the Abu Road Station and 171 miles from Ajmer (vide Imperial Gazetteer, XXIII, p. 37). The manufacture of swords is still carried on there. See Irvine, Army of Indian Moghuls, p. 77. a Imperial Gazetteer, XV, p. 317, _ 4 See Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), 1'1'.446,447, and Akbarnama, Text II, p...364, Beveridge's translation, p. 529.

. As the idiosyncrasy of every person is distinctive~ and nioreover different people may have differen~ notions of this idi08yncr&8y, legal orders should not haYe ref~renoe to the personality but to the deed and reward or punishment should be awarded accordingly. '
Ver8e. Each deed has itsrecompense and its retribution.
LASHKAR

lYI1N

ABOL l;IASA.N MASHJlA.IiI.

(Vol. III, pp. 163-168.) At first he was the Divan of Prince SultAn Murad. On his death he came back from the Deccan and entered the service of Prince SultAn
l Qaniin which ?88 two meanings, a musical instrwn.ent and a ~on or law. The sentence IS obscure, and see:ms to eontradict what has been stated earlier he author first say~ that ~ !\bin's p1Ulishment was justifu;d by his on. .peculiar nature and behaVIOur which Bhow!lCi that he was thick-skinned and then he seems to say that legal orders must deal with the fact and not the' personality But ~he explanation is that A;kbar's .order W88 not one of the ~m ahar'iya, but ~ Specl~ or?er and an exceptlO:.:' which proves the mljl. Certainly the tying to. a ~0f!le s tall was not a legal pWllshInent. We are re:min.ded of the punishment Akbar ln1lic~d, when a b0:J.:' on some negligent dog-keepers; see Akbarnama, Text I, p. 318, Beverldge's translatIOn, I, pp. 590. 591.
II

:r

832

LASHKAR ~H1.N AB"OL I;IASAN MASHHADI.

Maatl!ir

-ul-Umara.

LASHKAR KBA.N ABUL I;IASAN MASHHADl.

833

Salim. He did good service and this formed the foundation of his good fortune. .When the Prince became King, Abill Hasan received the title of Lashkar Khan and was granted a high office. For a while he was Divan and Bakhshi of Afghanistan, but as Khan Dauran the Governor there disliked him, he was summoned to the Court. Mterwards he was commissioned to chastise the AfBhans who were a stumbling.block to travellers between India and Ka.bul. He did everything possible in the wB:Y of sm~ting and binding the robbers and highwaymen, and so put ,th.lngS straIght. In the 14th year, when Jaharrgir paid his first visit (as Kmg) to Kashmir, Lashkar Khan was granted a flag and. drums, and e~~rust~d to guard Agra. l When the imperial artuy marched in company WIth ~rmce ~arviz a!1d under the leadership of Mahabat Khan in pursuit of Prmce Shah Jahan, Lashkar Khiin wl:!'s sent as an auxiliary to the army 2 of the J?eccan. When the army reached. Bnrhanpiir, 'Adil Shah the ruler of BiJiipiir made friends with Mahabat Khan on account of his ('nmity with Malik 'Ambar, and sent his general Mulla Muhammad. Lari with 5,000 horse to Burhanpur .3 Mahabat Khan left Rao Ratan Sarhuland Rai in chargp of th(' city, and appointed. Lashkar Khan with a number of other officers as his associates. , The control of affairs there was entrusted to MuHa Muhammad. l\Iahabat Khan himself ha.stened. off with Prince Par,viz to Allahabiid.. Malik 'Ambar, who was waiting for the oppor tumty, pr~cecd.ed to Bijapur ~nd ~sieged. it. 'Adil Shah engaged in strengthemng the walls and fortificatIOns and sent off couriers to summon MuHa Muhammad. He also wrote to Mahabat Khan that he hoped for his assistance in return for his loyalty, and he ~t three lacs of Mina whioh are ab~ut twelve laos of rupees, for the expenses of the army. I~ aocordance WIth a letter from Mahabat Khan, Lashkar Khan left Sarbuland Rai with a few men in the city and marohed as the auxiliary of Mulla Muhammad to extirpate Malik 'Ambar. Malik 'Ambar heard of this and wrot,e t,o Lashkar Khan that he had not beha.ved presumptuously. to the Kmg s servants, and. asked why he was to be illtreated, There had long been a boundary dispute between him and' Adil SMh and he asked that he might be allowed to settle matters with his adversary. Whatever was fated would happen. No ansWer was returned and tbc troops marohed on to the neighbourhood of Bijapur. Malik 'Ambar was obliged to raise the siege and to proceed to his own territory. Mulla Muhammad followed him. In proportion as Malik 'Ambar showed a dispos.ition to surrender, and to behave humbly, MuHa MuhammadbelievIng that Malik 'Ambar was weak and in distress-increased his aoerbity and hostHity. When the situation for Malik 'Ambar became orit!c~l_and he was hard pressed, he was obliged to fight at the stage of Bhaturi,' five kos from Ahmadnagar. It happened that MuHa Muhalumad was killed, and 'Adi! Shah's forces were thrown into confusion. Jadu Rai and {jda Ram on the King's side did not exert themseive in the

battle but fled. IlWla~ Khan and others to th(' number of twenty-Dve officers, who were the mainstay of'Adi! Shah's power, were made prisoners. Malik 'Ambar put to death Farhad. Khan out of their number, as he was after Malik 'Ambar's life. Lashkar Khiinand forty man/}abdiirs, among '. whom were Mirza ManuchehI' and 'Aqidat }{han wen' made prisoners and were for a time imprisoned and fettered in tIJe fort of Daulatabad. After Sultan Parviz's death, when ~iin Jahan was entrusted with the government of the Decean, Lashkar Khan and th~' other officers were released and came to Burhanpur. After Shah Jahan asoenuC'd the throne be had regard for Lashkar's }{han's earlier services-Lashkar Khan hud lent him 10 l lacs when he was a Prince-and paid 2 him thp amountand increased his rank by 2,000 personal and horse, ,w that his rank became 5,000 with 4,000 horse. He was also appointed 3 governor of Afgbanistan in place of Khwaja AbiH I:lasan Turbati. It happened that before he entered upon this office, NaQbr MulJ.ammad }{han the ruler of Balkb and Bad.kbshan, out of his shortsighted view, and the thought that the death of Jahangir was an opportunity, lpd a large army into Afghanistan, and arrived near the city of Kabul. Lashkar }{han did not wait for the reinforcements which Mahabat Khan was directed to bring, but marched on rapidly" When he came to Barik Ab twelve kos from the oity, Nadhr Muhammad raised the siege and came forward to fight. Lashkar }{han advanoed tv meet him, and w}wn Nadbr Muhammad saw that Lashkar Khii.n's army was coming on with great boldness, and that the mercenary servants who would help him in a difficulty were few, he did not think it advantageo1L.'l to engage, and on 9 M:uharram, 1038 A.H. turned his rein. He traversed the height.s and hollows-which he had formerly taken a month to travel through-in four 4 days and reached Bal~b. Lashkar Khan entered Kabul and rejoiced the citizens who had been afflicted by the plundering of the Uzbegs. Hc ;.;ent troops wherever tnp,y were required, and drave off the raiders. 5 But as the inhabitants of tbe province were I.Janaffs and were opposed to Lashkar Khan on account of hill religion, he was remo\'ed from there in the 4th vear. G In the 5th year he was appointed in p}~l.Ce of Mahiibat Khan to takI' ~harge of Delhi, but as on account of hili! great age he could not render proper service, hc, in the 6th year, entered the list of those who pray for success (of the reigning Sovereign). He and his sons paid their respects. Though the Badshiihruima 7 does not give any reason for his retirement except old age, yet it appears that he had not attained to such an age as to be unfit for service. But for some r('ason hl' was not in favour with the Sovereign. They say, that after his resignation he resolved to go for pilgrimage. After he had visited the shl'ines and. had spent large
l According to Rogers and Beveridge, II, p. 250, Shah Jahan entered Lashkar K!liin's house and seized Rs.9,00,000 in the 17th year of .Tahangfr's reign. 2 Bdllhahniima, I, p. 189. a See Banarsi Prasad, Hiawry of Shahjahan, pp. 185, 186. 4 Biidshahnama, I, p. 214. Sa'd Ullii.h made a rapid journey from Kii.bul to Bal\b. in 1056 A.H., but he took Il days, id., II, p. 564. He, however, returned iL four days, id., II, p. 584. 6 There is a long account of Na4br Mu1).ammad'8 invasion and cf Lashkar K!lan's victory in the BQ.dllhhnama, I, p. 206, etc. The chronogram wa8: Lashkar Fat?!orLashkar'svictory = l038 (id., p. 215). 6 See Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 295. 7 Biidshahnama, I, p. 472.

-----------------_._. . 1 Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tuzuk.i.Jahiingiri, II, p. 81. On p. 83 lt IS 8tated that he was promoted to the man$ab of 3,000 personal and 2,000 hor8e; al80 see p. 102, ~ Rogers and Be""ridge, II, p. 197. : For a ~e~i1ed. acco~t_ 8,?e Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, pp, 379-383. In Iqbalnama-~.Jahng~Tt,p. 236, the name of the place is not mentioned but it is stated that it w~s a, distanee ?f 5 A'IJlJ from, .A1).mad.nagar. See also !ili.afi Khan, I, p 348, and BeYe~ldge fl t~anslatIon of Mat1p1.HlUmarii,p.269, not" 3.
I

.--- ~- -1--"-;;;;;:-~---'--""""""=-"""
834
LASHKAR U.lN,

==:;.:::~;;;;._-",,;.::,; ..

_=;.;:;._-...o;.;------------------"'iI

otherwise JAN NITHAR lUJ.lN

Mad#!ir

-ul. U mara.

LA.SHKAR KHAN BAHADUR

NA~IR

JANG.

835

sums of mouey there , he went to.his native coumry, and became a sweeper of the holy threshold (of Mashhad). He founded 8erii,'i8 there, and bought many properties. And there he died. His sons remained in Indi~. His eldest son W&8 Sazawir Khin, of whom an account 1 is given in this work. Another son W&8 Mirzi Lutf Ullih. He W&8 a Suuni and became Ba!iJahi of the Deccan. One night'when travelling in hif! palanquin someone suddenly attacked him with a dagger and killed bim, and ran away. It was never known &8 to who he was. Lashkar Khin's sonin-law Bibi Mirak distinguished himself in Jahangir's time in the hills of the Kangra range. When Prince Shah Jahin besieged Burhanpiir Babi Mlrak was with Rao Ratan. One day when Shah Quli Khan s entered the'city, he fought and was killed. His son La.tif :Mira.k ended his life in governing the fort!! of Anki I Tanki in the Deccan. Outside the walls he had made a small garden and erected his tomb, and there he W&8 buried.
LAsllXAR lYI.lN, otherwise JAN NIDAR lilJAN.

(Vol. III, pp. 168-171.) His name was Yii.dgar Beg and he was the son of' Zabardast Khan 5 a Wii,1iiS/uih.i (belonging to the bodyguard) of Shah JaMn. He became known in bis father's lifetime, and did good service. In the 19th year his rank was 1,000 with 200 horse and he was superintendent of the mace- bearers and of the naqi officers. In the same year he got an increase of 500 with 300 horse, and. was honoured by the grant of the title of Jan Nitbar Khan. 'rhere was always friendship between the house of Timfir and the great sovereigns of the !;lafavi family, and the exchange of letters aGd messages and present was customary with them, but in the end of his reign Shah !;lafI beCame annoyed about the affair of Qandahar and severed the chain of old affection. When he died, Shah Jahan did not like that old relations should be altogether lost, and in the saBJe year appointed Jan Nitbii.r Kbin.as ambassadorS to Peniia. He gave him and his companions two years' pay and sent them off with presents worth three and a half laes of iupees, and a letter of oondolence 7 on Shah $afi's death and of congrat"lq,tions on the accession of Shah 'Abbas II, the 80n and successor of Shih !;lan. He also apologized for the coming to India of 'Ali Ma.rdin KJ)ii.n, who had not left (Qa,ndahii.r) for any ambitious rea.sons or from a desire to enter service, but had bet'n obliged to with~ draw on account of the machinations of envious pel'8ons. Jan Nitbir lbin returned towards the end of the 21st year, and received the rank of 2,000 with 700 horSe II.nd the office of Master of the Horse. In the 23rd year he was made Mir Tuzulc, and in the 24th year ne became 2nd Baij8ki in place of SiyMat Khin. In the 25th year he had an increase of 500
II, PE: 438-441. Also called Mu\wnmad Taql, the Maij(hi1'-ul-Umqra, II, p . .210. 8 BMhdhnama, I, pt. .2, p. 165. These ,.Iere 18 kOB from Dawat&bid, Elliot, vn, p:57. .' . , He should not be confU86d with :Kamilud-Din Jan Ni~ir lilian of Ma0i1'16lU11IlWfi, I, pp. 527-529. 6 Ma0w.ul-Uma1'a, n, pp. 37.2, 373. 8 Bdahdhniima, II, pp, 492, 493; IlJifi Illin, I, p. 620. 7 BdcYhdlmcima, II, pp. 4'3-500; Banarsi Pr'\8ad, HiBtory oj 8haAjaMn, pp. 2.21, 222.
2

with 300 horse, and received the title of Lashkar Khan. In the 26th year his rank was 3,000 with 1,000 horse and he was appointed Bakb8hi of Prince Dara Shikc3h's army when it was sent on the Qa.ndahar expedition. In the 27th year he was summoned to the Presence from Multan and appointed, as formerly, to the post of 2nd Ba!roshi, insuccession to Iradat Khan. In the 29th year certain facts came out, which indic...ted a want of honesty on his part. It appeared that in the BaJ41shi department he had opened the hand of covetousness and committed embezzle ment. He was removed from office and his rank was reduced by 500. After that he was appointed to chastise the seditious elements in ~r aud Bikanir. In the 31st year, on the death of 'Ali Mardan Khan Amir-ul. Umara he was appointed governor of Kashmir and received an increase f)f 500 horse. In the beginning of Aurangzib's reign a-robe of honour was sent to him and his rank was increased by 500, and 500 horse, so that he held the rank of 3,000 with 2,500 horse. He was nominated govemor of Multan, and in the 3rd year he was made governor of Sindh in sl:ccession to Qubad Khan. LakI' he was appointed governor of Bihar. In the Bth year he became governor of Multan in succession to '.fabir Khin and in the 13th waf! appointed Mir Ba!rl!shi on the death of Danishmand Khan 1_ He then had an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse., and his rank bec'ame 5,000 with 3,000 horse. In the end of the same year, 1081 A.H. (1671 A.D.) he died. None of his sons reached eminence. His daughter was married to Lutf {mah Khan II the son of Sa'd Ullah Khan.
(RUK~'UD-DAULA

SAIYID) LASHKAR

~lN

BAHADUR NA$1R

JANG.

(Vol. II, pp. 359-361.) His name was Mir Isma'il and his ancestors came from Sirpul near Ballill. His lineage goes back to Mir Saiyid 'Ali Divanah ",hose shrine in a village of the Panjab is great.ly respected, and who was a descendant of Shah Ni'mat Ullah Vali. His uncle Saiyid Hashim Khan was in the royal service. As the father of Mir Isma'il died at an early age, Hashim Khan brought him up. He became a servant among the 'Servants of the Special Brotherhood ' which' is a phrase for the :Mughai MafU}abdar8, and received the title of Musafir Khan. In the Ist year of Muhammad Shah's reign in the battle with 'Ajam 'Ali Khan s he in company with Ni~am.ul.Mulk distinguished himself and overcame his opponents with tbe sword. Afterwards when Nizam-ul-Mulk at the summons of Muhammad Shah 4 came to the Coti.rt, he described bis bravery .to the King. Accordingly, he was made faujdar of Attock. Afterwards he resigned that post, and went to the Deccan to theNi~am-ul-Mulk and was made Ba!i/}shi of Sayar Sarkar (the customs) and given the title of 8aiyid Lashkar Khan. For a time he was employed in the settlement of RajbandarI in Farkhnno.abunyad (~aidarabii.d). For a long time he
Maiitl!ir.i.'Alamgiri, p. 105. For his life see Maat,h,irulUmara, III, p. 171-177. 3 'Alam Ali K!Y1n the nephew of Saiyid brothers of Bii.rah opposed N~ii.m ulMulk A~af Jah in the Deccan, and the battle took place close to B8lApiir town in the Ak6la Distriet on lOth August, 1720. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later Mughal", II. pp. 47-49. . ~ Khan !!han, Il, p. 939 and Irvine, loe. cit. p. 106.
l

1 Ma4lJir-ulU11IlWfi,

SJmSie:_

(RAl) LONKARN KACHWAHA.

.1tlUmara.

LUrF ULLIH tmAN.

837

was governor of the protince of Aurangabad. Later he accompanied Ni~am-ul-Mulk to Upptlr India, and did good service during the time_?f Nadir Shah. When the disturbance of Baji Rao, the g~neral of Rala SaM BhOnsle, which took place in the Deccan kd to the bat~le with Na~ir Jang the Martyr, and the Rao having received a sever~ c,?astlsement died shortly afterwards,1 Isma'il, at the request of (N~am-ul-Mu1k) Bahadur went and offered consolation to the brother and son of the deceased' and established cordiaI relations. He again went to Upper India with thp said Bahadur and returned to the Deccan in 1153 A.H. After thp death of Na~ir.ud-Daula he was appointed as the Deputy Governor of Aurangabad, and had the rank ?f 4,000 with 2,000 horse and was given the title of Bahadur and the gift .0La flag .and a. drum. In the time of Na~ir Jang the Martyr,1 he receIved the title ot Na~ir Jang. After the battle of Pondicherry he again became Governor of Aurangabad. In the time of ealabat Jang s his rank became 6,000 with 6,000 horse, and he had the title of Rukn-ud-Daula, and was made the Prime Minister. On resignation from this office he became Governor of Berar, and when that post was given to Ni~am-ud-.Da~la A~af .Jah he was appointed to the charge of Aurangabii.d. He dIed ~n 1170 A.H. (1757 A.D.). He was d.istinguished for his good nature and hIS observance of the religions laws. He honoured th.e learne~ and th.e ,Poor.. He was verv charitable, and was well acquamted wIth admI1llstratlve work. But he was less pxperienced in financial matters. He left some daughters. His cousins Saivid 'Arif Khan and Saiyid Zarif Khan came to him from Lahore, i1nd he' behaved kindly to both of them. He gav~ one of his daughters (in marriage) to Mir Jumla younger son of ~arif Khan. At the time of writing he (Mir Jumla) has the rank of 5,000 WIth 5,000 horse and the title of 'Azim-ud-Daula NalJir Jang Bahadur, and is in charge of Aurangabiid ari.d the management of the estates o.f Ni~am:ud-l?~ula. Asaf Jali in that province, and is an object of favour WIth the saId NI~am. ud-Daula. His eIder brother Raf'at-ud-Daula Bahadur Zfuawar Jang was for a long time the Bakhsh'i of the Mughal Risala (cavalry) in the NizamndDaula's service. At present he is the Deputy Governor of Nander. His rank is 5,000. He is a bold and sincere man.
(RII) LUNKARN KACHWAHA.4

and in the same :r~~r he :vent ~ith Raja Birbar I (Birbal) to bring the daughter of the Rala of Dongarpur whom the latter wanted to be admitted in the royal harem. In the 22nd year he came with her and offered his su_bmission to the s?vereign. In the 24th year he went off with Raja TOdar Mal to chastIse the rebels of the Eastern districtl'l. In the 28t1l year he was sent off to Gujarat along with Mirza Khiin son of Bairam Khan. His son was Rai Manohar who wasliked and cherished by Akbar. In the 22nd year, when. Ak?ar was at. Amber, Manohar repr~sented 2 that .there was an old CIty m that nmghbourhood, of which nothing ~emallled but hears of earth. Th~ Emperor applied himself to rebuilding lt and .seve:al officers were appomted to look after this project. In a short tIme lt was completed. As the Zamindari belonged to Li1nkaraI. it was called Mill Manoharnagal'. ' . When Ml~affar J;lusain _Mirza fled, and no Amir offered to pursue him, the Emper~r sent Manohar along with Rai Durga Sal in the 45th year.t? follow him. Though Khwaja Waisi had seized the Mirza, they also lomed t,lear Su~tan_pi1r. ~fter Akbar's death, Manohar was an object ~f fa_vour w~th JahaI%lf, a!1d_ m the fi~st year 8 he was sent off along with Sultan ~arvlz to pumsh Rana Amar Smgh. In the 2nd year his rank ~as 1,000 WIth 560 horse. 4 He was long attached to the Deccan Suba. In the l_lth year he died. 5 His son attained the rank of 500 with 300 horse. Manohar wrote poetry ...fid Tausani 6 was his pen-name. This versI' is his:
Verse.

Learn from the eyes to be separate and unitea, For the two eyes are distinct, and yet do not see separately. His two brothers isar Das and Sanval Das left children.

LurF ULL.1H

:K1IAN.

(Vol. III, pp. 171-177.) He was the eldest 7 son of Sa'd unah Khan Jumalat,ul-Mulk whose noble qualities will remain famous for age;:- When that famous Vazir died in the beginning of S~ah Jahii.n's 30th year, Lutf U11ah Khan was eleven years old. He receIved the rank of 700 with 100 horse and was the subject of royal favours. When the reina of power fell into the hands of Aurangzib, he wa~grac~ously treated on account of his father's having had a closer connectIOn WIth Aurangzib than with the other princes, and
2lltl.
I

(Vol. II, pp. 116, 117.) Hp was a ShaiJtl)awat, and his estate was in the pargana of Sambhar. He entered. thp service of Akbar and was kindly received. In the 21st year he was appointed along with Knnwar Man Singh against the Rana,
See Kin"aid and Parasanis, Hi8tory of the .7I!aratha Peopl~, p. 270, and Cam6ridge History of India, IV, p. 383. Baji Rao died on 25th April, 1740. . 2 For his biography sAeMaiitJ!ir-ulUrnarii.III. pp. 848-862. He was kllled bv Himmat Khan tbe Pathiin chief of Knrnool on 16th December, 1750. 3 His fl~i title was Asaf-nd-Danla :?:afar Jang Amir-ul-MamiiJik. For his biography sef' Maiit.hir-ul.U~ara, I, pp. ~68, 369, Beveridge's tr?,nslati~~, pp. 279, 280: Lashkar Khali is mentioned as havmg been made the Prime Mlmstf'r after Raja Rnghnii.thDa.s 'fas killed. _ 4 see Blo('hmann's translation of .A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 554, \Ulder .. Ray Manohar". For the de~ivationofhi* name see Beveridge's translation of A ~'barniima, III, p.. 295, note 4.
1

See Akbarnam,.J, Text III, pp. 196, 210, Beveridge's translation IH, pp. 278

' See Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tuzuk-i-Jahiingiri I p 17 4 , h~ ~ In Rogers and Beveridge, op. cit., p. 112, his rank is given as '1000' and 600 6 Rogers and Beveridge, op. cit., p. 321. ; T,;,usni means a spirited horse, see 1J!un.ta~ab-ut.Tawiir~kh,Text III, p. 201. His mother was daug;hter of Karun Dad sun of Jalalud-Din Ranshani. ~24D8id was executed In 1047 A.H. (163738 A.D.), see .Maiith,it-ul.Umflrd, ,p.
3
.

Bee Imperwl Gazetteer, XVII, p. 200.

Ma.noh~arla now known as Maniharpiir, and is situated 28 miles N.E. of Jaipiir

~ Ak~, -Text III, p. 221, Beveridge's translation III, p. ;l ll, note l.

.ut-Umara.

LU'rF ULLIH lili IN .

839

838

LU'!'F ULLAH gIN.

May!ir

received the rank of 1,000 with 400 h . e br Aurangzib and received accessio~:s:f' raHnk waTshcontmuallYfj cherished ' ere were of hIgh dd -_101' h' 12ther r~s IpS (superint?ndencies) which. he did not fillew In th the in of the Dak chauki Office) of the office of the Revi~ion of P n' ye~r he:as mad~~uperintendent . yea~ after the King's return from Hasan Abdal to Lah - . h Ullah Khan made the Darf th lore e was, m successIOn to Faid he wa~on the death of S::i~ '~b~:f~~n~-s:::~~s._b~n !,he 2.lst yea~ ZIZ Reviser of Petitions. In the same, e was hara adl agam plade year h onoured am h' peers, b y b emg allowed to enter the fort' hi I' ong IS year the government of Lahore wa 'tm tSdPatanPrq~m. In the 23rd A'" s en rus e o mce M h d ~am m suc.cess~on to Qiwam-ud-Din Khan, and Lutf Un-h uKh~mmll made the Prmce s deputy Next ear h . a _an was made Superintendent of the Gl. uslkYh _ .e came t? the Court and was KhI ' -!! ~ana m successIOn to 'Abd ur R h_an. n the 25th year he was made W qi' Kh '- (R - -. a UH room of Kamgar - " Next year h e was supermte"<lent f th m the Khan a - ~n ecorder) J". _ . _~, (SpeClalstables) and of the Chauki Kho", (S Od e tr.aU Kk guar the abilities of LutfUllah Khan were well a s). all kmds of excellences he impr~ed all 'th h' ' nd he possessed of Golconda. Especially was this so on t I.S c?urage during the siegE' fell upon the royal battery (damdama)_wt :~:ltht when.the besieged . een ?a.rned up to thE' level of the battlements-and spiked the lC the Chief of the artillery together with Sa::::r~~ni<haSalY~d.'Izzat Khan were made prisoners.1 Lutf Ullah Khan 'th b d-n dISCIpI? of JaHil (Chauki Kko,,) had been appointedto g:~rdath~ ?a~:the specIal guards days he bravely maintained himself in the middle of ~~' ~nd forhthr~E' at the foot of the fort, tilI another bod of tro . enver w ICh IS the enemy, and secured the battery. lhe Kha~Phsadarhr~vE'dnkan~drove off by 500 As hi h IS ra mcreased 2
_ Ir

district, in the year 1114 A.H. (1702.3"A.D.). He possessed talents and courage and repeatedly distinguished himRclf a.nd. ought to have had hight l" promotions, but perhaps some levities and other defects in his disposition prevented this. It is well known that onE' day the King was reading a report which contained some secret information. Before the King had spoken of it, the contents were reported to him, and an inquiry was made as to how they had been divulged. At last the King correctly and with conviction said that Lutf Ullah Khan must have done this. Afterwards it became known that the Khii;-had from behind (Aurangzib) understood (read) the wholE' of the report and. mentioned it to other people. Accordingly he ""as f()f SOllW days excluded from the private audiencE'. He used unfamiliar expressions and words, which required a dictionary to explain them. His artificial phrase!' and his difficult compounds are famous among men. His son Muhammad. Khali! 'Inayat Khan was for some time governor of Burhanpur. He had a military frame of mind and wa:also of a literary turn (mirvi manish). He was not without ability in th!O composition of Hindi mE'lodies. In the battle of Jajau,l which took place between Shah' Alam and. Muhammad A'~am Shah for the sovereignty of India, he was with Jahandar Shah Mu'i~~.ud-Din's army. When the Barah Saiyids, who were few in number in the van and. werE' hotIy engaged, 'Inayat Khan came to their aid. WhE'n it appeared that th!' enemy were getting the better of the fight, he alighted from his elephant. Nur-ud.Dfu 'Ali Khan the brother of Hasan 'Ali Khan and Husain 'Ali Khan saw this andsaid to their brethr~n that it ~uld be a 'shame if a Shaildl~ada carried off the pal~. Saying this, they also alighted from their elephants, and encountered Aman Ullii.h Khan, Saiyid Autad Muhammad, Ibrahim Beg Basri and other old servantl'l of Muhammad A'~m Shah, who 8ince long were well known for courage and bravery. A severe fight took place. 'Inayat Khan received several grievous wonnds and fell on the ground. A breath of life remained, but he soon died.' BaM.dur Shah gave him the name of 'Inayat Khan the Martyr, and looked after his sons, who were of tender age. In the reign of Mubammad Shah l',t the time when Nawwab Asaf Jah Nirlam-ul.Mulk came from the Deccan to the Capital and hecam~ VaZi! on the death of Mubammad Amin Khan, he married thE' daughter of the martyred Khan. She was his cousin (daughter of matemal uncle) and received the name of ~ahib Begam. This connection led to Lutf Ullah's sons becoming the recipient8 of fresh favours. I:lafiz.ud-Din and Muhammad Sa'id Khan, who were her full brothers, came to the Deccan by the favour of A~f Jah and after the battle I with Mubiriz Khan each was appointed to a lucta.tive faujdrship, and were given drums, etc. Afterwards ij:afiz.udDin became... Deputy Governor of Burhanpur. Wh.en in 1150 A.H. (1737 A.D.) A~f Jah went again to the Capital, he took both the brothers with him. They liked staying in Delhi and did not return with him, but entered the service of the King. Both had distinguished qualities,
l Battle of Jajau 18th Jun~. 1707, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine'8 Lnter Mug1u:l18, I, pp. 25-34. 2 Battle of Shakar Khera or Shakar Khlllda some 80 miles from Aurangii.biid ,~n l1th October, 1724. het'-'~en 'Imad-ul-Mulk Mubariz Khan and N~am-ul-Mulk A~af Jiib, sef) Irvine, (Jop. ~I", II, pp. 145-150.

the~~~m ~f~t~ila~a~nte~~~ect;~fe (P~st ~:~. M!n ~h~1.14h~h w eo had w~sen::~;dl~!t~: ~~~~tle~~f~~~d Yh ar he a~s l, dIed earlIer ln the 19th r

~s

kn~~~a

,"1'

;,"1

owmg year e was agam appomted to s . t d department in succession to Salabat Kha I th uperm en t~e Post was reduced' on account of s~me erro- n. ~ e ~ame year his rank to favour ln the 39th h r, but after a tIme he was restored to Saf SMkan Ill. yeda~ e was m.ade Master of the Horse in succession . !ll!a n ,an ln successIOn to Khana - d KhDarogAa of the Kho",.Chau1ci ln th 43 d ~~ _an was made thE' 2,000 horse andhe was ive~ dnIUl e r yea~ IS rank was 3,000 with of Bijapur ln the 45t~ h s, and appomted to the government an increa~ f year e. was removed from this office, and had O ln the 46th 500 ~~rse and appomted to the government of AU'l"angabad of Khelna, gi;::rto of the to come from Berar and to take charg~ of th n l z ang wll4 ordered Ullih Khan, who was the brother-in-Iaw of ~~{~IzaJ~ncam!=ent. Lutf Deputy Governor of the province. The Khan died 6 oos:ng, h e reach ed the made _ ~ore

~~et~~Jha~ o; ~~~h~~~n ~~ ~~~~t~::t~~~~~~~~~~e(~~:~::a;t~t~).ye;~

::m~~v~=e::kb:s~:~t~h~ki1

fortres~

1 Ma.t!!ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 291. B In that~ . . horse and Maii.thir-i-'Alamgiri ,p 303 , it' stated that hiS rank was 2 000 with l 1\1\1\ had . . IS a, _, .1l~, an mcrease of 200 horse. "VVV , Maflftr-t- Alamgiri, pp. 337-341 5 Maflfir-i.'Alamgiri, p. 461. .

= .......ijiiiiiiiiiiiii;;;;;;;;;;=;;====840
LU1'F ULLIH KjJAN ~1.DIQ.

,.="' _.='--=-'-'-~._~----_.

Ma4U1ir-ul- Umara.

especiaJly Muhammad Sa"id IDlan Baha.dur was a. real aristocrat (amirzaoo). Though they attained higher office than their father or grandfather they did not rise to the same position and influence. Two other brothers, Muhi-ud-Din Quli Khan and Mu'in-ud-Din Quli Khan were in Delhi and were killed in the general ma:ssacre of Nadir Shah.l
LU'!'F ULL!H ~IN ~IDIQ.

INDEX
Abad Ullah K., 85 Abagh Khan, 743 Abbas, 817 Abbas I, p. 186, 213, 296, 358,361,373 Abbas II, 59, 121, 189,363, 379, 389, 398, 468, 484, 501, 525, 582, 605, 670, 689, 755, 763, 782, 797, 813, 816, 836, 910, 922, 928, 973 Abbasi, 817 Abbas Sultan, 359 Abdal K., 465 Abdali (s), 777 Abdarha, 767 Abdu-I-Aakim K. Miyana, 598 Abdul Ali Mirza, 689, 744, 745 Abdul Aziz, 546 Abdul Aziz Abkarabadi, 838 Abdul Aziz Dilawar Khan, 486 Abdul Aziz Khan, 48, 190, 191,192,298,820,821, 822 Abdul Aziz Khan Bahadur, 33, 34, 579 Abdul Aziz Khan Shaikh, 34, 35 Abdul Baqi, 663 Abdu-l-Ghaffar, 521 Abdu-l-Ghaffar K., 492 Abdu-l-Ghafur, 326 Abdul Ghafur Bohra Mulla,. 638 Abdul Ghani, Mir, 25 Abdul Hadi, 663 Abdul Hadi, Khwaja, 35, 36 Abdul Hadi K. Khwaja, 310 Abdul Hadi, Mir, 295, 296 Abdu-l-Hakim,224, 492 Abdu-l-Hakim Mir, 486 Abdu-l-Hakim, MuHa, 639 Abdu-l-Halim,493 Abdu-l-Hamid of Lahore, 4.. 391 Abdu-l' Haqq, 78 Aadu-l-Hayy, 639 Abdu-l-Hayy, Mir, 1, 24, 26, 30-32, 228, 406 Abdul Jalil Bilgrami, Mir, 637 Abdu-l-Karim, 491 Abdu-l-Karim, 71 Abdu-l-Karim, Mir, 106, 253, 382, 484 Abdu-l-Karim Miyana, 235, 766 Abdul Karim Mu1tafat Khan,. Mir, 106 Abdul Khaliq, 744 Abdullah, (Mir Jumla Khan. Khanan), 309 Abdullah (Mulla of Sialkott 665

(Vol. III, pp. 177,178.' One of the An~iri Shaikbzadas. His hOnle was in Piinipat. he came to the Court during the reign of Bahadur Shah and rose from a low rank to that of an Amir. He was censured in Jahandar Shah's reign and Ws home was confiscated. Oil this account he sought to join Muhammad Farrukb.siyar, and after the latter's victory he, along with Saiyid 'Abdullah Khan was appointed to administer the Capital. Qu~b ul-Mulk nominated him to the Divclni of the {il}a~a. The King ha<l given this office to Chabla Ram Nagar, and on this account there was iII feeling betwel'n the King and his Vazir. Qu~h-ul-Mulk said that as the Vazir's first recommendation had not been accepted, it was evident 2 what his (Qutb-ul-Mulk's) position was. At last the Khan's appointment Was confirmed. In Muhammad Shiih's I"('ign he was made KlJan-i-8iiman and had the rank of 6,000, and the title of Shams-ud-Daula Bahadur Mutahawwar Jang. After Nadir Shah came, Lutf Ullah did acts which Were disapproved of and he was consequently censured.8 Hc died in the reign of Ahmad Shah. The reason why he got the appellation of t;liidiq 4 is wdl known. Diler Dil Khan was hic; brother. He accompanied the Amir-ul-Umara and attained the rank of 3,000. Another brother was Sher Afgan Khan. He was faujdiir of Karra near Allahiibiid. Among his sons, 'Inayat Khan Riisik.b and Shiikir Khan rec'iv.ed some promotion.
l on llth March, 1739, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar in Irvine, op. cit., II, pp. 367~ 3'70, and Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 361, where the date iH 22nd March; the date in the former work is according to the Old Style. 2 Khan Khan, II, p. 730. 3 He was the governor of Delhi at the time of Nadir Shih's invasion, and handed ovet the c.ity without fighting to his agent. He was confirmed in his post of the governor by Niidir Shah; see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Ir'JiIne'a Later M..ughals, II, p. 362. 4 &lan Khan from whom the above account is taken does not, mention the reason, but perhaps ifreff'rs to the advice given by him to l<'arru!ID.siyar to dismiss a numbor of the bodyguard; op. cit., p. 769.

842 Abdullah (son of Khan Azam Koka),314 Abdullah, Haji, 719 Abdullah, Khwaja, 162 Abdullah, Shaikh, 775 Abdullah Ansad Makhdumul-Mulk, 93-97, 201 Abdullah Beg, 193, 304, 305 Abdullah Khan, (son of Ali Muhammad Khan Rohi11a), 195 Abdullah (son of Inayat Ul1ah Khan), 682 Abdullah Khan, (son of Iskandar Khan), 284, 356359, 361, 565, 605, 606. Abdullah Khan, Khwaja, 84, 85 Abdullah Khan, Saiyid, 80, 81,637,648,649 Abdullah Khan, Shaikh, 85-93 Abdullah Khan Bahadur Firuz Jang 57 biography 97-105 185,285, 340,381,407,417 419, 452, 457, 462, 493, 576, 577, 659, 660, 716, 730, 756, 762, 779, 781, 802 Abdullah Khan Barha, Saiyid, 79, 80 Abdullah Khan Barauhi' 818 Abdullah Khan Khweshgi, 250 Abdullah Khan Qutb-ulmulk, Saiyid, 439,478, 555, 711, 840 Abdullah Khan, Said Khan, 81, 82

"The Maatl:!ir-ul-Umara" Abdullah K. (Khan) Ozbeg, 80; biography, 82-84; 180, 396, 457 Abdullah Niyazi, Shaikh, 94 Abdullah Qutb Shah, 244, 557,661, 774 Abdullah Rezavi, Mir, 317 Abdullah Sahib, 597 Abdullah Shattari, Shaikh, 88, 93 Abdullah Yamani Shafai, 771 Abdu-l-Latif, 469 (Diwan of Qundahar). Abdu-l-Latif (son of Aziz Koka) 326 Abdul-l-Latif, Mir (son of Mir Yehya), 378 Abdul-I-Latif, Shaikh, 34 Abdul-l-Latif Burhanpuri, Saiyid, 35 Abdul Majid of Herat, 36-40, 201,202, 984 Abdu-l-Majid Khan, 492 Abdu-l-Mannan Mir, 66 Abdul Matlab (Abdul Matlib) Khan, 40, 41 Abdu-l-Mumin K., 351, 357, 359, 361 Abdul Qadir (son of Amanat Knan),225 Abdul Qadir (son of Bahlul Khan),225 Abdul Qadir Badayuni, 3, 96, 326, 332, 568 Abdul Qadir Bedil, Mirza, 713 Abdul Qadir Dianat Khan, Mir, 13, 14, 229, 472-475 Abdul Qadir M,atbar K., 166

Index Abdul Qadir, Maulana, 93 Abdul Qadir, Mir, 66 Abdul Qawi (I'timad K. Shaikh), 44-48 Abdu-l-Qawi, MuHa, 45 Abdu-r-Rahim' Mir, 486 Abdu-l-Wahad Qaziu-l-Qazat Qazi, 73-79 Abdul Wahad Bokhari, 809 Abdu-l-Wahad, Hakim, 189 Abdu-l-Wahad K., 269 Abdu-l-Wahad Saiyid, 352, 442 Abdu-l-Wahid K., 137 Abdu-n-Nabi, Mir, 24 Abdu-n-Nabi, Sadr, Shaikh, 41-44,95,96, 118, 514, 515 Abdu-n-Nabi K.,132, 492 (faujdar of Cuddapah) Abdu-n-Nabi K (faujdar of Mathura), 437,618 Abdu-n Nabi Kor, Miyana, 492, 493 Abdu-n-Nabi Mahtavi, K., MuHa, 160, 162 Abdul' Rahim (Diwan of Laore), 621 Abdur Rahim (son of Diler Khan),491 Abdul' Rahim (son of Fazil Khan),554 Abdul' Rahim (son of Hadi Dad Khan), 597 Abdur Rahim (son of Sultan Sikandar, 814 Abdur Rahim Beg Uzbeg, 48, 49 Abdur Rahim Khan Khann, Mirza, 65, 66

843 Abdul' Rahim Khwaja Juibari 605 Abdul' Rahim Miana, 492 Abdu-r-Rahim Shaikh, 49,50 Abdu-r-Rahman, 19, 20, 26 Abdu-r-Rahman (Muslim divine) 72 Abu-r-Rahman (Sultan) 6870, 190. 356, 365 Abdu-r-Rahman Afzal Khan, 66-68, 122, 127 Abdu-r-Rahman Duldai, m, 389 Abdu-r-Rahman Jami, 569 Abdu-r-Rahman, K., 555 Abdu-r-Rashid K. Bahadur Himmat Jang, 311 Abdu-r-Rasul, 533 Abdu-r-Rasul Barah, 235 Abdu-r-Rasul K,33 Abdu-r-Rasul M. 45 Abdu-r-Rauf, 492 Abdu-r-Razzaq, 107 Abdu-r-Razzaq (son of Amir Khan), 106 Abdu-r-Razzaq, Mir, 12,31 Abdu-r-Razzaq K. Lari, 70, 71, 703 Abdul' Rida, Mirza, 686 Abdu-s-Salarn, Shaikh, 63 Abdu-s-Samad Khan Bahadur Diler Jang, 71-73, 642,643, 688 Abdu-s-Samad Khwaja, 455 Abdu-sh-Shahid K. Bahadur Haibat Jang, Khwaja, 311 Abdu-sh-Shakur, Haji, 29, 30 Abhai Singh, 175, 631

844 Abhang K, 54 Abha Ram, 3 1 , 487, 488 Abid K. 503 Abid Khan, Mirza, 99 Abrah, 817 Abshar, 698 Abu Bakr Taibadi, Shaikh, 36 Abu Bakru-s-Sadiq, 281 Abu Haniti, 771 Abu Hashim, Khwaja, 360 Abu-l-Baqa, 157 Abu-l-Baqa Amir Khan, Mir., 105, 106 Abu-l-Barkat K. Bahadur Imam Jang, 132 Abul Fadl, Shaik, 693, 706, 744, 762,816 Abul Fath, Hakim., 49, 107110,243,421,543, 606, 607 Abu-l-Fath Qabil K. wala Shahi, 554, 556 Abu-I-FazI, 513 Abu-I-FazI (Shaikh) 'Alla mi Fahami, 3, 42-44, 63, 66, 86, 89, 90, 117-128, 144, 179,181,185,267,301,326, 409,421-423,506,514,517, 536, 566, 567, 586, 587 Abul Hasan, 831-834 Abn-l-Jasan (Asaf Khan) 287, 434 Abu-I-Hasan 'Ishqi" 92 Abu-l-Hasan K. 70 , 7I , 79 , 80, Ill, 254, 279, 288, 382, 751, 809 Abu-I-Hasan ,Khwaja, 57, 99, 120, 128-130,328, 401,408, 417,494,812,833

"The Maa!!Jir-ul-Umara" Abu-I-Hasim, 65 Abu-Khair, 35 Abu-l-Khair, K., 259 Abu-l-Khair K. Bahadur Imam Jang, 131, 132 Abu-l-Khair Khan Bahadur Tegh Jang, 132 Abul Ma, ali Khawafi, Mir 783 ' Abu-l-Magali, Mir, Shah 132136,519,659, 701 Abu-l-Ma'ali, Mirza, 136,137 Abu-I-Ma 'ali, Qadiri, Shah 124 ' Abu-l-Makaram Jan Nisar Khan, 110-112 Abu-I-Masur Khan Bahadur Safdar Jang, 137-140, 428 Abu-l-muid Muhammad, 88 Abul Muzaffar, 791 Abu-l-Qasim, 369 Abu-l-Qasim Qandarsaki (Qandarsagi) Mir, 45 Abu-I-Wafa, Mir, 106 Abu-I-Wafa Mir (grandson Oi Ziyau-d-Din Khan), 259 Abu Muhammad, 166 Abu Muhammad, Saiyid, 827 Abu Nasr Khan, 140 Abu-n-Nabi, 351 Abu Said Mirza, 141, 142 Abu Said, Saiyid, 76 Abu Said, Sultan, 371 Abu Said Khan, 640 Abu-s-Subhan, M. 392 Abu Turab Gujrati, Mir., 142144, 172, 707 Abu Turab Shah, Mir, 742

Index Abyssinian, 54 Abysinians, 145, Slaves, 404; Amirs, 706, 816 Achad Rup Asram, 603 Acham Nir, 703 Achh, 747 Adam, 585 Adam Gakaar, Sultan, 133, 758-760 Adham (Adam) K., 145-148, 374, 384, 395, 828 Adam, Mir, 411 Adharbaijan (Adhurbaijan), 777 Adilabad, 99 Adiif, 37, 199 Adil K. (Khan), 72, 177,235, 491, 506, 597, 664, 766, 793, 794 Adilkhanis, 54, 88, 667 Adil Shah, 57, 71, 149, 165, 217, 241, 246, 296, 300, 311, 317, 342, 464, 495, 501, 533, 543, 571, 579, 580, 589, 594, 595, 661, 700, 732, 734' 742, 753, 774, 781,832, 833 Adil Shah (s), 149, 528, 536, 612 Adina Beg Khan, 676 . Adits, 541 Adli, 394 Adoni, 205, 239, 589, 612 Adud-ud-Daula, 742 Abud-ud-Daula (title of Iwad Khan),702 Afghanistan, 155, 243, 338, 393, 405, 599, 657, 670, 676, 755, 758, 833

845 Afrasiyab Khan, 699, 700 Afrasiyab Khan, Mirza Ajmeri, 719 Afrasiyab, 25 Afridis, 284 Afshar, 720, 777 Afzal, 567' Afzal Khan, 148, 149, 259, 413 Afzal Khan 'Allami MuHa ShukufuHah Shirazi, 149153,259,413 Aghr (Aghur) Khan Pir Muhammad, 153-155, 248, 313,314, 648, Agharabad Garden, 311 Aghuzan (Oghuzan), 511 Aghuz Khan II, 155 Agra, 35, 39, 44, 74, 75, 86, 87,89, 101,105, Ill, 129, 134, 141, 143, 146, 153, 155, 169, 172, 173, 188, 197, 201, 203, 204, 219, 245, 261, 264, 275, 283, 286, 288, 295, 300, 302, 304, 315, 322, 372, 381, 383, 391, 392, 396, 398, 402, 411, 426, 430, 435' 436, 440, 441, 448, 453, 462, 478, 513, 518, 524, 542, 546, 547, 550, 564, 571, 604, 615, 616, 618, 625, 628, 63'0, 634, 635, 636, 645, 646, 647, 653, 654, 662, 673, 676, 679, 680, 683, 689, 691, 694, 697, 705, 709, 715, 719, 722, 725, 727, 728, 731 733,

...

846 738, 741, 749, 754, 763, 769, 775, 784, 793, 195, 800, 808, 812, 813, 815, 823, 825, 827, 828, 832 800 97,222, 234, 366, 760 Ah~ng Khan Abyssianian, 120 Amir, 194 Ahamad, 804 Ahamad 'Arab, Mir., 294 Ahmad, Haji, 205, 206 Ahmad Khattu, Shaikh, 142 Ahmad, Mir, 475 Ahmad Saiyid (Father of Saiyid Atai), 475 Ahmad Saiyid (retent of Gujarat), 164, 802 Ahmad; Shaikh, 169, 170 Ahmad, Sultan, 142, 702 Ahmadabad, 44, 50, 51, 53, 62, 75, 77, 78, 96, 99, 106, 142, 143, 144, 174, 242, 244,281,282,291,309,318, 320, 321, 325, 331, 412, 413, 41~ 493, 495, 519 528, 591, 601, 602, 608: 656, 657, 679, 706-708 737-739,749, 755, 811, 825 hmad A'zam Shahi, 641 hmad Bahmani, Sultan, 771 Ahmad Beg Khan, 155, 156 A;84, 455, 650, 6~8, 659, 683 mad Beg Khan Kabuli 156, 157,284, 488 ' Ahmad Beg M., 281 Ahmad Chak, 715 Ahmad Kashi 125 Ahmad Khan: 596: 734, 156, 789, 811, 824, Ahad, Ahadi,

"The Maa:0Jir-ul-lJ ill ara" Ahmad Khan, Mir, 157-160 Ahmad Khan the Second Mir ' 160-163 Ahmad Khan Bangash, 138, 139, 676, 677 Ahmad K. Barha Saiyid, 163, 164 Ahmad Khan Niyazi 167 168 " Ahmadnagar, 54, 56, 58, 113, 114, 119, 120, 122, 165, 168,178,179,204,217,226, 271, 287, 366, 449, 451, 465, 468, 486, 532 590 685, 732, 750, 753: 774: 798,805, 816, 832 Ahmad Naitha, MuHa, 164167,445 Ahmad Niyazmand Khan, Mir, Saiyid, 231 Ahmad Cadiri, Saiyid, 624 Ahmad Sa'id Khan, Haji, 839 Ahmad Shah, 16, 230, 675, 840 Ahmad Shah Sultan., 706 Ahmad Shah Durral1l, 138, 139 Ahrar, Khwaja, 71 Ahsan Khan Sultan Hasan, 170-172, 622, 623, 687 Ahsanu-d-dula Bahadur Sharaza Jang, 66 Ahubara, 179 Ahwant (Hanunat), 669 Ai Khanim 361-363 Aimal Khan Tarin, 802 Aimanci, 209 Aimaq Badakhshi, 284

INDEX

847
389, 392-394, 396, 398,

Aimaqs, 188 Aindi,788 Ain K., 178 Ainul-I-Mulk Shirazi, 172, 173 Aiwan (Awan), 758 Ajai Chand, 594 Ajanta, 114, 590 Ajit Singh Rathor, Maharaja, 173-176,602,630, 634, 710, 711, 735, 756 Ajmir, (Ajmere, Ajmer), 97, 141, 170, 173, 175, 179, 223, 225, 235, 242, 244, 245, 263, 271, 304, 322, 329, 351, 366, 400, 408, 409, 410, 428, 431, 438, 442, 449, 453, 458, 497, 505, 536, 584, 602, 615, 618, 625, 628, 637, 639, 642, 657, 663, 680, 724, 731, 733, 734, 755, 760, 763, 764, 777, 786, 795. 805, 820 Ajmiri gate, 591 Ajudhan, 319 Akaji, 420 Akbar, 8, 9, 36, 37, 39-43, 4952, 56, 63, 66, 74, 80, 82, 83.86,88, 89, 95-97, 108, 109, 113, 114, 123, 125, 126, \28, 142-149, 157, 163, 168-170,177,178,180,182184, 196, 198,200-203,222, 243,247, 262,266,267,281, 285,301, 302, 321-324, 326, 327, 332-334, 337, 348-352, 357, 358, 372-374, 384, 386,

399,404, 408-411,414,415,. 420,421, 423, 431, 434, 453, 454,457,458,465,505,506, 513, 514, 519, 521, 523, 526, 527, 534-536, 544, 546, 565, 566, 568, 569, 571, 575, 576, 582, 584-586,598, 600, 601, 606-608, 653 660, 679, 682, 691, 692, 703,705-709, 724, 725, 727-730, 737, 740-742,. 746, 747, 749, 759, 762, 813,814,816,828,830 Akber Prince, (Emperor Akbar),133 Akbar Prince (3rd son of Emperor Aurangzib), 175" 176,787,788, 805 Akbarabad (Agra) 601, 605, 653, 741, 760 Akbari buldings, 578 Akbarnagar, 455, 463, 511,. 521, 530, 658, 661,671, 692,. 697 Akbarnamah, 3, 11, 89, 127,. 267, 333, 515, 536 Akbarpur, 112, 793 Akbarshahi, 178 Akhiraj, 487 Akmahal (Akmahl), 648 Akola, 761 Alai, Shaikh, 94, 95, 513 Alam,247 A'am (son of Khan Jahalll Ladi), 804 Alam Ali Khan, Saiyid., 112,. 239, 309, 479, 635, 751, 83S Alam Arai, 3, 391

'848 Alam Barha, Saiyid, 176, 177, 211 Alam Guman (Kaman), 97, 98, 243 Alam Kabuli, Mulla, 585 Alam Khan Lodi, 800 Alam Khan river, 386 Alamgir, Badshah, Ghazi, 9, 12, 21, 71, 154, 223, 224, 270, 300, 303, 654,662, 683, 686 .Alamgir the 2nd., J 8,675-677, ti9l, 777 Alamgirnamah, 4, 47 Alamgirshahi (Alamshahi), 537, 541 Aland, 652 Alang Tosh, 208, 209 Ala-ud-Daula Sarfraz Khan Bahadur Haidar Jang, 206 720 ' Ala-ud-Din, 692 Alau-d-din Ahmad Shah Bahmani, 406 Alau-d-Din Muhammad, Khwaja, 222, 371 Ala-ul-Mulk, Mulla, 193,260, 550, 551 Alawal K., 460 Aleppo, 698 Alexander the Great, 517 Alexander Zu-l-Qarnin, 416 Alexandria, 105 Ali (Harmasi), 459 Ali (stream), 84 Ali (the adopted son of the Prophet), 326 Ali, M., 308 Ali, Mirza, 77, 691

"The Maiilliir-ul-Umara" Aii, Saiyid, 740 Ali, Adil Shah, 54, 165, 181, 685 Ali Ahmad Maulana, 327 Ali Akbar Musavi, 177, 178 Ali Aqa Turkoman, 115 Ali Ariz, Saiyid, 101 Ali Asghar, M., 286,287 Ali Baz, Hakim, 616 Ali Beg, (Pir), 368 Ali Beg (son of Islam Khan Rumi),699 Ali Beg Akbar Shahi Mirza, 178, 179 Ali Cak, 488 Ali Divanah, Mir Saiyid, 835 Ali Dost Barbegi, 41 Ali Gillani, Hakim, 180-184, 544 Ali Hamadani, Mir Saiyid, 544 Ali Bazrat, Shihabu-d-din Muhammad Sahib Qiran Sani,9 Ali Jah, 137 Ali J ah Muhammad Azim Shah, 157, 15& Ali Khan, 643 Ali Khan, Mirzada, 180 Ali Khan, Raja (Rajah), 53, 54, 328, 544 Ali Khan Faruqi, Raja, 114 Ali K. Qarawai, 310 Ali Khanim, 361 Ali Mardan Bahadur, 67. 98, 185, 186 Ali Mardan KokaItash. 815 Ali Mardan's Turks, 238 Ali Mardan Khan, 657

Index Ali Mardan, K., 194 Ali Mardan R. Amir-!!I-Umara, 186-194, 223, 250, 363, 512,639,715, 726,732,768, 822,834,835 Ali Mohan, p. 83 Ali Muhammad K. Rohil1a, p. d8, 194-96 Ali Murad Khad Khan Jahan Bahadur Kokaltash K. Zafar Jang, 196, 197 Ali Muttaqi, Shaikh, 74 Ali Naqi,Mir, 475 . Ali Naqi. K., 14 Ali Pasha, 698 Ali Qarawal, 207 Ali Quli, 380 Ali Quli, K. (Brother of Rustam Khan), 470 Ali Quli, K. (of Andrab), 196 Ali Quli Khan Zaman, 36, 84, 196,197,204.349,600,660, 691 Ali Sher, Mir, (of Herat), 569 Ali Shir, Mir, 62 Ali Sher K., 204 Ali Shukr Bahariu, 368 Ali Tabar, 388 Alif Khan, 204 Alif Khan Aman Beg, 204, 205 Aligarh, 138, 659 Alim Sultan, 356, 357 Aliverdi Khan, Mirza Bandi, 205-208, 720 Ali Yar Sultan, 720 Ali Yusuf Khan, Mirza, 239, Allahabad, pp. 60, 97, 104, 112, 115,137-140,202,247,

849 267,285,318,323, 325,338340,367,387,393,429,430, 441,446,455,464,497,521, 523,527,537,593,601.618, 625,626.627,656,673,730, 753,775,784,785.789,832, 840 Allah Quli Khan Uzbeg, 208, 210 Allah Yar, 45 Allah Yar Khan, 210-212 Allah Yar K, 542 Allah Yar Khan, Mir Tuzak, 212 Allaman (Alamanan), 69, 189, 208,212, 345, 364, 471, 521, 727, 737, 821, 822, 823 Allami Fahmi, Shaikh, 117 Altamash (Altamish), 185, 693 Alwar, 134 Amaldar, 720 Amal Salih, 4 Amanat Khan, 260 Amanat K. Mirak Muinu-dDin Ahmad, 12, 13,3',221, 230,271,472,509,555,558, 687, 790 Amanat K. Saiyid, 101 Amanat Khan the 2nd., 230232,473, 681 Aman Beg, 204 Amani, 218 Aman, Mirza, 640 Aman-nama, 469, 800 Aman Ullah Khan, 219-221, 839 Aman Ullah Khan (son of Ilahwardi Khan), 673

--------------------............--.-. . --=
850 Aman lJlIah Khan Zaman Bahadur, M., 212-219 Amarcatiya, 433 Amarkot, 63, 767, 819, 901 Amar Siqgh, 102 Amar Singh, Rana, 98 Amar Singh, Rao, 232-236, 403, 660, 703 Ambaghat, 802 Amba Patar, 87 Ambar, Khwaja, 695 Ambar, Khwaja (name of Itibar Khan Nazir), 705 Ambari, (name of gun), 779 Ambari, (tank at Auranga bad),450 Ambarkot, 167, 180 Amber (Ambar),409, 410,634, 640, 732, 735, 736 Amethi, 151,659 Amil, 29 Amin, 107, 575 Am~n Ahmad Razi (Radi), 3 Amm K. Deccani, 236-240 811 ' Amin K. Ghori, 325 Amin Khan (Muhammad) Mir Muhammad Amin. 241-245 Amina, (Nickname o-f Khwaja Jahan Herati), 823 Amina (Peacock-Throne further adorned at a cost of a kror of rupees), 399 Aminu-d-Daulah Aminu-d-Din Khan Bahaduf Sambali , 240 , 241 Aminu-d-Daulah Bahadur Saif Jang, 137 Aminrud-Din, 650 "The Maii!hir-ul-Umara'" Aminu-d-Din K., 241 Amin-ud-Din MahmudKhwaja, 823 Aminu-I-Mulk, 543 Amir, 8 Amir the Great, 26 Amir Beg (brother of Fazil K.),548 Amir Hamza, 454 Amir Khan, (father or Mir Khan),367 Amir Khan (title of Abu-iBaqa) 106 Amir Khan Khawafi, Saiyid, 46, 245-246, 765 Amir Khan Mir Ishaq, 'Umdatul-Mulk', 252, 367 Amir Khan Mir Miran, 194, 244, 246-253 Amir Khan Sindhi, 25.3-259" 613, 761 Amir Khusrau Shah, 368 Amir Lulaji, 743 Amir Najm, 385 Amir Najm Thani (Sani), 142 Amir Taimur Gurgan, 322, 398 Amiru-l-Mamalik (Mumalik} Nawab, 17-23, 25, 26 _ 31,. 280 Amir-u-I-Muminin, 130 Ami Qamari, 556 Ami Shamasi, 556 Ammu, 292 Amr Singh, (son of Rai Chanda), 508 Amr Singh (son of Rana Pratap), 404

-;,,;;;;;;;~-

iiiiiiiijiiiiiiiOOOO===---=----=--=----=-----:.=;;--,-=---= - -

Index Amra, Rana, 761-763 Amar Ullah, Mirza. 64 Ana Sagor, (tank at Ajmer), 366, 465 Ana Sagor (in Bellary district), 419 Anam Chand, Raja, 646, 647 Anand Rao Jaiwant, 751 Anand Singh, 766 Andakhud (Andkhud), 190, 345, 360 Andarab, 297, 298, 727 Andarkhi, 593 Andur, 433, 475, 665 Anhal, 137 Ani Rai Singhdalan, 261, 623, 730 Anir Raja, 442 Aniward (aniverd), 777 Anjarayi, 669 Ankar (Firuzgarh), 205 Anki Tank, 834 Anrudh Singh, 406 Antarbed, 475, 676 Antarmali, 121 Antri, 123 Antur, 802 Anup Singh, 765 Anup Singh Badgujar, Rajah, 261-263, 730 Anurudha Gaur, Rajah, 263, 264, 403 Anwar K., 255 Anwar Malik, 621 Anwar, M., 334 Anwari,606 Anwar-ud-Din Khan, 16 Anwar UIlah Khan, 123

85t
Anola (Anwala), 195 Apostle. 124 Aprup (Abrup), 183, 184 Aqa Afzai, 548, 549 Aqa Mulla, 280, 282 Aqadat Khan, 301 Aqcha, 191 Aqibat Mahmud Khan Kashmiri, 674, 675 Mahmud Sazawar Aqibat Khan, Mirza, 652 Aqidat Khan, 833 Aqil,690 Aqil Khan 'Inayat Ullah.~ 153, 259-261, 484,615 Aqil K. Mir Aksari, 217, 264266, 612, 752,807,861 Aqsiqal335 Arab _(and Arabian) 319, 404,__ 539. 809 Arab (s) 508, 567, 638, 699 Arab Bahadur, 172 Arab Khan, 268, 805 Arabia, 124, 164, 169, 534, 558, 596 Arabian Iraq, 567 Arabian Persia, 368 Arabshahi, Saiyids, 30i Arcot, 16, 19, 29, 85, 166, 171 Ardistan, 607 Arbhandab, 187 Arghun, 269, 370, 744, 745,746 Aries, 127 Arif, Mirza, 825 Arif Khan Chela, 643 Arif Khan Saiyid, 836 Aristotle, 28

"The Maa!hir-ul-Umara" Arjan, 233, 234, 403 34, 48, 84, 85, 138, 167, Arjmand Baba, 186 240, 283,300,301, 310,31~ Arjmand Banu Begam, 9, 288 370, 375, 430, 434, 450, Arjmand K., 475 475, 482, 483, 611, 669, Arjun, 763 682, 684, 751, 811, 826 Arkiwat, 744 Asaf Jah the 2nd, Nizam-ulArlat, 388 Mulk Nizam-ud-Daulah, Arracan, 177, 428, 697 22-25 Arrah, 178 Asaf Khan (known as Asaf Arsh Ashiyani, 7-9, 329, 330 Jahi), 129, 141, 184, 214, Arshad Khan Abul Ula, 681 287-295,329, 330,419,430, Arsjan Aqa, 559 434, 483, 564, 574, 714, Arslan Khan, 268, 269 770,799 Arz mukarrar (mukarrir), 140, Asaf Khan Khwaja Ghiyasu260 d-din Ali, 280-282 Arz Waqai, 260 Asaf Khan Mirza Qiwamu-dAsad, MuHa, 583 Din Ja'afar Beg, 56, ~ 10, Arzain,203 121, 129,252-287, 315. 393, Asad, Mulla, 583 556, 568 Arzain, 203 Asafu-d-Daula Amiru-IAsad Ali K. Julaq, 238 Mamalik, 279, 280 Asafu-DaulaAsad Khan Asalat Kh\tn, 254 Jamal-ul-mulk (Jumlat-ulMulk), 224, 243, 270-279, Asalat Khan (son of Iftikhar Khan Sultan Husain), 663 364. 367. 382, 383,519, 540, Asalat Khan, 804 625,681,703,735,816 Asad Khan Mamuri, 269, 270 .Asajat Khan, Mir, 295, 773 Asalat K. Mir 'Abdu-IAsad-ud-Din, Mirza, 652 Hadi, 189, 190, 295-298, Asad Ullah, (Faujdar of Talner) 20 344, 345, 363, 364, 507, Asad Ullah, Mir, 787 520, 577, 581, 662, 726, 731, 767, 768, 770 Asad Ullah, Mir (martyr, son of Mir Fazi UlIah Bokhari), Asalat Khan Mirza IVluham557 mad, 299-301 Asad Uliah Khan, 637 Asam (Asim) Khwaja, 259, Asad Ullah K., 253 775 Asadi., 583 Asas, 133 Asaf Jah. Nawab Nizam-ul- Ashna, 5 Mulk, 2, 11, 15, 16, 18, 21, Ashraf Khan, 776

Index Ashraf K. Khwaja Barkhurdar, 302, 303 Ashraf K. Mir Muhammad Ashraf, 303, 304, 528, 760 Ashraf K. Mir Munshi, 149, 301, 302, 348, 660, 691 Ashta, 781, 782 Ashti, 54, 168 Ashwari, Khwaja, 177 Asir, 35, 59, 101,120-122, 32~ 329,401,465, 623, 651, 693, 709, 746 Asiya. 33 Askar Khan Haidarabadi' 815 Askar Khan Najm Sani, 304, 305 Askaran Raja, 410 Askari Mirza, 701, 740, 813 Askar Aii Khan, 450 Asmat Begam, 573 Atai, Saiyid, 475 Ata U11ah, 562 Ata U11ah, K. 221 Ata Ullah, Khwaja, 464 Ata Ullah, Mirza, 640 Atak (Attack), 209, 289, 506, 609 Atea(Atka) Khail, 646 Atga (Atka)Khan, 147, 374 Atish Karzai, 27 Atish K. Habshi, 305 Atish Khan Jan Beg, 305-308, 528, 547 Atit UlIah Khan, 682 Atit Timur, 743 Attack, 95, 405, 835 Auranggarh, 353, 579

853', Aurangzeb (Aurangzib), 4, 12, 33, 35, 44, 47, 49, 65, 69, 70, 72, 75, 76, 78, 79 81, 82, 106, Ul, 131,134, 136, 137, \140, 141,153,157, 165, 170,171,173, 175-177,191, 193, 194, 204, 211, 212, 218, 221, 222, 231, 235, 242, 244-246, 248, 250, 251, 254, 255, 258, 259, 264, 266, 268, 271-273, 278, 286, 292, 300, 303- 306, 308, 309, 311, 312, 314, 335, 339, 347, 352, 354, 355, 365, 366, 367, 381, 383, 388, 399 403-405" 407, 412, 424, 428, 437, 442, 443-445, 447-450, 459462 464, 470-473, 477, 484, 486, 497, 505, 510, 518-521, 528, 530, 532, 538, 541,542,551-554, 556,557, 563, 572, 577, 579,581,587, 588, 590, 591, 593, 596, 597, 601, 607, 610, 611, 613-615,617-619, 622,624629, 635, 640, 641, 652, 654-657, 659, 671-673, 677679, 681, 682, 687, 688, 700, 702, 713, 718, 719, 722, 723, 732, 734, 735, 750, 751, 757, 760, 764, 765, 769, 773, 774. 783, 784, 788-791, 805, 806, 809-811, 815, 817, 819, 827, 828, 835, 835, 837, 839 Aurangzeb's Rauza, 34 Ausa, 33, 781

"The Maa!hir-ul-Umara" Autad Muhammad, Saiyid, 839 Avis, 116 Awarif-u-I-Muarif, "281 Awas,558 Ayatu-I-kursi, 118 Ayinadar,251 ' Ayudya,585 Azad Husaini Wasiti 'Abdu-rRahman,608 Azad Wali, Shaikh Abdu-rRahman, 608 Azam (Azim) Khan Savaji, 314,801 Azam Shah, Muhammad, 665, 688 Azan, 42 Azarbaijan, 368, 389 Azdu-d-Daulah, 544 Azdu-d-Daulah 'Iwaz K. Bahadur Qaswara Jang (Lion of Battle), 308-311 Azhdar K., 178 Azim Aullya, 318 Azim Khan, 197 Azim K. Kola, 248, 311-314 544, 563 .Azim Khan Mir Muhammad Baqir, otherwise Iradat Khan 214, 268, 289, 293, 3I-5-319 341,457,494, 506, 571, 663, 664, 718, 731, 753, 756, 779, 792, 804 Azim Shah, Muhammad, Prince, 11, 174, 308, 407, 438, 443, 579 Azimu-d-Din, Prince, 111,271 Azimu-sh-Shah, Prince, Sultan, 236, 429, 444,600, 664, 775, 776 Aziz,577. 801,802 Aziz Khan Bahadur, 347 Aziz Koka M. Khan Azam, 319-334 Aziz-ud-Daulah, 675-677 Aziz-ud-din (name of Bahramand Khan), 365 Aziz-ud-din- (son of Bahramand Khan) 366 Aziz Ullah, 770 Aziz Uliah Khan, 334, 335 Aziz Ullah Khan (son of Khalil UlIah K. Yezdi), 335 Azmat, 800 Azmat Khan, 701 Azmat Ullah Bilgrami Bekhabar,713 Azuk,292 Azzu-d-Din, Prince, 429 Baba, 331 Baba Dost Bakhshi, 740 Baba Haji, Sahar, 682 Babahan,699 Babai Pir, 226 . Babai Turani, Khwaja, 589 Baba Khan, 335, 336 Baba Khan Qaqshal, 202, 333337, 349 Baba Mirak, 834 Babar, 98, 198 313 Baba Sani, 186 Babu Naik, 132 Babur, 169, 298, 322, 369, 371, 385, 569, 621, 636, 701, 705, 749, 762

'Index Babur, Mirza, 676 Badakhshan, 69, 13~, 177,178, 188, 189-192,235, 247,284, 297, 344, 356, 363, 368, 369, 402, 471, 495, 507, 509, 520, 524, 537, 551, 584, 600-605, 647-648,664, 667, 678, 679, 701, 727, 731, 767, 772, 775, 819, 822, 826, 833 Badakhshanat, 822 Badakhshanis, 584 Badakhshi, 135, 621 Badan, Malik 317 Badanpara-i-Bidi, 702 Badon Singh, 829 Badaward, Ganj, 218 Badfarosh, 420 Badgujar, 261 Badhona, 702 Badia, Mirza, 299 Bad-i-barut, 243 Badi Chand, 646 Badi, Mir. 827 Badin, 747 Badi Sultan, 822, 823 Badi 'uz-Zaman, 684 Badi 'uz-Zaman, Mirza, 281, 282, 684 Badlica, 499 Badr Bakhsh Januha (Janjua) 562 Badresa, 688 Badri, 230 Badri, S., 85 Badru, 530 Badshah Quli Khan, 680 Tahawwur Khan Badshahi, 158

855 Bagdad, 281, 468, 588 Bagh A 'zabad, 722 Bagh Begam, 23 Bagh CakaIthana, 215 (Caklthana) Bagh Gulshan, 773 Bagh Jamal, 773 Bagh, Mirza 617 Bagh Murad, 190,364 Bagh Nur, 722, 927 Bagh Shalamar (Shalimar) 770 Bagha, 724, 762 Baghamar, 557 Baghdad, 698, 699 Bagla Ghat, 498 Baglana, 98,131, 351-353, 398, 443, 445, 503, 558, 579, 615, 765, 766, 787, 826 Bahadur, 337 Bahadur Bachgoti, 785 Bahadur Chand, 768 Bahadur Dil, Mir 751 Bahadurgarha, 433, 588, 810 Bahadur Khan, 37, 39, 197, 199, 201-203, 691 Bahadur Khan (brother of Daud Khan Pani), 460 Bahadur Khan (son of Alif Khan), 132,461 Bahadur Khan, (son of Khizr Khan Pani), 458, 460, 461 Bahadur Khan title granted by Shah Jahan to Khan Bahadur Zafar Jang . KokaItash), 492, 508, 673, 697, 766, 775, 784, 785 Bahadur Khan (title of Daud Khan),458

856 Bahadur Khan (title of Ibrahim Khan),46J Bahadur K. Baqi Beg, 338-340 Bahadur Khan Gilani, 185 Bahadur Khan Lodi, 801, 802 Bahadur Khan Rohila, 340347, 495, 731, 801, 802 Bahadur Khan Shaibani, 134, 348-350 Bahadur K. Uzbeg, 351 Bahadurpura, 159, 786, 806 Bahadur Shah, Emperor, 9, 11,72,158,172, 174, 196, 197, 221, 231, 237, 251, 252, 258, 274, 306, 307, 367, 384, 388, 407, 438, 449,460,461,474,477, 504, 529, 542, 555, 591, 610, 614, 627, 630, 641, 642, 652, 656, 657, 663, 664, 665, 680, 681, 684, 709, 735, 776, 808, 815, 839, 840 Bahadur Shahnamah, 4 Bahadur Singh, 621 Bahadur Sultan, 445, 745 Bahadur'u-l-Mulk., 350 Bahalwan, 157 Bahar Ajam, 243 Bab;arawar, M. (M. Bihruz) 289 Baharji, 346, 351-354 Baha-ud-Daulah, 676 Baha-ud-Din, 299, 770 (Aslat Khan) Bahau-d-Din (Mir, son of Alam Shaikh) 308

"The Maii!bir-ul-Umara" Bahau-d-din (Shaikh, father of Abul.Khair K. Bahadur Imam Jang), 131 Bahau-d-din (Shaikh, father of S. Salim Chisti of Fathpur), 169 Bahau-d-Din (topachi, had the title of Baraqandaz Khan), 630 Zakariya Baha-ud-Din (Zikaria), 747 Bahlul Khan (Miyana) 215, 491,495,528,700,779,781, 801 Bahlul Khan (son of Ismail Khan Bahadur Pani), 702 Bahlul Khan, (title of Abdul Karim), 459, 491, 493 Bahlul, Shaikh, 87, 88, 90 Bahman Yar 354, 355 Bahr Mawwaj 629 Bahraich 397, 579, 715, 743, 815 Bahrm (son of Jahangir Quli Khan) 730 Bahram (Mirza, father of Bahramand Khan),. 365 Bahram Sultan (also Bahram) 64-70, 190 Bahramand Khad, 65, 252, 258, 365-368, 382, 449, 450, 760 Baharampura Khan (title of Munammad Taq!), 367,449 Bahtampura, 730 Bahrawar Khad, 576 Bahr~war, M., 289 Bahroji Sirkar, 419, 420 Bahu Begam, 686

Index Bahuda, 505 Bahwa, Saiyid, 505, 740 Baidapur, 802 Baikunth, 720 Bairagis, 809 Bairam, 87, 348, 369, 377, 569, 570, 600 Bairam Beg Turkaman, 59,60, Bairam Deo Solanki, 98 Bairam Khan Khan Khanan, 35, 36, 50, 64, 68, 89, 95, 133, 134, 145, 149, 196, 198, 199, 301, 368-378, 393, 465, 644, 645, 703, 740, 741,837 Bairam Mirza, 365 Bairam Qulij, 435 Bairam Shah, 352, 353 Baisanghar, M., 290 Baisanqar, 468 Baiswara, 156, 670, 683, 758 Baizavi, 117 Bajaur, 421, 509 Bajirao, 33, 441, 736, 777, 836 Bakawal Beg, 575, 606, 607, 690 Bakhyah Bagi, Bibi, 457 Bakhshanda Bakhsh, 278 Bakht Mal, 392, 393 Bakht Singh, 175 Bakhtan Beg, Ruzbihani, 305 Bakhtawar K., 4 Bakhtawar Khan, 674, 678 Bakhtiyar Khan, 816 Bakhtiyar Khan Deccani, 826, 827 Baksar (Buxar), 266

857 Balaghat, 57, 58, 176, 217, 272,285,317,451,484,498, 529, 530, 627, 687, 717, 732, 752, 753, 780, 781, 796,798 Balahwan, 794 Balaji (Balaji Rao), 18, 23, 433,676 Balandi, 40, 421 Balapur, 54, 58, 61, 417, 451, 608, 635, 652, 702, 731, 801, 833 Balasore, 206 Balawal, 326, 327, 729 Balbah, 56 Balbhadar, 458 Baldacus, 233 Baiju Qulij Shamsher Khan, 379, 380, 435 Balkhand, 237, 239, 240 Balkee, 21, 280 Balkh, 19,48, 68, 176, 177, 189, 190-192, 208, 209, 212, 222, 228, 235, 247, 344, 345, 355, 357, 359, 360, 362-365, 369, 380, 388, 403, 404, 468, 471, 495, 507, 509-511, 521, 531, 557, 580, 589,599, 605, 619, 627, 662, 664, 667, 679,690, 727, 731, 733,-767, 768,772,778, 819-822, 833, 835 Balkhu, 380 Balkonda, 239, 611 Balsana, 321 Baluch, lR8, 703, 717 Baluchistan, 386, 609, 633, 703, 818 Balukat, 344

'858 Balun Rathor, 234 Bamian (Bamiyan), 188, 380, 716 Banadar, 446, 456 BanaIkar, 750 Banarsi, 290, 749 Banda (Bandah), 614, 665 Bandalkand, 343 Bandar Abbas, 670 Bandar Lahari (Lari), 558, 559 Bandelkand, 381, 425 Bandhu (Bandu), 412, 793 Bandi, M .. 205 Bandila, 129 Bangala (Bangalah), 547, 656 Bangalore, 555 Bangang, 178 Bangarha, 196 Bangash, 157, 380, 640, 663, 741, 746 Banhatiyah, Jam, 745 Bani Shahdrug (Banishah Durg, 273, 703 Bani Shahgarh, 612, 613 Bankapur, 18, 205, 492 Banu, 338 Baqamhai gharur, 243 Baqi,363 Bat)i Beg, 381 Baqi Bi11ah, Khwaja, 587, 650 Baqi Khan, 351, 689 Baqi K. Celah Qalmaq, 103, 380,381,611,615 Baqi Khan Bayat Beg, 382384 Baqi Muhammad, 356, 359361

"The Maa!JJir-ul-Umara" Baqi Muhammad Khan, 148, 384, 385 Baqi Yuz, 821 Baqirabad. 386 Baqir Khan, Mir, 351 Baqir K. Najm Sani (Thani), 296, 385-388, 518, 714 Baqir, M. 331 Baqir. Mirza, 720 Bara Pula (Barapul and Barahpur), 276 Barah (Barha), 207, 524, 627, 677, 826, 835 Barahdari, 310 Barahmula (Baramula), 52, 489 Baramba, 423 Bareli (Bareilly 172. 195, 564 Bareli (Rai), 201 Barfi Koh, 438 Bargi, 58 Bargi-giri (Bargigiri), 796 Bargir kalamash, 62 Bari, 262, 381, 623 Bari Duab (Canal), 193 Bari Duab (tract), 313, 392, 665 Bari (Pari) Khan, 7R9 Barik Ali, 607, 833 Barkhurdar, 302, 389 392, 430 Barqandaz Khan, 640 Barquisera (Barke Serai), 123 Barada, 100, 493, 550, 707 Barumji alias Baru Mahi), 565 Barwani, 558 Barwa Sagar, 425 Basarat, 363

Index Bashawada, 456 Basrnat, 665 Basalat Khan, 750 Basalat Khan M. Sultan, 388, 389, 665 Basant, 270 Basantpur, 645 Basi (Bassein), 445 Basra (Bussorah), 559, 677, 698,699 Bassa (Pasha), 503, 699 Basu, Rajah (Raja), 233, 392394,407,413,623, 726, 732, 794 Baswant Rao, 766 Batak, S~laikh, 642 Batakzai, 641, 642 Batala, 4 Batiala, 120 Batoh (Batwa), 738 Batuzakl, 675, 676 Bauna, 353 Bawar, 668 Bayazid, (name of Baz Bahadur),394 Bayazid (son of Sulaiman Kararani), 692 Bayazid Bistami, Sultanu-lArifin, 92, 93 Bayazid Biyat, 457, 599 Bayazid Khan (brother of Husain Khan Khweshgi), 641 Bayazid Khan (father-in-law of Mustafa Khan), 643 Bayazid Khan (nephew of Daud Khan), 460 Baz Bahadur, 394-396

859 Baz Bahadur (title of Jahangir Quli Khan), 728 Bazarak, 313 Beas, 133, 462, 524 Bebadal, 399 Bebadal Khan Saidai Gilani, 294 Beerna, 273 Begams, 44 Begam Sahib, 261, 274 Begam Sahiba,9, 69, 261,295, 304, 512, 564, 615, 739, 782 Beg Babai, 519 Beglar Begi Khan, 825, 826 Beglar Khan, 399-401 Beglar Khan (title of Parvez Beg),205 Beglarnama, 583, 584 Beg Oghli, 191, 821 Behar, 336, 338, 379, 563 Belgaum, 115 Bellary, 419 Benaras, 136, 258, 305, 349, 379,434,442,452,456,496, 603,617,627,671,775,779 Bengal, 52, 60, 80, 84, 87, 105,107,136-140, 154, 173, 177,178,206-208, 210,211, 227, 231,242,266,274,283, 288, 289, 301. 305, 314, 318, 327, 335, 336, 379, 383,401,405,429,431, 432, 437,444,446,452,455,456, 462,474,476,478,496,497, 510,511,521-523. 530, 531, 537, 548, 550, 555, 562, 563, 580,600,617,622, 627,630, 647,649,653,656,660,667,

860

"The Ma3"lliir-ul-Umara'~

Index Bhik, 641 Bhikan, K. S., 462 Bhils, 236. 254, 761, 787 Bhilsa, 53,471,472, 487 Bhim, 403 Bhima, 491, 502, 790 Bhimbar, 290 Bhim Narain, 728, 757 Bhim, Rajah, 60, 417, 419, 455, 456, 730 Bim Sen, 4 Bhojbal, 669 Bhojpur, 103, 502 'Bhoj, Rai 408, 409 Bhojraj, 669, 781 Bhonslay, 703 Bhopal, 441 Bhugiyal, 758 Bhukiyal, 758 Bhunger (Bohonaghir), 306, 307 Biak, 39 Biana, 39, 88. 94, 134, 169, 599 Bibi Jiu, 722 Bica Jiu, 327 Bidar (Maharnudabad), 33, 42, 133, 181, 192, 204,230,280, 306, 317, 433, 475, 477, 530, 594,661, 772, 774, 784, 787, 815 Bidar (Bedar), 652 Bidar Bakht, Prince, 236, 437, 438, 539, 540, 590, 625, 645, 656, 664, 789, 810, 838 Bihar, 43, 48, 49, 66, 67, 88, 103, 107, 136, 178, 180, 200, 207-209, 236, 247, 266,

861 267,285, 305, 314, 318, 323, 327, 566, 389, 391, 405, 411, 429, 431, 436, 441, 446,452, 455,476,477,519,522, 564, 584, 616,619,622,627, 648, 658,671,693,715, 729, 730, 742, 814, 825, 826, 827, 831, 835 Bihara, 413 Bihara Mal, Rajah, 404, 409411,458,617, 724 Bihari (Biharimal) 409, 724, 727 Biharu Chand, 444 Biharpur Buriya, 312 Bihar Singh 593 Bihar Singh Bundela, Raja, 802 Bihat, 268, 407 Bihroz, Mirza, 289 Bijagarh, 64, 267, 396, 652, 781, 826 Bijai Singh, 640, 735 Bijai Singh (grandson of Maharaja Aji tSingh), 175 Bijai Singh (real) name of Raja Jai Singh Siwai),735 Bijan Sultan Lakzai, 675 Bijapur, 13, 33, 54 63, 76, 77, 79, 80, 85, 115, 121, 149, 151,165,171,172,181,205, 214,217,219, 226231,237, 255, 256, 269, 271, 273, 292, 293,296,308,309, 311, 315, 317,342,366,382,413,416, 420, 446, 460, 464, 471, 491, 492, 502, 526, 528, 531, 533, 534, 543, 547, 579, 580, 588,

668, 671, 680, 682, 683, 692- Bhagwant Singh (grandson of 694, 703, 709, 725-727, Raja Sujan Singh Bundela), 729, 730, 736, 748, 775, 776, 8S3 778, 795, 798,819,824, 831 Bhagwant Singh (Zamindar of Bengali, 126,208, 714 Karra Jahanabad), 112 Berar, 6, 15, 16, 18, 22,24, Bhagalpur, 305, 619, 648 31, 32, 54, 58, 64, 77, 78, Bhagirathi, 530 98, 130, 168, 176, 194, 207, Bhagironwal, 524 217, 231, 237-239, 309, Bhajja, 436 310,324,350,417,451,459, Bhakkar (Bhakar), 4, 7, 106-. 460,464, 474,484,529, 590, 134, 187, 253,462, 575, 582, 591, 594. 596,620, 652, 664, 704, 709, 717, 745, 748, 784, 817-819 670,686, 708, 718, 719, 731, 761,781, 782, 793, 794, 801, Bhalki, 21, 296, 317, 341,433, 805, 816, 826, 836, 887 Bhamber, 632 Bernier, 448 Bhandair (Bahnder), 343, 668,. Beschan (Vishnu), 736 802 Besul, 353 Bhaner, 632 BethaI Das Gaur, Rajah, 68, Bhanpura. 505 233,263,401-404, 521, 682, Bhao Begam, 690 800, 809, 812 Bhao Rathor, 234 Bettiah, 208 Bhao Singh Hara, Rao, 405407 Betu (Bethu), 718 Bhara, 689 Bhabha, 699 Bharatha Bandila, Rajah, 407,. Bhadarkot, 488 408,471 Bhadrak, 725 Bharatpur 674, 789, 827 Bhadawar, 441, 828 Bhartrihari's Centuries, 603 Bhaduriyas, 145 Bhartrihari's Gumpha, 603 Bhagwan Rai, 442 Bhaskar Pandit, 207 Bhagwant Das, Rajah, 393, Bhat, 420, 423 394,404,405,410,411,487, Bhata,33 679, 703, 762, 954 Bhath, 737 Bhagwant Singh (brother of Bhati, 649,727 Rao Bhao Singh Hara), 406 Bhatti, 467 Bhagwant Singh (father of Bhaturi, 269, 732, 753, 832 Rajah Gopal Singh (hur), Bhawan, 647 593 Bhera, 736

862 589, 594, 595,610,611,619, 620,626,661,663,667, 673, 694, 700, 734, 742, 743, 750, 753, 764, 765, 780, 783, 785, 788, 789, 793, 794, 809, 828, 832 Bijapuris, 580, 589, 774, 828 Bijli, 779, Bijllaur (Bijnor), 177, 677 Bikaner, 234, 245, 373, 570, 725, 747, 764, 765, 835 Bikram, 609, Bikramajit, Rai Rayan (Rajah), 64, 99, 100, 412419,451, 726 Bikramajit, Rajah 411,412 Bilal, 536 Bildar, 344 Bilgram, 31, 32, Bilqis, 515 Biluchpur, 418 Bindhasni, 442 Bindeshwari Devi, 442, Bindraban, 79,382 Bir, 106, 123, 217, 316, 475, 504, 772, 793, 801 Bir Bahadur, Rajah, 419, Birbar (Birba]) Rajah, 243,414,415,420-425, 837 Birbhum, 405 Birgaon, 342 Birmbhat, 423 Bir Narayan, 262, 263 Bir Sagar, 425 Bir Sah, 38

"The Maatbir-ul-Umara'" Bir Singh Deo Bandila, Rajah, 407,411,412,423-425, 442, 471, 756 Biryah,816 Bishan Singh (father of Raja Jai Singh Siwai) 735 Bishan Singh (grandson of Ram Singh) 592 Bishan Singh, Kuar, 594 Bishanpur, 405, 406 Bishan Singh, 407 Bishotan, 66, 67 Bistai, 92 Biswapatan, 487 Biswas Rao 23 Biyan Khan, 425 Biyas, 621, 652, 688 Biyutat, 66, 231, 260, 390" 476, 485, 547 Black Sheep, 368 Bohra (Bohara), 73, 78, 86,. 638 Bokhara, 21, 191, 209, 298, 304, 320, 356, 357, 363, 505,. 511, 521, 524, 526, 556, 605, 740, 744, 820, 821 Bola, 408 Bolaqi Begam, 136 Bombay, 11<, 217, 230, 705,. 765 Bondela, 403, 406 Borah,79 Boudier, Father, 735 Brahma, 730 Brahmanabad, 747 Brahmapura, 273 Branding and Verification, 66,

Index Brimhapooree, 273 Brindaban, 425 Broach, 53, 706, 707 Buchanan, 102 Budagh K. Shah, 349 Budai Chand, Raja, 647 Budaun, 195 Budh Chand, 420, 421 Budha Singh, 407 Budhnagar, 404 Budhnur, 764 Budrukh (Budgrook), 446 Bulagi,743 Bulaqi, 291, 292, 688 Bulaqi, Sultan, 564, 811, 812 Bulaqi Begam, 136 Bulas, 306 Bulghur Khanas, 638 Bul1ubghur, 276, 277 Buloo, 234 Bundela (Bundila), 442, 457, 682, 683, 728, 802 Bundelkhand, 442, 683 Bundi, 405, 407, 408, 409 Burdwan, 158, 522 Burhan, 705 Burhan Nizam Shah, 54, 115, Burhanpur, 5,25, 34, 35, 47, 56, 57, 58, 60, 78, 100, 115, 119, 120, 122, 149, 151, 158, 160, 167, 194, 214,216,219, 231, 232, 253,265, 268, 269, 270, 285, 294, 300, 303, 310, 315, 32 1, 329, 369, 378, 379, 388,391,396,401,417,443, 446,451,452,457,460,464, 468, 530, 532, 533, 534, 537, 550, 554, 579, 651, 652, 668,

863

457, 420 107, 704,

682, 685, 686, 695, 696, 714, 717,720,728,734,746,749, 750, 752, 753, 764, 779, 781, 783, 78~ 786, 787, 792, 796799, 802, 804, 805, 807, 826, 828, 832, 833, 834, 839 Burhan Qati, 45, 315, 368 Burhan Shah, 113, 114, 534 Burhanu-d-din, 553-555 Burhan-ud-din Gharib, 310 Burhan-ud-dm Qalandar, 205 Burhan-ud-din Raz Ilahi Shah,. 265 Burhanu-l-Mulk-Sa'adat Khan,_ 425,428 Budya, 312, 667 Burj Ali, 199 Burke, 16 Bussy, M., 17, 19,20, 23, 25" 26,27 Bust, 49, 667, 726 But Ashrafi, 6 Butkhana, 739 Buyutat, 815 Buzurg, 445 Buzurg Umed Khan, 428,429, 629 Buzurgumedpur, 428 Cabila Ram Nagar, Rajah, 429, 430, 601, 655, 808, 840 Cabul, 370 Caghaman, 370 Caghata, 123, 156, 297, 388" 513 Caghatai Barlas, 204 Caghatai K., 410 Cahal rawati, 127

-"-'~ . .

-_..

"1
864 Cahal Zina, 469 Caklthana (CakalthaJ1a), 215 Calcutta,46,47 Calicut, 598 Caliph,568 Caliphate, 270, 640 Calma Beg, Khan 'Alam, 43032 Camargonda, 217 Comba1, 129, 505 Camday, 55, 78, 143, 320,609, 616, 738 Campanir, 83, 142 Campat Bandija, 103,381,443, 472 Canda, 103, 502 Candan, 367 Canda, Rao, 506-508 Candargarha, 433 Candar Sen, Rajah, 433, 434 Candaur, 53, 557 Cand (Chand) Bibi, Sultan, 54, 56, 120 Candrawat, 505 Candwar, 520 Candi, 339 Carbilli, 163 Carju, 261 Carnatic, 111, 167, 194, 598, 687 Carnatic Haidarabad, 84, 85, 460, 702 Carqab,68 Caspian,45 Catra, 381 Causa, 266 Chaghatai, 347, 377 Chait Singh, 267 Chakla, 673, 808 "The Maathir-ul-lJ mara" Chakla Bareilly, 680 Chakla Eminabad, 160 Chakla Muradabad, 808 Chakna (Chakan), 684 Chaldiran, 772 Chalisgaon, 102, 457 Chal Kalanah, 827 Chamarkunda, ~68 Chambal, 729,800, 812, Champanir, 707 Champat Bundila (Bundela), 343, 683, 829 Chamyari, 814 Chanada (Chanda), 343, 406, 540, 686, 687, 765, 827 Chanartus, 741 Chandar Sen, 646, 737 Chand, Shaikh, 756 Chandor, 669 Chandpur, 677 Chand Sultan, Queen, 534 Chandu, 747 Chandwar, 741 Chanhat, 267 Charikar, 580, 701 Charikaran (Charikar), 135, 701, 767 Charkhi, 829 Charjama, 70 Chatra,425 Chtatr Bhoj, 695 Chatr Bhoj Chauhan, 7G9 Chauk,225 Chaurasi, 580 Chausa,730 Chauth (Chaut), 132, 633 Chawashan, 743 Chenab (Cinab, Chinab) 313, 489, 621

I
Index Chengiz Khan, 706 Chhatardawar, 387 Chibh, 758 Chicacote, 20, 26 Chinapatan, 555 Chingez Khan, (Khwaja Mirak of lsfahan), 816 Chingez Khan (of Gujarat), 84 Chingiz Hati, 290 Chinpat, 267, 268 Chini Ka Rauza, 153 Chira, 556 'Chiraghchi, 728 Chisht, 42, 642 Chitor (Chittor), 39, 40, 164, 235, 244, 264, 505, 507, 514, 646,667,733,761-763, 786, 819, 829 'Chittagong, 305, 428, 694 Chobdar,30 Chopra, 530, 557, 787 Chota Nagpur, 715 Chunar, 37, 88, 138, 349, 628, 721, 827 Churagarh, 38, 472, 584, 661, 714, 728, 757, 793 Churaman Jat, 735 Cinapatam, 27 Cingiz, 504, 564, 568,621, 743 Cingiz K., 172, 396 Cin Qulij, Mirza, 434, 435 Cintapur, 353 Circassian, 404 Cita K., 56 Cital, 598 Citkuba, 317 Citur, 411 -Codanda, 648 865 Condore 27 Constantinople, 698 Cossacks, 208, 277, 451 Cuddapa, 492 Cuddapah, 272, 461 Curagarh, 103 Curaman Jat, 426, 436-442 Cutch, 318 Cuttack, 156, 658 Dabil, 747 Dabistan, 603 Dacca, 156, 563, 658, 659 Dadi,386 Dagh-u-tashiha,66 Dahbid, 360 Dahina Jadu, 589 Dak Chauki, 838 Dakhil, 283 Dakhin Gang, 549 Dakhliya, 376 Dalawa, 237 Dalpat Bhurith Rao, 725 Dalpat Bundila, Rao, 272, 442-446, 766 Dalpat Singh, 593 Dalpat Ujjaini (Ujjainiya), 267, 389 Dam (s), 765 Daman, 445 Daman-i-Koh, 195, 726 Damdama, 838 Damtur, 108 Dana, Shah, 172 Danatji, 718 Dandes, 56, 159 Dandi Rao, 934 Danduqa, 608, 609 Daniel, Shaikh, 116

866 Daniel, Sultan, Prince, 48, 56, 120, 121, 122, 128, 136, 169, 179, 290, 291, 292, 423, 465, 548, 795, 812 Danishmand Khan, 241 446448, 699, 835 '

"The Maa!hir-ul-Umara'"

Index 536,547, 550, 590, 613, 635, 669,717,719,728,732,751, 752, 764, 765, 780, 781, 795, 797, 801, 802, 804, 829, 833, 834 Daulatabadi, 629 Daulat Khan, 688 Daulat Khan Lodi, 51, 55, 464-467, 795 Daulat Khan Mayi, 325, 467471, 872 Daulatmand K., 393 Daur, 338 Dau-s-Salab, 141 Dawai, 173 Dawar Bakhsh, Sultan, 269, 279, 290, 291m 331, 549, 798, 799, 811 Dawat,85 Daya Bahadur, 430 Daya Ram. 429 Debi Das, 665, 666 Debi Singh Banjila, Rajah, 408,471, 472 Deccan, 3, 14-16, 20, 32, 33, 36,45,66, 71,98, 99, 100, 103, 108, 122, 123, 127, 150, 155,158,165,167,172,173, 177,178, 179, 181,185,188, 204-206.218, 221-223, 225, 227,230, 232, 234, 235, 237, 239,242,254,264,274,290, 303,305-307, 310, 316, 318, 320, 324, 329, 341, 350, 352, 353, 354, 366, 368, 388, 394, 396, 398, 401-403, 413, 416. 417,418,423-426,430, 433, 437-439, 442, 443, 446, 449,

867 450-453,456, 457, 459'461, 464-466, 471-478, 480-487, 591, 492, 494, 495, 500, 502508, 510, 517, 518, 520, 521, 528-531, 533, 535-537, 542544, 549, 550, 555, 557, 567, 570, 571, 573, 576-578, 580, 586, 588, 592, 593, 593, 597, 600,602,607,610.614,617, 619, 622,623,626-628,631635, 638, 640, 644, 650, 651, 652, 661, 663-665, 670, 674, 677,680-686, 689, 693-695, 700,710.711, 717, 718-720, 714, 725, 728, 730-736, 742, 743,750-757, 763, 764, 771, 772, 774, 776, 779, 180, 782787, 790, 792, 794, 796-799, 801, 803, 805, 806,809, 811, 816, 817. 819,822, 826-829,. 831, 832-837, 839 Deccani, Mirza, 120 Deeg, 684 Deg, 440, 674 Delhi, 15, 16, 18, 19, 45-47, 55, 61, 72, 83, 14 , 169, 179, 195, 208, 248, 265, 279, 295, 296, 311, 348, 368, 372, 374, 376,384,399,400,402,410, 413,414,427,440,442,448, 462,482, 505, 521, 525, 526, 554,555,575,577,5<1,587, 591,600,610,617,624,627629, 631, 633, 634, 644, 646, 650,655,670,672, 674-677, 688,690,691, 701, 705, 714, 715, 722,727, 733, 734, 736,

Daru-I-khilafa, 449 Darvesh Muhammad, 594, 595 Darya Khan RohilIa, 36, 102, 150, 340, 341, 455-457, 376,629,728, 798, 801-803 Daniyal, Sultan, Prince, 742 , Dasna, 675 755, 796, 812 Dastam Khan, 458, 459 Darab Khan, 112, 448-450 Dastgah: 258 Darab, Khan Mirza Darab, Dataji, 718 59, 63, 64, 417, 489, 450-453 Data (Datta) Sardar, 677 Darab, M., 550 Datia, 425, 615 Dara Shikoh, Prince, Sultan, Datya, 615 4,35, 36, 45,46,49, 65, 81, Daud, 80, 194, 648, 819 136, 137, 192, 194, 204, 212, Daud, 195, 196, 228 223, 233, 235, 242, 245, Dauda, Rao, 506 264, 292, 239, 303, 304, Daud Khan, 238, 388, 458311, 312, 338, 339, 355, 403462,631-633, 785 405, 428, 447, 449, 462, 471, Daud Khan Kararani (Karani), 472, 486, 496, 508, 510, 512, 431, 432, 831 518, 520, 521, 551, 563, 577, Daud Khan Pathnai, 171 578, 58\ 590, 617, 618, 628, Daud Khan Qoreshi (Qureshi), 640, 652, 654, 661, 662, 667, 462-464, 493, 805 670, 671-670, 679, 680, 683, Daudnagar, 464 686, 696, 697, 722, 727, 732- Daudputras, 818, 819 734, 751, 754, 755, 758, 763, Daud Shaikh, 818 765, 766, 768, 769, 770, 774, Daudzai, 386, 455 775, 784, 785, 794, 805, 807, Daulat, (a musician & gover819, 828, 829, 835 nor of the fort of Bijapur), Dara Shikohi, 685 595 Darb:ir, 765 Daulat (of Kot Bharta), 10, Darbar, K., 453-455 26 Darbhanga, 137, 564 Daultabad, 21, 22, 29, 31m Dardangarha, 540 32m 34, 98, 102, 106, 113, Dar fanah, 613 167, 168, 179, 193,214,215, Darogha, 834 217, 218, 232, 303, 316, Darshan, 829 433, 450, 451, 457, 469, Daru-I-insha, 556 473, 490, 491, 506, 532, 533-

~1

868 744, 745. 748, 755, 776, 777, 778, 784, 785, 799. 800, 804, 813, 819, 820, 833, 839, 840 Deogarh (Deogarha), 300, 502, 596, 597, 686, 728, 736, 766, 782 Deola Khatra, 590 Deosa (also Deosah), 410 Deo Sultan, 454 Dera Ghazi Khan, 818 Descartes, 448 Deshmukhi, 112, 633 Despandya (Despande), 77 Desuha, 415 Deulaghat, 590 Dev-Afkan, 485 Devalgaon (Dewalgaon), 316, 801 Devalgaon Raja, 719 Devanagari, 548 Devapur, 255 Devgarh, 782 Devi Das, 737 Dewal Khiyat, 590 Dhadhar (Dadar), 784 Dhahjrah, 748 Dhaka, 694 Dham, 350 Dhamim-ul-ausaf, 653 Dhamturi Janu, 647 Dhamuni, 102, 103, 232, 287, 700, 757, 781 Dhanaji Jadun, 433 Dhandera, 402, 682 Dhanderi,612 Dhanduka, 608 Changer, 419 Dhankot, 312

"The Maa!bir-ul-Umara"
INDEX

86~'

Dhanpur, 689 Dhar, 83, 131, 723 Dhara, 668 Dharangaon, 802 Dharap (Dharab), 450, 669 Dharasin, 482, 794 Dharmat, 766, 774, 784, 827 Dharur, 482 Dharwar, 18, 316, 317, 598, 794, 801 Ohat, 669, 767, 768, 792, 793 Dhirai 735 Dholka, 608 Dholpur, 150, 304, 410, 455, 462, 467, 762, 769, 792, 800, 812 Dhuki, 580 Dhulfaqar Beg, 632 Dhu1faqar-ud-Daulah Qaim Jang, 826 Dhurpad,737 Dhu-un-Nun, Amir (Mir), 744 Dianat Khan, 13, 14, 472475, 674 Dianat Khan (title of Mir Ali Naqi), 14,475-483, 555,635 Dianat Khan (title of Hakim lamala Kashi), 484,485 Dianat Khan (title of Muhammad Husain Dasht Biyazi), 485, 486, 749 Dianat Khan Qasim Beg, 99, 109, 483, 484 Dianat Rai Nagar, 153 Dig, 488 Dihari, 120 Dikdar, 645

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I

Diklur, 408 Di!ail Firuzshahi, 417 Dilawar, 347 Dilawar Ali Khan, Saiyid, 635, 701, 702 Diiawar Khan (Jamadar), 307 Dilawar Khan Abdul Aziz 486 Dilwar Khan Kakar, 487-490, 736 Dildar, 657 Dil Dilawar K, 487 Diler Ali, 154 Diler Dil Khan, 840 Diler Jang, 72, 642, 643 Diler Khan, 718 Abdu-r-Rauf Diler Khan Miyana, 491-493 Diler Khan Barha, 493-495 Diler Kh n Daudzai, 154, 339, 347,406,443,495-505, 665, 686, 718, 765, 766 Dinawar, 368 Dindar Khan, 162 Dindar Khan (of Bokhara), 505, 740 Dinkot, 312, 313 Din Laqab, 741 Din Muhammad (Shaikh of Sindh), 817 Din Muhammad (son of Yar Muhammad), 357, 360 Dipalpur, 134, 319, 709 Divali, 126, 800 Divan (Diwan, Dewan), 127, 252,253, 719 Divine Era, 546 Diwan-i-Tan, 666 Diyanat Khan, 639 Diya-Ullah Khan, 682,719

eohad, 613 Dohoni,580 Dola, 631 Dolatabad, 469 Dongarpur, 837 Dost Muhammad, 824 Duda, 408 Dudayan, 386 Dughlats, 636 Duhak, 716, 768 Duhra (Dohra), 420 Dutah Rai, 267 Dulqa, 608, 609 Dumraon, 389 Dun, 768, 769 Dundi Khan, 195, 196 Dungarput, 394, 706 Dupleix, 20 Durga Bhavani, 415 Durga Das, 588, 640 Durga Das, Rai, 332 Durga Sisodia. Rai, 505-509 DUJ'gavati, Rani, 37, 394 Durjan Sal, 728, 837 Durjan Singh Kuar, 594 Durrani, Shah, 72, 138, 195,.. 592, 676, 677 Durranfans, 676 Dusserah, 126, 407 Dutch, 132, 233 Duvanagar, 572, 573 Dwarka, 325 Dwarka Dail, 526 Earth, 538 Egypt, 558 Eilgunda1 (E1gandal), 306 Ekataz Khan 'Abdullah Beg', 509-511

'870 Ektash Khan, 773 Elichpur, 22, 324, 590, 597, Ellara (Ellorah), 53, 783 Eminabad, 163 English, 598, 677, 869, "1047, 1067, Erich, 340 Etah,687 Etawah, 348, 408, 808, 823 Fadil (Fazil), 437,618 Fadl UlIah Shaikh, 804 Faghfuri Gilani, 583 Fahim, 64, 65 Faidabad, 560, 690 Faidabad (known as Mukhlaspur or Mukhlispur), 581, 828 Faid Qadiri, 808 Faidi, 737 Faizi Fiyazi, 27, 28, 42, 52, 108, 118, 226, 326, 333, 513518, 544, 545, 567 Faiz Ul1ah Khan, 449, 512, 513, 700, 838 Faiz Ul1ah Khan (Ali Muhammad Khan Rohila's son) 195 Faizyab Khan, 579 Fakhir Khan, 388, 518, 519 Fakhranisa B., 136 Fakhr Khan Najm Sani, 355 Fakhr-un-Nisa Begam, (daughter of Mah Cucak Begam), 135 Faudarsag, 45 Faqir Ali, Mir, 87 Faqir Ullah Khan, 539

"The MaatJ]ir-ul-Umara" Fagrai, 193 Faguir, 291 Farah, 117 Farakhabad, 138 Fardapur, 114, 115, 532, 590, 720, 787 Farhad, 188, 548 Farhad Khan, 533, 833 Farhang Jahangiri, 743 Farhang Khan, 519, 520 Farhat Khan Khasa Khail, 147 Farid, (half brother of Amin Khan) 236 Farid (son of Khan Zaman), 804 Faridabad, 526 Farid AHar, 87 Farid Bakhshi, 121, 327, 330, 537,623 Farid Rhakari, 7, 105 Farid Bokhan. I QS, 351, 415, 467,521-527,548,609,659 Farid Fathpuri, 520, 521, 754 Farid Sahib, 811 Farid Shaikh, 740 Farid Shakr Ganj, 169, 319 Faridu-d-din Ganjshakar 33, 131 Faridun Khan Barlas, 527, 528 Farji, 100 Farkhanda-Buniyad, 720, 721 rarmanbari,696 Farrukhabad, 573, 676, 677, 761 Farrukh Siyar, 72, 73, 111, 112,166,174,237,240,258,

INDEX

871 Fath Ul1ah (son of Hakim Abu-I-fath), 109, 110 Fath UlIah (son of Mirza Isa Tarkahan), 690 Fath UlIah Khan Bahadur (Alamgirshahi), 273, 363, 537-542 Fath Ul1ah Khwajagi, 536, 537 Fath UlIah Shirazi, 226, 543546 Fathyab Jang, 611 Fathyab K, 579 Fatima Begam, 355 Fatu Khan, 37 Fatwa, 96 Fautas, 726 Fayaz Ajam, 516 Fazal, 246 Fazail Khan Mir Hadi, 546548 Fazil, 33 Fazil K, 193, 550-553, 623, 662, 670, 722, 769 Fazil Khan, (Buhanu-d-din), 553-555 Fazal Khan (name Aga Afza1 of Ispahan), 270, 548-550, 798,799 Fazil Khan (Shaikh Mukhdum Sadr), 559 Fazilpura, 425, Fazal Ul1ah Bokhari, 556-558 Fedai Khan, 311-314, 559-563 Fedai Khan (title of Mir ZariO, 558, 559 Fedai Khan Muhamnad Salih, 314, 563, 564 Ferghana, 65, 821

1
i
I

309. 388, 425, 426, 429,433, 439,450,478, 600, 630,631, 634, 639, 642, 666, 688, 735, 776, 808 Fara, 565 Farsakh, 187 Faruqi Hanifi, 657 Faruqi, Shaikh, BI, 425 Farwardin, 220, 546 Farzana Begam, 722 Farzand, 132 Fasi rabi, 344 Fasl-u1-Khitab, 77 Fat (Mota) Raja, 571 Fatawa-i-Alamgiri, 619 Fathabad, 170, 191, 524, 778 Fathabad Dharwar, 317 Fath Dost, 41 \ Fath Gate, 425 Fathiyah lbratiyah, 498 Fathiyyah, 4 Fath Jang, 239, 338, 710 Fath Jang Ibrahim Khan, 792 Fath Jang Khan Miyana, 528, 529 Fath Jang K. Rohil1a, 529432 Fath Khan, 214, 498, 504 Fath Khan Patni (Pani), 200 Fath Khelda, 718 Fath Ma'mUf, 504, 505 Fathpur, 101, 169, 170, 202, 288, 320, 323, 622, 634, 635636, 649, 653, 693, 816 Fathpur Hanswa, 759 Fathpur Sikri, 283, 568, 604 Fath Singh, 238, 239

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872 Feringhi, 20, 24, 207, 444, 446 Ferishta, 3, 45, 54, 113-116, 133, 181,202, 278, 373,416, 765 Fidai Khan, 657 Fikirya, 193 Firdus Aramgah, 9, 601 Firdus Ashiyani, 11, 603, 604 Firdus M akani, 8 Firman, 570 Firuzabad, 189 Firuz Baba 596 Firuzgarha, 589 Firuz Jam, 745 Firuz Jang, 57,97,98, 102-104 392, 592, 667, 674 Firuz Jang (title of Ghaziu-dK. Bahadur), 33, 71, 192, 236, 280, 587, 588, 590, 591, 610, 619, 809, 838 Firuz Jang (title of Rustum Khan Muqarrab Khan). 338 Firuz Khan (the eunuch), 291, 564, 565 Firuz KRan (Saiyid), 668 Firuz K., 65 Firuz Mewnti, 668 Firuzpur, 808 Firuz Shah, 78, 143, 414, 416, 634, 744 Pitarat, 419 Francisco Pareira de Silva, 428 Franks, 326 French, 17, 19, 27, 390, 446, 778,819 Frenchmen, 280 Fulad, M, 565, 566

"The Maa!bir-in-Umara" Fulad, Mirza, 565-568 Fulful, 387 Fulk-u-mulk, 141 Gadai Afghan,123 Gadai Kambu, Shaikh, 568570 Gadai, Mir, 144 Gagraun, 82, 146 Gahlot, 761 Gajmoti, 781, 782 Gajdiwan, 772 Gajpati, 494, Gajpati, Rajah, 520 Gaj Singh, 766 Gaj Singh, Rajah, 232, 401, 570-572, 725, 754 779 Gakkhars (Gak-hars), 133, 759, 760 Galen, 184 Galgala, 231 Galna, 214, 353, 537, 538, 623 Gambhir 636 Gandak, 431, 767 Gandamak, 314, 519 Ganesh, Rajah, 374 Ganges, 178 (Ban Gang river) Ganges (Ganga river),138, 154,199-201, 266, 332, 339, 349, 379, 428, 431, 441, 455, 463, 572, 574,659,676, 697, 721,768 Ganges (Godavari river), 742~ Gang Kafn, 594, Ganj,286 Ganj 'Ali Khan, 186 193, 470, 572

Index Ganj Badaward, 218 Ganj Siwai (Gaj Siwai), 446 Gardia, 27 Garez Jang, 99 Garh, 33, 38, 324 343, 344, 394, 757 Garh Katanka, 385, 757 Garh Muktesar, 645 Garh Pathli, 304 Garh Patli, 175, 602 Garhi, 52, 323, 452, 648 Garhi 72 Garjisian, 322 Garmisir, 740 Garshasp, Sultan, 292, 811 Gassendi, 448 Guhati 668 Gaur (old capital of Bengal), 301, 336, 795 Gaur (a Rajput tribe), 401 Gaur Dhannagar, 574 Gaur Ohan Suraj Dhwaj, 130, 572-574 Georgian 812 Gesu, Mir, of Kurasan, 575, 576 Ghairat K, 338 Ghairat Khan (Khwaja Kamgar), 576, 577, 670, Ghairat Khan (son of Husain Khan Barah), 640, 641 Ghairat K. (Ghairat Khan Saiyid), 426, 637, 771 Ghairat Khan Muhammad Ibrahimm. 577-579 Ghajdawan 385 Ghakar. 145 Ghakkar, 163

873
Ghani.697 Gharibkhana, 313 Ghat Rohangir, 114 Ghati Canda, 123, Ghati Daultabat. 122 Ghaus, M., 90 Ghausiyat, 91 Ghazanfar Khan, 580-582, 640 Ghazi, 757 Ghazi (Mirza, son of Mirza Jahi Beg), 351, 689, Ghazi Beg, 351, 582, 583 Ghazi Khan, 133 Ghazzi Khan, Badakhshi, 43, 583-587 Ghazi K. Sur, 599 Ghazi Khan Tanur (Tannri). 37 Ghazi Khan Wajih, 703 Ghazipur, 178, 200, 372. 721' Ghaziu-d-din K., 593, 674 Ghaziu-d-din K. Bahadur Firuz Jang, 443, 538. 587592 Ghaziu-d-din K. Bahadur Firuz Jang (Amir-ul-Umara) 11, 280, 592, 593 Ghazni, 88, 187, 209, 213. 701, 716, 740, 746, 758 . Ghiasu-d-din (grandfather of Abu Turab Gujrati), 142 Ghiasu-d-din Malik (ruler of Heart),36 Ghilzai, 777 Ghiyas Beg, 67 Ghiyasu-d-din (Ali Asaf Khan Bakhshi), 280-283, 288

'874 Ghiyasu-d-din Mansur Shirazi, 543 Ghiyasu-d-din (Ghiyath-udDin) Tarkhan, 156 Gholam Ali, 229 Ghoraghat. 335 Ghorband, 297 'Ghori, 260, 580, 767, Ghulam All Azad, 3,5, 9, 10, 25, 28, 30, 31 Ghulam Ali Khan, 690 Ghulam Husain, Mir, 687 Ghulam Muhammad. 235 Ghulam Mustafi Kartalab Khan Shaikh, 808 'Ghulam Shah, 819 Ghulam Rida, 670 -Ghur, 716 Ghurband, 664 Ghuri, 609 Gilan, 107 Gingee, 194, 272, 366, 446, 460, 589, 598, 702 <Jirami, 13, Giranbar, 183 Girdhar Bahadur, Rajah, 430, 601, 635 'Girdhar Das, 403 Girih, 62 Girishk, 334 -Girjhak N andana, 562 Girna,353 Giru, 540 Goa, 71, 413, 445, 536, Gobind Das Bhati, 830, Godak, 115 'Godavari, 67, 120, 142, 179, 316,317, 451, 594, 801

"The Maa!bir-ul- Umara" Godeheu, 20 Godrah (Godhrah), 495 Goharara Begam, 294 Gohar-un-Nisa, 741 Golconda, 24, 30, 70, 79, l C3, 111,194,254,257,272,434, 557,568, 596, 597,652, 766, 774,781, 789, 809, 827, 831, Gondah, 103 Gonds, 37, 103, 757, 782 Gondwana, 37, 103. 757, 782, 801 Gopal Das, Raja 830 Gopal Singh (son of Munrup) 725 Gopal Singh (son of Muhakam Singh) 508, 509 Gopal Singh Gaur, Rajah, 593,594. Gopal Singh Hindupat Mahinder Rajah. 594 Gopamau,16 Gorakhpur, 67, 137.312, 313, 562, 563, 626, 692 Goshpech, 715 Govardhan, 267 Govardhan, Raj, 332 Govind Das, 425 Graven, 20 Gudhar Sami, 654 Gujerat (Gujarat), 34, 40, 5153' 59, 63, 74,78,80,83, 84, 86, 88-92, 98, 100. 106, 108, 116, 134, 142-144, 150, 158,163,170,174,175,180, 185,244,245, 269, 281, 282, 285. 291, 304, 315, 318, 322, 324,325,329 331,334,335,

Index 338,352,369, 373, 374, 387, 390, 396, 400, 404, 413, 429, 445,457,460,465,475,493495, 505,510, 513, 523-526, 534. 544, 650, 569. 575, 579, '591, 600-602,601,610, 616, 617,632.647,654,658,689, 690, 694, 704, 705. 707, 727, 729, 730, 738, 739, 745, 747, 749, 755, 757, 762, 763, 776, 785, 796, 798, 799, 811, 825, 837 Gujar K., 432 (Jujranwala 160 GuL Mirza, 819 'Gulalbar, 257 Gulbadan Begam, 813 Gulbarg, 371 'Gulbarga, 171, 205, 610, 684 Gulbihar,189, 297 Gulgaz, 133 Gulshanabad, 131, 168,445, Gulshan Ibrahimi, 3 Guljar-i-Abrar, 91 (Jumti, 49, 318, (Junna Begam, 677 Gurdaspur, 393 Gurgani tables, 546 (Juru, 438 'Gwalior, 85, 88, 89, 111, 219, 232, 245, 258, 274, 314, 329, 334,369,483,534.550,564, 614,647,681, 704759, 774, 783, 792, 794 Habib ArdistanL 207 Habib Chak, 715

875

Habid Ullah, Shah, 772 Habsh K., 266 Habsh Khan, 594-596 Hada, 409 Hadhiq, Hakim, 604-606 Hadi Dad Khan, 597,652, 661 Hadi, K., 253 Hadiqatu-l-Aqalim., 45 Hadis l 42, 86 Hafiz, 619 Hafiz Khan, 684 Hafiz-ud-Din (Khan), 131, 839 Hafiz Ullah Khan, 611 Hafiza Maryam, 681 Haft Chauki. 253 Haft Hazari, 7, 8 Haft Iqlim, 3, 128 Haft Kishwar, 515 Haft Paikar, 515 Haidar, 620 Haidar, Mir, 636, 637 Haidar, M., 389 Haidar, Mir, 516, 687 Haidar, Mirza, 87, 450, 636, 767 Haidarabad, 17, 18, 20,23,24, 26, 30-32, 45, 70, 71, 72, 7~ 79,84, 137, 171, 194, 226, 240, 241, 244, 254, 255, 265, 279,280,307, 310, 382, 425, 459-461, 474, 489, 491, 492, 503, 548, 557. 589, 594, 663,681, 696,702, 718, 719, 721, 751,785,788,809, 811, 829

I
J

876 Haidarabad, Karnatik, 132, 372,446 Haidar Ali K. 478 Haidar Ali Khan Bahadur, 597, 598 Haidar Beg, 719 Haidrians, 128 Haidaris, 712 Haidaris Saiyids, 308 Haidar Jang, 23-27, 30 Haidar Muhammad Khan Akhta Begi. 599, 600 Haidar Qasim Kohbar, 135 Haidar Quli Khan Mu'izzu-dDoulah, 166 237,309,430, 475, 600-602. 635, 636, 638, Haidar Sultan Ozbeg Shaibani, 197 Haidar Zai, 128 Rajabat, 65, 696 Rajaj, 165 Haji Habib UlJah Kashi, 536 Haji Hamid, 88 Haji Hur Parwar Khanam, 659 Haji K., 409 Hajim K., 356 Rajipur, 323, 324, 337,431, 823 Hakim, 20 Hakim, Mirza, 653, 724, 728 Rakim Beg, 602-604 Hakim-ul-Mulk, 607, 608 HaI Kalyan, 733, 827 Ramadan, 130, 485, 772 Hanadani Shaikhs, 514

"The Maatl!ir-ul-Umara'" Hamdami, 432 Hamdam Koka, 430 Hamida Banu, Begam, 248, 767 Hamida Banu Begam (Mariam Makami). 9. 261~ 767 Hamid Bokhari, Saiyid, 608610 Hamid Khan, 532, 798 Hamid,K., 350, 464 Hamid Khan Bahadur Salabat Jang (Mui'zz-ud-Daulah), 610, 611 Hamid-ud-Daula (title of a son of Imad-ul-Mulk), 678 Hamidu-ud-Din, 141 Hamid-ud-Din Khan Bahadur, 221 258, 273, 278 540, 611-614 Hampi. 419 Hanafis, 833 Handia. 216, 550 Hansi, 177,716 Haqiqat Khan. 614. 615 Harawai 236 Har Das Jhala, 763 Hardwar, 312, 339, 639,668._ 769 Harem, 44 Harfi Savahji, 108 Hari Dev, 405 Haringan, 557 Haris, 218 Harjas, 403 Harkarn, 573 Harm, 807

Index Har Nath Singh, 263 Harsal, 218. 225 Harvey, 448 Harz Ullah K. Bahadur. 15 Hasan, (Rakim), 565 Hasan (lkram Khan Saiyid), 6]5 Hasan (Khwaja. Attar). 371 Hasan (Known as Hassu, Muqarrab Khan Shaikh), 616, 617 Hasan (Mir. grandfather of Amanat K. Mirak), 221, 222 Hasan (Safavi, Mirza), 318 Hasan (Saiyid, son of S. Diler Khan Barha), 494, 495 Hasan (Shaikh of Panipat), 94 Hasan (son of Ibrahim Tabatai Husaini), 742 Hasan (Ozzun .Hasan), 368 Hasanabad, 163 Hasanabdal, 76, 108,222,245. 313, 625, 838 Hasan Ali (Arab), 52. 284 Hasan Ali (Mir, father of Samsam-ud-Daulah), 14 Hasab Ali (Qutb-ill-Mulk Saiyid Abdullah Khan Barah), 610 Hasan Ali Khan Bahadur, 246,437,443,581, 587,617620,625,673,686,764 Hasan Barhana, Shah, 132 Hasan Beg, 379 Hasan Beg Badakhshi, 358, 393, 620-622, 742

877 Hasan Beg Safsikan K han630 Hasan K (son of Bnlju Qulij Shamsher Khan), 380 Hasan K (son of Khan Jahan) 802 Hasan Khan Cagatai. 4] 1 Hasan Khan Khazanci. 390 Hasan Khan Patni, 200 Hasan Naqshbandi. Khwaja. 97, 136 Hasan Sultan, 171, 220 Hasan Sultan (son of Sultan Husain of Sabazwar). 113 Hasan Mir, 133 Rasim (great-grandfather of Prophet Muhammad), 629 Hashim (Saiyid. 50n of Saiyid Muhammad Khan Barah), 164 Hashim Khan, 141. 497, 500, 671, 835 Hashiya, 93 Hashtar Khan (for Hajj Tat'khan), 356 Rasli (or Shahi), 193 Hassu. 616 Hatgarh, 693 Hathkantha, 145 Hatim 693 Haweli, 310 Hayat, 531 Hayat Khan, 255, 262. 263, 623, 624 Rayat K. 382, 383 Hazaras. 209, 213, 346 Hazarajat, 208, 213, 767,821, Hazari, 188, 298

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S78

"The MaatlJir-ul-Umara" Hindu Koh, 297, 345, 346 Hindustan, 15, 18,513, 562, 649, 713 Hindustanis, 55,202, 479, 796, Hippocrates, 713 Hiraman, Bakseria, 460 Hiranand, 195 Hisam Shaikh, 375 Hisar, 97 Hissar, 133, 134, 462, 676, 835 Hisar Shadman, 368, Hisari Naqashbandi, Khwaja, 772 Hizbr Khan (Saiyid), 176, 627 Hizbr, Khan (son of Ilahvardi Khan),627 Holkar, 430, 675, 676 Hooghly, 210 Hashangabad, 736,782 Hoshdar Khan, 648 Hashdar Khan (Mir Hoshdar. biography), 628 Humam (Hamam) Hakim, 102, 109, 604, 606, 607 Humayun, 8, 36, 50, 61, 82,.. 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 95, 125, 133, 135, 148, 177, 196, 197, 301, 348, 370, 371, 376, 377, 392, 409, 430, 431, 510, 569,_ 584,599,600,606,621,636, 659,691, 701, 705, 712, 721, 740,745,757, 785, 813, 814, 823 Humayun Quli, 606 Humayub Shah, 772 Huri Jan, 512 Huri Khanim, 512 Harmuz (Ormuz) 689

Index Husain, 584, 800 Husain (successor of Nizam Shah) 533 Husain Mir, 221, 222 Hasain, Mirak, 222, 223 Husain,Tukriya, Shaikh. 334 Husain Ali Khan, 10, 11, 15, 111, 112, 166, 174,277,310, 388, 3~9, 426, 430, 450, 460,478,479,480,487,555, 579, 601, 628-639, 641, 666, 711, 735, 750, 776, 839 Husain Amanat Khan, 13, 14 Husain Arghun, Mirza Shah, 745, 746 Husain Beg, 639 Husain Beg Ko, 581 Husain Beg Khan Zig, 639. 640,788 Husain K (Fath Jang Khan Miyana of Bijapur) 528 Husain K (of Mewat), 50 Hu~ain Khan Barah, 640, 641 Husain K. Khweshgi 73 Husain K. Shamlu, 582 Husain Khan, Sultan, 620 Husain Khan Tukriya 644, 645 Husain Munawwar Khan, 811 Husain Nizam Shah, 113 Husain Pasha, 698,699 Husaini, 302 Husaini, Mir, 194 Husaini Saiyids, 201 Husain Quli, 154 Husain Quli Beg, 373, 375 414,420,421, 645-649, 703 Husain Safavi, 777

879' Husam-ud-Din, Mir 586, 587, 649, 650 Husam-ud-Din Hasan Mirza,. 651 Husam-ud-Din Khan, 651, 652 Hushang, 292, 812 Hushdar K, 212 Hydrabll.d, 279 Ibad Ullah, 361 Iblis, 332 Ibrahim (Dilawar Khan Kakar), 487 Ibrahim (father of BahadurNizam Shah), 56 Ibrahim (Pir of Patha) 747 Ibrahim (Shaikh, son of Shaikh Musa) 653 Ibrahim (Sultan, son of Raftus-Shan), 426, 602 Ibrahim Beg Basri, 839 Ibrahimgarha, 589 Ibrahim Husain, 414, 421, 644, 647, 727, 757 Ibrahim Khan (son of Amirul-Umara),653-657 Ibrahim Khan (son of Ghazj, K. Sur), 599 Ibrahim Khan Daulat, 703 Ibrahim Khan Fath Jang, 155, 156, 455,650, 657-659' 792 Ibrahim Khan Gardi. 25 Ibrahim Khan Ozbeg, 200, 201,348,599,659,660 Ibrahim Ladi, 198 Ibrahim, Mir, 252

Hazrat Shah Isa. 64 Hebrew, 791 Hedayat Mahiu-d-din Ko, 461 Hedayat Ullah, 559 Hedayat Ullah Ko 561 Helmand, 188 Hernu, 82,148, 149, 198, 409, 599, 600, 691, 759, 759, 813, 814 Hemu Baqqal, 196, 301 Berat, 36, 93, 117, 136,221, 253, 322, 357, 358, 389, 390, 485, 569, 575, 582, 721 Hibbat Ullah, 142 Hidayat Mohiu-d-Din Khan, 16 Hidayat Ullah, 175 Haidayat Ullah Sadr, 624 Hifz Ulla Ko, 592, 643 Rijaz, 95, 116, 149,325, 373, 375,378,430, 515,537, 558, 569, 644, 729, 757, 823 Hijra era, 546 Hikmat, 514 Bilan, 760, Himma K. Badakhshi, 65 Himmat Khan (Muhammad Hasan), 429, 612, 625, 626, 664, 696, 788-790 Himmat Khan Mir Isa, 304, 504, 624, 625, 693 Hindal Mirza, 87 Hindaun Biana, 426, 429, 636 Hindi, 547, 569, 625, 644, 839 Hindia, 95, 173 Hindu, 45, 105, 124, 161, 245, 341, 395, 435, 576, 644, 665, 804

:880

"The MaatlJir-ul-Umara"

[ndex

881

Ibrahim Quli, 704 Ikhtiyar-ud-Din, 781 Ibrahim Tabatabai Husaini, lkhtiyar-ul-Mulk, 143, 320742 322 Idar, 164, 281, 283, 320, 404, lkluj, 611. 810 762 Ikram K (Governor of Asir Idgah, 697 fort), 101 Iftlkhar, 519 lkram K (title of Muhammad Iftikhar Khan, 770 Asad), 166 Iftikhar Khan Khwaj,: Abdul Ikram Khan (Saiyid Hasan, Baqa, 660-662 biography), 615 Iftikhar Khan Sultan Husain, Ikram Khan Hushang, 693 299,662663 Ilahdad K, 532 Iftikhar K, Turkaman, 210 Ilahdad. Saiyid, 114 Ihtimam Khan 663, 664 l1ahddiya, Shaikh, 666, 667 lhtimam K. Kotwal, 382, 473, Ilahi, 40, 729, 805 578,611. 663,664 l1ahwari Khan, 217, 268, 291, lhtisab, 78 580, 581,668-672 lhtisham Khan, 665, Jlahwardi Khan (AlamgirIhtisham Khan II, 665 shahi), 137, 219,617, 672, Ihtisham K. Ikhlas K., 520, 673 521 Ilangtosh, 188,212, 213, 821 ljitihad, 514 I1angtosh Be, 360 Ikataz, 156 Ilangtosh Khan Bahadur, Ikhlas Khan, (an Adil Shahi 673, 674 Officer) 833 lIcapur. 167 Ikhlas Khan (title of Ahmad Ilgharab, 132 Khweshgi), 521 Ilham Ul1ah. 597 Ikhlas Khan (title of Abu-l- I1ichpur, 269, 670, 686, 689, Muhammad Bijapuri), 493 701, 797, 807 Ikhlas Khan Ilklas Kesh, 633, I1kandaL 306, 548, 720 665, 666 Imad, 513 Ikhlas Khan Khan Imadpur, 204 Alam, 664, 665 Imau-d-din, 11 Ilklas Khan Shaikh Hahdiya, Imad-ul- Mulk, 11, 140, 593, 666,667 674-678 Ikatisas Khan, 652, 667, 668, Imal K., 248-250, 577 694 Ikhtisas Khan (title of Islam Imam, 42, 43 Mashhadi), 694 Imam Abu Hanifa, 41

Imam Ali bin Musa, 299 386, 388, 391, 394, 395, 399, Imam Hamam, 101 411,413,424,441,447,448, Imam Haman, 521 453, 454, 468, 470, 471, 501, 507, 545, 546, 548-550, Imam Husain, 283 556, 565, 566, 569, 573, 576, Imamiya, 63, 78, 115, 245, 583, 584, 587, 599, 600, 605, 566, 662, 738, 778 609, 61),621, 629, 635, 637, Imam Musa Kazim, 771 638,646.659,668,676,690, Imam Quli Khan, 101, 209, 691,698-701,713, 720,739, 356, 360-363, 366, 650, 678, 820, 821 740, 741, 753, 755, 757-760, Imtiazgarh (Imtiazgarha), 443, 762,773, 777, 778, 801, 803, 589, 766 814,815, 818-820, 822, 825, Inabat, 92 832, 834, 839 Inam,536 Indian Armour, 559 lnayat, 453 Indian doctors, 649 lnayati, 269 Indian Empire, 678, 679 Inayat Khan, 224, 678-680 Indian steel, 830 Inayat K, 279 Indra Singh, 136 Inayat K, Ashna, 5 Indus, 52, 312,313,369, 405, Inayat Khan Rasikh, 840 414, 430, 663, 748, 758, 784, Inayat Ullah Khan, 160, 162, 817 210, 278, 486, 613, 680-682, Intizamu-d-daula, 139, 140, 690 674, 675 Inayat Ullah K (son of Fedai Iqbalnamah, 3, 577 Khan),560 Iradam-ci, 565 Inayat Ullah K (title of Aqil Iradat K., 129, 152, 214, 315 K), 153, 259-261 Iradat Khan, Mir Ishaq, 312, Ind, 18 683. 684, 753, 801, 835 lndarman Dhanera, 402, 682, Iraj Khan, 685-687, 719, 720, 683 India, 28, 36,41,43, 50, 62, 774 69, 72, 75, 87,92,93,95, Iram, 5 97, 101, 107, 116, 126, Iran, 742 132, 138, 148, 152, 156, 157, Iraq, 93, 315, 567, 705. 772 169, 178, 180, 187, 192, 193, Iraqi, 568, 699 195, 196, 198,222,241,276, Irij, 102, 247, 340, 412, 668, 281, 282, 292, 295, 296, 299, 756 301, 309,315,312, 348,351, Irij, M., 52, 64, 186, 535 357, 363, 365, 370, 377, 383, Irshad K, 241

882

"The Maalliir-ul-Umara'"

INDEX

883 Izz-ud-Daula, 630 Izzu-d-din Khalid Khani, 417 Jaafar Ali K, 207, 208 Jaafar Beg, 282-287, 725 Jaafar K (Jaafar Khan Um datul-Mulk), 243, 370, 533 Jaafar K (Mutaman-ul-mulk), 719 Jaafa!', M, 281 Jaafar M. Asaf Khan, 157, 275 Jabari Beg, 323, 335 Jadun, 433 Jadu Rao Kantih, 717-719, 832 Jadwan,717 Jafar, 301 Jafar (also Jaafar), 580, 672, 673 Jafar (rites of the Imamiya sect), 778 Jafar (son of Hoshdar Khan Mir Hoshdar), 628 Jafar Mir, Aqidar Khsn, 252 Jafar, Mirza, 723 Jafar (Jaafar), Saiyid, 141 Jafar Saiyid (son of Mir' Saiyid Jalal), 740 Jafar Beg, 721 Jafar Najm Sani, 490 Jafar Khan, Mutamau-ulMulk, 719-721, 726 Jafar Khan Taklu, 721 Jafar Khan Umdat-ul-Mulk, 722-723, 760, 761, 768 Jagan Nath, 410, 724,7 25 Jagat Seth Sahu, 719 Jagat Singh, 296

Irshad Khan, Mir Abul-Ala, Islamabad (Deogarha), 589 Islamgarh (fort Rahiri), 703 250, 251, 687 Isa (Mirza, son of Abdul Ali Islam Khan, 582 Islam Khan Chist Faruqi, 210, Arghun), 744-746 692,693 Isa (Zamindar of Bhati), 649 Islam Khan Mashhadi, 65, Isa Tarkhan, 689, 690 176, 211, 300, 303, 505, 534, Isa Khan Mabin, 73, 687555, 694-696, 800 689 Islam Khan Mir Diyan-udIsa Khan Mir, 557 Din Husain Badakhshi, 615, Isaq aur Mashaq, 8 624, 628, 696-698 Isar Das, 837 Islam Khan Rumi, 698-701 Isfahan, 719, 773, 778, 797, Iskanpur, 505, 507 816 Isfandiyar (Isfandyar), 66, 341, Islampuri, 273, 538, 612 Ismail (Afghan chief of 494,692, 812 Shaharanpur), 247 Isfandiyar (son of Allah Yar Ismail (son of Burhan Shah Khan),211 of Ahmadnagar), 113 Isfandiyar Khan (ruler of Ismail I, 142 Urganj), 820 Ismail II, 567 Isfandiyar Khan (son of Hasan Beg Badakhshi), 622 Ismail Ataf, 298 Ismail Beg, 194 Isfarain, 600 Ismail Beg Du1di, 701 Ishaq Beg, 614, Ismail Khan (son of Ibrahim Ishaq Khan, 690, 691 Khan Ozbeg), 660 Ishaq M. Amir Khan, 252 Ismail Khan Bahadur Pani, Ishkil. 62 701, 702 Isshiya, 93 Ismail Khan Makha, 703, 703 Ishwar Singh, 736 Ismail Nizam Shah, 113-115 Isjabdar (sur), 196, 691 Iskandhar alias Salabat K, 531 Isnauk Quli Khan Dhu-alQadr, 41, 284, 647, 703, 704, Iskandar Khan Ozbeg, 691, 741 692 Ismail Safavi, 368, 385, 770, Iskhat,62 772 Islamabad, 790 Ismail Zafarmand K, 462 Islalamabad (Mathura), 303 Islamabad (Sarkar in Bundel- Ispahan, 361, 385, 548 Iswant for Baswant Khwajakhand), 104, 343, 380 sara, 704, 705 Islamabad, fort, 406, 684

Itibar Khan Nazir, 705 !tibar Kao, 317 Itimad Khan (earlier title of Asaf K), 303 Itimad K (earlier title of Fazil Khan of Ispahan), 550 Itimad Khan (Shaikh, title of Abdu-l-Qawi), 46-48 Itimad Khan Gujarati, 51, 83, 143,144,172,608,705-708 Itimad Khan Khwajasara, 708, 709 Itimadpur, 709 Itimad Rai, 99, 262 Itimad-ud-Daulah, 129, 187, 282, 287, 332, 483, 484, ?49, 573, 574, 657, 658, 714 !timad-ud-Daula (Daulah), 72, 480, 610, 633, 636, 682 Itimad-ud-Mulk, 706 Itiqad K. (title of Mirza Bahman Yar), 354 Itiqad K. (title of Salih K. grandson of Asad Khan Asafu-d-Daulah), 279 Itiqad Khan Farrukh-Shahi, 633, 709-714 Itiqad Khan Mirza Shahpur, 188,447, 714, 715 Itrat, 66 Iwad Beg, 716 Iwaz Khan Bahadur Qaswara Jang, 238-240, 308-311,481, 596 Izzat Khan, 838 Izzat K, 334 Izzat Khan Barah, 601 Izzat Khan Khwaja Baba, 7 1 6,717

, 884 Jagat Singh, Kunwar, 393, 409, 725, 726 Jagat Singh, Raja, 233. 394, 563,716, 726, 727,732, 794 Jagat Singh, Rana, 768 Jagdatak, 156, 627 Jagir, 150 Jagjivan, 792 Jagmal,410 Jagman, Raja, 682 Jagpat Uma, 238, 239 Jagraj, 129, 727, 728 Jagtap, 296, 297, 343 Jah, Khwaja, 36 Jahan, 804 Jahan Ara Begam, 9, 512 Jal1J1ara Garden, 323 Jahandar Singh, Sultan, Ill, 196, 197,240,275,279, 388, 429,449,450,509,614,630, 666,681, 688, 703,709,710, 712,719, 776, 808, 817, 839, 840 ,Jahangir, 9, 15,42, 56-61, 63, 67,68,97,99, 10L 105, 106, 109, 110, 115, 122. 12?-, 129, 141,150,152,155.157,167, 169,176,1&3-186,209, 210, 212,214- 222,260.262,263, 269,282,285,287-289, 291, 293,295, 302, 305, 315, 328330, 332, 334, 350, 351, 372, 379, 380, 384, 386, 389-392, 394,396,398,400, 407-409, 407-409, 412, 413, 415, 417419,423,424,450,467,471, 483, 485, 487, 488, 491, 493, 505, 506, 520, 523-527, 535,

"The

Maa~bir-ul-Umara"
INDEX

885 Jalna, 623, 664 Jalnapur, 122, 176, 217, 717, 752, 801 Jalor, 50, 134,321 Jam, 197, 318, 325,413, 844 JamaI, 568 Jamal Bakhtiar, 49, 741 Jamal, Maulana, 486 Jamal, Saiyid, 680 Jamal K. (Abyssinian), 113115 Jamal K, (father-in-law of Humayun), 50 Jamal K. (Saiyid, son of Iwaz Khan Bahadur), 310 Jamal Khan (slave of Bairam Khan Khan Khanan), 374 Jamal K. (son of Dilawar Khan Kakar), 489, 490 Jamal-ud-din, 164 Jamalu-d-din Ata Ullah MuHa, 93,96 Jamal-ud-Din Inju, Mir., 650, 742, 743 Jamal-ud-Din Khan (Saiyid Sipah Salar), 576 Jamal-ud-Din Khan (title of Safdar Khan), 788 Jamalu-d-din Mahmud, 543 Ja'llali, Shaikh, 568 Jama Masjid, 405 Jamand, 642 Jambji, 672 Jameza, 531 Jamil Beg, 393 Jan,kheri, 664 Jamu (Jammun), 157, 246, 313, 685, 736 Jamna, 153

537,548, 549, 556,560.561, 564, 570, 571, 573, 576, 561, 564,570, 571, 573,576,582, 586,602,604,605,609,616. 620-624,627,645,651, 657, 658, 666, 668, 679, 689, 692694, 704, 714, 716, 717, 724, 726, 730, 731, 736, 738, 739, 742, 749, 752, 753. 756, 763, 766,767,773, 778.791, 796, 798,799,803,811, 820, 822, 824-826. 829, 830, 832-834, 837 Jahangir Beg, 752 Jajamgirnagar, 211, 694, 697 Jajamgorma, 3, 506 Jahangirnama (by Ghairat Khan), 577 Jajamgor Qu1i Khan, 329, 330, 334, 728-730, 753 Jahan Khan, 676 Jahan Kusha, 5, 778 Jahan Shah Mirza, 368 Jahan Shah, Sultan, 72 Jai Aga, 139, 674, 675 J~ Chand, 41~ 420, 646, 647 Jai (Cand) Chand Rathor, 351 Jaihun, 630 Jaimal,39, 724 Jai Mal, 410 Jainagar, 735 Jai Ram Badgujar, Raja, 263, 730, 731 Jais, 156 Jai Singh, 630 Jai Singh, Kachwaha, Mirza Raja, 174, 273, 295, 497, 500,540,618,731-734, 781, 784,817

Jai Singh Kunwar, 764 Jal Singh Sawai (Siwai), 439, 632.634,640,712,734-736 Jalal, 838 JalaI (alias Shaikh Jam ali) 568 Jalal (son of Dilawar), 489 Jalalabad, 313, 314, 609 Jalala Raushani, 41, 609, 704, 726 Jalal Bokhari, 143 Jalali, 568 Jalal Kakar, 736 JalaI K., 485 Jahll Khan Qurchi, 164, 737 Jalal Sadr. Mir Saiyid, 365, 624, 737-740, 822 Jalalpur, 562 JaJalu-d-din, 8, 177 Jalal-ud-Din K., 557 Jalal-ud-Din Mahmud, 825 Jalal-ud-Din Mahmud Khurasani Bajug., 740, 741 Jalalu-d-din Mankbarni, Sultan, 322 JaJalu-d-din Mas'aud, Mirza, 741 Jala1-ud-Din Masud, 576 Jalalu-d-din Raushani, 284 Jalalu-d-din Rumi, 266, 304, 475, 824 Jalamukhi, 416 Jalandhar, 96, 374, 759 Jalandhari, 416 Jalapi, 672 Jalesol', 462 Jalgaon, 826 Jalisar, 471

--_

_._--_

_-----------~-----"-~;..;;.;.;;;;~

,..
lndex Jhapa (Chibh), 758 Jharoka,58 Jhatra, 525 Jhe1am (Jhelum), 61, 214,289, 561,565, 758 .Jhujhar, 644 Jhuni, 643 Jigha, 68, 69 Jija Anaga, 319 Ji1au,467 Ji1aukhana Chauk, 261 .Jinana-l-Firdaus, 4 Jind, 827 .Jinnat,47 Jinnatabad, 600 Jinnat Ashiyani, 8. 369 Jinnat Makani, 3, 8 Jitpur, 560 Jiwan Malik, 784 Jodhpur, 174, 235, 373, 618, 646, 710, 754, 786 Johar,58 Jopra, 802 .Joseph, 10, 585 Jotana, 143 Judea, 120 Judhan,218 Judha Singh, 594 Judi Mali, 163 Jujhar Khan, 706 Jujhar Singh Bandela, 101103, 129, 176, 217, 232, 287, 340, 343, 381, 401, 403, 425, 457, 471, 505, 520, 550, 597, 615, 667, 727, 728, 743, 756, 757, 758, 781,792, 793, 799, 801, 802, 829 lulher,353

'886 Jamrud, 173, 755 Jamshed, 744 Jamshid Beg, M., 31 Jamud (Jamod), 195 Jan, Khwaja, 825 Jana Begam, 56 Janabi, 672 Jan Alam, 390 Jan Baba, 689, 746, . Jan Baz Khan, 752 Jan Baz Khan (title of Shah Durrani), 676 Jan Baz Khan (title of San Sipar Khan Khwaja Baba) 752 Jan Baz Khan (title of Num-laiyan), 205 Jan Baz Khan (title of Parvez Beg),205 Jan Beg, 204 Jani Begam, 619 Jani Beg Arghun, 127, 527, 582, 743-748 Jani K., 356, 357, 359, 360 Jani Sultan, 356 Janish Bahadur, 748, 749 Jan Muhammad S., 462 Jannat Makani, 603 Jan Nisar Khan, 110-112, 542, 791 Jan Nisar Khan (title of Feda!. Khan), 563 Jan Nithar Khan (title of Kamal-ud-Din Husain), 549, 658, 749, 750, 798, 799 Janoji Bhons1e, 31, 702 Janoji Jaswant Mirobalkar, 750, 751 Jan Qulij, 435

"The Maa!bir-ul-Umar.'a Jansath,666 Jan Sipar Khan, Khwaja Baba 752 Jan Sipar Khan Turkaman, 752-754 Januth, 758 Jas, 659 Jasalmir, 462 Jaswant, 751 Jaswant Singh Rathor Maharaja, 35, 142, 173, 212, 233, 235, 236, 242, 304, 403. 406,412,493,508,510,530, 577,615, 622, 625, 683, 697, 734, 754-756, 766, 774, 784, 786,805,819,827 Jat, 139, 156, 436,437,618, 619, 789 Jati, 208, 212 Jaunpur, 39, 52, 74, 87, 94, 113, 116, 178, 199,200,267, 318,339,444,456, 562, 578, 581, 584, 622, 626, 640, 660, 663, 671, 692, 730, 774, 804, 823, 824 Javid K. Bahadur, 139, 592 Jawaher Khamsa, 88 Jawahir Singh Jat, 442 Jawami-ul-Kilam, 514 Jawan Bakht, Sultan Mirza, 677 Jawar (Jawhar), 354, 765 Jehadain, 219 Jessore, 622 Jews, 644 Jhabwa, 309 Jhanjhanun, 134 Jhansi, 264,265, 381, 403,425, 868

887
Jumdat-ul-Mulk, 722 Jumla-ul-Mulk, 258, 270-272, 278, 815 Jumla-ul-Mulk, 347 Jumlat-ul-Mu1k, 667 Jumna, 178, 184, 188, 242, 372, 379, 435,44~ 527, 581, 604, 677, 675, 676, 699, 722, 768, 808, 828 Jun, 369, 370 Junagarh, 51, 325, 334, 400, 443, 690, 730 Junaid Kararani, 648 Junair, 33, 34, 100, 114, 120, 131,211, 219, 290, 401, 456, 485, 493, 520, 532, 535, 549, 588, 669, 682, 694, 749, 763, 787, 794, 798, 811, 822, 825 Junamali, 121 Kaaba (Kaaba), 96, 363, 376 Kabir Shalkh, 692 Kab Kalus, 810 Kab Rai, 420, 421 Kabul, 12,41,46,49, 61, 72, 81, 107, 110, 129, 133, 135, 145, 148, 155, 156, 173, 176, 186, 187-193, 196, 198, 209, 212, 213, 222, 223, 233, 243, 245, 246, 247, 250, 252, 260, 285, 297, 311, 313, 323, 334, 338, 345, 346, 355, 358, 365, 377,380,392,402,407,409, 420, 440, 447, 472, 484, 520, 521, 542, 563, 572, 578, 584, 587, 599,600, 605, 609, 620, 621,622, 627, ~39, 640,650, 653,654,677,679, 687, 701, 704, 705, 716, 724, 726, 730,

888 732,733, 736, 740, 741, 745, 754,755,767,768, 818, 824, 829, 832, 833 Kabuli Begam, 301 Kach (Kaehh), 325,689, 747 Kachwaha, 409, 441,458 Kadhi, 580 Kahjwaha, 510 Kalmard, 188, 208, 580, 767, 821 Kohtaon, 540, 838 Kairana, 616, 617 Kajna, 699 Kakar, 163 Kakar Ali Khan, 758, 759 Kakar Khan or Khali Jahan Kakar, 759, 786 Kakar Khan Afghan, 806 Kala, 737 Kala Dehra, 540 Kalali, 410 Kalan, Malik, 759 Kalanur, 371, 391, 526, 655 Kala Pahar, 548, 648 Kalat, 818 Kalhara, 817, 818 Kalinjar , 367, 577, 667, 802 Kalmani, 747 Kaina, 623 Kalpi, 41, 51, 57,82,101,340, 347,407,495,677, 704, 728, 802 Kalyan, 204, 495, 774, 784 Kalyan Mal Rai, 373 Kama, 827 Kamakhya, 416 Kamal, Khwaja, 308 Kamal, Maulana, 486

"The MaatJJir-ul-Umara" Kamal, Mirak, 12 Kamal, Saiyid, 609 Kamal, Saiyid, 457 Kamal Khan, 829 Kamal K., 839 Kamal Khan Gakkhar, 133,. 758-760 Kamal Qarawal, 262 Kamalu-d-din, 505 Kamalu-d-din Ali Khan, 231 Kamalud-Din Husain, 740 Kamalu-d-din Husain Talib, 567 Kamalu-d-din, Mir, 144, 231 Kamalu-d-din Rohilla, 386 Kamalu-d-din Shirwani, 543 Kaman Pahari, 733 Kamarband, 555 Kam Bakhsh, Prince, 158, 170,. 171,174,272,367,444,472, 640.677, 735 Kambhalmir, 400 Kamgar (Husainin), 61 Kamgar (Khwaja, Ghairat Khan), 576, 577 Kamgar (son of Hashdar Khan Mir Hashdar), 628 Kamgar Khan, 383, 554, 680, 723, 760, 761 Kamil Batali (Patali), 573 Kamraj,416 Kamran, M., 148, 370, 430, 519, 599, 600, 621, 701 Kamyab, K., 112, 450 Kamyab, Khan, 622 Kaneh (Canjeveram), 194 Kanhila, 482 Kangra, 413-417, 421, 525. 526, 562, 685, 726, 834

Index Kanhar Rao, 669 Kanhaji Sirkiya, 238 Kankera, 456 Kankriya, 811 Kant, 267 Kant Golah, 247 Kantit, 267, 456 Kanwadahan, 313 Karah, 747 Karakar, 422 Kara (Karra) Manikpur, 17, 39, 199,201, 339,496, 823 Karan, Rana, 761-764 Karan, Rao, Bhurthiya, 234, 245, 764-766 Karang,702 Karar, 529, 782 Karara, 158 Karbala, 24, 283, 663 Kard,543 Kargaon, 121 Kari,708 Kariear, 533 Karim Dad Kor, 726 Karim Quli Khan, 643 Karjayi, 717 Kark,715 Karmaki, 298 ~arm Unah, 185 Karnal, 427, 777 Karnatak, 610 Karnatik (Carnatie), Bijapur, 815 Karnul, 17,132,171,237,461, 462 Karpa 598 Karra, 429, 444, 759, 794 Kartalab Khan, 685, 719, 774, 808

889' Kashan, 45, 125 260 282 536 ", Kashana, 181 Kashghar, 813 Kashmir, 12, 48. 52. 75, 81, 107, 130, 133, 134, 140, 152, 157, 160, 162. 179, 180,187, 188, 192, 246, 264, 284, 289, 293,304,312,315, 318, 391, 398,416,417,451,488,490, 537, 544. 552. 554, 559, 567, 578, 604, 607, 620, 623, 628, 636, 639, 654, 656, 663, 679. 680-682,697, 701. 714, 715~ 722, 724, 726. 729, 749, 758. 760, 783, 832, 835 Kashi Das, Raj, 484 Kasi Rao, 442 Katak Citwara. 122 Katanga, 37 Kati Gang, 323 Kaukab, Singh. 502 Kautas, 32, 468, 509, 594 Kawafipura, 225 Kayanian, 319 Kayath (Kayasth), 138 Kazarun, 513 Kazim, 279 Kazim Khan, 14 Kerjean,20 Kerman, 186 Kesar Singh, 766 Kesari Singh, 765 Kesava Deva (Krishna) 4250 Ketama, 590 Kewal Ram, 347 Khabita, 323 Khadija Begam, 386, 603

~90

"The Maa!hir-ul-Umara" Khan Alam (son of Khan Alam Ikhlas Khan), 664 Khan Alam (title of Barkhudar), 295, 296, 389, 390, 391. 392 Khan Alam (title of Calma Beg). 80, 430-432 Khan Alam (title of Ghairat Khan Muhammad Ibrahim), 577 Khan Alam (title of Ikhlas Khan), 236, 664, 811 Khan Alam (title of Iskandar Beg Ozbeg), 691 Khanazad Khan, 142, 255, 612. 838 Khanazad Khan Khan Zaman, 209.212-214, 716 Khan Azam Koka, 40,41, 51, 69,81, 121, 124, 164, 173, 178, 180,269, 385. 319-334, 457,458,464,465, 506, 522, 537, 544, 729, 730, 742, 797, 798 Khan Baba, 621 Khan, Cela, 402 Khan Dauran, 259, 378, 440, 592.601,632, 711, 736,775778 Khan Dauran (Khwaja Husain),97, 808 Khan Dauran (Saiyid Mahmud), 774, 775, 785 Khan Dauran Lang, 558 Khan Dauran Nasarat Jang, 102, 105, 217, 223, 232, 233, 268,287,343,402,471,472,

lIndex

891

Khadija Begam (wife of Azdud-daula lwaz K), 308 Khadija Begam (wife of Ruh Ul1ah Khan the 2nd), 253 Khadim Husain, 208 Khaf, 128 Khafi Khan, 32,47, 70, 226 Khaibar, 35, 572 Khairabad, 131, 405, 680 Khairagarha Katak, 442 Khairapara,387 Khairiyat Khan Habshi 781 Khair Ullah, 630 Khairwar, 442 Khajuha, 784 Khajwa, 530, 618 Khalaf,642 Khalifa-r-Rahman, 230 Khali!, Mirza, 804 KhaliL Saiyid, 494,495 Khalil Quli 704 Khalil Sagar, 804 Khalil l illah, Mir, 295,773 Khalil Ullah, Mir (son of Mir Miran Junior), 295, 773 Khalil Ullah Khan, 212, 233235, 246, 289, 299, 304, 312, 572, 580, 622, 656, 732, 734, 767-770, 773, 784, 788, 819 Khalil Ullah K. Hasan, 193 Khalil Ullah, Shah, 771, 772 Khalil Ullah Yazdi, Mir, 246, 335, 770-774 KhalsaJ, 166, 224, 250, 271, 351,478,601,680 Khan Ahmad, 107 Khan Alam (son of lhtisham Khan II), 665

462, 467,485,486,491, 506. 521,593,595,597,627,651, 664, 774, 778-783, 793, R23, 549, 550, 570, 571, 576. 577, 832 663,664,694,716, 718, 728, 731, 749, 753, 756, 763, 770. Khandes (Khandesh), 53, 54, 792, 793, 795-804, 8i2, 822 56,58, 102, 119,121, 131, 833 146, 158,214,217,280, 327, 328, 352, 396, 425, 456, 457, Khan Jahan Turkman, 709 460, 464, 529, 530, 535, 537, Khanjar K., 373 544, 557, 558, 593,615,628, Khan Kalan, 80 632, 709, 718, 780, 781, 794, Khan Khanan, 50-56, 80, lIS. 805, 826 122, 127, 128, 179, 185, 204, Khandi Dharbary, 632 285,324,325,332,378,422, Khandila, 449 450-453, 466, 467, 527. 543. Khangar, 727 563, 573, 586,587,650, 747,749, 779, 780, 781, 812 Khani.142 Khanim, 260, 261 Khan Khanan (Asaf Khan, Yamin-ud- Daulah), 293, Khanisb Khanim, 772 354, 804 Khan Ja11an, 823 Khan Khanan (Ba iram Khan), Khan Jahan Bahadur KokaI149,368-374 tash K, Zafer Jang, 196, 197, 429 Khan Khanan (Intizam-udDaula), 139, 674, 677 Khan Jahan Bahadur Zafar Jang, Koka1tash, 13, 112, Khan Khanan (Koka), 459. 503 235,254,271. 311. 314,439, 443,491,502, 558, 564,618, Khan Khanan (Mahabat Khan), 98, 99,176,215. 625, 626, 766, 783-791 305,417, 478 Khan Jahan Barah (Barha), 102, 103,232,235,439,471, Khan Khanan (Mir Muhammad Said Mir Jumla), 154, 597,601,667, 726,731,735, 305, 531, 796, 797 757,758,764, 791-795 Khan Jahan Quli Beg (Khan), Khan Khanan (Munim Beg), 266, 283, 375, 414, 420, 421, 200,201,432,692,709, 746 645-649, 709 Khan Khanan (Munim Khan Bat.ladur Shahi), 72, 657 Khan Jahan Ladi, 4, 36, 56, 668, 684, 808 57, 98, 100-102, 105 129, 185, 214,268,269, 282,285, Khan Kilan, 163, 180, 600 305,315-:"17, 328,341,386, Khanpur, 584, 721 392,401,408,424,456,457, Khanqa, 86, 189

lNDEX

P93 Khusrau Sultan, 67-69. 190. 356, 363. 365, 820-823 Khutba, 87, 190, 337, 3e 3. Khwas (san) Khan, 826. 827 Khawabagh, 613 Khwaf, 221, 222 Khwafi Khan, 4 Khwaja Jah, 36 Khwaja Jahan Rerati. 823, 824 Khwaja Jahan Kabuli. 200, 715, 824, 825 Khwaja Jahan Khawfi, 825 Khwaliazadas, 302, 371 K~warazm, 356, 583, 778 Khwasi (s), 283 Khwas K., 459 Khwas Khan. 467 Khwas Khan, Habshi. 491,492 Khwaspur, 553 Khwesh, 639 Khwehgi, 462 Khyber, 155 Kid, Malik, 758, 759 Kifayat K., 224, 271, 680 Kifayat Khan, 667 Kifayat Vllah Khan, 682 Kika, 761 Kilan, Khwaja, 101 Kilchar, 782 Kilif, 298 Kinji, 598 Kirat Singh, 618, 734, 827, 828 Kirman, 322, 715, 771, 772 773 Kisar Singh, 597 Kishan, 717

892 Khan Quli Ozbeg, 151, Khansaman (also Khan-iShaman or Mir Saman), 84, 152,315 Khanship, 820, Khanzada, 168,212-214, 354 Khanzad Khan, 212-214, 354 Khan Zaman, 38, 39, 134, 197-204, 348, 349, 355, 644, 660, 721, 759 Khan Zaman (Bahadur, title, of Aman Ullah Khan), 162, 212-219,268, 305,456,490, 507, 728, 733, 766 780, 781, 794 Khan Zaman (Mir Khali!), 177, 683, 686, 786, 804-807, 829 Khan, Zaman Mewati, 174, 808,809, Khan Zaman Shaikh Nizam, 236,611,664,809, 811 l\..hanzamannagar, 67, 729 Khar, 747 Kharakpur, 67, 729 Kharak Puma, 418 Khark Rai, 267 Khargaon, 826 Khari, 572, 574 Kharram, (Shah Jahan a" Prince), ~ 83, 194, 282, 288, 326 Kharram (son of Khan Azam), 334 Khas Khan, 6e2 Khas Shikar, 581 Khatanun, 367 Khatri, 411

"The MaatlJir-ul- Umara'" Khatri Bali, 665 Khattar, 756 Khawaf, 678 Khawananda, Mir, 80 Khawand Mahmud Khwaja Khan, Khawaja, 87 Khawas Khan, 292 Khawas Khan (Qiladar of Qandhar), 758 Khazana Amra, 5, 11,25, 31,. 32, 62, Khelna, 273, 367,540,589, 809 Khelaghar, 768 Kher1a, 664 Khettris, 72 Khidmat Khan, 566 Khidmatgars, 623 Khidmat Parasi Khan, 291,. 800,811-813 Khidmat, Talab Khan, 33, 34 Khidrabad, 785 Khidri, 523, Khidr K. Pani, 458, 459 Khidr Khwaja Khan, 691, 701,. 744, 8J 3, 814 Khilat, 21, 720 Khinjan, 189, 297 Khirki, 215, 417, 450, 451, 536, 798 Khirqa, 86 Khirs, 701 Khiyaban, 68, 365 Khizr, S., 513 Khosrose, 391 Khost, 537, 717 Khudaabad, 813 Khudabanda Khan, 547 Khuda Dad, Mir, 744 Khudawand Khan, Deccani, 178, 179, 816, 817 Khudayar Khan Leti (Lati), 748, 817-819 Khujasta Banyad, 253, 310, 536 Khulasa-Kunin, 141 Khykasaty-t-tawarikh, 4 Khuldabad, 34, 122, 613 Khuld Makan, 9, 613 Khuld Manzil, 9 Khulam, 189 Khurah, 336 Khurasan, 128, 176, 209, 213, 221, 345, 357, 358, 386, 478, 485, 565, 575, 605, 716, 719, 720, 744, 777 Khurda, 165 Kurja, 673, Khurram, 627, 762, 763 Khurseed, Nazr, M., 130 Khussahl Beg, Kashghari, 819 Khurshhal Chand, 4 Khurshhal Rakim, 607 Khushi Labeaq, 298 Khush Khabar Khan, 589 Khusrau, 110, 183, 184, 189, 228,285, 289, 327, 328,331, 351, 404, 488, 523, 524, 535, 585,604,609, 620, 62~, 622, 704, 724, 730, 762 Khusrau (in Nizami's famous work "Khusrau and Shirin), 286, 515 Khusrau Be, 820 Khusrau-i-Zaman, 78 Khusrai K. the Circassian, 582, 689

"The Maa!bir-ul-Umara'"

INDEX

895
Lar, 71, 513 Lari, 747 Larkana, 817 Lashkar-i-dua, 521 Lashkar Khan, 830, 831 Lashkar Khan 'Abdul Hasan Mashhadi, 271, 340, 380, 447, 578,656,715, 831-834 Lashkar Khan Bahadur Nasir Jang (Rukn-ud-Daula, Saiyid) 834, 835 Lashkari, 759, 760 Lashkari, Mirza, 800 Lataif-ul-Akhbar, 4 Lati (Leti) 817 Latif Ullh, Hakim, 109 Latif Mirak, 834 Latif Ullah Bahai Khan 582: Latif Ul1ah K., 140 Little Khan,191 Liyunano 786 Lobhkati, 707Ladi 795 Lohardaga 715 Lohgaon 72, 438, 542, 554, 717 Lohgarha, 179 Lohrasp K., 68 Lubbu-t-tawarikh, 79 Lucknow, 49, 56, 63, 108, 156, 280, 312, 339, 644, 660,. 670, 676, 683, 692, 824 Ludiana (Ludhiana) 169, 676, 741 Luni,458 Lunkaran Kashwaha, Rai, 836, 837 Lutf UlIah (Hakim of Persia) 109

Kishan Singh, Bhadawarya, Raja, 828, 829 Kishan Singh Rathor, 829, 830 Kisban,893 Kishn Chand, 666 Kishan Singh, 407 Kishna, 49, 231, 433, 598, 788 Kishngarah, 271, 272, 626, 830 Kishtwar, 488, 490 Kishwar Khan, 666 Koh Aqabin, 511 Kohistan, 246 Kol:-i-Sulaiman, 544 Koh.i-Tan, 360 Koh Kara Mar, 246 Koh Lakah, 186 Kohmar, 747 Koh Majahid, 827 Koka, Mo, 280 Kok 1ao 597 Kokla Jat, 618 Kokila, 497 Kokna,736 Koknar, 179, 391 Koknar Khanha, 359 Kokra, 155, 658 Kolapur, 810 Ko!is, 467, 787 Kombalmir, 98, 116, 222, 761 Kordana (Kandana) 278 Konkan, 71, 79, 165, 166, 217 486, 443, 633, 723, 765, 767, Korah Jahanabad, 112 Koran, 255, 514 Kornish, 585 Kortha, 121 Kot, 598

Kotah, 407 Kotgir,782 Kotha, 762 Kotlah, 419, 646 Kotwal,47, 580 Kotwal Khan, 812 Kowlass, 306 Kuch, 469 Kufa, 41, 638 Kuj, 622 Kukiya.782 Kukla Jat, 437 Kulab, 519 Kulas or Kaulas, 306 Kulpak, 306, 307 Kumalgarh, 116 Kumaon, 139, 195, 436, 645,.. 768 Kumhner, 674 Kundana, 464 Kunhar Das, 419 Kura, 519 Kurdish, 186 Kurdistan, 368 Kurpa,17 Kurram lJllah, 142 Kurundur, 20 Kutal, 339 Kutila-i-Mirak Jiv., 223 Kutila (of Amanat) 226 Labb Labab, 4, 226 Lachmanan, 25, 27 Ladlai, 653 Lahari (Lari) 746, 747 Lahor (Lahore) 4, 12, 14, 15,.. 50,61,72,75,76,82,86,96,.. 97, 99, 101, 108,110, 124," 133, 138-140, 145,152, 153,..

173,174,176,184,187,192, 193, 202, 214, 224, 225, 242, 246, 252. 261, 264, 265, 270, 284, 285, 290-293, 312-315, 338,355, 359, 367, 379,381, 391,392,400,402,405,408, 414,418,421,434,435,444, 449, 462, 486, 488, 496, 514, 518,519,524, 526, 534, 542, 549,551,552,559, 567, 583, 605,609,621,626,641, 642, 644, 656, 657. 659, 665, 676, 679,688,691,695,699, 701, 704, 716, 726, 733, 734, 746, 747, 754, 755, 770, 773, 783, 784, 786, 7890 794, 795, 798, 808,871,814,817,823, 835, 838 Lahahori, Mo, 434, 435 Lahsa, 698 Laila and Mujnun, 515 LaiU, 56 Lakhanpur, 369 Lakhi (Lakhi Janga1) S2, 270, 642, 688, 750, 826 Lakhnau, 198 Lakhnauti, 776 Labhnur, 369 Lakuk, 776 Lala Beg Kabuli, 728 Lala Rajah, 423 Lalang, 537 Lal Kanwar (Kunwar) 197 Lamghanat 248 Langahs, 745 Langar (Langarkot)246 Langari 817 Lanji, 103, 343, 801,

:896 Lutf Ul1ah (Mirza, Lashkar Khan) 834 Lutf Ul1ah (name of Murshid Quli Khan Bahadur) 720 Lutf Ul1ah Khan, 366, 837840 Lutf Ullah Khan Sadiq, 840 Ma'ali, Mirza, 205 Ma'an, 693 Maasir Alamgiri 4 Maasir-ul-Ikram, 31, 32, Maathir-i-Jahangiri, 577 Maasir-ul-Umara, 1-11, 32 Maatbar K, 445, 446 Macgregor, 357 Machiwarah, 192 Machlibandar (Masulipatam). 19 Machlibhawan, 794 Maci,501 Maciwara. 370, 375 MacIagan, General, 435 MacIigaon, 316, 341 Madad Kharaj, 678 Madad-i-maash, 821 Madaliya and MadaIpa, 220 Madarih, 139 Madhukar Bundila (Bundela), 407,423 Madhumati, 498 Madhu Singh, 319 Madhu Singh Hara, 407, 802 Madhu Singh Kachwaha, 394 Madras. 27, 132 M afakhir Khan, 519 Mafawwaz UIlah K. Bahadur Jang Ikataz, 66

"The Maalliir-ul-Umara" Maftah, 367, 540 Magh, 428, 694 Maghrabin, 142 Mahaban, 436, 462,731 Mahahat. 626 Mahabat Jang, 206 Mahabat K., 206, 207 Mahabat Khan Haidarabadi, 265 Mahabat Khan Khan Khanan, Commander-i n-Chief, 57. 59, 60, 61, 63-65, 97, 101, 129, 141, 167, 168,209,212216,218, 269, 287,289,293, 296, 302, 303, 328. 329, 378, 379,407,424, 452, 453,455, 456, 490, 506, 524, 527, 533, 534, 549, 560, 561. 570, 574, 586, 607, 627, 640, 660, 669, 731, 756, 757, 762, 764, 770, 780,781,792,798,799, 829, 832. 833, Mahabat Khan Mirza Lahrasp, 75, 243. 245, 313,785 Mahad Aliya, 261 Mahadev, 415 MahakoL 780 Mahmai,647 Matham Anaga, 145,146, 148, 348, 372, 373, 38~ 457 Mahamaya, 415 Mahan, 771 Mahanda (Mahanadii, 154. 498 Maha Rao 751 Magarump, 412 Maha Singh, 725

Index Mah Banu, Sl. 55 Mah Cucak (also Mah Chuchak, Begam), 134 Mahdavi. 74.114,115.513 Mahdi. 94, 116 Mahdighat, 140 Mahdism, 95, 512 Mahdi, Mirza, 474 Mahdi Qasim K., 28, 357 Mahiabad (Puna), 278 Mahindri, 320 Mahi-u-Maratib, 18, 780 Mahkar (Mahakar), 64. 178, 417, 529, 717, 719 Mahmand,. 609 Mahmud (grandson of Alam Khan Lodi), 800 Mahmud (son of Daulat Khan Lodi),467 Mahmud (son of Khan Jahan Lodi), 802 Mahmudabad, 142, 423,498 Mahmud Mirzan, Sultan, 368 Mahmud, Saiyid, 774, 783 Mahmud, Sultan (son of Aurangzib), 450 Mahmud, Sultan, 116, 142 Mahmud, Sultan, Langah, 745 Mahmud, Khan (governor of Galna fort), 214 Mahmud Khan (Khwaja, son of Mubariz Khan), 101 Mahmud Khan Barah, Saiyid, 163 Maholi (Mahuli), 217 Mahrana, 77 Mahrattas, 131, 137, 155,280, 444, 579, 838

897 Mahtavi, K., 160, 162. 163 Mahwar, 211, 596 Mainpuri, 131 Majlis Rai, 161, 162 Majna. 669 Majnun K. QaqshaL 38, 39, 201,202,335,406 Makasdar. 238 Makhan, Saiyid, 793 (SultanMakhdumu-l-mulk puri), 42-44, 118 Makhdumu-l-mulk (title of Maulana Abdullah), 201 Makhmur, 209, 720 Makhsusabad, 462 Makhzan-ul-Asrar, 515 Maknahal, 433 Malang, Mir, 170, 220 Maldah, 154 Maldeo (Maldev) Rao, 369, 373, 646 Malgaon, 6&6 Mal Gosain, Raja, 649 Mali, 121 Malik Amber, 58, 63, 100, 167, 185, 214,226,269,285, 350, 417, 451, 532, 533,534536, 752, 796, 797, 798, 832, 833 Malika-i-Zamaniya (Malikauz-Zamini), 675 Malik Dabt, 779 Malik Husain Koka, Mir, 520, 387 Maliku-sh-shaara (also Shurai), 260, 421, 515 Malik-ut-Tajjar, 628 Malkanda, 611

898 Malkapur, 78, 796 Malkusah (var. Malkousah), 61. 342, Malu K., 394 Maluri (Yar. Malwa), Gate, 347 Malwa, 13,35,36, 37-41,51, 52, 57, 74, 80, 82-84, 93, 101, 102, 131, 137, 140, 146, 150, l70, 180,214,217,281, 288, 300, 301, 309, 320, 325, 348, 369, 394-396, 403, 418, 430, 451, 457, 472, 485, 486, 506, 508-510, 536, 570, 579, 590, 593,610,613,615, 628, 632, 633, 644, 656, 661, 662, 664, 669, 674, 677, 682, 686, 696, 700, 704, 706, 709, 710, 722-725, 728, 731, 735, 750, 754, 756, 759, 762, 774, 776, 780, 781, 782, 793, 799, 802, 805,815,819,827 Mamurabad, 357 Mamur K., 231, Mamtazu-z-Zamani, 260, 261, 484 Manji Bhonsle, 685, 774 Manawar, 236 Manawar K., 462 Manbah, 687 Manbau Nafais-ul-Uyun, 514 Mandal, 761, 762 Mandalgarh, 792, 768 Mandalik, Raja, 761 Mandan, 367, 540 Mandasor (Mandesor, Mandesur), 367, 540 Mandavi Mainabad, 783

"The MaaUJir-ul-Umara'" Mandgaon, 238 Mandu. 57-59, 82, 83, 93, 99.. 100,131, 151,418,469, 560, 651, 701, 705, 709, 799, 826.. Manglaur Shah Badra-d-din, 532 Mangiore, 598 Mangalsirpa. 503 Manhj, Shaikh, 459 Manikdrug, 502 Manik Rai, 694 Manipur, 38, 39, 115, 455, 527 Manjara, 67,317,341,350 Manjhaligaon, 801 Manji Mullar, 502 Mankarwal, 203 Mankli, K. 464 Mankot, 95, 145, 341l, 392, 644,759, 814 Manohar, Rai, 837 Mansab (s) 8, 32 Mansabdars, Mughal, 835 Manshur, 125 Man S!ngh, Kunwar, 609, 724" 749, 836 Man Singh, Raja, 56, 98, 236.. 285,295, 327, 393,405,408 411, 523, 584,648,692, 718 .. 719,725,762, 795 Mansur, 387 Mansurgarha, 387 Mansur H~lji, S., 509, 510 Mansur, K., 306, 534 Mansur Khan, 795 Mansur Khan Barah, Saiyid,. 795 Mansur Khan Rozbahani, 718: Mansur-ud-Daula, 682

Index

89~

Masul11 Khan Kabuli, 283, Manuchihr, Mir, 686 323. 32..\.335-337 Manuchihr (Manuchel1ro Mataqad K., 578, 579 Mirza Khan, Mirza), 736, Mathura, 235, 288, 405, 424, 833 425, 436, 437, 462, 497, 574, Maqaddami, 532 603,604,618,620,654,670, Maqam, 603 672,673,675,689,754 Maqbul-i-Alam, Shaikh, 33 Matlab Khan IVlirza Matlab, Maqsudabad, 676 ~q5 Maqsud Ali 709 Mdtlib K., 450 Maqsud Beg, 511 Marhamat Khan, 13,253,611, Matmadu-d-daula, 54 Mau, 297, 344, 392, 393, 413, 822, 826 520, 623, 725, 726, 732. 794 Marhara, 645 Maududi, 298 Marhattas. 122 Mausul, 558, 559 Markiz Anwar, 515 Mauzun, 826 Martyr's Garden. 568 Mayle. 220 Marucaq (Marcuhaq), 358 Mawaridu-l-Kilam, 516 Maruf, Snaikh, 7, 223 Mazandaran (Mazindaran),. Marv (Mery), 355, 577 260, 390, 739 Marwangarh, 367 Mazar-u-sharif, 190 Marwac 401, 490, 737 Mecca, 32, 35, 43, 44, 71, 74, Maryam Hafiza, 681 76, 94, 108, 134, 142, 150, Maryam Makani, 705 189,252,301,351,435,567, Mary and Jesus, 96 677,678,681, 698, 703,707~ Mashhad. Holy, 65, 128, 177, 181,187,299,301, 348, 351, 778, 801 375, 376, 567, 77~ 778, 816, Medak (Midak), 548 Medina, 79, 165, 353, 416, 827, 834 567, 597 Masiha-i-Kairanvi, 617 Mekran, 689, 747 Masnd, 16, 28, 31, 48, Masnayi, 53, 475 Mesopotamia, 699 Mastaqarru-l-Khafa, 448 Mewar (Meywar), 401, 425,. 734, 761 Masud Mirza, 647 Mewas (Meas), 823, 827 Masud Khan, Saiyid, 640 Mewat, 50,312, 337, 419,570" Masulipatam, 31 646, 768, 808, 813, 828 Masum Beg Safavi, 721 Masum Khan Farrankhudi, Midad, 74 Miftah, 367, 540 81, 267

900 Mihman Begam, 721 Mihr Ali, 528 Mihrpur, 97, 98 Mihtar Sakai 519 Mijar, 68 Min (Mubin), 449 Minhaju-d-din, 93 Mir Arz (Mir Arzi), 51. 3'l1 Mir Atish, 306, 312 Mir Balu, 561 Mir Bakhshi, 148, 171 Mir Haj, 778 Mir Mal, 301 Mir Saman (Mir-i-Samant 152, 260 . Mir Shikar, 267 Mir Tuzuk, 104, 240 Mir J umla, 836 Mir Jumla Khan Khanan, 309, 600, 631, 636 Mir Khan, 234 Mir Maulana, 367 Mir Miran (of Yazd, title Murtada-i- Mammalk-Islam) 772, 773 Mir Miran, 295, 767 Mir Saiyid, 245 Mir Saiyid Muhammad 687 Mir Sham sher, 51 Mirajiyya, 89 Mirak, Khwaja, (Di wan). 363 Mirak, Khwaja (of Isfahan), 816 Mirak Ata Ullah, 222 Mirak Husain, 12, 222 Mirak Husain KhwafL 223 Mirak Kamal, 12, 220 Mirak Khan, 588 J\1irak Muhammad Taqi K, 14, 482

"The Maa!bir-ul-Umara" Mirak Muin K., 229 Mirak Muinu-d-din Ahmad Amanat Khan Khwafi, 14, 22,223, 680 Mirak, Shaikh Haravi 642 Mirab Taqi, 483 Miran Husain, 113 Miran t.~l:barak, 396 Miran M II barak, Shah, 709 Miran Sa('r Jahan ~1ufti, 606 Miran Saiyid. 608 Mirat Ahmadi, 74 Miratu-I-Alam, 4, 47 Miratu-s-Safa, 5 Mirat Waridat, 5 Miriam Makani, 9, 45, 284, 372 Miradh, 293 Miradadpur, 196 Mirtha (Merta), 30, 40, 575, 630,631, 727, 737 Mirtha (Mertha), 185, 198, Mirza (s), 27 Mirza Beg, 824 Mirza Khan, (title of Mirza Abdu-r-rahim Khan Khanan), 54, 55, 164, 708, 837 Mirza Khan (title of Sultan Hasan B. Sultan Husain of Sabazwar), 113, 114 Mirza Koka 323, 326, 331, 729, 730 Mirzapur, 267 Mirza Raja, 732 Misri, Hakim, 544, 516 Mltr Sen, Raja, 369 Miyan Duab. 264, 505, 640 661 Miyankal, 350

Index Miyan K., 325 Miyan Manjhali, 477 Miyan Masti, 35 Miyan Sahib, 641 Miyan Saiyid, 79 Miyanah Afghans, 759 Mahan, 458 Mahan Singh, 765, 766 Mohesh Das, 420 Monghyr, i36 Moradabad, 163, 177, 300, 339, 582, 673 Morang, 137,637 Mosan, 353 Moses, 569,791 Matt, 425 Mozaffar, Mir, 302 Mozaffar, Sultan, of Gujrat, Sl, 325 Mozffar Husain, 311 Mozaffar Husain, M., 41, 506, 536, 537, Mozaffar Jang, 16, 17,19,29, 131, 279, 280, 446 Mozaffar K., 440 Mozaffar K. Barha, Saiyid, 576, 577 Mozaffar Kirmani, M., 402 Mozaffarnagar, 433 Muatamad K .. 577 Muazzam, 145, 590 Muazzam, 693 Muazzam Khan Khanan, 154, 211, 24~ 276, 462, 463, 472, 495,497,498, 500, 511, 530, 661,685,697. 749 Muazzam Khan Safavi, 789 Mubarak, 117

901" Mubarak. 608 Mubarak Khan Bokhari, Saiyid, 635, 706 Mubarak Khan Lohani, 375 Mubarak Ullah, 208 Mubarak Ullah, Mir, 684 Mubrik Khan, 461 Mubariz Khan Adali (Adi!), 759 Mubariz Khan Imad-ul-Mulk, 15, 84, 240, 309, 310, 481, 487, 548,684, 718, 719, 751, 826 Muftakhir, K., 355 Muftakhir (Muftkhr) Khan, 628,805 Mufti, 96 Mughalistan, 813 Mughal Khan Arab Shaikh, 760 Muhakam Singh, 508 Muhakam Singh, 440, 441 Muhammad, 9, 46, 92 Muhammad, Haji. 39, 814 Muhammad, Mir, 300 Muhammad, Mirza (Asalat Khan),300 Muhammad, Mirza (son of Afzal Khan), 334 Muhammad, Mirza (son of Ohulam Ali Khan), 690 Muhammad, Mirza (son of Mir Badi of Mashhad), 827 Muhammad, Prince, 248 Muhammad, Saiyid, 701 Muhammad, Sultan, 137,241, 312, 511, 557 Muhammadabad, 33, 433, 722

------'902 Muhammad Adil Shah, 214, 292, 595, 694, 785 Viuhammad Akbar, Sultan, 110,140, 174, 175,236,271, 300, 371, 407, 430, 558, 578, 588, 601, 663, 680, 696, 723, 775, 787, 790, 823 Muhammad Ali, Mir, 740 M. Ali Asghar, 286 Muhammad Ali Khan, 16, 228,760 Muhammad All' Salar Jang . Mirza, 691 Muhammad Amin, 425 Muhamrnad Amin Diwana. 50 Muhammad Amin Khan, 155, 241-245.313,443, 472, 769, 770, 805 Muhammad Amin Khan Chin Bahadur, Itimad-ud-Daulah, 220, 426, 438, 602, 633, 636, 710, 776, 839 Muhammad Amin, Mir, 447 Muhammad Anwar Khan, 633, 750 Muhammad Asad, 166 Muhammad Ashraf, 347 Muhammad Aurangzib Bahadur (Prince Sultan) 345, 352, 754, 768, 782, 829 Muhammad Azam (Azim) Shah, 170, 171, 206. 221, 225,236,258,274,314,382, 383, 388, 444, 460, 473, 503, S23, 529, 547,556, 5'57, 579, 588. 590, 591, 593,614,619, {j28, 629,656,657,664 673, "The Maa!bir-ul-Umara" 681,723, 735, 761, 788, 789, 790,810, 838, 839 Muhammad Azim, Prince Sultan, 111,314,383.614 Muhammad Azim-ush-shah, Prince 656 Muhammad Bakhtiyar Shaikh, 741 Muhammad Baqa, 788 Muhammad Baqi, 746 Muhammad Baqi Qalmaq, 369 Muhammad Baqir. Mir, 804 Muhammad Basit, Khwaja. 775 Muhammad Bidar Bakht, Prince. 158. 194, 644 Muhammad Bokhari Radavi Mir, Saiyid, 737 Muhammad Dilawar, 487 Muh,lmmad Farrukh-siyar, 10, 197,258,276,429,433,460, 461.475,487, S55, 579 614, 629,630,663,675,681,684, 710,711,775, 818, 840 Muhammad Gesudaraz, Saiyid, 205 Muhammad Ghaznavi, Shaikh,320 Muhammad Ghiyath, Mir, 696 Muhammad Ghiyath Khan Bahadur, 750, 751 Muhammad Ghiyath-ud-Din Ali Asaf Khan, 661 Muhammad Hudi, 719 Muhammad, Hakim Mirza 40. 43. 96. 134, 135, 156, 164. 20J. 320, 393, 357, 505, 519,584,604 609.741. 748, 762

..
Index Muhammad Husain, 27 Muhammad Husain Dasht Bayazi, 485 Muhammad Husain K. Mir. 14 Muhammad Husain K. Mir, 483 Muhammad Husain Khursani, 623 Muhammad Raj, 756 Muhammad Ibrahim Multafat K., 299, 581 Muhammad Ikram, 74, 78 Muhammad Iradaimand Khan, Saiyid Mir., 321 Muhammad Ismail K" 579 Muhammad Izzu-d-din, Prince, 197 Muhamnnd Ja~lfar, 426 Muhamm:ld Jifar, KhwajJ, 775 Muhammad Jafar, 684 Muhammad Kam Bakhsh, Prince, 307, 460, 492, 702 Muhamm'ld Knim, 610, 665 Muhammad Kazim Khan Maghfur, Marhum, Mabrur, 15, 31, 163 Muhammad Khalil, 71 Muhammld Kh'llil Inayat Khan, 839 Muhammad Khalil, Mir, 449 Muhammad Khan, 641, 708, 709, 796 Muhammad K., 241 M uhamm:ld Khan Bangash, 138, 635, 676, 735 Muhammad Khan, Mir, 321 903 Muhammad Khan Qudsi, Haji, 398 Muhammad Latif, 193 Muhammad Mah, 197 Muhammad Mahdi, Mir, 607 Muhammad Mahdi Khan Mir, 483 Muhammad Masaud, 157 Muhammad Masih Murad Khan. 625 Muhammad Nasum, 63 Muhammad, Mir, 160 Muhammad Mirza, Sultan, 721 Muhammad Muali Khan, 78 Muhammad Muazzam, Prince Sultan, 110,236, 271, 382, 406, 502, 554, 578, 661, 663, 755, 760, 785, 786, 790, 791, Muhammad Muhsin, 509, 785 Muhammad Muizz-ud-Din, Prince, 382, 680, 688, 791, 806 Muhammad Muqim, 620 Muhammad Muraj Kashmiri, 707, 709 Muhammad Murad Khan II, 170, 254 Muhammad Murad Khan Uzbeg, 231 Muhammad Murtada Khan, 779 Muhammad Murtaza K, 425 Muhmmadnagar, 751 Muhammad Naim, 486 Muhammad Nazir K . 35 Muhammad Numan, Mir, 697

904 Muhammad Par:,h, Mir, 592, Muhammad Parsa, Khwaja, 77 Muhammad Qasim, 3 Muhammad Qasim Khan, 623 Muhammad Qulai Afshar, 284 Muhammad Quli, 578 Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, 40, 348, 527, 491 Muhammad Quli Kutb-l-mulk, 594 Muhammad Oulij Muhammad K .. 434 Muhammad Raza, 181, 194 Muhammad Rida Lahori, 76 Muhammad sadiq, 537 Muhammad Said, 348, 527 Muhammad Said Khalil Ullah,299 Muhammad Said Khan, 839, 840 Muhammad Said Mirza, 686 Muhammad Saiyid Mir, 279 Muhammad Saiyid 74, 94, 113,116,241, 817 Muhammad Salih, 690 Muhammad Salih Kambu, 4 Muhammad Shafi, 5, 792 Muhammad Shafi, Mir,696 Muhammad Shah Padishah, 9,15,33, 34, 72, 112, 138, 161, 166, 175,206,231,240, 309,427,430,441, 444, 461, 482, 483, 579, 592, 596,610, 614, 635, 643, 666, 675, 681, 684, 690, 718, 720, 735, 765, 766 776. 777, 778, 790, 809, 826. 836, 839, 840

"The

Maa!bir-ul-Umara'~

Index Muhi-ud-Din Quli Khan, 840 Muhiy-us-Sunnat, 677 Muhkam Singh, Raja, 632, 633,638, Muhrdar, 261 Muhsin K., 66 Muhtaram Beg, 180 Muhtasib, 619 Muin-ud-Din, 634 Muin-ud-Din, Chishti, 179 410,453 Muinu-d-Din, Mirak, 12,221230 Muin-ud-Din Quli Khan, 80 Muin-ud-Din Sanjari, Khwaja,742 Muin-ul-Mulk,675 Muizz-ud-Daulah, 601,602, 610 Muizz-ud-Din Prince-Sultan, 228, 275, 283, 459, 612, 675, 817,818 Muizzu-l-mulk Akbari, Mir, 177, 178, 457 Mujahid Khan, 680 Mujma-ul-bahar ghariba-lLaghatu-l-Hadith, 74 Mujtahid, 333 Mujtahids, 43 Mukarram Khan Mir lshaq, 140, 58!, Mukarram Khan Safavi, Mirza, 156,581,671 Mukhlas Khan, 258, 562 Mukhbspur (Mukhlispur), 581, 640, 828, Mukhlas Ullah K., 157 Mukhlis K., 166,510

905 Mukhlis Khan l, 249-251 Mukhlis Khan lJ, 228 Mnkhlis Khan Qazi Nizam Karhardui, 531 Mukhtar, 306 Mukhtar Beg, 700, 701 Mukhtar Khan Mir ShamsudDin, 140, 204, 806 Mukhtar Khan Qamar-udDin, 508, 663, 681 Mukramat Khan (also Makramat Khan), 614, 722, 768 Mulaskhkhas,5 Mulak Chand, 234 Mulhair (vars. Muller, Mu11eir), 34, 352, 353, 579 Mulhar Raj Holker (Mu1her Holker), 139, 442, 592, 674, 777 Mulkhair (vars. Mu1her and Mu1khair), 205, 433 MulJa Baha, 753 Mu11a Mir, 302 Mu11a Mir Ali, 331 Mu11a Mir Kalan, 302 Mu11a Mir Talib, 302 Mu11a Mir Jan, 567 Mu11a Muhammad, 434 Mul1a Muhammad Lari, 269, 292, 753, 832 Mulla Muhammad Sufi, 739 Mul1a Murshid, 583 rvlul1a Mustafa, 434, 435 MuHa Naziri. 62 Mu11a Pir Muhammad K., 199,373, 374 Mu11a Salih, 448

Muhammad Shah Lodi, 812 Muhammad Sharif (father o f Ahmad Beg Khan) 156 Muhammad ShafIf (Munshi of Superintendent of Posting Office) 554 Muhammad S huja, Prince Sultan, 176, 211,212,292, 295,305, 318,402,496, 521,. 682, 715, 780, 793 Muhammad Sultan, 191 Muhammad Sultan, Prince. 154.264,405, 508, 52!. 597. 682, 697, 755, Muhammad Tahir, 252 Muhammad Tahir, Bohra. S.,. 73 Muhammad Taqi. 560 Muhammad Taqi, M. 114 Muhammad Taqi K., 267, 449 Muhammad Taqi K.. Mir, 231 Muhammad Tughlaq. Sultan, 744 Muhammad Waris, 4 Muhammad Yar, M., 388 Muhammad Yar, Khan, 255 Muhammad Razi, Saiyid, 514Muhammad Zaman, 379 Muhammad Zaman Khan 640, 641 MUhaqqiq-Dawwani, 172 Muhibb Ali Khan. 575 Muhibb Ali Khan Rohtagi,. 266 Muhib Ullah, Mir, 144 Muhiu-din, 235

906 MuHa Shafta, 446 Mulla Yahia, 166, 167 Mul Monoharnagar, 837 Multafat Khan, 683, 753 Multafat Khan, 255, 273 Multafat Khan Mir Ibrahim Husain, 260, 382, 449, 770 Muluk Cand (Chand), Rai, 579, 593 Mumidana, 407 Mumin K., Khwaja, 310 Mumin Khan, Najm Sani, 162, 382 Mumtaz (Mamtaz) Mahal (also Taj Mah!), 9, 288, 294, 679, 806 Mumtaz-uz-Zaman, 614 Munawwar Khan Shaikh Miran, 811, Mungi Pattan, 142 Munim Beg Khan Khanan, 133, 145, 147, 201, 349,374, 584,600, 660, 701,741, 757, 823 Munim Khan (also Munim K). 51, 174, 200, 274, 301, 645, 647, 831 Munim Khan Khanan Khan Bahadur Shahi, 539, 540, 808 Munkir, 435 Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh, 3 Muqarrab Khan, 299, 616, 617,644,809 Muqarrab Khan (a Turkish slave),317, 532, 664, 779, 801 ,Muqim., M. 137

"The Maa!lJir-ul-Umara'" Muqim Khawaja, 575 Muqim, Naqshbandi, M., 281 Murad Bakhsh, Prince, 68, 106, 177,189, 190,235,245, 298, 299, 300. 344, 345, 363, 402,403,471,485,506,580, 619,654,662,664,667,726, 731, 732, 754, 767, 794, 822 Mutad Khan Safavi Mirza, 774 Murad Khan, Sultan, 558 Murad, Sultan, 53, 56, 169, 178, 233, 325, 331, 472, 505507 510, 655, 724, 819, 841 Muradabad, 195, 700, 701, 703,710 Murari (Murari Pandit), 506, Murar Rao Ghorpura (Murarirao Ghorpade), 85 Murrawwij-ud-Din, 654 Murshidabad, 206, 207, 530, 720 Murshid Quli. 563 Murshid Quli Khan, 206, 207, 475, 478, 719, 720 Murshid Qu1i Khan Khurasani, 474 Murshid Quli Khan Turkman" 436 Murshid Yazdjaardi, MuHa, 583 Murtada, 608, 638, 804 Murtada, Pasha, 698, 699 Murtadabad (Mirich or Miraj), 703 Murtadanagar,811 Murtada Khan, 105, 315, 6501 Murtada-i-Mamalik-i-Islam, 772

INDEX

907

Mutamid Khan, 66, 287, 402, Murtada Khan Bokhari Shaikh Farid), 750 485, 682 Mutamidu-d-daula Bahadur Murtada Quli, 754 Sirdar Jang, 66 Murtaza, 326 Murtaza, K., 505, 524 Mutaqad Khan Mirza Makki" 780 Murtaza K. Anju, 105 Mutaqid Khan 668, 68S~ Murtaza K. Mir, 548 Muthawwar Khan Bahadur Murtaza K. Shaikh Farid, 455 Khweshgi, 16, 299 Murtaza Mir, 120,816 Muzaffar, 804 Murtaza Nizam Shah, 56, 113 Muzaffarabad, 828 Murtaza Nizam Shah IL 532 Muzaffar Gujarati, Sultan, 534, 536, (also Muzaffar Khan Murtaza Shariff, Mir, 201 Gujarati), 51, 52, 412, 520 Musa, 609, 653 Muzaffar Husain, Mir, 783 Musa Khan Fuladi, 374 Muzaffar Husain, Mirza, 837' Musafir Khan, 835 Muzaffar Khan, 777, 788 Musavi Khan, 674 Muzaffar Khan Barha, Saiyid, Musavi K., 474 800 Musavi Khan Mirza Muizz, Muzaffar Khan Mir Abdur 429, 473 Razzaq Mamuri, 214, 269 Musavi Khan Sadr, 260, 739 799 Musavi (Masawi) Saiyid (s), Muzaffar Khan, Saiyid, 791, 425, 551 795, 802, 811, 812 Muscat, 175, 176 Muzaffar Khan Turbati, 39, Muslim, K., 509 40, 80, 107, 180,266,283, Mustafa Khan, 70, '551, 643 323, 336,411,485, 519, 543, Mustafa Khan Muhammad 648, 667, 823, 830 A. Ahmin, 292 Muzaffarnagar, 617 Mustaad Khan Muhammad Muzzu-I-mulk, Mir, 40 Shafi-Saqi, 4, 666 Myconda,16 Mutamad Khan Bakhshi, 3, Mysore, 18, 555, 598 44 Mutaman-ud-Daula Ishaq Naaman K. (Mir), 66 Khan, 690 Nabahar Be, 222 Mutaman-ul-Mulk 'Ala-udNabi,637 Daula Khan Bahadur Asad Nabi Nagar 131 Jang, 719 Nabir, 759

'908 Nadaf, 105 Nadarbar, 781 Nadhr Be, 821, 825 Nadhr Muhammad, 627, 678, 727, 731, 733, 768, 820,821, 822, 833 Nadhr Quli, 777 Nadim Koka, 148 Nadina, 177, 178 Nadir Shah, 241, 308, 309 427, 482, 748, 777, 778, 809, 818, 819, 836, 840 Nadiru-1-mulk HumayunShahi Saiyid Ali Judai, 545 Nadlru-z-Zamani, 4 Nadot, 52 Nagarcand, 295 Nagar Das, 769 Nagarkot, 413, 414, 420, 421, 646, 647 Naghaz, 338 Naghma, 395 Nagina, 177, 339 Nagoda Miyan, 580 Nagor, 117,234,373, 674, 725 Nagpur, 458, 702, 782 Nahar, 386 Nahavand, 485 Nahr (Bihisht), 553 Nahrwala, Pattan, 95, 374 Nailanka, 784 Naim Beg, 639 Nao-ud-Din, Saiyid, 772 Nainsukh, 202 Naishapur 486 Nait, 164 Najabat Khan Mirza Shuja, 668, 685, 696

"The Maiilliir-ul-Umara" Najabat K., 577, 579 Najib Khan Rohilla, 441 Najibu-d-din Suhrawardi, 381 Najibu-nisa, 97 Najm Gilani, Mir, 385 Najm Sani, 162,382, 386 Najm-ud-Din 'Ali Khan Barah, Saiyid, 376-378 Najmud-daula, 208, 690 691 Najgjgasmp. 604 Nakir, 435 Nakodar, 790 Naldrug, 33, 34, 204, 459, 785 Nal Daman, 515 Namdar Khan, 723 Namgarha, 360 Nanak Ram, 272 Nanda Jam, 650, 744, 745 Nandarbar, 353 Nander, 67, 238, 239, 310, 535,594,596,597,610, 836 Nandgair, 540 Nandgarha,367 Nandial, 272 NanIm, 608, 706 Naniya,353 Naqha, 159 Naqib Khan Mir Ghiyath-udDin Ali, 752 Naqshbandi, 101, 302, 662 Naqqara-i-Akhir, 85 Naqus, 210 Narain Das Rathor, 281 Narbadda, 16, 59, 60, 82, 112, 232, 378, 396,451, 460, 493, 601, 550, 591, 632, 651, 662, 685, 7S0, 781, -;92,798 Narmal, 18

Index Namala, 761 Namo], 134, 409, 640, 673, 804, 820 N arpat Singh, 594 Nar Singh, 202 Narwar, 82, 123, 550 Nasapur, 747 Nasib Nazr Beg, Taghai, Khwaja,363 Nasik, 98, 120, 122, 130, 168, 185,353,507, 537,623, 765 Nasir Mirza, 745 Nasir, Shaikh, 817 Nasira, 260 Nasirabad, 205, 491 Nasir Khan, 130,215.408, 626,77~ 779, 780,790 Nasir Jang, 17, 32,33, 34, 84, 131, 279, 310,446,461,492, 602, 751, 826, 836, Nasir Khan Muhammad Aman, 640 Nasir-ud-Daula Salabat Jang, 836 Nasir-ud-Din, Ahrar, Khwaja, 87,97 Nasir-ud-Din, Sultan, 620 747 Naskh, 301, 304 Nasratabad, 273 Nasrat Jang, 778,782 Nasarat (Nusrat) Khan, 685 Nasr Vlla, 64 Nastaliq, 304 Naudhar Safavi, Mirza, 766 Nauras, 539 Nauras Tara, 539 Nauruz Beg Qaqshal. 727 Naushaba, 416 Naushahra, 133, 290, 697 Naushairwan the Just. 761 Navati, 164 Nawab Asaf Jah, 548,558, 809 Nawab Begam Sahib, 512 Nawab Fath Jang, 239 Nawab Zinatu-n-Nisa Begam, 273 Nawazzish Khan Nirza Abdul Kafi, 512, 622 Nawazish Khan Sa'ad UlIah 400,419 Nawab Auliya, 637 Nazul Ma, 475 Nazi~ of the Deccan, 663 Nazim of Haidarabad, 306 Naziri Mirza, 114 Naziri MuHa, 62 Nazrbar, 524 Nazr Muhammad K., 48,68, 176, 188, 189-192, 208, 209" 212, 213, 222, 298, 344-346 355, 360, 361, 363-365, 380 402,463,495,507,509 Nazr, Sultan, M., 388 Neknam, 343 Neku Siyar, 430, 601, 634, 680,735 Nerbada (also Nerbudda) 400, 510, 570 Newal Bai, Rani, 279 Newa1 Rai, 138, 139 NezabazL 668 Nizamat Ul1ah Khan, Khwaja,85 Nikahana, 77 Ni1ab,758 Nilanga, 530 Nima Rajah Sindhiah, 420,590

I I

------

iIIIIIIIII.~iiII~~~ ".-----.- ~-.~iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii-'-_'~-'-iiii--'-_'

- - - - - -......- - - - .

'910 Nimatabad, 771 Nimat Allahis. 712 Nimat Khan Ali, 761 Nimat Ullah II, 772 Nimat Uliah Asili, Mir, 583, Nimat lJllah, Mir-772-774 Nimat Ullah, Mizra, 652 Nimat Ullah Vali, Shah, 835, Nimbalkar, 750 Nimcha-i-Alamgiri, 61) Nimcha Shamsher, 48 Nimi,793 Nira, 528 Nirma!' 238 Nisar Muhammad K. Sher Jang, 427 Nishapur, 45, 83, 425, 680 Niyabat K. Arab, 41,172, 173, 741 Niyazi, 94, 95, 167, 312 Niyaz K. Saiyid, 171, 308 Niyaz, K. II. Saiyid, 308 Nizam, 207. 494,583, 809 Nizam, Shaikh, 244, 382, 521 Nizamat, 13 Nizam Ali Khan, Mir, 25,27, 593 Nizami, 12~ Nizami, S., 286 Nizam Shah, Bahadur, 54, 56, 122, 484, 534 Nizam Shah Burhan, 54, 534 Nizam Shah, Husain, 533 Nizam Shah, Murtada, 816 Nizam Shah, Murtaza, 214, 215,225,316, 417,456,533535, 595, 669, 717, 798, 799, 802

"The MaaUJir-ul-Umara" Nizam Shahi, 32, 167,451, 532, 594, 718, 734, 753, 779, 801, 816 Nizam-ud-Din Abd. 772 Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad, Khwaja, 3, 99, 108, 575 Nizam-ud-Din Ali. 651 Nizam-ud-Din Ali Khalifa,
578

Index Nur-ud-Din Ali Khan, 839 Nuru-ud-Din Muhammad M., 88, 371 Nuru-ud-Din Muhammad Mirza, 371 Nur-id-Din Shah Nimat Ul1ah,770 Nuru-l-aiyan, 205 Nuru-l-Haqq, 3, 78 Nur Ullah, 557, 771 Nur Ullah Khan 637 Nusrat, 487 Nutiyy, 164 Dbed Ullah Nasiru-d-din Ahrar, Khwaja, 97 'Oghuz, 153 Oghuzan, 511 Old Delhi, 785 Orakzai, 284 Oratory, 382 'Orcha, 381, 425, 593, 759 Orion, 360 'Orissa, 155,206,207,211, 324, 386. 409, 422, 518, 522, 623, 630,651, 653, 658, 667,692, 720,775 -Osman, 326 -Oudh, 40, 49, 131, 138-140, 155, 179, 201, 302, 312, 313,323, 386, 427, 430,446, 579, 584, 626, 657, 660, 676, 691,715,777 Owsa, 303, 664 Oxus, 191, 192,298, 360, 385 Padam Singh, 755 Padm Singh, Rajah, 594

JU

Nizam-ud-Din Ali Husain Ullah Khan, 652 Nizam-ud-Din Auliya 650 Nizam-ud-Din Jam, 744 Nizam-ud-Diulah, 2, ll, 517,19,22,29,30,280, 310, 311, 594, 678, 702 Nizam-ud-Mulk, 232, 268,305,396, 534,669, 728, 731, 765, 778, 779, 801, 804 Noah,154, Nuhgazi, 127 Numan. Mir, 698 Nuqtavi, 126 Nura, 676 Nura, Khwaja, 87 Nurabad, 677 Nurgarh, 726 Nur Jahan Begam, 59, 61, 126,141,150,217,232,386, 418,561, 573,574,603,604, 659,729 Nur Nahal, 260 Nurmahl, 684 Nur Manzil, 551,672 Nur Muhammad, 268, 818 Nurpur, 297, 794 Nur-ud-Dahr, 604 Nuru-d-din, 87, 107, 109, 110, 282

Padmini, 395 Padshah Quli, 740 Padshah Quli Khan, 680 Padishahnama Shahjahani 391 Padishahzada, 329 Pahar, 42 Pahari, 670, 827 Pahar Singh, 167 Pahar Singh Bundela. 442, 683, 756 Paidaba Naik, 588 Paipari, 532 Pakh1i, 620 Pallakollu, 132 Palam, 420 Palamau, 305, 464, 715 Palatoka, 227 Palawan, 663, 664 Pali,676 Palki, 251 Palla, 748 Panah, 37 Panala, 273 Panar, 350 Pancmahal, 433 Pandhar, 635 Pandu,694 Pandus, 573 Pandya Birgaon, 774 Panhala, 703 Pani. 117 Panipat. 198, 489, 616, ~22, 840 Pajama, 157 Panjab, 36, 39, 110, 137, 145, 149, 160, 177, 188, 198, 202, 315,319,350,359, 371, 373, 377,392, 393,404,414,415,

r
,I

i'

912

"The Maalliir-ul-Umara'"

Index 671,699,701, 705, 712, 719, 721, 739, 740, 745, 750, 755, 758,772, 773, 777, 778, 794, 801,804,813,823,834 Persian (s), 3, 5, 20, 27, 28, 49, 52. 14, 89, 117, 128, 157, 187, 197,206,209,249,261, 284,291,292,300,313,319, 334, 348, 353, 358, 368, 370, 403,404,420,423,427,446, 453,469,470,471,507, 511, 514,547,558, 559, 5 7 8,661, 667, 682, 689, 698, 699, 726, 743, 771, 777, 778, 819, 824 Partab, 562 Peshawar, 243, 248, 313, 380, 421, 507- 542, 609. 657, 663, 727, 808 Peshdast, 224 Peshkash, 106, 188, 227, 294, 305,676 Peshwa (Peshwah),l13 Phaltan, 750 Phaniya, Shaikh, 616 Phu1chery, 751 Phul Katara, 68, 69, 75, 756, 792, 793 Phul Malik, 708, 709 Pim (Bhim) Narayan, 728 Pinheiro, Father 435 Pipli, 155, 655 Pir, 30 Pira, 793, 803 Pirahan, 30 Pir Kabir, 642 Pir Khan, 641, 795, 803 Pirma Naik, 176 Pir Muhammad Khan, 359

913 Pir Muhammad Khan Sharwani, 149, 199, 373, 374, 396,814 Pir of N iyazis, 94 Pitlad, 4 7 5 Polagi, Prince, 291 Pondicherry, 17,19,20, 26, 27,279,461, 836 Poona, 219, 500. 521,528, 828 Portuguese, 315, 428, 445, 446 Postings, 747 Pratap, Rana, 180, 404, 506, 587, 724, 727, 836, Prithiraj. 103, 343, 381, 756 Prithi Singh, 312,340,444 736 Prophet, 92, 93, 124, 142, 144, 327, 516, 566, 569,629,638, 672 Puhkar, 242 Pul Salar, 358 Pun Pun, 68 Punar, 350, 353 Punjab, 4 Purandhar, 165,464,500,501, 828 Puran Mal, 410 Punderpur, 273 Purdil Khan, 469,529, 716 Purindhar, 734 Pur Mandal, 116, 560 Purna, 120, 603 Purnia, 207, 208, 253 Purokhotam, 266 Pushkar, 140, 830 Qabad,768 Qabal Khan, 565 Qabil Khan, 554, 556, 565 Qaculi Bahadur, 565

420,458,467,484,525,548, Patha Duab, 687, 688 614, 642, 646, 647, 675, 684, pa-thaI Das, 682 691,709, 722, 724, 726, 745, Pathan, 392, 393, 725 :46, 759, 760, 770, 789, 790, Pathri, 54,67, 179, 185, 239, 596, 685 813,814,817, 835 Patna, 102,105,207,222,2 52 , Panjhazari Zat-u-Sawar, 187 Panjshir, 345 253, 337, 339, 366,429,431, Panku!' 132 536, 463, 464, 521, 606, 630, Pannah,436 631,645,710, 715,729, 730, Panwar, 343 757, 758, 808, 823 Panwars, 682 Patna (province of), 136, 138, Papra, 306, 307 206 Paparghat, 140 Patr Das, 411-412 Parab Khan, 788 Patr Das, Rai, 284 Parbani, 239 Pattan, 50, 73, 75, 164, 179, Pm'enda, 167, 171, 176, 215, 217,319-321,374,608, 707, 268,287,296,317,402,468, 708, 727, 742, 816 494.531, 579,669,728, 732, Patur Shaikh Babu, 130, 310 770, 780. 793 Payanghat, 217, 460, 687, 781 Pari Paikar Khanam, 772 Payinda Be, 222 Pariyan, Rabat, 358 Payinda Muhammad Arghun, Parli, 538 746 Parnala, 626 Payinda Muhammad Sultan, Paronkha, 457 358 Partab Singh, 736 Payinghat. 130, 598 Parvati, 717 Peacock Throne, 397, 399, 778. Parvez Beg, Mirza, 205 Parviz (Parves) Sultan, Prince, Peequet, 448 56,57, 59,60,99, 141, 267, Pemnaik, 171 269, 270, 285, 378, 379, 424, Persia, 47, 66, 71, 93, 96, 109', 116, 125, 140, 175, 18 7, 189, 452, 455, 549, 560, 570, 583, 190, 192, 197,204,209,213, 616,627, 668, 715, 724, 731, 233,249,261,281, 291, 292, 792, 796, 798, 832, 833, 837 293, 300, 348, 351, 358, 361, Parwana (Parvana), 665 362, 363, 368, 3-0, 386,. Parwanci. 584 389, 391, 392 397, 404, Pasari, 182 468, 484. 501, 545, 548, 550, Pusha, 698 553, 563, 565, 574, 582, 583, Patali, 572, 573 599,600, 611, 627, 634, 670, Patang Rao, 718

r
'I

914 Qadi, 567, 723 Qadi, Abdul Hayy, 5i' Qadi Khan, 649 Qadi Nizam Badakhsl1 i , (1'i') Qadi, Nur Ullah, 1003 Qadi of dhar, 723 08rliri 77f) C'8c1ir Shah, 394 Qadizadas, 808 Qadr, 387 Qaf, 32 Qaim Khan, 138 Qaiq, 356, 567 Qais, 808 Qaisar, 698 Qalandar Beg, 204 Qalandar Khan, 139 Qalandar Khwaja, 19 Qalat, 716, 727 Qalmaq, 69 Qalmaq, Nizam, 728 Qamargha, 668 Qamarnagar, 306, 461 Qamar-ud-Din Khan Bahadur, Itimad-ud-Daulah, 592,674 Qambar, 198 Qamis, Shah, 87 Qamr-ud-Din, 677 Qamus, 164 Qanauj, 57, 101, j 38,201, 342, 347, 352, 369, 495, 756, Qandahar, 4,5,3649, 59, 81, 95,99, 117, 138, 150, 157. 186, 187, 192, 196, 197,204, 223, 233, 248, 264, 269, 303, 334, 347, 348, 357, 358, 359, 370, 376, 386, 403, 418. 451,

"The

Maa~hir-ul-Umara"

Index Qasim Khan 1,210, 456,731, 'Qasim Khan Il, 300, 623 Qasim Khan Juvaini, 306 Qasim Khan Karmani (Kirmani), 612, 626 Qasim Khan, Mahdi, 38 Qasim Khan Mir Abul Qasim Namakin, 105 Qasim Khan Mir Balu, 8L 180, 622 Qasim Khan, Muhammad, 623 Qasim Muhammad Khan of Nishapur, 83 Qasim, Saiyid, 164 Qasim-ur-Rasi, 742 'Qasur, 73, 312, 641-643 Qaswara Jang, 308-310 Qat1u Lohani, 324 'Qawal,101 Qawam-ud-Din Khan, 656 Qawiest, Shaitan, 45 'Qazalbash, 648, 716, 797 Qazalbash Khan Afshar, 685 Qazan Bangali, S., 88 Qazaq Khan, 721 Qazaq Khan Baqi Beg Ozbeg, 106, 685 Qazi, 73, 72, 77, 159, 161, 163,184, 361, 567 Qazi Khan, 584 Qazi Nizamai Kararudi, 510 Qaz- of Lahore, 79 Qazis of the camp (rdu), 76 Qazi of Tatt-a, 567 'Oazi Shaikhu-1-Islam, 76 Qaziship, 76 Qazwill, 291, 390, 391, 454, 752

915 Qazzaq Khan. 685 Qibehaq, 89, 793 Qibla,25 Qidrandaz, 511 Qiladar, 111 Qiladar Khan, 31, 268,812 Qirqlu, 777 Qiwam-ud-Din, 838 Qizibashes (Qizibashis), 362 Qohistall, 488 Qoresh, 165, 598 Qubad alldazi, 390 Qubad Khan Mir Akhor, 580, 581,835 Qudrat UUah, 529 Qudrat Unah. Khwaja, 826 Quhistan, 356 Quli Khan Bahadur, Khwaja, 825, 826 Quli Khan Khwajam, 131 Qulij Khan Andjani, 51, 25, 282,359,379,434,435 Qulij K. Jani Qurbani, 379 Qulij Khan Khwaja 'Abid, 254, 304 Qulij Khan Shahjahani, 151 Qulij Khan Turani, 49, 187, 209,469,507,623,667, 750, 767, 783, 819 Qulij Muhammad Khan, 434, 435 Qul1araqasi, 186, 187 Qum, 389 Quran, 469, 729 Qurbegi, 140, 625, 674, 767 Qurkhana, 662 Qurughi, 126 Oushbegi, 512,618 Qushuntogh,743

458, 468, 469. 471. 484, 507, 508, 563, 572, 578, 582, 582, 599,605, 624, 627, 639, 661, 667,670,676,677,679,685, 689,701,705,716, 726, 727, 732, 740, 744, 745, 746. 747, 7H). 754, 758, 768, 813, 817, 818.819,829,834 Qandh:u (also Qandahar, 130, 142,205, 335, 341,408, 593, 779 Qandarsaki, 45 Qanduz, 45, 189,191,368, 821,822 Qanun, 831 Qanun Arabiyya, 92 Qanun-i-Humayuni, 786 Qanungo, 789 Qaqshal, 38, 39, 283, 324, 335, 716 Qara, 510, 715 Qara Sikandar, 368 Qara Yusuf, 368 Qaracha Khan, 701 Qarani, 116 Qaraq, 106 Qaraquinlu, 368 Qarari, 109 Qarawal, Beg, 449,512, 668, 672,767 Qariya, 657 Qasim Ali, 109 Qasim Ali Khan, 208 Qasim Barah, 164, 775 Qasim Barha, 55 Qasim Beg, 109, 298 Qasim Kahi, 283 Qasim Khan, 306

I I

916 Qutb,67 Qutbabad Galgala, 231 Qutba, Rakim, 261 Qutb Shah, 58,241, 587,766 781, 792 Qutbshahi, 417, :"35, 751, 809, Qutb-ud-Din. 144, 771 Qutbu-d-din Ali Khan PanchKauri, 131 Qutbu-d-din Haidar, 128 Qutb-ud-din Khan Khweshgi 1,41, 320, 609 Qutb-ud-Khan, 16 Qutb-ud-Din Khan Koka, 729, 754 Qutb-ud-din Khan Shaikh Khuban, 520, 666 Qutb-ud-Din Rohila, 643 Qutb,ud-Din Saiyid, 477 Qutb-ud-Din Sultan, 142 Qutb-ud-Mulk Saiyid 'Abdul lah Khan, 276, 429, 439, 601, 612,633,634,635,643,666, 710, 711, 735, 840 Qutbpura, 2, 14 Qutlaq Muhammad, 68 Qutlu (Lohani Kararani) 522,653,692 Qutlaq Mahammad Sultan, 191 Qutlaq Sultan, 364 Ra'adandaz Beg (Ra'adandaz Khan) 615 Rabbi,45 Radai, 738 Rada Quli, 649

"The Maa!hir-ul-Umara'" Radawi )Ridavi) Khan Saiyid Ali, 304, 740 Radi-ud-Din Khan, 619 Radi-ul-Mulk. 706 Rafat-ud-Daula Bahadur Zorawar Jang, 836 Rafi, Mirza, 118, 119 Rafiu-d-Darjat (Rafiu darjat) 430, 601, 712 Rafiu-u-daula, 73, 601 Rafi-ush-Shan, Prince, Sultan, 426, 602 Ragha Nath, 552 Raghu. 717, 718 Raghu Bhonsla, 18,31, 207, 702 Raghunath Dass, Raja, 131, 280 Raghunath (Raghu Nath) Roa, 446, 676 Raheri (Rairi), 529, 809 Rahim, 62 Rahim Beg, 363 Rahim Khan, 657 Rahiri, 66, 71, 79, 588, 703, 787 RahmanBakhsh (Khera), 255 Rahman Dad, M., 63 Rahman Yar, 211, 212 Ramat K., 261, 662 Rahmat U11ah, 195,558, 726. Rahmat Unah Khan, 84 Rahutara, 179 Rai Bagh (Raibagh), 293 Rai Bareli, 201 Rai Bhoj, 409 Raichoti, 17 Raicor, 461, 487

Index Rai Rayan, 411, 412 Raisin, 35, 324, 628, 774 Rai Singh, 235, 410 Rai Sumandar, 764 Raja Ram, 79, 80,437, 789 Raja Singh, 719 Rajamahendri, 20, 26, 84 Rajaur, 289 Rajauri, 801 Rajawat, 409 Rajabandari. 19, 85, 835 Rajdihar, 669 Rajgarh, 35, 219, 464, 612 Raji Saiyid Mubarik, 527 Rajmahal, 207, 658 Rajpipla, 52 Rajputs, 98, 158, 262, 449, 562, 578, 640, 647, 662, 682, 754, 781, 830 Raju Mana, 56, 112 Raju Miyan Deccani, 534, 535 Rajui Qatal, Shah, 535 Rajauri, Bir, 341 Raknu-d-daulah, 280 Raknu-d-din, 380 Rama, 79. 80 Ramai, 272 Ram Chand, 407. 433,444 Ram Cand Baghela. (Baghila), 37 Ram Chandra Mahratta, 20, 21, 23 Ram chand, 647, 725 Ram Chand Baghela. 737 Ram Chandra, Raja 617 Ramdara, 110 Ram Das, 330, 724

917 Ram Das Kachwaha (son of Raja Raj Singh Kachwaha) 262, 263 Ramgar, 747 Ramgarha. 194 Ramgir, 352 Rampur (dependency of Chitor) 505, 507, 508, 762 Rampur (in U. P., capital of the Nawabs, 196 Rampur on the banks of the Godavari in the Deccan), 316 Rampuri, 749 Ram Rai, 737 Ram Raja, 810 Ram Rajah, 407 Ram Saj, 168, 787 Ram Singh, 502 Ram Singh Kachwaha Raja, 734 Rana, 97, 149, 164. 244, 283, 400,404.412,424,465,488, 509,528,560, 584,587,618, 627,648,725,786,811,820, 829, 836, 837 Rana (also as Rana Bhonsle, son of Shivaji), 664 Ranhba Rao, 750, 751 Randaula K., 215, 217, 292, 317; 342,461,779, 794 Rangir, 687 Ranhatan, 183, 184 Ranmasi, 459 Ranmast Khan, 459, 462 Ranmastpura, 459 Rann, 689

918 Ranthambhur, 264, 402, 418, 453, 458, 629, 646, 724 Ranwir, 158-160 Raorasapura, 235 Rashid Khan, 719 Rashid K (Probably Abdu-lRakim),225 Rashid K (title of Rahman Var), 211 Rashid K. Ansar!, 235, 597 Rashid Khan Badi-uz-Zaman, 681 Rasul, 531 Rasulabad, 737 Rasulpur 820 Ratan, 410 Ratan Cand (Chand), Raja, 430,479,480,601, 635 Ratan Hara, Rao, 269, 379, 408, 779, 832, 834 Ratan Singh (Candrawat), 508 Ratanpur (Ratnpur), 102 Rathor, 401. 409, 588, 680 Rauza (Rauda), 122, 613 Rauzat-al-Akhtab, 96 Ravi, 192, 290, 551 Rawals, 761 Razi, 265 Razzaq Quli K., 71 Raechnan Duab, 267 Rel. 513 Resurrection, 41 Rezai, 181 Rhotas, 267 Rida Bahadur, 811-813 Rihan, 793 Rinapur, 482

"The Maalliir-ul-Umara"~ Risala, 388 Rizq Ullah, 617 Roghanath Das, Raja, 131, 280 Roghanath Rao, 195, 310, 594 Rohankhed, 110, 115, 167, 215, 216, 451, 816 Rohilkand, 343 Rohillas (Rohilas), -441 Rola Jola, 669 Rohtas, 138, 519, 562, 620, 621,627,666, 759, 811 Rohtak,464 Rozgar, 67 Ruh Ullah, M., 560 Ruh Ullah Khan, Ist. 79, 258,. 272, 355, 366, 367, 449, 459,. 665 Ruh Ullah Khan (son of Khalil Ullah Yazdi, 770 Ruh Ullah Khan, 2nd" 253, 538, 547, 626, 665, 818 Ruh Ullah Neknam Khan, 625 Ruknabad, 710 Rukn-ud-Daula (Daulah), 702, 835 Rukna,260, 385, 389 Rukn-ud-Daulah, Itiqad Khan Bahadur Farrukh-Shahi 710 Ruku-Din Rohila, 736 Rum, 468, 558, 777, 778 Rumalbardar, 467 Rupmati, 395 Rup Mukund, 507 Rupsi,410 Rup Singh, 507

INDEX

919

I
j

I
I

I I

Saadat Ullah Khan (Rohilla), Rup .Singa Rao, 508 Rurmal (Rudarmal), 500, 501 138.676 Rustam, 25, 218, 341, 387, Saad Ullah K" 165 388, 497, 638, 651, 104, Sabar, M., 388 Sabat, 647 812 Rustam Khan Deccani, Saiyid, Sabazwar, 113, 171, 307, 448, 751,816 697, 784 Rustam Khan Muqarrab Sabir, Khwaja, 595, 778 Khan, 49, 209, 264, 338, Sabz Bungalow, 225 525,567, 590,620,661, 667, Sadat Khan, 380 699, 819 Sadat Khan Dhulfiqar Jang, 592,674 Rustam Khan Shaghali, 59, Sadharm, 420 378 Rustam Safavi, Mirza, 623, Sadhaurah, 87, 808 Sadiq, 779 689, 730, 774 Sadiq Badakhshi, Khwaja, 265 Rustaq,775 Sadiqgarha, 540 Rustam, 120, 365, 485, 531 Sadiq K., 538 Rustam Ali, 610 Sadiq Khan Mir Bakhshi, 270, . Rustam Beg, Ataliq, 587 365, 656, 686, 702, 723, 822 Rustam Dil Khan, 171, 172, Khan Sadiq Muhammad 306, 752 Rirati, 146, 178, 337, 645, Rustam Qandahari, Mirza, 704, 749, 822 393, 622 Sadragar, 810 Rustam Zamana Mard, 218 Sadr., 42,43, 77, 107,543 Ruzbahanis, 305, 307, 511, Sadra, Rakim, 107,605 528 Sadr-i-KuB (Sadr Kull), 556 Sadr (Shaikh), 41 Saadatabad, 390 Sadr-ud-Din Muhammad, 772, 910 Saadat Ali K., 267 Saadat Khan, 510, 537,623 Sadru-n-Nisa, Fatima Begam. Saadat Khan Burhanu-I-Mulk, 295, 355, 636 Sadru-~Sadur, 68, 737, 742 425-428, 440, 636 Sad Ullah Khan, 681, 682 Saadat Ullah Khan, 84, 85 Sad UBah Khan, Allami, 11, Saadat Ullah Khan Bazar, 15, 16, 191, 235, 264, 402, 712 448, 462, 470, 512, 553, 592, Saadat Ullah Khan Naitha, 695, 763, 768, 774, 819, 822, . 166, 167 835, 837 Saadat Var Khan Koka, 66

920 Sad Ul1ah Khan Khwaja, 85 Safa-i-Safa, 106 Safarci, 127 Safastiyy, 333 Safavi, 192, 565, 834 Safdar Ali K., 84 .Safdar Jang, 97, 137-140, 196, 592,674,690, 691 Safdar, K., 314,563, 564, 788 Safdar Khan Khwaja Qasim, 35 Safdar Khan Thani, 601 Saffron, 42, 43, 285 Safi Khan, 265, 296 Safi (Safavi) Shah, 186, 189, 233, 468, 484, '627, 670, 732, 794, 834 Safi-ud-Din, 772 .Safr, 289 Saf Shikan, 622 Saf Shikan Khan Muhammad Tahir, 304, 312, 618 Sagar, 273 Sahan Buniyad, 85 Sahar, 827 Saharanpur, 580, 581,617,677, 828 Sahas Lang, 375 Sahawar, 690 Sah<::nda (Sahinda), 793, 802 Sahiba-i-Niswan,71O Sahib Begam, 839 Sahib Ferishta, 181 Sahibji, 194, 250-252 Sahib Qiran, 8, 57 Sahib Qiran Thani. 606 Sahibu-s-sail-u-alqa1m 524 Sahindah (Sahinda), 392, 577

"The Maatl1ir-u1-Umara" Index Sahra (Sahrah), 682 Sahu Bhonsle, 130, 168, 177 2 14,215,217,218, 232,268' 402, 456, 457, 468, 597, 634: 669, 732, 829 Sahu (Shahu), Raja, 238, 433 632, 750, 810, 811,836 ' Sahyadri Range, 353 Saidabad, 437 Said Badakhshi, 337 Said Khan, 759 Said Khan Bahadur Zafar Jang, 68, 81, 157, 187, 188, 209, 247, 380, 468, 495, 582, 716, 722, 726, 727, 732, 736 Said Khan Chaghta, 399, 582, 730 Said Khan, 81, 82 Saif Ali Beg, 368 Saif Khan, 253, 615, 662, 663 Saif Khan Koka, 286 Saif Khan Mirza Safi 103 246, 493, 739, 767 ' , Saifu-d-Daulah 19 71 73 614 "" Saifu-d-Din Ali Khan 112 632 ", Saif-ud-Din Safavi, 622 Sa~[ lJJlah Khan, 672, 770 SaJawal K., 394 Sajawand, 701 Sakat Singh, 762 Sakhkhr-un-na (Sakhrul r.). 735 nd , Sakrawal, 202 Sakriya (Sagar), 588 Salabat Jang, 3, 17 25 27, 32, 66, 85, 131, , 187' 279,280,310, 3' 1 433 702' 826, 836 '" Salabat Khan, 388, 531, 547, 564, 625, 791, 796, 816, 838 Salabat Khan Raushan Damir, 233, 234, 297, 366 403, 660 ' Salahat Khan Saiyid, 652 Sa1ah Khan, 306 Sa1ah-ud-Din, 745 Salar Jang, 691 Salar Jang Bahadur, Nawab, 29 Salar Khan, Saiyid, 615 Salau-d-din Sarfi, 108 Sale, 25 Sa1girih, 42 Sa1h Beg, 156 Salher, 353, 503, 508, 786, 787 Sali. 690 Salih Beg, 379 Salih K., 314, 563 Salih Khan, 279 Salih Mulla, 448 Saliha Begam, 773 Salim, 728 Salima Sultan Begam, 87 Salimgarh, 610 Salim Quli, 704 Salim Shah, 708, 759 Saljuq 668 Salura Khizrabad, 87 Saluta, 353 Samandarsagar, 424 Samarkand (Samarqand), 204, 209, 308, 322, 359, 360, 362, 363, 565, 587,650, 821 Sambha Bhonsla (Boonsle) 79, 175, 433, 529, 538, 588, 589, 611, 66~ 786, 787,788, 809, 810

921 Sambha, 353 Sambha Sawai, 306 Sambhal, 172, 198, 214, 240, 241,267,312,339,369, 512, Sambhar, 410, 641, 690, 836 Sam Charek, 879 Sampgaon, 110 Samsam Jang, 31 Samsam-ud-Daulah Khan Dauran Bahadur Mansur Jang, 688, 776 Samsam-ud-Daula, Mir, 651 Samsum-ud-Daula Mir Atish,. 675 Samsam-ud-Daulah Samsam Jang, 31 Samsam-ud-Daulah Shah Nawaz Khan, 14-17, 19-27, 29-31 Samogarh, 82, 194, 204, 242, 303, 355, 403, 404, 405, 518,. 615,624,640,654,693, 819Sanaula, 449 Sandila, 660 Sanga, RaIla, 169, 759, 762 Sangamnir, 168, 217, 410,. 494, 520, 557, 559, 810 Sangi (Sanki), 437, 618 Sangr:!m, 787 Sangram Humak, 147 Sanjar Beg, 228, 229 Sanjar Saljuqi, Sultan, 668 Sank,677 Sankar, 273 Sankarpur, 670 Sansani, 789 Santa Ghorpura, 111, 194~ 589, 612, 626, 703, 791

922 Sanval Das, 837 Sanwara (Sanwar), 389, 492, 501 Sanyasi, 603 Sapan, 121 Saqi,286 Saqinama, 739 Saqinama (poem by MuHa Shikebi in Tarik Tahiri), 53 Saqiwaband, 333 Sar-i-Darbar, 676 Sar-i-Divan, 710 Sara, 538, 817 Saraa, 727 Sarab Deo Sesodia, 754 Sarada (Sharada), 416 Saradhun, 793 Sarafraz Kha11, 779, 810 Saram, 111 Sar-Amad, 741 Sarang, Sultan, 758, 509

'"The Maa!bir-ul-Umara"

'Index Sehonda (Sindhiya), 102 Sehra, 402 Sehwan, 709 .Selim, Sl, 97, 119, 122, 169, 170, 183, 284, 327, 389, 393, 408,423,535, 537,653,725, 742, 832 Selima B.:gam, 323, 371 .Selim, Chisti, 94 Selimpur, 497 Selim Shah. 93-95, 145, 200 Sera, 487 Shaburghan (Sapurgan), 345 Shadabad, 618 Shad I(han, 193, 334 Shadi Khan Uzbc:g, 469 Shadman, 326, 729 Shadmand, Mirza, 334 Shafi, Haji, 719 Shafia, MuHa, 446 Shafi Khan, Haji, 231 Shahdad Khan Khweshgi, 688 Shah Alam, Princ~ Sultan, 12, 79, 158,247, 2ii1, 254,271, 438, 441, 504, 578, 596, 629, 630, 656, 665, 561, 737, 740, 805, 839 Shah Alaud-Din Muhammad, 20 Shah Ali, 56, 122, 543 ShahamBeg, 198,199 Shaham Khan Jalair, 337 Shahbaz K, 342 Shahbaz Khan. 531, 655 Shahbaz Khan Kambu, 81, 143, 179, 180,267,324,335, 349, 46J, 466, 707, 727

923 Shahbaz K, Lodi, 413 Shah Banda Nawaz, 6iO, 611, Shah Begam, 371 Shah Beg Arghun, 744, 7~5, Shah Beg Khan, 260 Shah Beg Khan Arghu!1, 358 Shah Beg Khan Ozbeg, 768 Shah Budagh Khan, 40. 349 Shah Dhora (Sahdaura) 808 Shahganj (Shah Ganj), 226 310 Shahgarh (Shahgarha), 23, 120 Shahidi, 136 Shahis, 68 Shah Jahan, Emperor, 8, 12, 35,4548, 58, 59, 60, 65, 68, 75,81, 101, 102, 1Cl4-106, 126, 130,136,141, 146, 152, 154-158,168,176, 186, 187, 189, 190,202,204,209,210, Z12, 214,216, 217, 222,223, 232, 241, 242, 245, 246, 252, 255, 260, 262, 263, 268, 269, 270, 286, 288, 289, 291, 292, 294, 296, 298, 303-305, 308, 311, 315, 317, 329, 330,434, 345, 346, 347, 352, 354-366, 378-380, 386, 388, 391, 396, 398,400,401,403, 408, 412, 417, 41.8,436,442,443,447, 449,451,452,453,455, 557, 467,471,472,484,485,386, 488,490,491,493,495,496, 505-507,509,510,512, 518520, 529, 533, 535, 549-553, 557, 558, 563-565, 570-572,

Sardeshmukhi, 633 Sarfi Savaji (Harfi in text), 180 Sargala zadan, 47 Sarim, 31 Sarkaj, 51 Sarkob, 647 Sarmad, Saidai, 45, 46 Sarmasi, 511 Sarmasi, K, 94 Sarmast Khan, 701, 702 Sama!, 404, 757 Saroni, 35, 783 Sarup Singh, 766 Sarv Azad, 5, ll, 19 Sarwa, 306, 307 Sanvar, 348 Sarya, 538 Sasseram (Sasram), 266 Satara, 444, 538, 589, 633 Satgaon, 110, 649 Sati Khanim. 260, 295 Sarangpur, 74, 83. 146, 395, SatrsaJ (Satarsalp Hara, Rao, 509,682, no 217, 405, 462 Satwat Jang, 492 Sarayan, 817 Saudha, 63 Sarban, 716, 726 Sava, 315, 801 Sarbarah Khan, 838 Savanur, 18-20 Sarbnasi, 603 Sawad (Swat), 284,704 Sarbu1and Khan Bahadur Dilawar Jang (Mubariz-u1- Sawari, 30 Sawata-uJ-Ilham, 516 Mulk), 175, 610, 710 Sayarghai (SiyurghaI), 43, 629, Sarbuland Khan Khwaja SazawaIs, 29, 35, 710 Rahmat-Ul1ah, 512, 557, Sazawar Khan, 136, 834 625 Scinde (Sindh), 32, 52, 63, 64, Sardar Khan, 80, 382, 511, 127,369,413, 559, 567, 577, 826 582 Sardar Khan Shahjahani. 335, SeaJkot,49 401 Seheoba, 313

Index 924 576-578, 580, 581, 586, 563, 594,507,603,607,610,611, 614-617,619,622, 624,627, 628, 639, 651-654, 658-660, 662,664,667,669,670,671, 673, 677-679, 682, 683, 685, 686, 689, 693-696,705,715717, 722. 725-727, 730, 736, 738, 739,749, 752-758, 763774,778, 779, 781-785, 789, 799-803, 805-807, 811, 813, 819, 820, 822, 823, 825-827, 832-834, 837 Shahjahanabad, 16, 76, 247, 278, 399, 402, 441, 447, 496, 553, 577, 602, 618, 683, 699, 722, 723, 760, 768, 769, 808, 823, 827, 828 Shahuji Bhonsle, 718, 766 Shah Mahmud, 738 Shah Mahmud, Mir, 742 Shah Malik"Mir, 389 Shah Mansur Shirazi, Khwaja, 51 Shah Mir. Saiyid, 142 Shah Mirza, 164, 320 Shah Muhammad Khan Qilati, 348 Shah Nawaz (Newaz) Khan, 9,12-32,57,58,71, 306 Shah Nawaz Khan Mirza Iraj, 63, 64, 650 Shah Nawaz Khan Safavi, 106, 299, 300. 429, 622, 827, Shah Nur Miyan, 25, 226, 476, 477 Shah Quli Cela (Chela), 437, 618 "The MaiitlJir-ul-Umara" Shah Quli Khan, 834 Shah QuIi Khan Mahram, 644, 805 Shah Quli Khan Naqas Haji, 736 Shah Raju Qatal, 535 Shahr Ara, 682 Shahr Banu Begam, 773 Shahriyar, 150, 152, 289-292, 315,418,455,468,549, 561, 564, 627, 668, 798, 812 Shahrukh (Shah Rukh), Mirza. 53, 54, 398, 465, 647' Shah Sharaf, 616 Shah Shuja, 287, 296, 622, 770 Shahu, 464 Shahukhail, 765 Shahzadapur, 668 Shaibani Khan UZbeg, 744. Shaikhawat, 409, 836 Shaikh Hindi, 170 Shaikh KamU 514 Shaikhu-l-Hind, 169 Shaikhu-l-Islam, 76, 78 Shaikhzadas, 49, 462, 809, 839 Shakarkhera, (Shakrkhelda)" 718 Shakartal, 677 Shakir Khan, 840 Shalamar Gardens, 193, 722 ShaaItag, 239 Shamailu-n-nabi, 93 Shamlagarha, 398 Shams,800 Shams (uncle of Malik Badan), 317 Shamsi, Mirza, 326, 729 Shamsher Bahadur, 131 Shamsher Khan, 379, 380 Shamsher Khan Hayat Tarin, 242, 472 Shams-ud-Din, 729 Shams'ud-Din Asad UlIah Shustri, 742 Shams-ud-Din (Khwafi), Khwaja, 108, 222 Shams-ud-Din Muhammad 'Ali Ashari, 117, 118 Shams-ud-Din Muhammad Khan Atka (Atga), 147, 196, 319, 635, 646, 708, 814 Shams-ud-Din Mukhtar K., 448 Shankal (S haka!) Beg Tatkhan, 743 Shankara Malhar, 633 Sharaf-ud-Din, 366, 665 Sharaf-ud-Din Mir Husain Ahrari Mirza, 40, 134, 352, 410, 646, 724, 737 Sharaf-ud-Din Mir, 144 Sharh-i-Aqaid Nasafi "Sharh Kafiya", and "Sharh Matali", 745 Sharh Tajrid, 567 Sharif, 531 Sharif (s), 44, 252, 326 Sharifa, 651 Sharif Khan, 97 Sharif Khan Amlr-ul- Umara, 285, 704, 796 Sharifu-l-Mu1k, 150, 455, 573 Shash Hazari, 8

925 Shattari, 82, 92, 93 Shayista Khan, 192, 140. 168, 305, 314, 354, 355, 4Cc;, 428, 449, 520, 534, 564, 5En, 634, 661, 668, 669, 715 Sheopur, 762 Sher Afgan Khan 'Ali Quli Beg 418,719, 840 Sher Afkan, 485 Sher 'Ali, 701 Shergarh, 201, 228, 366, 733 Sher Haji, 595 Sher Khan, 356, 396, 693, 694, 708 Sher Khan Fuladi (Gujarati), 164, 320, 369, 706, 707, 708 Sher Khan Sur, 409, 465, 569, 798 Sherkot, 267 Sher Khwaja, 67, 97, 185, 651,689 Sherpur, 819 Shersager, 424 Sher Shah (Sur), 88, 91, 93, 99, 199,394, 513,692, 759 Sherzad, 41 Sherzad K. Bahadur, 392 Sherzad K. Mahdavi, 531 Sher Zaman, Saiyid, 795 Shias, 163, 804 Shiburghan, 190 Shihab-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, 51, 84, 134, 231, 324, 372, 544, 707, 708 Saihab-ud-Din, Mir' 538, 564, 587 Shihabu-d-din Sahrawardi, Shaikh, 93

I I
I

r
;1

926 Shihabu-d-din, Saiyid, 476 Shihabu-d-din Talish, 498 ShiisD1. 74 Shikarpur, 818 Shikasta, 304 Shikobi, Mulla, 53 Shikohabad, 131 Shlan, 385 ShlD1;1} Khan QUIchi. 737 Sbinasa dil, 226 S:-:q dar, 519 Shiraz, 108. 109, 142, 149, 368,455,543,567, 699, 742 Shirin. 286, 515 Shivaji, 612. 755, 766, 774. 785 . Shokhiha, 491 ShoIapur, 287, 700, 790, 793 Shuja. Prince, Sultan, Shah, 68, 81, 136, 137, 154, 177, 215, 233, 235, 242, 264, 268, 303, 312, 338, 405, 428,543, 462, 463, 468, 484, 497, 498, 508,510,511,530,531,550, 572, 581,615,616,627,628, 651,662.668, 671, 732,733, 734, 755, 775, 784, 827 Shujaat, K, 82, 394 Shujaat Khan, 151, 577,610 Shujaat Khan Barah, Sai id 194, 574 y , Shujaat Khan Muhammad Beg Turkaman, 610 Shujaat Khan Shadi Beg 749 Shujaat Khan Shaikh K~bir 210, 667 ' Shujaatpur, 782

"The Maa!J]ir-uI-Umara'" Shuja-ud- DauIah Bahadur 141, 196, 296, 308,676, 690. ~1, 7~ . Shuja-ud-Din Muhammad Khan Bahadur, 720 Shuja-uI-MuIk Amir-uIUmara, 22, 26. 85 Shukri, 169 Shukr UlIah, 219 Shukr Ullah, Haji. 720 Shukr Ullah, Mirza, 680 Shuriyan, 642 Shustar, 690 Sialkot, 225, 315,418 Sibi Dara, 817 Sidhut. 598 Sidi Husain, 596 Shidi Khairiyat Khan, ?Rl Sidi Marjan, 661 Sidi Masud, 531, 589 Sidi, Miftah, 408, 504. 586. 595 Sidi Salm, 317 Sifahani (Ispahani), 118 Sihhatpur, 649 Sihwan (Siwistan), 52, 817 Sijdah, 585-586 Sikakul (ChicacoI) 19 84 446, 792 ", Sikandar. 544, 588, 802 Sikandara, 654, 675 Sikandarabad, 372 Sikandar 'AdiI K., 491,492 Sikandar Beg Munshi, 3, 391 Sikandar .Dutani (Dotani) 799, 801 ' Sikandar (Iskandar), 356 Sikandar, 201

Index Sikandar Khan, 607 Sikand~!r K, Sur, 132, 145, 371, 392.519.659,691,813, 814 Sikandar Khan Uzbeg, 40, 84, 348, 660 Sikandar Lodi, Sultan, 568 Sikandarnama. 515 Sikh Guru, 72 Sikhs, 158, 174,614,688 Sikri, 169, 653 Simlag~lrh, 698 Sina, 287 Sinaram, 31 Sindh (Sind). 268,468, 651, 689.744,745-748,817, 818 835 Sindkl1Cr (Sindkhed)i 23, 717, 719 Singraur, 201 Sipahdar Khan, 625-627, 630, 656, 788, 790 Sipahdw Khan Muhammad Salih, 798 Sipahsalar 590 Sipihri, 824' Sipihar Shikoh, 784 Sipri, 82, 822 Sirah, 189 Siraju-d-Dau1a, 189 Siraju-d-Din 'Ali Khan Arzu, 4 Siraj-ud-Din Jabari, 471 Sirdar, 479 Sirdari, 36 Sirdar Khan, 334

927 Sirhind, 35,93, 95 149, 195. 198, 370,401,484, 519,602, 677,691, 808 814 Sirkala-z'tdan. 47 Sirohi, 588, 830 Sironj, 759 Sirpul, 835 Sisodia (Sisodiah), 401, 578 Sistan, 659 Sita, 617 Situnda, 120 Sivagaon, 802 Sivaji, 35 Siva Bhonsla, 155, 165. 219, 235, 271, 273, 406,459, 464, 493, 500, 501; 503. 585, 718, 734,828 Sivi, (Siwi), 744,747 Sivi Supar, 762 Siv Ram G,mr, Raja, 402, .682 Siwa1ik, 145, 301, 374, 758, 814 Siwana (Siwa.nah), 164, Siwistan (Sivistan), 52, 106, 136, 156,187,268,582, 745, 748, 750, 818 Siyadat Khan, 137 Siyadat Khan Mir Zain-udDin Ali, 404, 764, 834 Siyah, Haji, 686 Siyalkot, 665, 691 Siyar Mutakhirin, 25 Siyar-ul-Arifin, 569 Siyawash Qublar Aqasi, 187, 716 Siyurghai, 43 Somant, 202, 325, 326, 729,

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.

_..__ ..- ..__._

_ ......... _.., .

._-====--=--_...__.. _ . .....-.
index 601,602,610,616,625,633, 638, 670, 677, 696, 706,707, 776 Sur Das, 458 Surjan Hara, Rai. 408 Surharpur, 660 Surkh Ab, 599 Surkhs, 524 Surya Rao, 18 Suti (Sooty), 530 Sut1ej, 303, 462, 676,688. 755, 784 Swami, 654 Swad (Swat), 421 Syria, 128 Ta'aliq, 301 Tabaqat-Akbari, 3, 301, 377, 545, 575 Tabriz, 362, 454, 720 Tafakhur Khan, 663 Tafsir Kabir (Tafsiru-l-Kabiro, 514 Tahqiq,47 Tahawwar Jang Bahadur, 85 Tahawwur Khan, Mirza, Mahmud,60 Tahawwur Khan, 793 Tahir, Shaikh, 835 Tahmasp K. Jalair, 427 Tahmasp Safavi, Shah, 107, 125,280,282,453, 567.721, 742, 772, 773 Tahmuras,292, 812 Tahmurdi, 747 Tahqiq, 333 Taibadi,36 Taj 260, 679 929 Tajalli, "779 Taj Khan. (father of JamB Beg), 393 Taj Khan (Faujdar of Mu1tan), 351 Taj K. (son of Daulat K), 325 T;j Khan (son of Fath Jang K. Rohila), 532 Taj Mahal, 9 Takht Mal, 393 Takhta-u-kalah, 73 Taklu K., 453 Takrui (Tukaroi), 432 Taksir, 85 Talab-i-aora, 344 Talandah (Talambah), 647 Tala Yar K., 172 Talgaon, 798 Taliba, 261 Talib Amuli (also Taliba Amuli), 260, 583 Talib Khan, 411, 418 Talim, 130,494,669, 803 Talikoth (Talikot), 529 Taliq,304 Tal Kokan, 686 Taltum, 120 TaIwan, 462 Talwara, 374 Tamarni, 417, 634 Tamim Ansari, 240 Tanda, 211, 283, 336, 463, 448, 649, 671, 697, 727 Tankas, 62 Tankhwah, 284, 704 Tanki,834 Tansen, 737

-928 Sone (son), 200 Sorath, 325, 353, 400, 413, 690, 730 Sotak, 588 Srighat 694 Srinagar (Garhwal), 312, 339, 768, 819 Srinagar (Kashmir), 163, 418 Sirpat, 765 Srirangapattana, 237 Subadar, 647 Subahdari, 12 Subhag Singh, 763 Subhan Qu1i, Sultan, 190, 191. 209,363, 364, 587, 821 Subhan Quli Turk, 321 Subh Karn Bundela, 442, 443, 829 Sudh, 750 Sufi, 86, 304,411, 583, 604, 804 Suhail K., 54, 55, 63 Suhaili, 286 Suhrab, K, 286, 652 Suja, 410 Sulaiman, 515 Sulaiman Kararani, 80; 692 Sulaiman Khan, 458, 459,460 Sulaiman, Mirza, 135, 377, 600, 647 Sulaiman Shikoh, Sultan, 81, 192, 264, 303, 312, 338, 339, 340,366,428,496,497, 421, 572, 668, 733, 734, 828 Sultan Ali Afzal Khan, 301 Sultan 'Ali, Khwaja, 843 Sultangarh, 353 Sultan Husain, 113, 172, 204

"The Maallilr-ul-Umara" Sultan Husain lftikhar Khan, 299, 662, 663 Sultan Husain Jalair, 374, 660 Sultan Husain Khan, 62 Sultan Husain Mirza. 62, 322, 368, 569, 744 Sultan Husain Mirza Baiqra, 142 Sultan Jahan, 796 Sultan Karbalai, Saiyid, 244 Su1t:in, Khalifa, 251, 252 Sultan Khan, 701, 702 Sultan K. Prince, 511 Su1tanpur (in Deccan), 352, 353,506, 787, 837 Su1tanpur (in Oudh), 269, 579 Sultanpur (in Panjab), 93, 524 Sultan-ul-Mashaikh, Mirza, 650 Sum Deo, 352 Sumbha Bhonsle, 271 Summas, 744 Sumras, 744 Sunda, 612. 6'3 Sundar Das, 412,413 Sunnat, 43 Sunni, 63, 804, 834 Sur Bhurthiya, Rao, 234, 764 Sura, 437 Sura (Surah) lkhlas. 516 Suraj Mal Jat, 139, 441, 674, 675, 676, 677 Suraj Mal, Raja, 394, 413, 415, 726 Suraj Singh Rathor, Rajah, 123, 570, 572, 829, 830 Surat, 13, 19, 35, 40, 47, 78, 100,149, 150,231,252,320, 352,369,444,446,447,473,

930 Tapanca, 183 Tapti, 60, 294, 353, 466, 802 Taqarrib K., 172, 276, 426 Taqarrub Khan, 770 Taqiya 63 Taquz, 68, 69 Taragarh, 297, 563, 726 Tarah, 298 Tarbiyat Khan Bar1as, 821 Tarbiyat Khan Fakhr-ud-Din Ahmad Bakhshi, 311, 557, 683 Tarbiyat Khan Mir Atish, 449, 539, 612 Tardastiha, 477 Tardi 'Ali Qatan, 821 Tardi 'Ali Qaighan, 188 Tardi Beg Khan Turkistani, 148, 149, 198, 301, 600, 631 Tarikh Alfi, 568 Tarikh Asham, 4 Tarikh Bangala, 5 Tarikh Dilkusha, 4 Tarikh Muhammad Shahi, 4 Tarikh Tahiri, 53 Tari Kanda (Narganda), 306, 308 Tarkhan, 325,744, R18 Tarson K., 575 Tarson Sultan, 359 Tashir, 85 Tashiya,74 Tashkand, 317, 342, 468, 821 Tasiim, 585 Tatar, 759 Tattah, 52,53, 105, 106, 141, 253, 269, 401, 434, 465,469, 527, 556,566, 581,659,687, 722, 743, 645, 748, 749, 761, 818 Tausani, 847 Tavernier, 397 Tawakkal K, Qazzaq, 359 Tazkira, 4 Tazkira Husaini, 583 Tej Singh, Rajah, 594 Teliya Rajah (Oilman), 455 Telingana, 18, 60, 67, 151, 155,185,217,241,254,306, 350, 387,408, 534, 568, 584, 597,652,653,658,661,751, 779, 794, 809 Telingi, 664 Termiz, 509, 510 Thalner, 557, 787 Thana Ullah Khan, 682 Thanesar, 797 Tharah, 686, 826 Thun, 439 Tibet, 715 Tihanpuri (Saiyids), 791 Ti1uksi, 458 Timur (Amir), 36, 156, 204, 327,377,389,409,620, 834 Timurabad, 191 Timurids, 8, 28, 77, 204, 275,. 289, 319, 533, 676 Tipli, 353 Tirah, 157,284, 704 Tirhut, 87, 136, 137,337, 564 Tirmizi, MuHa, 93 Tirpoliya, 712 Tiyuldar, 644 Toba, 201 Toda Bhim, 636 Todar Mal, Raja, 267, 393,.

INDEX

931

405, 543, 64'~, 649, 629. 762 Turfa. 479 Tons, 452, 456, 779 Turmudh.6l Tuzuk (Jahangiri), S, 4S, 61, Tora, 636 63, 580 Torna, 219, 255,613 Transoxiana, 97, 198, 283, Ubaid UlIah Kha, 682 356, 359, 363, 364, 384, 397, llbaid Ul1ah Khan Kashmiri, 67(, 605, 678, 744. 820. 821 lJbaid Ul1ah K. Uzbeg, 385 Tnchiaopoly, 34. 85. 684 Trimbak (Tirmuk), 32, 98, Veh, 67, 608,738 130,218,526. 62S. 726,1015 Uehla (son of Balbhadar), 458 Tringalwari,218 Uchla (Qj1a SOll of of Jadu Tughlaq Timur KILlI, 743 Rao), 717, 7lg Tukri,644 Loa Ram, 832 TuJ, 189, 344, 727 Udaipur, 97, 149, 222, 244, Tulale, M., 134 329,400, 587, 618, 625,762, Tulja Bhavani, ~16 764 TuI Kankan, 446 Udai Singh, 829 Udai Singh (Bhadawariya), Tulsi Bai, 158 Tuma'l-togh (Tum I ntoq) ~; 73 39,515,696,717 Udai Singh (Rathor), 517 Tun, 356 Udaji Ram, 13, 14 Tundapur, 530 Tun.gabhadra, 420 Udgir, 186, 594.652. 781 Tuquz,501 Udman.433 Udni (AdonD, 443, 444 Turbat, 128, 32t;. 594 Ujaina (Bhojpur), 67 TurgaL 230 l)jjain. 53, 74, 120, 123, 236, Turk, tactless, 335 396,403,407,430,443,478, Turk, (s), 212,362,389 410, 574, 603, 604, 666, 700, Turkey, 92, 391, 558,559,698, 754, 780 Turkish, 404, 558, 636, 820 Ulugh Beg, Mirza. 398 Turkistan, 358, 364, 368, 457, Umdatu-1-mulk, 19,20,195 678, 777 Turan, 84, 93,101, 189, 191, Umadtu-1-mulk Amir K., 138 208, 223, 284, 297, 298, 309, Umdatu-1-mulk Jafar K., 366, 686. 722 333, 345, 351, 357,359,362, 385,475, 565, 568, 587,605, Umdat-u1-Mu1k Khan Jahan Bahadur, 700 607, 620, 772, 777, 820, 821, . Umdat-uJ-Mulk Khali1 UlIah 825 Khan, 770 Turani, 510, 591

- - - -. ".L~

T ------------------- ------------I

932 Umadatu-I-Mulk Khan Khanan, 438 Umra Singh, Rana, 97 Umr K., 459 Undch (Orcha), JOI-103, 407, 424, 471 Urdu, 76 U rfi, MuHa. 109 Urganj, 356. 820 Usa, 303, 664 Usman, 568 US1Y.an K. Lohani, 210 Usman K. RohiIIa, 529 Uthman Khan Lohani, 692,693 Uttur or Otur), 131 Ozbeg, 38, 69, 100, 101, 188, 189, 200, 203, 213, 345,347, 716, 727, 731, 822, 823 UZbeg quruqchi, 820 Uzzun Hassan, 368

"The Maat1Jir-ul-Umara"
INDEX

933'

Wafa (wafadar), 100 Wahadat Ali, 284 Waisi, Khwaja (an officer of Emperor Akbar), 506, 837 340, Waisi, Khwaja (Divan of Sulta,,- Parviz), 715 Waisi, Khwaja (Diwan of Sultan Kharram), 282 Wajih-ud-Din 'Alwai, 86 Wajih-ud-Din, Shah, 525 Wajiu-d-din Gujarati Saiyid, 74, 92 Wakinkhera, 171, 224, 255, 667, 272, 347, 444, 459, 460 Waklur, <108, 596 Wala Shahis, 264, 426. 613, 186, 615, 758 302, Wali Beg Dhalgadr, 134, 645 767, Wali Khan, 693 Wali M., 136, 137 Wa1i Mahammad Khan, 356, 357, 359, 360-362 Wali, Saiyid, 192 Vakalat, 274 Wankur. 915 Vakalat, Khan, 710 Waqai Qandahar, 4 VakiL (Vakil-i-mat1aq) 52, Waqakhwan (Waqia Khawn), 145, 274, 704, 709 304, 838 Vakilu-s-Sultanat, 371 Waqa Nigar, 99 Vali Khan Qurchibashi, 775 Waqar, 31 Vazir, 751 Waqari,582 Vazir Khan, 653, 685 Waqf, 295 Vazir Khan Shahjahani, 764 Vedanta, 604 Wardangarha, 367 Victoria Memorial, Calcutta, Wardha, 168, 178, 350 606 Warid. 5 Wasiti, 637, 638 Vijaynagar, 419 Vindya, 353 Wattu Pir, 642 Vizier (s), 9,429 \Vz,u, ;18 Volga, 356 Wazarat K., 14, 229,282, 283,

Wazir Jamil, 349 Wazir K., 38, 39, 51, 522 Waz.ir Khan Hakim 'Alim-udDin, 533 Wazir Khan Mir Haji, 546 Waxir Khan Muhammad Tahir KhurasanL 352, 402 Waxir Khan Muqim, 379, 402 Wazir K. Shahjahani, 255 White Sheep, 368 Wilayat, 97 Wilayat zai, 85

Yaman qadam, 361 Yaqub Juibari, 587 Yaqub Khan, 657, 773 Yaqut,255 Yaqut Khan Abyasinian, 100, 167, 215 Yaqut Khudawand Khan" 779, Var Ahmad, 385 Var 'Ali, 90 Var 'Ali Beg. Mirza, 665 Var Beg, 368 Var Mahammad, 817 Var Muhammad Khan, 356,Yad Baiza, 32 357, 360 Yadgar, 97, 537 Yar Wafadar, 192, 370 Yadgar 'Ali Sultan Talish, Yasawal (s). 104, 710 389 Yasin K, 529 Yadgar, Beg, 834, 835 Yatim Bahadur, 412 Yadgar Chulaq, 69 Yatim Sultan, 356 Yadgar Tukriya, 191 Yezd (Yazd), 246, 446, 567, Yahia, Mir, 557 614, 767, 772,773 Yahia, MuHa, 166, 167 Yogi, 774 Yahya, 698, 699 Yulbaras Khan, 825 Yahya, Khan, 721 Yusuf, 62, 165 Yak,432>,715 Yusuf Beg, 630, 679 Yusuf K, 306-308 Yaktash Khan Afshai- 733 Qaman (Yamen), 116, 513, Yusuf Khan, 645 Yusuf Khan Radavi Mirza, 657 157,201,284,287, 537, 609, Yamin-ud-Daula (Yemenu-ud647, 724 daulaAsaf Jah), 176, 214, 217, 246. 270, 287-295, Yusuf Muhammad K, 4 Khan 296, 342, 354, 365, 381, 506, Ynsuf Muhammad Tashkandi, 217, 242, 468, 571,603,627,651,669,714, 750 716, 722, 732, 749, 757, 793, Yusufzai, 107, 242, 246, 405, 800, 804, 811, 812 421, 472, 704, 749, 829 Yaminu-d-daulah MansurYuzbashi, 412 Jang, 14, 23, 25

'i

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j

934 Zabardasi, 627 Zabardast Khan, 657, 715 Zabulistan, 703, 704, 74) Zafarabad, 204, 254, 751, 805 Zafargage, 22 Zafar Khan Khwaja Ahsan Ullah, 129, 130 Zafar K, 167,214, 268, 459, 535, 797 Zafaryab Jang, 611 Zafamand K., ] 59 Zafarnagar, 418 Zahiru-d-daulah Qaswara Jang,
311

"The MaaUJir-ul-Umara" Zamania, 178 Zamburak, 557 Zamin Dawar, 188, 348, 701, 716, 726 Zarif, Mir, 558, 559, 563 Zib-un-Nisa Begam, 607, 681 Zechariah K., 529 Zechariah, Khwaja, 71 Zia-ud-din, 261 3iba, 489 Zikr Qalqi, 42 Zimmis, ]61 Zinatu-Nisa Begam, 171,274, 681 Ziyau-d-din, 554 Ziyau-d-din K., 106, 258, 259, 556 Ziya lJ1lah, 86 Zohak, 380 Zorawar Singh. 766 ZUbdatu-i-tawarikh, 3 Zu-al-q:cdr K,' 346 ZUlaikha, 63 Zu-1-fiqar, 24 Zul-fiqar Jang, 26 Zu-L-fiqar Khan, 72, 76, 197, 236, 272, 274, 275, 277, 279. 388.. 444, 449, 460, 478, 590 Zulfiqar Khan Qaramaniu, 270

Zahir-ud-Din, Mir, 173 Zahl a Khanim, 356 Zainabad, 100.294 Zainabadi, 266, 806 Zain Khan Kora, 107, 243, 284,421,422, 510, 749 Zain-I-abidin, Mirza, 286 Zain-l-abidin K. Khwafi, 482 Zainu-l-abidin Sultan, 211, 318 Zain-ud-Din, 211, 630 Zainu-ud-din 'Ali K., 166 zain-ud-Din, Shaikh, 613,758, Zainu-d-din, Sultan, 177 Zakhirau-l-Khwanin, 4, 7, 62, 89, 105, 125, 223, 466 Zakhiran-l-Muluk, 7

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