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Citizenship Studies

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Political Belonging in a Neoliberal Era: The Struggle of the Sans-Papiers

ANNE McNEVINa a Australian National University, Canberra, Australia

To cite this Article McNEVIN, ANNE(2006) 'Political Belonging in a Neoliberal Era: The Struggle of the Sans-Papiers',

Citizenship Studies, 10: 2, 135 151 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13621020600633051 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621020600633051

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Citizenship Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2, 135151, May 2006

Political Belonging in a Neoliberal Era: The Struggle of the Sans-Papiers

ANNE MC NEVIN
Australian National University, Canberra, Australia

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ABSTRACT This article argues that political belonging should be understood in the context of diverse spatial imaginaries which encompass but are not conned to the state. Engin Isins approach to citizenship provides a theoretical grounding for this claim. By way of demonstration, the article focuses on the spatially recongured practices of the neoliberal state in relation to irregular migration. It shows how the policing of irregular migration sustains a logic of political belonging based on connections between state, citizen and territory. This logic is simultaneously compromised by transnational state practices including the exploitation of irregular migrant labour. Irregular migrants are contesting their positioning within these multidimensional statist frameworks that posit them as outsiders even while they are integrated into local sites of a global political economy. The struggle of the Sans-Papiers, a collective of irregular migrants in France, provides an example in this context. Their claims to entitlement also mobilize multiple dimensions of political belonging and provide insight into transitions in political community, identity and practice.

On 18 March 1996, 324 irregular migrants occupied a church in Paris, calling themselves the Sans-Papiers (literally without papers). Some of the Sans-Papiers were asylum seekers and some were long-term working residents of France whose status had been made irregular as a result of legislative changes. This initial action prompted collectives of SansPapiers to organize across the country and was followed by further church occupations, hunger strikes, demonstrations and petitions.1 The Sans-Papiers demanded the right to stay in France and the right to regularized status. They contested a particular account of political belonging through which they were positioned as outsiders. That account of belonging and the practices that challenge it are the subjects of this article. The term political belonging captures the connections between political community, political identity and political practice. It encompasses the physical and conceptual shape of polities, the status attached to members of a political community relative to nonmembers, and the means through which political claims are asserted and legitimized. Political belonging frames how one is positioned with respect to others and the agency one enjoys in that context. At different points in history, particular accounts of political belonging have become naturalized, entrenching particular relations of privilege and marginalization as matters of common sense.

Correspondence Address: School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Bldg 22, Australian National University, Canberra 0200, Australia. Email: anne.mcnevin@anu.edu.au 1362-1025 Print/1469-3593 Online/06/020135-17 q 2006 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/13621020600633051

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At present, the Westphalian state system prevails as the dominant frame of reference through which political belonging is represented. On this basis, belonging has been linked to a xed relationship between state, citizen and territory. The notion of irregular migration is deeply implicated in this particular account. Irregular migrants, like the SansPapiers, are non-citizens who have crossed state borders or remain in state territory without the sanction of that state. Yet it is only with reference to the state and its citizens as bounded and territorialized identities that the concept of irregular migration is brought into being and that the policing of borders against irregular migrants is justied. If the spatial basis of political community were to be constructed and naturalized in terms other than territorial ones, then our understanding of citizens and outsiders, irregular migrants amongst them, would necessarily be cast in different terms as well. In this article I examine dynamics of political belonging in this spatial sense. I argue that as state agencies pursue neoliberal agendas their practices generate a notion of political community which is de-linked from an exclusive connection to citizens and territories and expressed through an alternative spatial conguration. This trend towards deterritorialization does not suggest the decline of the state, since such a view ignores the states active role in this process and relies on an essentialist conception of the state as necessarily territorial. Rather than a loss of sovereignty per se, the shift refers to a spatial reconguration of sovereign practices that destabilizes naturalized assumptions about political belonging. In this context, I contend that multiple dimensions of belonging, including but exceeding the territorial state, are strategically mobilized for different political purposes. As a consequence, insiders and outsiders to political communities are being constructed in new ways. A focus upon irregular migrants provides insight into these processes. Irregular migrants are policed as outsiders even though they are economically incorporated into political communities through informal neoliberal labour markets. Their ambiguous positioning reects the incorporation of states and individuals into a global political economy and resultant patterns of privilege and marginalization. I ask what happens when irregular migrants become politically active and make claims upon communities from which they are excluded. What is the effect of these claims upon dominant accounts of political belonging? The article begins by establishing political belonging as an anti-essentialist framework for determining privilege and marginalization. In this I draw on the work of Engin Isin and his notion of citizenship as a practice which constructs relations between insiders and outsiders. My reading of Isin also establishes the centrality of spatial concepts to the establishment and maintenance of particular frameworks of political belonging. I then consider the spatially recongured practices of the neoliberal state in terms of their implications for irregular migrants. A third section draws upon the example of the SansPapiers and discusses the strategies they have employed to stake their claims to belong. I conclude by reecting on the signicance of the Sans-Papiers for a multidimensional conception of political belonging and upon the spatial nuances of such a conception. Political Belonging and Insurgent Acts: Isin on Citizenship and the City A xed and timeless framework of political belonging affects not only our historical imagination but also our capacity to interpret the present and our sense of what might be possible in the future. By contrast, an anti-essentialist approach remains open both to

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changes in the processes by which state-based political belonging is reinforced, and to the potential for transformation in that particular framework itself. This latter theoretical lens is a historically informed conception of political belonging that rejects the limitations of a territorialized state-centric viewpoint and allows us to analyse and imagine alternate forms of membership and alternative bases for claims-making upon a political community. Especially helpful in this regard is the work of Engin Isin (2002, 2005). Isin investigates a series of instances where citizenship has been dened, negotiated, reinscribed and contested across time in ancient city-states, medieval and contemporary cities. His reading of the diverse histories of citizenship not only employs an anti-essentialist approach but also emphasizes the spatial dynamics of political community, identity and practice. As such, his analysis of political membership is conceptually aligned with what I have called frameworks of political belonging. Isins work provides a useful theoretical grounding for arguments which link the politics of irregular migration with contemporary spatiopolitical transitions. It is therefore worth relating in some detail his notions of citizenship, the city and being/becoming political. In his book Being Political Isin undertakes a genealogy of citizenship, understood not as a possession, but as an identity and practice through which political privilege and marginalization are constructed. He thus rejects conventional histories of citizenship which depict its gradual and linear evolution from the ancient Greek polis as an ever more inclusive basis for political practice. For Isin, this dominant account omits those aspects of citizenship which are based on the necessary exclusion of non-citizens.2 He contends that the story of citizenship which begins with Greek men of high ranking birth, and extends over the centuries to include former slaves, the propertyless, the working classes, colonial subjects, women and indigenous populations, shields from view the processes by which shifts in the constitution of political membership brought with them, at different times, new and unique forms of exclusion. It fails to account for those immanent others inside the polity whose relative denial of status helped to create the particular kind of privilege accorded to full citizens. It omits, in addition, the construction of the politys outside, those distant alien others whose incivility, backwardness and political immaturity marks, by contrast, the progress of citizenships evolution in occidental cities. For Isin, the alien other, the immanent outsider and the citizen are mutually constitutive. The insider identity is only possible via the parallel marking of the outsider. These insider/outsider, citizen/non-citizen dynamics are, in Isins account, an enduring feature of political communities, not only those characterized by citizens and citizenship in the conventional sense, but all those communities engaged in the political organization of affairs and the marking of boundaries. Citizenship, in Isins reading, does not necessarily imply formal membership of, say, a nation-state (though this is clearly one form of citizenship), but rather a position of inclusion in any measure of political community and the necessary exclusion of others from that same unit. Always simultaneously creating and created by alterity, citizenship is the result of processes whereby certain groups . . . [constitute] . . . themselves as capable of being political, in the sense of being endowed with the capacity to be governed by and govern other citizens and being differentiated from strangers and outsiders (Isin, 2002, p. 280). The strategies and technologies of citizenship include the naturalization of these binary relationships and the concealment of that process. Privilege and marginalization are determined accordingly not because of what one does or what one believes, but on a common sense basis, on account of who one is.

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A corresponding feature of political communities, understood in this way, is resistance to particular strategies and technologies of citizenship. Resistance occurs as outsiders attempt to recast their identity as politically legitimate subjects of justice. For Isin, these struggles over citizenship are captured by the phrase being political: Being political means being implicated in strategies and technologies of citizenship as otherness. When social groups succeed in inculcating their own virtues as dominant, citizenship is constituted as an expression and embodiment of those virtues against others who lack them. . . . Becoming political is that moment when the naturalness of the dominant virtues is called into question and their arbitrariness revealed. . . . [Throughout history] these acts [have] redened the ways of being political by developing symbolic, social, cultural, and economic practices that enabled them to constitute themselves as political agents under new terms, taking different positions in the social space than those in which they were previously positioned. (Isin, 2002, pp. 275 76) These acts of insurgent citizenship(Isin, 2002, p. 273) have been undertaken with varying degrees of success and failure in a variety of polities. Isin recovers the particular struggles and strategies of slaves, women, plebeians, Jews, craftsmen, tradesmen, prostitutes, vagabonds, working classes, colonial aboriginals and others cast as outsiders at various historical moments. The unique characteristics of these struggles distinguish insider/outsider relations in the Greek polis from those of the Roman Civitas, those of the early Christian Empire from those of the early modern state, and so on. Isin thus reveals the fractured nature of citizenship, its dynamism over time and the novel generation of privilege and marginalization in each particular context. Isin insists that the spatial congurations in which citizenship is constructed are key to understanding such struggles. Space, he argues, is . . . never simply a passive background of becoming political. It is a fundamental strategic property by which groups, nations, societies, federations, empires, and kingdoms are constituted in the real world, and, through this constitution, structured as objective realities (Isin, 2002, p. 49) In this Isin echoes a range of interdisciplinary scholarship which emphasizes the signicance of space in understanding political relationships (Agnew, 1994; Rosow et al., 1994; Mandaville, 1999; Appadurai, 2000; Sassen, 2000b; Brenner et al., 2003). Isin invokes the metaphor of the city as the spatial identity in which citizenship gains form. The city refers most closely to the idea of the polity. It is in and through the city that insiders and outsiders, citizens and aliens, are constitutedetymologically, discursively and materially. The city is not merely the setting for citizenship struggles but its constitution and representation is a site of contestation in itself: The city is neither a background to these struggles against which groups wager, nor is it a foreground for which groups struggle for hegemony. Rather, the city is the battleground through which groups dene their identity, stake their claims, wage their battles, and articulate citizenship rights, obligations, and principles. The city as an object of thought and experience emerges out of these practices and has neither the unity nor the cohesion that has been attributed to it. (Isin, 2002, pp. 283 84)

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Isins city can be taken to refer as much to the territorial nation-state as the dominant form of political community throughout the modern period and the juridical body through which citizenship rights have been conferred, as it does to the global city as a nodal point in the geography of power from the late twentieth century onwards (Sassen, 1991, 2000a). The city is also apparent in the idea of globalization itself. But the city must be thought of as more than these particular congurations. More than a container, the city is an assemblage of forces and disciplinary practices through which spatialized identities (the state, the citizen, the cosmopolitan, and so on) are constructed. Because the city, in this reading, is an inherent element of social divisions and distinctions it cannot be taken for granted, nor analysed in isolation from the social relationships encapsulated within it. At any given moment, Isin insists, the object of analysis or the question should never be what is the city? But rather, under what conditions is the city being dened? What forces and groups are staking their claims through its denition? (Isin, 2005, p. 377). Isins analysis clearly raises questions about the spatio-political construction of citizenship in the contemporary era, particularly in regard to globalization as a spatial metaphor. The idea of globalization has gained extraordinary momentum over the last decade. Whether the result of recent technological changes or the culmination of longer historical trajectories, whether understood as movements toward homogenization, fragmentation, a conuence of both or an assemblage of other as yet unknown spatial congurations and networks, discourses of globalization profoundly impact upon assumptions about who we are and how we relate politically to others. If, as many commentators suggest, the role of the state is changing in the context of globalization, then what does this imply for a form of citizenship that has been predicated on the necessary links between citizen, state and territory? And how does the idea of globalization introduce new markers of entitlement and membership? Discourses of globalization bring a range of political scenarios and identities into being and potentially render others unworkable or unthinkable in a new kind of spatially informed common sense. Isin prompts us to ask which groups are staking their claims within this new denition of the city. It is with this theoretical grounding in mind that I turn now to the practices of the neoliberal state which employs the language of globalization to justify a range of strategic transnational operations which inscribe privilege and marginalization in new ways. In this context I look to strategies and technologies of citizenship in which irregular labour migrants are implicated and to the global political economy as the spatial terrain in and through which new contests over belonging are being waged. Irregular Migrants and Recongured Practices of Sovereignty A number of scholars have argued that sovereignty must be rethought in the context of the neoliberal state (Ong, 1999, 2004a; Cohen, 2001; Sassen, 2002). They argue that state agencies have reformulated their priorities away from the protection of citizens and towards integration with a global economy and sources of global capital. This is not to suggest that the state has ever been the absolute guarantor of protection or security. Nor are states allegiances with sources of transnational capital without precedent (Ferguson and Gupta, 2002). Rather the suggestion is that these trends have accelerated and taken on specic spatial characteristics in recent years largely due to technological advances that have allowed the state to integrate with transnational networks and actors. Liberalization and deregulation policies increasingly project territories and workforces into the control of

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private actors. As a consequence, non-state actors, from inter-governmental institutions to credit rating agencies and private employers, enact greater powers of discipline and governance. This does not represent a loss of political control for the state as much as a delegation and reconguration of its power in ways that do not correspond to a territorial or formal citizenship basis. This transition has consequences for accounts of political belonging. The recongured practices of the neoliberal state disrupt the integrity of the framework of belonging based on a xed relationship between state, citizen and territory. In the Westphalian era this framework has enjoyed a naturalized status and has provided the state with its raison detre and sovereign authority. To ensure its continued legitimacy, the neoliberal state simultaneously undertakes other sovereign practices that reinforce the meaningfulness of its territorial boundaries. The tensions ensuing from these parallel frameworks of political belonging are especially evident in relation to irregular migration. Irregular migration has since the 1970s become a feature of advanced industrial, newly industrializing and oil producing states.3 From the late 1980s numbers of asylum seekers and irregular labour migrants entering North America and Europe have signicantly increased (Sassen, 2000a; OECD, 2004). Elsewhere, especially in the Gulf states and South East Asia, there has been rapid growth in numbers of irregular labour migrants (Skeldon, 2002; United Nations, 2003). In popular and administrative commentary the inux of irregular migrants is represented as an illegitimate intrusion and therefore as a major threat to the sovereignty and security of the state (Teitelbaum and Weiner, 1995; Weiner, 1995; Zimmerman, 1995; Huntington, 2004). Fuelled by increasing economic divisions and insecurity of income within host societies and by the growth of far right antiimmigrant movements (Stewart and Berry, 1999; Ignazi, 2002), irregular migrants are targeted by populist and ofcial rhetoric as threats to international order, labour market regulation, cultural homogeneity, social stability, welfare provision, services and infrastructure and personal security. Border policing has been dramatically upscaled and inter-governmentally coordinated, along with restrictive and punitive policies directed at irregular migrants and people-smugglers (Robinson, 1998; Lohrmann, 2000; Jordan and Duvell, 2002; Martin, 2003). Adopting Isins perspective, these discourses and practices can be understood as strategies and technologies of citizenship. The articulation of irregular migrants as illegitimate outsiders, along with each act of interdiction, incarceration and deportation reinforces the particular account of political belonging from which the state gains its legitimacy. Yet when a neoliberal policy environment is taken into account, a very different picture of irregular migration emerges. Critical literature emphasizes the role of the state in facilitating transnational capital accumulation and the tacit acceptance of irregular migration as an element of this function (De Genova, 1998; Ong, 1999; Rosewarne, 2001). In this view neoliberal economies have generated demand for cheap, exible and compliant labour. Irregular migrants meet this demand in the most efcient manner as they are usually impervious to wage and condition regulations, highly mobile and easily expendable/deportable according to market uctuation. Studies now conrm that irregular migrants work in key centres of the global political economy (global cities and export processing zones, for example) in industries characterized by subcontracted employment arrangements (agriculture, construction and manufacturing) and/or in isolated and typically unorganized workplaces (hospitality, tourism and domestic service) (Ong, 1999, 2004b; Sassen, 2000a; International Labour Organization, 2004). Thus the characteristics

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of a neoliberal workforce are especially acute in relation to irregular migrants. In many cases they are economically and socially integrated into locales which have developed a dependence upon their labour, either via historical relationships or in order to full a development strategy (Ong, 1999; Gibney, 2000; Iskander, 2000; OECD Secretariat, 2000; Kwong, 2001; Jordan, 2005). Under these conditions, irregular migrants are incorporated into the political community as economic participants but denied the status of insiders. They are immanent outsiders. The strategies and technologies which dene them (their containment within informal economies; the random policing which maintains them in a position of vulnerability) are also implicated in the constitution of insider-citizens, whose relative privilege now reects the specic practices made possible in and through the spaces of the global political economy. Those same spaces also expose many insider-citizens to parallel structures of privilege and marginalization in which they are positioned less favourably. In this context, border policing provides a demonstration of loyalty. Hence measures to control irregular migration often have less to do with policing itself than with the perception that citizens are being protected against outsiders (Andreas, 2000; Nevins, 2002; Purcell and Nevins, 2005). Purcell and Nevins argue, for example, that the build-up of migration enforcement budgets and stafng in the United States over the 1990s, while spectacularly unsuccessful in preventing the ow of irregular migrants from Mexico, achieved an important function of statecraft in constructing an image of control (2005, p. 208). Other scholars have read the deportation of asylum seekers as performances of territorial sovereignty in this way (Walters, 2002; Nyers, 2003). Similarly, Ball and Piper (2002) argue that the dependence of certain sectors of the Japanese economy on irregular migration is tolerated by the state with occasional displays of force against particular nationality groupings in order to assuage public opinion. Ironically, restrictive border policies appear to be driving the expansion and protability of a transnational industry in clandestine migration (Andreas, 2000; Koslowski, 2001; Miller, 2001). The success of this industry produces a circular effect whereby the perceived threat of irregular migration is exacerbated. As borders appear ever more vulnerable to innovative criminal smuggling networks and to processes of economic globalization in general, border policing continues to serve as a demonstration of territorial sovereignty. The positioning of irregular migrants as immanent outsiders and the legitimizing effect of this strategy upon the dominant account of political belonging helps to explain why the liberalization of labour has not taken place despite a neoliberal orthodoxy which suggests that such a move would only add to overall economic growth.4 What this suggests is not the limits of neoliberal hegemony per se, so much as the political compromises it has to make in order to sustain its legitimacy. A range of more enlightened policy alternatives exist which openly take into account the structural demand for cheap migrant labour, the obstacles to effective border policing, the encouragement of a dangerous and exploitative criminal industry in trafcking and smuggling, and the pressures motivating people to cross borders illicitly (Ghosh, 2000; Veenkamp et al., 2003). In the immediate context such proposals are unlikely to gain currency, since they would subvert the effect of immanent outsiders. Effective challenges can only be indirect, argues Didier Bigo, by analysing the conditions under which the authority of truth is given to a discourse that creates the immigrant as an outsider, inside the State (Bigo, 2002, p. 66).

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Yet it is precisely when the territorial state is compromised by neoliberal practices that its regime of truth is most vulnerable. When irregular migrants reject their status, they place a dint in the logic and legitimacy of the territorial state and in the framework of belonging it represents. They question whether the citizenship practices carried out by state agencies can be considered a matter of common sense. Peter Nyers is one of the few political theorists to directly investigate such contestations in relation to irregular migrants (Nyers, 2003; OKane, 2004). He has focused on the strategies which Algerian asylum seekers in Canada have used to resist deportation and to call for regularization. Nyers is careful not to overstate the challenge presented to state authority (which was reasserted with force in these cases). However, he suggests that the claim to insider status brings into being a speaking political subject from a silenced position of illegitimacy. He highlights the potential contained in such practices when he comments on the anxiety aroused by asylum seekers becoming political in this way:
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Through an impossible activismimpossible because the non-status do not possess the authentic identity (i.e. citizenship) that would allow them to be political, to be an activistthey make visible the violent paradoxes of sovereignty. Consequently, the risks taken by the taking abject foreigneri.e. taking the risk to become a speaking agentis risky for the sovereign account of the political as well. Not surprisingly, representatives of the sovereign order display a striking anxiety whenever the abject foreigner takes on the status of a political activist engaged in acts of self-determination (eg stopping his/her deportation). (Nyers, 2003, p. 1080) Nyers expresses the vulnerability of the sovereign order to acts of insurgent citizenship. Such acts are also evident in the struggle of the Sans-Papiers.

The Struggle of the Sans-Papiers The Sans-Papiers are part of a long tradition of immigration in France (Freedman, 2004). Like other industrialized countries France imported signicant numbers of guest-workers from Mediterranean countries and its colonies in the post-war years and scaled these programs back following economic downturn in the 1970s. As was the case elsewhere, migration continued as the families of guest-workers arrived and later, with a new wave of asylum seekers and other irregular migrants. Harsh immigration laws targeting the civil and social rights of immigrants in general and irregular migrants in particular were introduced progressively in France over the 1980s and 1990s (Freedman, 2004; Hollield, 2004). Included in these measures was a tighter link between receipt of social services and formal residency status and the reversal of legislation that had ensured the automatic renewal of 10-year residency permits. In their place, conditional one-year permits were introduced which made the predicament of many long-term non-citizen residents uncertain and that of others illegal. In many cases, migrants became illegal rather than entering the country via clandestine means. Others saw their status suspended by temporal uncertainty with the potential for illegality in the immediate future. A range of other measures contributed to these trends. A new class of visa offered to refugees was limited to temporary and discretionary protection.

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Restrictions introduced on the automatic granting of citizenship to children of foreigners born in France led to instances of statelessness in some cases. The same period has been marked by changes in the demographics of Frances migrant population. Increasingly drawn from non-European states and specically from former French colonies in North Africa, migrant communities became far more visible from the early 1970s as did growing anti-immigrant sentiment (Freedman, 2004). Domestically, therefore, restrictive policies were designed to court growing support of the far right and anti-immigrant Front National. They were also intended to generate an image of control in response to anxieties about European integration and globalization and an increasing sense of crisis animating debate on public policy and national identity in which immigration became a key focus (Hollield, 2004). Immigrants have appeared throughout this period in racialized and securitized discourses as precisely the kind of cultural and economic threats indicative of globalized processes more generally. At the same time the informal labour market in France shares characteristics with that of other liberalized economies. Under competitive conditions, French employers face an increased incentive to draw on an informal workforce. In some sectors, subcontracted employment arrangements and dependence on cheap, exible, compliant labour, much of it irregular, is typical of global trends (Iskander, 2000). Lobbying by employers associations has prevented effective sanctioning of employers who hire illegally and in shifting punitive consequences onto the employee. Some commentators have argued that this policy approach amounts to ofcial acquiescence since the incentive for informal hiring is sustained and the vulnerability and exploitability of migrant workers is exacerbated (Freedman, 2004). Constructed in and through these discourses and practices, the Sans-Papiers are implicated in citizenship strategies which are both specic to the French context and reect more general patterns in the global political economy. The Sans-Papiers have actively mobilized to contest their outsider status. They have become political in Isins sense. Perhaps the most powerful and distinguishing strategy they employ is the explicit rejection of the language and image of illegality in favour of the language and image of entitlement. Hence the term illegal immigrant (or clandestin), denoting illegitimacy by denition, is replaced by the term Sans-Papiers, an identity suggesting an equal right of presence, hamstrung only by bureaucratic and procedural formality. Precisely because of its association with the fragility and fallibility of documents the identity highlights the legal construction of irregularity and therefore its potential to be changed. The SansPapiers acknowledge the irony of their situation: French legislation, argues one delegate, has created the very illegals it was supposed to be removing (Diop, 1997). They engage a kind of ironic essentialism which destabilizes the identity of the SansPapiers from the moment of its articulation. The account of political belonging which solidies their outsider status is also, therefore, destabilized. Via a strategy reminiscent of outing in other identity-based politics, the Sans-Papiers challenge their ascribed status by publicly identifying themselves in occupations and demonstrations as legitimately present despite the potential for seizure and sanction. ` Madjiguene Cisse, delegate for the Sans-Papiers occupation of the Saint-Bernard church in Paris in 1996, explains the political effect of this strategy: In France up till now our fate as immigrants was: either take part in the Republics process of integration, or be deported like cattle. At the heart of this approach was

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the notion that we are underground, which has a very strong negative charge. A person who is underground is someone who hides, who conceals himself, and if you conceal yourself it must be because after all you have something to hide. . . . We have made ourselves visible to say that we are here, to say that we are not in hiding but were just human beings. We are here and we have been here a long time. We have been living and working in this country for many years and we pay our taxes. In the les of the Saint-Bernard people you will nd wage slips, income tax declarations, old documents giving leave to stay. There are also passports and visas issued by the consulates of our countries of origin. At the beginning of our struggle, they tried to label us as people who are underground. But they couldnt: the authorities of this country have known us for a long time. Now we feel that we have taken a step forward: even the media no longer talks about people who are underground, but of Sans-Papiers. The fact that weve been seen on TV, that weve been interviewed in the press, I think that that has helped people to understand that weve been here for years, that we havent killed anyone, and that we are simply demanding the piece of paper which is our right, so that we can live decent lives. (Cisse, 1997) This strategy rests not on a plea for inclusion, a magnanimous and token gesture by the state which reinscribes its legitimate powers of discretion. Rather it rests on a demand that entitlements be recognized. The Sans-Papiers claim a right of membership which exists prior to the formal allocation of citizenship and upon which basis they now insist on legal recognition. The Sans-Papiers claims to legitimacy raise two important questions for the framework of political belonging emerging in this context. First, what is the nature of the community to which they claim membership, and second, on what basis is membership assumed? The activism of the Sans-Papiers implies a blurred conception of community that simultaneously mobilizes national and transnational dimensions. From its inception the movement has presented claims to freedom of movement and settlement, citizenship, asylum, social, economic, cultural and political participation in terms of rights. At one level these rights are expressed as universal ones in line with transnational legal norms. Hence calls have been made for the rights of the Sans-Papiers to be observed according to obligations stemming from a variety of European and International treaties (Manifesto of the Sans-Papiers, cited in Hayter, 2000; NoBorder Network, 2005a). These calls have also been articulated in terms that appeal to a specic discourse of French nationalism, to the association between the French Republic and the birth of modern citizenship as the extension of universal rights via the territorialized nation-state (Dubois, 2000). We came to France, argue the Sans-Papiers, drawing on the symbolism of this history, because we had been told that France was the homeland of the Rights of Man. They insist accordingly that the principles of humanity often proclaimed by the government be implemented (Manifesto of the Sans-Papiers, cited in Hayter, 2000, p. 143) The Sans-Papiers establish their claim to membership by emphasizing their immanence within the French political community, both in its territorial and transnational manifestations. They draw on the history of French colonialism in Africa and elsewhere to establish a connection between the transnational practices of the French state and its impacts on ows of people, ideas and patterns of exclusion in which the Sans-Papiers are placed:

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Where do we come from, we Sans-Papiers of Saint-Bernard? It is a question we are often asked, and a pertinent one. We didnt immediately realize ourselves how relevant this question was. But, as soon as we tried to carry out a site inspection, the answer was very illuminating: we are all from former French colonies . . . So its not an accident that we all nd ourselves in France: our countries have had a relationship with France for centuries. . . . And of course, as soon as there is any question of leaving our country, most of the time in order to nd work, its natural that we turn to France. Its the country we know, the one whose language we have learned, whose culture we have integrated a little. (Cisse, 1997) Cisse and others go on to insist that colonial relationships between the French state and the Sans-Papiers countries of origin are integral to the forced migratory ows of the present. As such they draw on the globalized history of statist practices to inculcate responsibility for contemporary patterns of migration.5 They question therefore whether the privilege attending national (French) citizenship can ever be divorced conceptually or materially from the exploitation of the labour, movement, territory and identity of the states (colonial) others. This critique provides an important historical perspective and expresses a continuity between the Sans-Papiers and a range of constitutive outsiders who have, at different times, given shape to French development and identity yet have been excluded from its afuence and political privileges. This position therefore undermines the idea that France has ever been an uncontested political boundary. More specically in regard to the present context, the Sans-Papiers are cognizant of the structural relationship between the cheap and compliant labour of irregular migrants and the French economy. They argue that they are economically integrated into the French community despite an absence of formal recognition: Most of us entered France legally. We have been arbitrarily thrown into illegality both by the hardening of successive laws which enabled the authorities to stop renewing our permit to stay, and by restrictions introduced on the right to asylum which is now given only sparingly. We pay our taxes, our rent, our bills and our social security contributionswhen we are allowed regular employment! When we are not unemployed or in casual employment, we work hard in the rag trade, the leather trade, the construction industry, catering, cleaning . . . We face working conditions employers impose on us which you can refuse more easily than we can, because being without papers makes us without rights. We know this suits plenty of people. We produce wealth, and we enrich France with our diversity . . . (Manifesto of the Sans-Papiers, citied in Hayter, 2000, p. 143) The choice of venue for a recent occupationthe headquarters of the Federation Francaise du Batiment (French Federation of Construction)reects the role of the SansPapiers in lling labour shortages in key industries as well as the embedded relationship between the formal and informal economies (NoBorder Network, 2005b). Rejecting recent proposals from political and corporate leaders for a quota system on migrant labour, the Sans-Papiers demanded the full regularization of workers already in place. They rejected the uncertainty attached to temporary work permits, implying instead that a reciprocal relationship between the French economy and irregular migrant labour justied the recognition of full insider status.

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The Sans-Papiers have highlighted the connections between the exploitation of the undocumented and the exploitation of other workers. They speak of a shared social fate in this respect and have maintained strong links with French trade unions (Cisse, 1997). In this regard also therefore, they represent themselves as part of a broader political community. Their economic arguments also extend beyond the French economy. Literature from the movement explicitly identies the struggle as the extreme end of a more generalized opposition to neoliberalism.6 On this front the Sans-Papiers have also forged alliances with irregular migrants in other European states and with a range of supportive organizations throughout Europe and globally.7 These links suggest not only a degree of broader support for the claims of the Sans-Papiers but indicate as well the different spatial contexts in which their struggle is envisaged. The Sans-Papiers identify, critique and mobilize against patterns of privilege and marginalization which structure at once the territorial state and the space of the global political economy. Despite the considerable public support generated for the Sans-Papiers8 the reassertion of sovereign power has also been evident. Occupations have been followed by evictions, in some cases violent police actions using tear gas and axes to break down the doors. Negotiations have led to discretionary granting of residency for some and deportations for others. Hunger strikes led to the death of one participant in 1997. Laws passed in that year allowed for 78,000 regularizations (OECD Secretariat, 2000) but these were conditional on criteria set by the state, such as established connections with France. This was far from the blanket regularization which the Sans-Papiers had demanded. On the contrary, these concessions were seen to heighten the vulnerability and criminalization of some 63,000 whose applications were rejected. Having revealed their whereabouts to the authorities they were now confronted with the choice between deportation and going into hiding (Hayter, 2000; Ruggiero, 2000). Hence the Sans-Papiers remain vulnerable to the whims of state policy and to the increasingly restrictive European migration context. Conclusion: Multiple Dimensions of Political Belonging The Sans-Papiers undermine and reinscribe the territorial and citizenship boundaries against which they struggle. They draw on a discourse of French nationalism that reinvigorates the bounded community of the state. At the same time they mobilize transnational norms and allegiances which challenge the authority and territoriality of the polity. The aims of the Sans-Papiers reect this paradox. They demand that the exclusivity determining rights of access and membership to France be removed. They also seek formal inclusion within France via regularization in such a way as to accept and reinforce its existing boundaries. Different assessments of the Sans-Papiers reect an emphasis on one or other side of this distinction. For some, the reinscription of sovereign authority is the paramount effect (Ticktin, 2002). This is a sovereign power reformulated at the intersection of the territorial state and its transnational imperatives, leaving vulnerable those marginalized both by a transnational political economy and a reinvigorated discourse of national citizenship. Far from revealing the decline of the state in the context of globalization, the dynamics of irregular migration reveal instead instances of its hold on power, its facilitation of bordercrossings of capital and labour, and its spatially recongured acts of sovereignty. For Etienne Balibar, by contrast, there is a transformative quality to the movement of the Sans-Papiers. In his brief but powerful commentary What we owe to the

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Sans-Papiers, Balibar reects on their contribution to French and transnational democracy. By asserting their legitimate presence and contribution and by exposing their centrality to the community that excludes them Balibar contends that the Sans-Papiers remind us that legality and illegality are contestable performances of the state. He points out that the resistance of the Sans-Papiers to ofcial but arbitrary boundary inscriptions strengthens the life of the democracy at great personal costa cost as high as deportation and endangerment of life in some cases. For Balibar, therefore, the wider political community owes the Sans-Papiers a great debt for the reinvigoration of citizenship in as much as it is not an institution or a statute but a collective practice. (Balibar, 2000, p. 42) This questioning of citizenship through reection on the nature of political community more generally is an effect also acknowledged by spokespersons for the Sans-Papiers: We can see the results today . . . Little by little masses of people have understood that our struggle was raising questions which go beyond the regularization of the SansPapiers. New questions have gradually emerged: Do you agree to live in a France where fundamental human rights are trampled on? Do you agree to live in a France where democratic liberties are not respected? (Cisse, 1997)9 Moreover, Balibar alludes to the transformative potential that the politics of the SansPapiers provides for thinking through democracy in a context beyond the nation-state: they have given political activity the transnational dimension which we so greatly require in order to open up perspectives of social transformation and of civility in the era of globalization (Balibar, 2000, p. 43) When Balibar invokes the theme of globalization he implicitly alludes to the connection between the Sans-Papiers and new spatial congurations of political belonging. The strategies of the Sans-Papiers reect the recongured spatial practices in and through which their identities as immanent outsiders have been constructed. In this respect their struggle is in, of and for the city. The dimensions of this city are cast in the context of a global political economy and the transnational practices of a colonial and neoliberal state. This is a city that is imperfectly represented by the term globalization and for which we have no solid conceptual grasp and no clear set of vocabulary. In and through the spaces of this city strategies and technologies of citizenship are being played out, constructing privilege and marginality in new ways. They are enacted by state agencies as they recongure their practices of sovereignty and by irregular migrants as they resist old and new technologies of exclusion. The Sans-Papiers are implicated in the generation of this city as much as the state from which they are excluded. Via these spaces a new common sense is being shaped about who belongs and who does not, about the shape and limits of community, about the legitimacy of claims made with reference to new types of borders. As we grapple to comprehend this space and the possibilities for belonging it might offer, there is no reason to downplay co-existing frameworks of political belonging that continue to justify violent processes of exclusion. It is not a case of exchanging one framework for another, but of the potential proliferation and amalgamation of spatial contexts and frameworks for belonging. An analysis of the movement can therefore be open to its longterm transformative potential without discounting the very real material exclusions forced upon irregular migrants. For the time being, the assertion of territorial state sovereignty with respect to the movement of people shows few signs of abating. Such demonstrations will continue to

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have violent consequences for many of those who are forced into migration by circumstances beyond their control and for those who respond to the supply and demand factors of a global political economy. Yet intensifying motivations for transit and growing concentrations of irregular migrants are also likely to incite continued, novel and diverse acts of resistance. We cannot predict the broader and long-term effects of these dynamics. This will depend on the strategies of citizenship that emerge in the context of these struggles and on whether or not a new common sense of belonging can prevail over or co-exist alongside others.

Acknowledgements
This is a revised version of a paper presented at the Other Worlds: Social Movements and the Making of Alternatives conference held at the University of Technology, Sydney in April 2005. Thanks to conference participants for helpful comments. Thanks also to Jim George, John Dryzek, Kim Huynh and Heather Rae for comments and suggestions on earlier drafts.
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Notes
1 2

A summary of the early stages of the movement is provided in Hayter (2000). Isins main target of criticism in this respect, and also in relation to the idea of the occidental city, is Max Weber (Isin, 2002, pp. 721). Isin argues moreover that the attempt to represent citizenship as a unied, ahistorical concept, unwinding slowly over time, is not accidental, but is itself a strategy which serves to naturalize its present construction. This is a common strategy, indicative not of the historical continuity of citizenship in its present form, but of diverse historical attempts to colonize the meaning of political agency and the constitution of insider status (2002, pp. 27983). This is not to suggest that borders have ever been impervious to irregular migration but that since the 1970s it has become more consistent and more politicized. Statistical data on irregular migration are inherently difcult to calculate. Estimates vary widely and there is no consistent cross-country information. Intermittent regularization programs suggest that between 10 and 15% of all migration is irregular. On this basis some 8.5 million unauthorized foreigners were estimated to reside in the United States in 2000 and 3.3 million in Europe. Europol believes that some 500,000 irregular workers enter Europe annually (International Labour Organization, 2004, pp. 1112). The most recent studies estimate the gure for the United States to now lie at 11 million (Passel, 2005, p. 1). Several million irregular migrants are estimated by the International Labour Organization to reside throughout Asia. The Organization suggests that in many cases where the capacity or will to police borders is low, the majority of migration might well be irregular. Before the onset of nancial crisis in South East Asia in the late 1990s, some 1.43 million irregular migrants were estimated to reside in Malaysia and between 500,000 and 1 million in Thailand. While numbers may have dropped in response to the crisis they can be expected to rise as economies continue to recover (Skeldon, 2002). Irregular migration, whilst low in Japan, is now growing. Conservative estimates cast a gure there of 300,000 (Ball and Piper, 2002, p. 1024). Other estimates can be gleaned from gures concerning outbound irregular migration. Government agencies in the Ukraine, for example, estimate that 27 million of their citizens are working abroad illegally, while other estimates take the gure as high as 10 million (Uehling, 2004, p. 85). For discussions on the methodology used to calculate numbers of irregular migrants, see Pinkerton et al. (2004) and Tapinos (2000). The Wall Street Journal has, for example, since 1984 argued for open borders for labour migration in line with the liberalization of trade. See, for example, Bartley (2001). For the case for a general agreement on the movement of people, see Straubhaar (2000). Another delegate of the movement explains: We are not in France by chance. Our background is in ancient colonies and our riches have been plundered by France as well as by other European countries. It is legitimate that we ee our drained countries and come here to look for our subsistence (Diop, Dans la peau dun sans-papiers, cited in Ruggiero, 2000, pp. 45 60; see also Diop, 1997). The European Manifesto of the Sans-Papiers states, for example: Women, men and children SansPapiers, refugees and migrants are only the visible tip of the pauperization and casualization iceberg,

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which then extends to all other workers, and our communities. In industrialized countries, Sans-Papiers (immigrants with no papers) are the rst victims of neo-liberal capitalism to progressively globalize pauperization and drive down living conditions everywhere (European Network of Migrants, Refugees and Sans-Papiers, 2004). Earlier Cisse (1997) had explained: We believe the struggle, in Senegal and elsewhere, against structural adjustment programmes, and our struggle here, is one and the same struggle. The Sans-Papiers have links to forums such as Kein Mensch Ist Illegal/Noone is Illegal and the NoBorders Network (see their websites, respectively: http://www.contrast.org/borders/kein/ and http:// www.noborder.org/news_index.php) which act as liaison points for organizations involved in a variety of campaigns including anti-deportation and anti-detention actions, border camps, international days of action, the provision of sanctuary, media publicity, social support and alternative migration policy development. These networks have had a strong presence at the European Social Forums where they tie into a broader anti-neoliberal social movement. The Sans-Papiers insist, however, on the movements autonomy and its direction by Sans-Papiers, rather than by well-meaning advocates. On this point see Rodrguez (2004). In addition to the networks outlined above, in 1996 over 10,000 Parisians marched in solidarity with the Sans-Papiers and in 2002 some 12,000 also demonstrated (Schmid, 2002). Similar points are also made by Diop (1997).

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