The Life (S.A.W.S.

of

Prophet

Muhammad

(Dr. Shadiah Hamza Sheikh is the Dean of the English Department, King Saud University in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. She is one of the Wisdom Enrichment Foundations International Board of Advisers. An active daiyah, the Author has been giving Islamic lectures to women expatriates from various countries in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. This brief account of the Prophets life is a summary of one of her public lectures, which she delivered in 1996 at the Riyadh Military Hospital Jaliat (Call and Guidance) Center for Women in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.) Birth and Prophethood: Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) was born of a noble family of Banu Hashim ancestry. However, he was not fortunate enough to have been born wealthy as he was born an orphan. His father, Abdullah bin Abdul Muttalib, died of sickness at the age of 25 on a trading journey to Syria, leaving his wife Amenah only a few months pregnant. Muhammads Birth: His birth was on the twelfth (12) of Rabiul Awwal 53 B.H. (570 A.D of the Christian era) was ordinary and has no significance in Islam and the celebrations on this occasion have nothing to do with shari'ah and some people consider it Bidah. Abdul Mutalib, his grandfather who was the chief of Makkah at that time, showed pride in him as Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) compensated him for the loss of his son who died in the prime of his youth. His mother showed affection for her son as she awaited the best nurses to come and take care of him: The tradition at that time was that nurses would come from the desert seeking to be the custodians of the children of nobility in return for good pay and gifts. Giving that Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) was not wealthy all nurses turned away from him, Halimah of the Banu Saad tribe was one of them, but when she could not find any other child she was ashamed to return home empty handed, so she went back and took Muhammad (s.a.w.s.), and since then Allah showered his mercy on her; for instance animals started giving plenty of milk after they had been dried. Therefore, her and her husband felt they were blessed to have taken Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) and became very attached to him. Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) spent five years with Banu Saad during which nothing out of the ordinary happened except one told incident which scared Halimah and became known as the splitting of his chest. When he was playing with the other boys Jibril held him, threw him down, split his chest, took out his heart and took out a clump from it and said: this is Satan's portion of you. Then he washed him in a basin made of gold with the water of zamzam, then sealed his chest and returned him where he was. The boys ran to Halimah and said Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) has been killed. They came back and found him alive but pale. (Reported by Anas in the Hadith compilations of Muslim and Ahmed) Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) returned to Makkah at the age of five to his mother and grandfather who took good care of him, but the days refused to allow him tranquility among those tender hearts, as his mother died during a visit to Madinah to visit her husbands grave. She took Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) and his maid Umm Aiman with her. On the way back, she fell very sick and died in Abwaa leaving Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) with Umm Aiman. His grandfather always took good care of him and never left him alone, he took him to all public gatherings. However, at the age of eight, Abdul Muttalib died leaving him into his uncle Abu Talibs care. Since Abu Talib had many children and was not wealthy, Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) insisted on sharing the burdens of life with him. He went with his uncle on a trading journey to Syria at the age of thirteen. He met a monk called Bahira during the journey, who looked at his face and the sign on his back (the sign of Prophethood) and asked Abu Talib: What is this boy to you ?My son he said. His father should not be alive. Said Buhira. Abu Talib then said, Yes, in fact he is my brothers son and told him the rest of the story. The monk said Now you are telling me the truth. Take him back and be careful of the Jews over him.

Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) then returned to Makkah and resumed his life, working as a shepherd in his early life. He did not acquire knowledge or education from a monk or a philosopher or sorcerer, as was the norm then. Instead he read through the pages of life and took what he found good. He combined the good qualities of discipline with spiritual purity, rightness and contentment. In this manner, he entered his third phase of life and got acquainted with his first wife Khadija (r.a.) who was a merchant woman of nobility and wealth. She had heard of his truthfulness and trustworthiness, so she offered him to take her trade to Syria (before marrying him). He was 25 years old and she was 40 years old when they got married. Their marriage lasted until she died at the age of 65. The Message of Islam: Every year, Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) used to leave Makkah to spend Ramadan in the cave of Hiraa where he used to meditate and worship for self-purification away from the falsehood of Jahilia. In this cave, He met with the heavenly host and listened to the voice of the angel telling him to read. He knew that he had become a Prophet of Allah (s.a.w.s.) and that it was Jabril, the ambassador of revelation who came to him; then the missions struggle began. Quraysh spared no efforts to fight Islam and persecuted those who embraced it. The Prophet (s.a.w.s.) and his companions abused, ridiculed, humiliated, accused of indulging in magic, and the weak and oppressed believers were tortured until they disbelieved, died or swooned (as they had no clan to defend them). In spite of all that Islam grew stronger, so Quraysh decided to change strategy and agreed not to buy, sell or intermarry with Muslims or those who approved of their religion, protected them or sympathized with them. They wrote this agreement which was called The General Boycott on a piece of parchment and hung it inside the Kaabah as a secret pact. Therefore, Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) and his followers were forced into confinement in the Vale of Banu Hashim where they were cut off of any assistance. This boycott lasted three long years during which only the bond of faith kept the hearts together and gave them strength. It ended after Hisham Ibn Amr (who felt very upset about the terrible plight of Muslims) gathered some clans around him and agreed to break the pact. They went to Makkah to tear the parchment and to their surprise they found that the worms had already eaten it up except the words: In Your name O God. After ten years of suffering for the mission of Islam, Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) suffered the loss of his wife Khadijah and his uncle Abu Talib, in other words, he had lost his public life, as his uncle defended him and protected him from any calamity, and his private life, as Khadijah loved, supported and shared with him the miseries and pains of the Dawah. Muhammad s Attractive Leadership: Muhammad led a very ordinary life yet the life style he practiced offered an example for others to follow. So this is an invitation to search through the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) lifestyle and adopt what he did in his daily activities. To start with read what Al Hasan (son of Ali) said about the Prophet of Allah (s.a.w.s.) Doors are not locked under him, nor do door keepers stand for him, and trays of food are not served to him in the morning or the evening. He sits on the ground and eats his food from the ground. He wears coarse (rough) clothes and rides on a donkey with others sitting behind him, and he licks his fingers after taking food. His regular deeds: His habits were really simple in all aspects of his life as we see. He never started any activity without saying In the name of Allah. Sleeping Habits: Aisha (r.a.) said that the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) used to sleep during the earlier part of the night and stood praying during

the later part. She also said that when he got up at night he started his prayer with two rakaat. When Allahs Messenger (s.a.w.s.) went to bed he Used to lie down on his right side and said: O Allah I surrender myself to you, and seek protection in you, longing for you and fearing you; there is no protection and no escape from you except with you, I believe in your book which you sent down and your Prophet (s.a.w.s.) whom you sent down and your Prophet (s.a.w.s.) whom you sent. (Bukhari) Then he used to read Surah Al Ikhlas and Al Muawathatein (Surah Al -Falaq and An-Naas) three times. (Dawud and Tirmithi) Praying: Ibn Omar (r.a.) said that at night, the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) used to pray rakaat in two then finished with one, and he used to supplicate saying: O Allah, forgive me my sins and my ignorance, my excesses in my matter and what you know better than myself. O Allah forgive me the wrongs (I did) lightly and seriously, and my accidental and intentional transgressions and all that is with me. (Bukhari) Bathing, Ablution and the Call of Nature: Aisha (r.a.) said that the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) used his right hand for ablution and taking food, and the left hand for the toilet and the like. When bathing from janaba, Aisha said, he would begin by washing his hands, then he made ablution as for prayer, then he puts his fingers in water and runs them through the roots of his hair and then poured handfuls of water with his hands over his head and let the water flow all over his body . (Bukhari) The Prophet (s.a.w.s.) said: It is an obligation on every Muslim to bathe at least once every seven days and wash both his head and body. (Bukhari and Muslim) As far as ablution is concerned, Allahs Messenger (s.a.w.s.) said: He who makes ablution and makes it the best way, his sins leave his body, even from beneath his nails. (Muslim). In the hadith compiled by Imam Bukhari it was narrated that when the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) got up from sleep for Tahajjud prayer, he cleansed his mouth with a tooth-stick (miswak). As far as answering the call of nature is concerned the Prophet of Allah (s.a.w.s.) said He who relieves himself should be concealed from the view of others . (Abu Dawud) and Two people should not go out together to relieve themselves, uncovering their private parts and talking to each other, for Allah abhors this. (Ahmad and Abu Dawud) He also told Omar, Do not pass water while standing. When he entered the toilet he used to say O Allah I seek refuge in You from all kinds of evils. (Bukhari) And when he came out of the toilet he used to say Grant Your forgiveness. (Tirmithi) Clothing: Umm Salama (r.a.) said The piece of clothing best liked by Allahs Messenger (s.a.w.s.) was the shirt. (Tirmithi) When he put on a shirt, he used to begin with the right side and says Praise be to Allah who clothed me with this. And he forbade us to exaggerate in our clothing when he said: Eat, drink and wear good clothes as long as these things do not involve excess, and arrogance. (Ahmed) In another hadith it was narrated that Allahs Messenger (s.a.w.s.) cursed the man who puts on womans clothes and the woman who puts on mens clothes. (Abu Dawud) Eating and Drinking: Allahs Messenger (s.a.w.s.) used to invoke the name of Allah before eating and also before washing his hands before and after eating. He used to say, The blessing of food is received by washing the hands before and after taking it. (Tirmithi and Abu Dawud) Muslim also reported that Allahs Messenger (s.a.w.s.) used to eat with three fingers and he licked his hand before he wiped it. The Messenger (s.a.w.s.) told Abu Salma (r.a.) Invoke the name of Allah, and eat with your right hand and

eat what is near. (Muslim) And he also said, If dinner is served, and Iqama for prayer is (also), then take the dinner first. (Bukhari) Manners of Speech: Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.s.) used to start his speech with salam. He says: Saying salam comes before talking. (Tirmithi) And he teaches us not to talk unnecessarily saying: Do not talk without remembering Allah, for talking without remembering Allah hardens the heart. (Tirmithi) He never used obscene talk nor did he listen to it, nor did he listen to anything about anyone. Aisha (r.a.) said that His speech was clear and distinct such that all those who listened to him understood him. (Abu Dawud) General Conduct in Living with People: Allahs Messenger (s.a.w.s.) used to say salam when he arrives where people are seated and when he wishes to leave, he also says salam as the former is as appropriate as the latter. (Abu Dawud) He did not like people exalting him He came out once leaning on a stick and a group of people stood up, he said: dont stand up as foreigners stand up exalting each other therewith. (Abu Dawud) When visiting people, he used to ask permission to enter saying Peace be upon you, may I enter. (Abu Dawud) and when his guests are leaving he used to go with them to the door of the house. Allahs Messenger (s.a.w.s.) used to receive gifts and to give gifts back. (Bukhari) and he said Make gifts to one another for a gift removes rancour from the chest. (Tirmithi) At home, he used to serve his family. Aisha was asked about what the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) used to do in his house, she said He used to work for his family, that is to serve his family, and when prayer time came, he goes out for prayer. (Bukhari) Death of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) The pains of sickness attacked the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) since the ending of Safar of the eleventh year. Once he fainted and his family put medicine in his mouth. When he awoke, he showed his dislike of that. During his illness he would supplicate O Allah help me in the pangs of death. (Bukhari: narrated by Aisha) He was warning Muslims -- even when he was in the throes of death -- that they should stay committed to monotheism by saying Allahs curse be upon the Jews and Christians, they took their Prophet (s.a.w)s graves as mosques. (He was warning them against the action.) (AlShaikhan) The last thing the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) did before his death (according to Aisha): He lay down in my lap, brushed his teeth harder than he had ever done before , then his eyes were fixed and he was saying Nay, the Companion on high from paradise. I said to myself You were given the choice and you have chosen, by Him who sent you with the Truth. Then, he passed away. (Bukhari) This was a brief study of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.)s way of life. It must be stressed that we will never really understand the Sirah unless we study the Quran and Sunnah. Praise and Glory be to Allah, we seek Allahs forgiveness and we turn to him in repentance.

Short History of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) is a political organization in the Philippines. It is recognized by the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) as the sole and legitimate representative of the Bangsamoro people or the people of Mindanao. The OIC granted the MNLF Permanent Observer Status and as such it is entitled and privileged to attend all OIC Conferences including Islamic Summit Conference and Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers. The MNLF is the ruling organization designed to administer the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao under the 1996 Peace Treaty between the Philippines and MNLF. The MNLF was established in 1969 by a group of young educators and academics who were the core of the Bangsamoro leadership headed by a visionary and stalwart leader named Professor NUR P. MISUARI, as the chairman and founder, and is popularly and reverently addressed by the MNLF fighters as MAAS. Professor Nur P. Misuari completed his education through academic scholarship. During his days at the University of the Philippines (U.P.) he was an active student leader. He was a lecturer at the University of the Philippines on Political Science. In the late 1960s he was one of the organizers of the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM) and Ansar Al-Islam seeking for better treatment of the people of Mindanao from the Manila government. The MIM later on paved the way and was the precursor in the organization of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) following immediately the JABIDAH MASSACRE incident in Corregidor, Bataan, where thousands of Muslim soldiers training to assault and invade Sabah by force to recover it from the illegal occupation of Malaysia died in a hail of gunfire. After this massacre the MNLF demonstrated in front of Malacanang Palace in Manila to seek answers on the massacre, but President Ferdinand E. Marcos, was in no mood to provide a reply and instead branded the demonstrators subversives. Fearing for their lives the MNLF leaders dispersed in areas of Mindanao, and so begun the long struggle of the MNLF for self-determination of the Bangsamoro people. The MNLF is also the Bangsamoro United Armed Forces (B.U.A.F.) that sought for the independence of the Bangsamoro people and homeland comprising of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan known as MinSuPala. The MNLF waged a bitter war with the Philippine government from 1972 to 1976 under the chairmanship of Professor Nur P. Misuari. The high morale and resolve of the MNLF freedom fighters and the mounting casualties compelled the administration of President Ferdinand E. Marcos to sign a peace agreement in 1976 under the auspices of the Libyan government of Colonel Muammar Qadaffi. The peace agreement is known as the Tripoli Agreement, which provided for an autonomous region in Mindanao. Unfortunately, both sides were unable to settle on an agreement so hostilities continued for the next twenty (20) years. As hostilities continued, MNLF began to suffer from internal factionalism. Disagreements between moderates and conservatives arose after the reluctance of the MNLF Central Committee to pursue a violent insurgency in 1981. This caused the more conservative MNLF elements to form the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and broke away from the MNLF. In 1996, a compromise was finally reached by the MNLF and the Philippine government. This gave autonomy to the areas with Muslim majorities. The area is currently called the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao where upon Professor Nur P. Misuari became Regional Governor who was elected unopposed, the first in the history of the ARMM elections. In 2007, the current ARMM Governor is not a member of the MNLF and is said to be a violation of the GRP-OIC-MNLF Final Peace Agreement signed in September 2, 1996, at Malacanang Palace, during the administration of President Fidel V. Ramos. The MNLF is pursuing and adhering to the letters and provisions of the 1996 Peace Agreement as an organization committed to peace and prosperity in Mindanao, though it is said many times that the Philippine government has only implemented fifty percent (50%)

of the provisions of this treaty. The MNLF is hopeful and await the final and full implementation of this 1996 peace treaty as the binding and long lasting cornerstone of a peaceful and prosperous Mindanao. On 14 March 2007, in recognition of the committed and dedicated determination of Professor Nur P. Misuari to pursue the 1996 peace treaty against all odds, and as founder, chairman and titular head of the MNLF, coupled with his outstanding service to the cause of peace in Mindanao as the leader who embraced and signed the 1996 Peace Agreement with the Philippine President Fidel V. Ramos and the MNLF, Professor Nur P. Misuari was granted the rank and title of Datu (Prince) of the Sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo/ Sabah by His Majesty Sultan Muhammad Fuad A. Kiram I, The Sultan of Sulu & The Sultan of Sabah. HRH Datu Professor Nur P. Misuari was elevated as a Royal Datu by Sultan Fuad I, in honor also of the late father of Datu Nur as a Panglima of H.M. Sultan Muhammad Esmail E. Kiram I (Sultan 1947 to 1973) the late father of Sultan Fuad I. With his letters patent of grant as a Royal Datu, Sultan Fuad I, also made Datu Nur a Datuk/ Knight of the Royal Order of Hashem of Sabah (DROHS); Datuk/ Knight of the Royal Order of Sulu (DROS); Knight/ Datuk of the Royal Order of Sulu & Sabah (KRSS); and as a Datuk/ Knight of the Royal Order of Mindanao (DRM). Short History of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) The MILF is an Islamic liberation movement based in the Bangsamoro region in Mindanao. It is currently the largest Islamic separatist group in the Philippines, with an estimated 15,000 members. The MILF seeks to establish an independent Islamic state comprising Mindanao, Palawan, Basilan, the Sulu, and the neighboring islands. In support of this aim, the organization has carried out a campaign of attacks against civilian and military targets throughout the southern Philippines. Recently, the group has been in the spotlight due to revelations of links between key members and Osama bin Ladins al-Qaida network. In 1999, the groups leader Hashim Salamat, admitted to receiving significant funding from bin Ladin. As many as several hundred MILF members from Mindanao are believed to have trained at al-Qaida camps in Afghanistan, and to have established ties with al-Qaida commanders. A number of the Jemaah Islamiah members arrested in Singapore in 2000 admitted to having trained at MILF camps, while one of the alQaida consultants who advised the Singapore cell had formerly worked as an explosives expert for the MILF. History The history of the Moro rebellion against non-Muslim rule stretches back nearly 500 years. Throughout the centuries, the Muslim of Sulu and southwestern Mindanao have fought against the government of foreign rulers, and no central government has ever succeeded in establishing complete control over the Moro areas. In the modern period, this resistance broke out anew with the rise of Islamic nationalism in the 1970s. The conflict reached its peak in the period 1970-1983 before negotiations led to a series of peace agreements between the various separatist factions and the Manila government. The MNLF, founded and led by Nur Misuari, was the original political front for the Muslim separatist rebellion. In 1976, Misuari signed the Tripoli Agreement, the first peace agreement signed between Muslim separatists and the Philippine government. This led to a political split in the MNLF, with Salamat Hashim and the more traditional leaders arguing against any conciliation with Manila. On 26 December, 1977 Hashim announces in Jedda an Instrument of Takeover of the MNLF leadership, a move supported by almost half the organizations leaders. Misuari countered by expelling Hashim and charging him with treason. This led to a split in Arab support to the MNLF. Egypt came out in support of Hashims faction while Libya continued to back Misuari. At this point Hashim moved to Cairo where he announced the establishment of the new MNLF. In March, 1984, Hashim officially declared the New MNLF to be a separate organization with the name MILF. He announced that the new movement would not only work toward nationalist goals, but would also work to inculcate a more traditional Islamic religious education. In January 1987, the MNLF signed an

agreement relinquishing its goal of independence and accepting the governments offer of autonomy for the Muslim regions. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front refused to accept the accord and initiated a brief offensive that ended in a truce later that month. Ideology & Strategy The stated goal of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front is the establishment of an independent Islamic state in the southern Philippines. In this it does not differ significantly from its parent organization, the MNLF. However, the MILF has stressed the Islamic aspects of the separatist movement. The organizations main leaders tend to be Islamic clerics, including Salamat himself. The MILF advocates self-reliance--militarily, politically, and economically--and rejects compromise on the issue of independence. The MILF draws it supporters from the 13 Muslimdominated provinces and 4 cities on Mindanao and neighboring islands in the south. Most of its members come from the Maguindanaon and Iranun, with some support from Maranaw as well. The MILF enjoys a good deal of popular support from the rural villages on Mindanao Island. In the late 1990s, the MILF claimed to have 120,000 fighters and many more supporters. The organizations main military headquarters was at Camp Abubakar until the camp was captured by the Philippines military in 2000. However, the Philippine government estimates put the MILF strength at something between 8,000 and 15,000. The majority of the MILFs forces are deployed in four provinces of Mindanao: Lanao del Norte, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, and North Cotabato. Leadership Hashim Salamat, comes from an upper class Maguindanaon family and studied at the prestigious Islamic Al-Azhar University in Cairo. During the 1960s, he reportedly led the Philippine Students Union at Al-Azhar. Upon his return to the Philippines in 1970, he became a founder member of the MNLF, and served as second in command until his break with Nur Musauri in 1977. He served on the MNLFs negotiating panels during the organizations talks with the Marcos government in 1975 and 1976.When Hashim split from the MNLF, he took with him most of the groups more traditionally Islamic leaders, including Rashid Lucman, Domacao Alonto and Salipada Pendatun. The MILF has always placed greater emphasis on Islam than the MNLF, and most of its leaders are Islamic scholars from traditional aristocratic and religious backgrounds. Activities In the early 1990s the MILF launched a wave of terrorist attacks in the southern Philippines, leading former Philippines president Joseph Estrada to pursue an all-out war against the organization. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has resumed peace talks with the MILF since coming to office, and several ceasefires have been agreed upon, only to be broken in subsequent weeks or months. In May 2000 the MILF-government talks broke down, and the Philippine army launched a major assault upon the MILF military headquarters at Camp Abubakar, capturing the camp. The offensive did not significantly harm the groups military capabilities, as most of its senior leaders had been evacuated before the camp fell. In response to the military offensive, the MILF countered with a series of bombings in Manila. A splinter group also claimed responsibility for a bomb attack against the Philippine ambassador to Indonesia, and a series of bombs that exploded in the capital. Short History of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) A small band of U.S. and Philippine soldiers were on their way to pick up supplies for a local school on the southern Philippine island of Jolo on Sept. 29 when their vehicle rolled over a land mine. The blast killed two U.S. soldiers and one Filipino marine, and though authorities are still investigating the incident, analysts immediately pointed the finger at the militant Islamic separatist group Abu Sayyaf known to be active in the area. Much to the frustration of military advisers who want them in bigger conflict zones, the U.S. military keeps a small number of highly skilled soldiers in the southern Philippines to help train local troops in their ongoing fight against Abu Sayyaf, which the U.S. State Department believes has only between 200 and 500 active members today. The Philippine military told a reporter that the U.S. troops in the Sept. 29 incident were not involved in any combat operations but "were just there to help in building a school." The deaths were the first U.S. military casualties to occur

in the Philippines since 2002, when a bomb, most likely planted by Abu Sayyaf, exploded in a bar on the island of Mindanao, killing one American soldier. Abdurajak Abubakar Janjalani, a former Filipino Islamic scholar who battled the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s, founded the fundamentalist Abu Sayyaf in 1991, splitting from the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) a more mainstream Islamic political organization fighting for increased autonomy for Muslims in the southern Philippines after the MNLF engaged in peace talks with the government. Abu Sayyaf has always said it is fighting for an independent Islamic nation in the southern Philippines, but during the late 1990s, the movement began to show cracks, and members started behaving more like a gang of well-armed bandits driven by greed, not creed. Since about 2002, however, the extremist group has been reverting to its original separatist goals, and its bombings and assassination attempts have increased accordingly. In the early 1990s, Osama bin Laden's brother-in-law funneled money into Abu Sayyaf through a fake Islamic charity in the Philippines. Abu Sayyaf, which means "barrier of the sword," carried out its first attack in 1991, killing two American evangelists with grenades on the southern island of Mindanao. As the 1990s unfolded, the group's body count in Mindanao steadily rose. In 1994 the Philippine army blamed Abu Sayyaf for a series of bombings in the Philippine city of Zamboanga that killed 71. The following year, Abu Sayyaf raided the town of Ipil, leaving 53 dead, and in 1998 a grenade attack on a department store injured 60. But after its leader, Abdurajak Abubakar Janjalani, was killed in a gun battle with police in 1998, the militant group changed course, stopping its bomb attacks and kidnapping potentially rich foreigners for ransom money to fund operations and gain support from local communities. In 2000 the group kidnapped 21 people 19 of whom were foreigners in Malaysia, 50 students and teachers from two schools on the island of Basilan, and at least 15 foreign journalists, including one reporter who was kidnapped and released twice. When Abdurajak's younger brother Khadaffy Janjalani took complete control of the group sometime around 2002, Abu Sayyaf renewed its ideological fervor for independence and refocused its efforts on bombmaking. In 2004 the group took responsibility for the most deadly terrorist attack in the history of the Philippines: the 2004 bombing of a ferry in Manila Bay that killed 116 people. By mid-2005, the Philippine government says Jemaah Islamiyah, the Southeast Asian terrorist group responsible for the 2002 Bali bombings that killed 202 people, had trained some 60 members of Abu Sayyaf to make bigger, better explosives. Two Jemaah Islamiyah bombmakers connected with the Bali bombings are still believed to be working with Abu Sayyaf. Abu Sayyaf appeared, however, to lose ground after the army launched a major offensive against the organization in August 2006. Shortly thereafter, Khadaffy Janjalani and two other high-ranking Abu Sayyaf leaders with important connections to funding in the Middle East were killed. According to one analyst, Abu Sayyaf is running low on funds, and no new leader has come forward to unite the disgruntled factions within the group. And once again, Abu Sayyaf is back to kidnapping for ransom money as a means of funding its operations. In January, the group held three Red Cross workers hostage, and analysts suspect they were released only after large ransoms were paid. Since 2001, when an American citizen was beheaded, about 600 U.S. special forces have rotated in and out of the southern Philippines to train the Philippine armed forces. But after eight years of U.S. training and hundreds of millions of dollars in aid and military assistance, the Philippine government still has not defeated the relatively small separatist group, and since 2007 progress seems to have stalled. The U.S. military presence in the Philippines has long been a contentious issue. Recently,

Philippine senators have urged President Gloria Arroyo to renegotiate the agreement that allows U.S. troops on Philippine soil, and the deaths of two U.S. soldiers will surely incite more debate. The Sept. 29 deaths, though, demonstrate that one thing is certain: Abu Sayyaf is still a dangerous, desperate terrorist group. Short Timeline of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG)

24. October

7, 1997: US Declares Abu Sayyaf in Philippines and Groupe Islamique Arm (GIA) in Algeria Foreign Terrorist Organizations, But Not Al-Qaeda

25. 1999: Abu Sayyaf Involved in Drug Trade 26. Late 1990s: Bin Ladens Brother-in-Law Khalifa Still in
Contact with Militants

27. February

1.

Late 1980s: Osama Bin Laden, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) Train Core of Future Philippines Militant Group

15, 1999: Philippine Charities World Alliance of Muslim Youth (WAMY), the International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO), and the Islamic Wisdom Worldwide Mission (IWWM) Exposed for Passing Money from Bin Laden to Abu Sayyaf, But Remain in Operation

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

1991: Khalid Shaikh Mohammed (KSM) Proves Worth to Al-Qaeda while Building Network in Philippines Early 1991: Islamist Group Abu Sayyaf Formed; Funded by Al-Qaeda Figures (Ustadz Abdurajak Janjalani, Mohammed Jamal Khalifa and Ramzi Yousef) 1991-Early February 1995: Al-Qaeda Linked Abu Sayyaf to be Deeply Penetrated (Second-in-Command) by Government Operative Edwin Angeles (Ibrahim Yakub) December 1991-May 1992: Bin Laden-Linked Bomber Ramzi Yousef Trains 20 ASG December 1991-April 1993: Bin Ladens Brother-inLaw Mohammed Jamal Khalifa Directly Assists Abu Sayyaf in Philippines 1992: Bin Laden Brought to Philippines by Government Hoping to Strengthen the Rebels It Is Fighting Early 1992: Yousef Plans World Trade Center (WTC) Bombing at Abu Sayyaf Base in Philippines Late 1992-Early 1993 and Late 1994: Future Oklahoma City Bomber Terry Nichols Said to Meet with Ramzi Yousef in Philippines

28. March 29. July

2000: Bin Laden Relative Ibnu bin Laden Associates with Abu Sayyaf 31, 2000: Senator Aquino Pimentel Accuses Philippine Government and CIA of Manipulating Abu Sayyaf

30. August

9, 2000: Saudi Charity International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO) Tied to Bin Ladens Brother-in-Law Accused of Still Funding Philippine Militants

31. September 32. May

24, 2001: Suspected Supporters Bank Accounts Frozen by US

Al-Qaeda

16, 2002: CIA Operative Michael Meiring Hurt While Posing as Terrorist Bomber in Philippines?

33. October 34. October 35. July 36. July

2-November 12, 2002: Mastermind Abdulmukim Edris of Series of Alleged Al-Qaeda Funded Bombings in Philippines Appears to Be Government Mole 8-November 8, 2002: Suspected Bojinka Plotter Mohammed Amin al-Ghafari Deported after Help from Sympathetic Philippine Officials 14, 2003: Al-Qaeda Leader Fathur Rohman alGhozi and Two Associates (Omar Opik Lasal & Abdulmukim Edris) Escape Philippine Prison in Dubious Circumstances 27-28, 2003: Philippine Soldiers Hold Brief Mutiny, Fearing Their Government Is Staging Terrorist Attacks

10. 1993-1995: 11. 1994:

Al-Qaeda Operative Mohammed Saddiq Odeh Helps Abu Sayyaf Group Conduct Attacks in Philippines Abu Sayyaf Philippine Government Suspected of Conspiracy with

37. September 25, 2003: Envoy Mahmoud Afif Abdeljalil

of KSM Arrested in Philippines Then Deported

12. 1994: Surveillance of Bin Ladens Brother-in-Law Exposes

Bojinka Plot to Assasinate Pope John Paul II in upcoming Jan 1995 visit to Manila

38. October

12, 2003: Fathur Rohman al-Ghozi Escaped Al-Qaeda Leader Killed in Philippines

13. August-September
Sayyaf for Bojinka Plot

1994: Ramzi Yousef Trains Abu

39. February 27, 2004: Militant Bombing of Superferry 14

Kills 116 in Philippines

14. December 15. December

1994-April 1995: US and Philippines Mishandle Monitoring of Key Bojinka Plotter Tariq Javed Rana 1, 1994: CIA Helps Bin Ladens Brother-inLaw Come to US after Being Forced Out of Philippines

40. August

3, 2006: US Finally Designates Saudi Charity International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO) Behind Bojinka Plot a Terrorism Financier

41. January 30,

16. December 12, 1994: Operation Bojinka Trial Run in Phil.

Airline flight to Tokyo

2007: Bin Ladens Brother-in-Law Khalifa Murdered in Mysterious Circumstances in Madagascar Short History of the New Peoples Army (NPA) On March 29, 1969, only a few months after the reestablishment of the CPP, the New Peoples Army was established. The NPA started with 60 fighters, 9 automatic rifles and 26 single-shot rifles and handguns in the second district of Tarlac province. There was peasant mass base of 80,000. They accumulated 200 rifles in 1969 and 1970. But in the latter half of 1969, the enemy concentrated the Task Force Lawin and barrio self-defense units (BSDU) to operate against the NPA. In December 1970, the enemy was proclaiming the elimination of the NPA and the peasant movement because some NPA units had been destroyed and scores of peasant leaders had been murdered. The enemy wasnt aware of the fact that since1969 CPP had been sent to build the NPA in Isabela. A mass base up to 300,000 in 1972 was built there. From 1969 to 1971 cadres were able to either get politico-military training for armed revolution or team up with cadres and fighters already tempered by revolutionary work in the countryside. The First Quarter Storm of 1970 and the mass movement up to 1972 encouraged the revolutionaries to carry out the national

17. December 18. Late

15, 1994: Bin Ladens Brother-in-Law Funding Militants Worldwide Using Philippine Charity Fronts 1994-January 1995: Deeply Involved in Bojinka Plot Government Operative

19. Late December 1994-April 1995: Evidence against Bin

Ladens Brother-in-Law Continues to Grow

20. 1995-1998: 21. January 22. Early 23. April

Alleged Ties Between Al-Qadi Charity Muwafaq Foundation and Terrorist Groups Are Uncovered; No Action Taken 7-September 1995: KSM Stays in Philippines with Abu Sayyaf, Not Arrested Despite Ties to Group Informant February 1995: Philippine Undercover Operative Exposed Shortly after Bojinka Plot Was Foiled 4, 1995: Abu Sayyaf Group Attacks Town of Ipil; Government Alleged to Support the Attack

democratic revolution. On April 24, 1973 the National Democratic Front was organized to embrace the underground mass organizations, base itself in principle on organs of political power built at the village level and facilitate the formation of united front committees and secret cells at higher levels. Despite the arrests of CPP Central Committee members in 1973, 1974, 1976 and 1977, the regional Party organizations gained flesh and muscle from the growth of the armed revolutionary movement and the urban underground. As early as late 1974, all regional Party committees became basically self-reliant. From October 1975 to January 1976 workers in 300 enterprises nationwide went on strike despite the strike ban and the generally intense repression. Political demonstrations by the broad masses also emerged in Manila and other cities. It was also in 1976 that the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines issued Our Urgent Tasks in order to promote the antifascist, anti-imperialist and antifeudal line and raise higher all forms of revolutionary struggle. In the 1980s, progressive trade unions grew tremendously, seized overall leadership away from the yellow trade unions and led the workers in sustained militant economic and political struggles. The student youth expanded and intensified their democratic reform struggle and their antifascist, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist propaganda. The peasant masses also became more active in urban protest actions. The militant struggles prepared the way for the large mass actions from 19831986 which involved the repeated direct participation of 500,000 to two million people and eventually caused the downfall of Marcos on February 22-25, 1986. From 1977 until present years, the NPA had gained many high-powered arms and cadres over the years. 1995 Fighting between rebels and government declined, but human-rights abuses continued. 1996 Although there were few direct clashes between communist rebels and government forces, both sides continued to perpetrate political and extrajudicial killings. 1997 In April government forces were ordered to resume full hostilities against the communist rebels. Meanwhile, rebel attacks increased, especially on the National Police. 1998 Despite renewed peace efforts in 1998, the Philippine Army was reassigned counterinsurgency operations on the Negros as part of an escalating government campaign against communist rebels. 1999 After the suspension of peace talks in May, fighting between government forces and communist rebels escalated. At least 15 people were killed. Extrajudicial and political killings accounted for many more fatalities. 2000 There were sporadic clashes between government forces and the communist rebels. At least 50 people were killed. 2001 Clashes were reported throughout the year, including one of the bloodiest in more than a decade in November. In June, the government suspended peace talks after a congressman was killed by the rebels. 2002 The conflict killed at least 30 people this year as communist rebels continued to attack army personnel and civilians, and the government intensified its counterattacks by drawing on U.S. counterinsurgency training and support. 2003 Sporadic clashes continued between the communist rebels and government forces, resulting in approximately 40 deaths. Peace talks resumed mid-year, but with little success. The government continued strengthening its military forces, with the aid of U.S. arms and training, as part of the global war on terror. 2004 Amid failed peace negotiations, more than 60 people were killed. The rebels remained on the U.S. list of terrorist organizations and refused to negotiate further until removed. 2005 Peace talks between CPP/NPA and the government remained stalled and escalated fighting killed more than 100 people. The Revolutionary Party of Workers in Mindanao, a breakaway faction of the CPP/NPA in Mindanao, signed a ceasefire agreement with the government. 2006 Rebels were responsible for bombing many private companies, and attacking police and military targets. The government announced funding to increase its anti-rebel program, strengthening its offensive and increasing clashes between the military and rebels. An estimated 200 combatants were killed. 2007 The international community sharply criticized the Philippine government for its role in the extrajudicial killings of leftist activists since 2001. The UN began an inquiry into these killings, with the report due in 2008. President Gloria Arroyo remained committed to defeating the National Peoples Army (NPA) by the end of her presidential term in 2010, but government forces continued to struggle in the battle against the 6,000-strong NPA. Elections in May were considered

free and fair, but increased violence and accusations of electoral fraud marred the results. 2008 Skirmishes continued between the NPA and military forces. The NPA continued its strategy of disrupting and drawing revolutionary taxation from mining operations, while the military targeted mining regions as a means to sever NPA funding and encourage foreign economic development. The governments Social Integration Program (SIP) provided financial assistance for 225 rebels in exchange for surrender, and may explain reports that NPA numbers have been reduced. Attempts to resume formal peace talks in late 2008 failed, as did attempts by the CPP to create a joint campaign with the MILF in Mindanao. To date, no government or military personnel have been persecuted in relation to extrajudicial killings of leftist activists, despite a UN report and government taskforce documenting military involvement in cases of disappearance. 2009 Violence continued to be perpetrated by the NPA this year, resulting in hundreds of deaths from rebel attacks or clashes with government forces. Attempts were made at peace talks between the government and the CCP as well as the NDF, only to collapse in September after the government refused to meet the communist rebels demand to free several communist guerilla leaders from prison. Despite the failures of the peace talks, positive steps for disarmament were taken as a result of the SIP introduced by the Arroyo government in 2008. SIP, which provides support for rebels willing to surrender, has proven to be largely successful, with nearly 600 NPA rebels surrendering this year alone. 2010 The NPA continued to clash with government forces. Clashes with were heaviest in the first half of the year as the military raced to meet President Gloria Arroyos deadline of June 30 to eradicate the NPA. After the presidential election in May, the new government of President Benigno Aquino and the NPA agreed to a Christmas-time ceasefire (Dec. 17 to Jan. 3). The Aquino administration vowed to find a political settlement in its battle with the NPA. On Dec. 14, days before the ceasefire was to go into effect, the NPA killed 12 people (mostly soldiers), and vowed to continue its revolt despite the ceasefire. Peace talks are set to resume in February 2011.

Short History of the Communist Part of the Philippines National Democratic Front (CPP-NDF) The fall of the Marcos dictatorship and the ascension of the Aquino Government into power did not stall in any way the resolve of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the National Democratic Front (NDF) to pursue their goals of overthrowing the government and eventually seizing control of the country's leadership. Through the NDF, the CPP remains determined to wage its revolutionary struggle not only in the Philippines but also abroad by way of extensive agitation. Propaganda, fund raising and campaigning to support its revolutionary struggle in the home front are the objectives of establishing its network abroad. This international effort by the NDF was emphasized by Satur Ocampo, one of its founding fathers, in a well publicized statement: "The NDF will now be seeking political support abroad in anticipation of an escalation of war by the Aquino government." The NDF traces its beginning with the establishment of the NDF Preparatory Committee (PREPCOM) in 1971. However, it was on April 24, 1973 that the NDF was formally established with the aim of providing an organizational framework and channel for unity of all progressive and revolutionary forces for national freedom and democracy. In the Philippines, the arenas of political-ideological struggle encompasses the entire social spectrum from workers, peasants, cultural minorities, priest, nuns, urban poor, middle strata, to journalist protesting censorship and reactionary literature. Unifying all these sectors is an evolving coalition called the NDF. Its point of programs was drafted in 1973 and reaffirmed in 1980. Nationalist Filipinos participated in NDF's formation in order to articulate all the popular democratic forces, to unite the Filipino people against all anti-imperialist forces, and to overthrow the government that is influenced by foreigners.

In 1974, a special body called the Committee for International Support was created under the NDF PREPCOM which was tasked to carry out a united front effort abroad and prepare propaganda programs for the purpose of gaining broader mass base support and generating support for the revolutionary struggle in the Philippines. In this polarized atmosphere the emergence of the NDF was complicated by an already confused picture of the Philippine society as seen from world opinion. The NDF was already seen as a front organization organized along classic communist lines under the control of the CPP. The NDF serves as a coordinating committee for protest activities by sectoral groups (doctors, lawyers, teachers, priest and students). Some of these groups are infiltrated or influenced by the CPP. The party tried to hide its hand, but the CPP was readily identified as such because of its openness to those groups sympathetic with its cause. The NDF is viewed by many people as an independent group, united in the struggle for national freedom and democracy. Noncommunist protest groups found it convenient to operate under the NDF umbrella, particularly during the post-Aquino assassination when large street demonstrations by multiple groups were staged. The CPP moved quickly to take advantage of the popular outrage after the assassination and heightened political interest among the middle and professional classes which gave the NDF an ideal opportunity to broaden its base and improve its acceptability by important groups. With the arrival of Fr. Luis Jalandoni in Europe in late 1976, the NDF began its visible overseas activities. In deference to or opposition to the Marcos regime and strong leftist sentiments in European politics, churches and unions allowed Jalandoni to gain headway in establishing the NDF abroad. In 1981, Jalandoni formed the Filipino People Committee based in Utrecht, Netherlands to seek support for the peoples organization in the Philippines; and to develop active links between Western European political parties, union and churches with appropriate Philippine counterparts; and to campaign against U.S. involvement in the Philippines. The purpose of their last goal is to claim that the majority of the Philippine activities are controlled by the U.S., especially the on going negotiations concerning the U.S. bases in the country. Short History of the Ilagas (Christian Ilonggo) The emergence of the Ilagas was attributed to threats posed by the MIM on the Christians in Cotabato. In the province at the time, there were reports of Moro youths undergoing training Guerrilla warfare n Malaysia and Several training camps in the province. As a result, Christians, who chose to stay and fight for everything. They held dear, reportedly became the early pioneers of the Ilaga movement. The word is an llonggo Ilaga or Visayan, term for "rat," that highly voracious CREATURE on that infests our crops. How these "halfcrazed" or "mad killers," or what the regime preferred to call "fanatics," acquired the name or chose to be known by Perhaps it is explained by the widespread proliferation of their activities on Mindanao Gory. Further sources other went to decipher the name as an acronym for Land grabbers Ilonggo Association. The final truth of the matter still remains to be seen, but in the absence of more solid evidence to the contrary the theory Might as well stand. Initially, a simple folk leader, Feliciano Luces, was tagged as the chief Ilaga. Those who knew him well in Upi, Cotabato, could not help but wonder how a mild-mannered farmer of this town could an overnight distinguished leader of an ultra-rightist Christian organization whose name brought fire and awe. Early references to the name theorized that it referred to the voracious animals to exemplify the natural right of any man or community to legitimate self-defense. There were rumors and wild stories about the organization, all unsubstantiated at the time. But in July 1972, the Associated Press, an American wire service, reported that the organization was the brainchild Ilaga of seven Christian leaders of Cotabato. Later, in 1973, a group of students commissioned by the government was reported that the llaga Founded in Cotabato City in September 1970 by Mayors Wenceslao de la Cerna of Alamada, Nicolas Dequina of Midsayap, Pacifico de la Cerna of Libungan, Bonifacio Tejada of Mlang , Conrado Lemana of Tulunan, Jose Escribano of Tacurong, Stephen Doruelo of Pigkawayan and PC Capt. Manuel Tronco of UPI, the

overall commander. Being seven in all, They were thus Called the "Magnificent Seven." Though a later recruit, Lt.. COL. Carlos B. Cajelo, also an Ilonggo, who became Governor of Cotabato and later the Deputy Defense Minister for Civil Relations, was popularly believed as the real leader. He was perceived to have taken over the command discreetly from Manuel Tronco, a candidate for Mayor of UPI in 1971, When the latter was slain in an ambush in 1972 in Upi, Cotabato. Ex-Mayor Stephen Doruelo, Then an Assemblyman of LTP-12., Was also assassinated on February 4, 1984 in Cotabato City for Reasons believed linked to the founding of the Ilagas. The Ilaga Rampage started in the middle of 1970 barely a year-and-a-half before Pres. Ferdinand Marcos plunged the country into Martial law on September 23, 1972. The first killing field was Upi, Cotabato the new home of Commander Feliciano Luces, alias "Toothpick." There he led a band of Tiruray tribesmen, who allegedly responded readily to settle an old score with the Maguindanaon Moros. 12 On March 22, 1970, Commander Toothpick and His band of so-called "fanatics," initiated, as their baptism of fire, an attack on an isolated Moro village, killing six people and burning Several houses. They left behind their horrifying trademarks on the victims: cut ears, nipples slashed, eyes plucked out, and cross markings on the body. Members of the gang, mostly teenagers, were subjected to rigid initiation rituals and were required to wear amulets and other charms believed to have magical powers to ward off evil and Harm. In the beginning, the Tirurays dominated the gang but, later on as other units Ilaga sprouted in other areas of Cotabato, Bukidnon, Lanao del Norte, Zamboanga del Sur and elsewhere, the movement was dominated by llonggos. Later, the Ilaga gangs acted as "storm troopers" for government troops When the Moros succeeded in putting up an effective defense. A pertinent article in one of the front-running Manila dailies had this to say this tie-up: The list is long ... but it can be compressed into one single horrifying theme - a near absolute lawlessness armed and protected by ... government officials and the military into the remote Corners of Mindanao to look for and kill ... Muslim rebels, and whoever They believe to be their sympathizers. The late Pres. Diosdado Macapagal had this to say in connection with the llaga Organization: The political and short-sighted handling of Muslims under the Marcos reign problems reached a zenith When the authorities sanctioned and believably helped arm and Ilagas, an armed band of Christian Filipinos, who have waged an operation to kill Muslims. Reports of massacres of Muslims and Christians both native in a mutual Rampage of violence and killing as a result have considerable truth in them. Seeing the hand of the government in the organization and operations of the Ilagas, it is understandable that the Muslim Filipinos have entertained the belief that the administration is out to exterminate the Muslims. Such belief has no doubt intensified Muslim insurgency. The number of victims continued to increase as the PC-Ilaga, tandem mounted and widened its bloody sorties in the other provinces and towns outside of its original base of operations. Hardest hit by these depredations were usually isolated Moro villages. So far, there is no formal research work conducted or made available on these data shows that Ilaga-related massacres, including the names of the victims, number of houses burned or destroyed, and other losses or damages. The following listing is not presumed to be complete but somehow efforts have been made to make the entries as detailed as possible. " Short History of the Blackshirts (Cotabato) and Barracuda (Lanao) The 1970-72 period saw the escalation of violence between the Barracudas and Ilagas in Lanao Norte and Black shirts and Ilagas in the Cotabato massacres. The Ilagas rats were paramilitary forces of President Ferdinand E. Marcos and supported by the AFP directly or indirectly. The Mindanao Independence Movement was organized by Datu Udtog Matalam, patriarch of Cotabato, in 1969 which led to the violent

clashes and became the stimulus for the government and Christian militias to launch massacres against unarmed Muslims as in the Manile, Cotabato massacre of Muslims in a Masjid (mosque); the Lutayan; the Tacub; the IPIL and the Pata, Sulu massacres etc. The people of Buldon fought a battle against the AFP wherein the air force, artillery and tanks were used against a Moro town. They fought until Mayor Tomatic Aratuc met with President Marcos and the government forces were withdrawn. That time the President was the real Commander-in-Chief and was responsible for all the military assaults on the Moro Communities. There has been resurgence of a Christian vigilante group called the Ilaga (Visayan language term for rat), whose members now call themselves Gods Army or the Reformed Ilaga Movement. The group first gained notoriety in the 1970s by launching attacks against civilian communities in the name of their fight against the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). In turn two Moro vigilante groups were created, called the Blackshirts and the Barracudas. Human rights abuses attributed to the Ilaga reached their highest in June 1971 with the massacre of 65 men, women and children inside a mosque in Carmen town, North Cotabato province Short History of the JABIDAH MASSACRE, March 18, 1968 The Jabidah massacre, also known as the Corregidor massacre, refers to an incident in which members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) massacred a number of Moro Muslim recruits under their supervision. Sources differ regarding the details, with the number of victims ranging from 14 to 68, and some sources asserting that the massacre is a myth. The Jabidah Massacre is widely regarded as having been the catalyst behind the modern Moro insurgencies in the Southern Philippines. Today we remember the Jabidah Massacre, described as the turning point of the reawakening of the Moro people. It was happened when, between 28 and 64 Moro recruits undergoing training for sabotage, jungle warfare, and guerilla tactics in Corrigidor Island, just off Manila Bay, were summarily executed by their military trainers in late March 1968. It was widely believed that the purpose of the training was a secret preparation for the Philippine Military operation in Sabahcode named Operation Merdeka (Operation independence). This belief was substantiated by the revelation of Jibin Arula (the lone survivor of the carnage) that they were shot because they refused to follow the order of their military trainers to invade Sabah. The Philippine government had laid claim in the World Court to the ownership of Sabah, which belonged to Malaysia but historically was part of the Philippines before the Americans came, but Marcos was impatient with diplomatic channels. From Simunul in Tawi-Tawi, where the secret training began in 1967, the commando team composed of about 180 trainees, moved to Corregidor in January 1968. The training exercises were rigorous, but the trainees were fed miserable meals, mainly burnt rice and tuyo (dried fish), and were promised P50 monthly pay-which they did not receive. Eventually, the trainees grew restless and a core group of about 60 wrote a letter to Marcos asking for their pay. The letter was intercepted by the training leaders, and from then on, tension and suspicion started to poison the air in Corregidor. The whole episode ended in March 1968 with the killing of about two dozen Muslim trainees by the military. A military officer was also killed. A surviving trainee, Jibin Arula, who was shot in the leg managed to swim to safety on the nearly island of Carballo. He told his story, and then-Senator Benigno Aquino launched an investigation into what came to be known as the Jabidah massacre. What was once a tightly kept secret was becoming known to the public. The repercussions on both the domestic and external fronts would prove to be enormous. At that time, Muslim activists, led by Nur Misuari, were restive. The Jabidah massacre would mobilize them further, resulting in the formation of the Moro National Liberation Front. Relations between Malaysia and the Philippines reached its lowest point. Malaysia withdrew its embassy staff from Manila, and Sabah police picked up Filipinos for illegal entry but Malaysia would exact the sweetest revenge when it used Sabah to provide succor to rebels from the secessionist MNLF, aiding them with

arms and military training. The Muslim rebellion reached its peak in the 1970s. Funny enough, the peace negotiations between the MILF and the GRP are currently being held in Kuala Lumpur. The Senate and congressional inquiries into the Jabidah massacre in 1968 yielded inconclusive findings. No one was held accountable for the horrible killings. The officers and enlisted men who were court-martialed were all cleared in 1971. Informed about the sinister plan of the Philippine government, the then Sabah Chief minister, Tun Datu Mustapha Haron, later openly supported the 1970's Moro Nationalist Liberation Movement.