INTRODUCTION

Malaysia was formed in 1963, a federation incorporating Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak. There was a big difference between the social status of the 3 main races in Malaysia, Malay, Chinese and Indian. This was because of the way the British ruled Malaysia. They purposely divided the main races into 3 groups, where the Chinese were perceived to control a large portion of the Malaysian economy, Malays and Indians perceiving to be poor and rural. This of course was the first minor effect that caused the 13 May 1969 incident. The 1964 Race Riots in Singapore contributed to the expulsion of that state from Malaysia on 9 August 1965, and racial tension continued to simmer with many Malays dissatisfied by their newly independent government's perceived willingness to placate the Chinese at their expense. The seven days of communal riots resulted in the final toll of 4 dead and 80 wounded also. The 13 May, 1969 Incident is a term for the Sino-Malay sectarian violence in Malaysia. The racial riots led to a declaration of a state of ' national emergency ' or Darurat and henceforth , resulted in the suspension of Parliament by the Malaysian government , while the National Operations Council ( NOC or Majlis Gerakan Negara , MAGERAN ) was established to temporarily govern the country between 1969 and 1971 .

FACTORS
1. Supremacy of the Malays First of the factors are all about the supremacy of the Malay race. Politics in Malaysia at this time were mainly Malay-based, with an emphasis on special privileges for the Malays other indigenous Malaysians, grouped together collectively with the Malays under the title of "bumiputra" would not be granted a similar standing until after the riots is a political concept emphasizing Malay prominence in present day Malaysia. The Malays of Malaysia claimed a special position and special rights owing to their long domicile and the fact that the present Malaysian state itself evolved from a Malay polity. The oldest political institution in Malaysia is the system of Malay rulers of the nine Malay states. British colonial government transformed the system and turned it first into a system of indirect rule, then in 1948, using this culturally based institution, they incorporated the Malay monarchy into the blueprints for the independent Persekutuan Tanah Melayu, Malay ethnicity, culture and Malay sovereignty in the new nation-state. Though other cultures would continue to flourish, the identity of the emerging political community was to be shaped by the historic political culture of its dominant Malay ethnic. The Chinese and Indian immigrants who form a significant minority in Malaysia, are considered beholden to the Malays for granting them citizenship in return for special privileges as set out in Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia. This quid pro quo arrangement is usually referred to as the Malaysian social contract. The concept supremacy of Malay is usually referenced by politicians, particularly those

from the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the most influential political party in Malaysia. There had been a recent outburst of Malay passion for ketuanan Melayu a Malay term for Malay supremacy or Malay dominance. After the National Language Act of 1967, which in the opinion of some Malays, had not gone far enough in the act of enshrining Malay as the national language. Heated arguments about the nature of Malay privileges, with the mostly Chinese opposition mounting a "Malaysian Malaysia" campaign had contributed to the separation of Singapore on 9 August 1965, and inflamed passions on both sides. The campaign for a "Malaysian Malaysia" was associated with Lee Kuan Yew, leader of Peoples Action Party ( PAP), the prime constituent in the Malaysian Solidarity Convention. Malaysian Malaysia was not viewed highly by the government of Malaysia and the parties in the ruling coalition of the Alliance which is later the Barisan Nasional. Those against the concept of a Malaysian Malaysia cited the fact that Malaya was progressively colonised by the British from mid-19th century to its height in 1926. During this period, a large number of immigrant labourers, including Chinese and Indian peoples, came to Malaysia and Singapore. They suggest that during the colonial era, the Malays were forced to accommodate other peoples. Those historic immigrants and their descendants allowed to remain after the nation achieved independence should understand their presence was a privilege, not a right. Such people said that the influx of immigrants had negatively affected the rights and resources of the Malays. The argument was made in spite of the existence of Malay-Chinese Peranakans since the late 18th century, as well as regular Chinese merchant presence in Malaya long before the arrival of the British. Some politicians in the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) thought Malaysian Malaysia threatened the Malays' special position in Malaysia. They

considered Lee to be a dangerous and seditious trouble-maker; one politician called him a traitor to the country. The more moderate Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tunku Abdul Rahman, was perturbed by the campaign. He thought it would lead to trouble, as he believed that the Malays were not ready to compete without their special privileges. Eventually, Rahman decided the best option would be to oust Singapore from Malaysia; Lee Kuan Yew was forced to agree, and Singapore seceded from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965. 2. Run-up to polling day The causes of the rioting can be analysed to have the same root as the 1964 riots in Singapore, the event rooted from sentiments before the campaigning was bitterly fought among various political parties prior to polling day on 10 May 1969, and party leaders stoked racial and religious sentiments in order to win support. The Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) accused the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) of selling the rights of the Malays to the Chinese, while the Democratic Action Party (DAP) accused the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) of giving in to UMNO. The DAP promoted the concept of a "Malaysian Malaysia", which would remove the Malays of their special rights under the Constitution of Malaysia. Both the DAP and Singapore's People's Action Party (PAP) objected to Malay as the national language and proposed multi-lingualism instead. PAS, on the other hand, attempted to garner votes by accusing UMNO of selling out the Malays' indigenous rights to "pendatang asing" (foreigns). When the results were released, PAS had made minor inroads, but the DAP and Gerakan managed to topple the Alliance from power in three states, and nearly eradicated the Alliance's traditional two thirds majority in Parliament. A large part of these gains came at the expense of the MCA, which soon announced that it would not participate in the new

government after the election, as the MCA no longer had a mandate to represent Chinese interests in the government. The jubilant DAP and Gerakan organised victory parades in the national capital of Kuala Lumpur on 11 May and 12 May, where participants taunted the Malays while bearing slogans such as "Semua Melayu kasi habis" ("Finish off all the Malays"). An apology was issued soon after the rallies. Nevertheless, the shocked Malays blamed Chinese voters for betraying "the Alliance formula by voting for an opposition that had revived fundamental questions of language and Malay special rights". Senior Alliance politicians, including Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, accused Singapore-based People's Action Party of involvement in the campaign, as it had done during the 1964 general election campaign, at the time when Singapore was part of the Malaysian federation between 1963 and 1965. The run-up to the election was also marred by two deaths, that of an UMNO election agent, who was killed by a group of armed Chinese youths in Penang and that of a member of the Labour Party of Malaya (LPM), who was killed in Kepong, Selangor. There was a contrast in the handling of these two deaths. The UMNO worker was buried without publicity, but the LPM casualty was honoured at a parade on 9 May when some 3000 LPM members marched from Kuala Lumpur to Kepong, violating regulations and trying to provoke incidents with the police. Amidst tensions among the Malay and Chinese population, the general election was held on 10 May 1969. Election day itself passed without any incidents, and the results showed that the Alliance had gained a majority in Parliament at the national level, albeit a reduced one, and in Selangor it had gained the majority by cooperating with the sole independent candidate. The Opposition had tied with the

Alliance for control of the Selangor state legislature, a large setback in the polls for the Alliance. On the night of 11 and 12 May, the Opposition celebrated their victory. In particular, a large Gerakan procession welcomed the left-wing Gerakan leader V. David. On 12 May, thousands of Chinese marched through Kuala Lumpur, parading through predominantly Malay areas, hurling insults which led to the incident. The largely Chinese opposition Democratic Action Party and Gerakan gained in the elections, and secured a police permit for a victory parade through a fixed route in Kuala Lumpur. However, the rowdy procession deviated from its route and headed through the Malay district of Kampung Baru, jeering at the inhabitants. Some demonstrators carried brooms, later alleged to symbolise the sweeping out of the Malays from Kuala Lumpur, while others chanted slogans about the "sinking" of the Alliance boat the coalition's logo. The Gerakan party issued an apology on 13 May for their rally goers' behaviour. In addition, Malay leaders who were angry about the election results used the press to attack their opponents, contributing to raising public anger and tension among the Malay and Chinese communities. On 13 May, members of UMNO Youth gathered in Kuala Lumpur, at the residence of Selangor Menteri Besar Dato' Harun Haji Idris in Jalan Raja Muda, and demanded that they too should hold a victory celebration. While UMNO announced a counter-procession, which would start from the Harun bin Idris's residenc, Tunku Abdul Rahman would later call the retaliatory parade "inevitable, as otherwise the party members would be demoralised after the show of strength by the Opposition and the insults that had been thrown at them. 3. Other Factors

Other factors may include that there was massive economic hardship among the general populace of the country. Many people were facing difficulties in even putting food on the table. Jobs were scarce. Children go to bed hungry. In such a situation, many became desperate, and couldn't care less about any consequence, even if they were to resort to violent means to survive. These people become fertile ground for the seed of revolution to take root and grow. Secondly, while the majority of the population was suffering hardship, an elite class of economically powerful and corrupt officials and business people nonchalantly exploited the people. The people were heavily taxed, pieces of essentials keep rising, bribes were demanded for getting things done at government offices, the cops were trigger-happy, and many innocent people were persecuted and prosecuted on the most unsubstantiated and flimsiest charges. Such a scenario gave rise to massive resentment and revulsion among the people. The circumstance was certainly appropriate for mass action to get rid of the immoral and corrupt political parasites. Thirdly, the major influence and impact of the increasingly powerful mass media, particularly the newspapers, contributed to educate the general populace of their fundamental human and civil rights. The people began to realize that they have absolute rights to a decent life and lifestyle, and that they are the actual bosses of those in the government and its administration. They began to demand for justice, fairness, economic equality, political freedom, liberty in organizing and operating their own well-being, and the rights to freedom of expression, worship, jobs and education. In other words, the people have got up from their innocent slumber and became enlightened to the fact they have fundamental birth rights which they

should protect, preserve and prevent from exploitation by the abusive and dictatorial authorities. Fourthly, the rise of some well-educated idealistic charismatic leaders led to the mobilization and organization of the people into collective powerful pressure groups which took the lead to fight against the establishment. A massive people movement began to make the clarion call to the masses to stand up and be counted for the nation. The charismatic people routers became the powerful attractive sociopolitical magnets attracting the masses to march for change.

CAUSES
1. Racial Issues In 1969 election , racial issues that touch the emotions and sentiments of a major theme during the election campaign , which has raised the spirit of the races in Malaysia . During the 1969 election campaign , election candidates and politicians, especially from the opposition , has raised sensitive issues related to national language ( Malay ) , the special position of Malays ( Bumiputera ) and non-Malays citizenship rights . It creates feelings of suspicion. 2. Announcement of General Election On May 10, 1969, some incidents had occurred, Dr. Tan Chee Khoon from Gerakan has won big at the Rock, WA. He requested police permission to march celebrating the party's victory in the state which saw 50: 50 in the state. The parade caused traffic congestion in and around Kuala Lumpur. The march to Campbell and barriers Hale Road and proceed to the New Village. While in Kampung Baru, occupied more than 30,000 people a bastion of UMNO Malays, feel threatened by the victory of the opposition. Here lies the home of Selangor at the time, Dato Harun Idris. It is said that winning the Chinese had marched to tie a broom to their vehicles as a symbol of their sweeping victory, chanting seats. There is also the notion that the broom will sweep as their symbol ('remove') of the Malays to the sea. In the Malay community broom has a negative connotation of bad luck. Some revile and spit from the truck towards the Malays in the streets. In Jinjang, Kepong, as a result of the death of a sick old Chinese paraded along the street with

police permission. But the march of death turns into an election victory procession to insult Malays.

On the day Tuesday, May 13, Yeoh Tech Chye as the president of the Movement apologize for its members to do barbarity during the parade. Yeoh Tech Chye big won in Bukit Bintang, Kuala Lumpur. But the apology was too late. On the morning of the parade May 13, 1969 UMNO had a response which resulted in the occurrence of this event. This is because the high emotions and lack of control of both parties. The march was not planned. Malay people gathered at the home of Selangor at Jalan Raja Muda Abdul Aziz in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur. Harun Idris as the Menteri Besar of Selangor state when it tried to appease. Apparently, those who gathered were carrying guns and swords and long knives are just waiting for green light from Harun Idris for the rampage. 3. Barbarity of Gerakan and DAP When assembled, the stories about the barbarity of Gerakan and DAP spread and boil over . At 3.00 pm the next news Malay murders in Setapak . At 4.00 pm two Chinese motorist Way New Village was be-headed . A van carrying cigarettes burned and killed the driver. Young Chinese boy said from the MCP and the secret society has reacted. They killed the Malays in Kuala Lumpur. It turned out that the Chinese and Chinese youth are equipped with a variety of steel weapons, shields and spears standing at the end as in the old Chinese movies. Major riots occurred. Emergency order is issued, everyone can not get out of the house. The police patrol in and around Kuala Lumpur. Forces from earlier Regiment deployed to protect the security around Kuala Lumpur. FRU Task removed from Kampung Baru and soldiers of the Ranger Regiment took over.

Unfortunately, this team made up of Malay, Iban, Chinese , Indians and others were also shot the Malays and the Malay cause more flare . Chief Ranger Regiment said the Chinese. The young men who defend the Malay Kampung Baru and the others felt themselves besieged amok between the Chinese and the Ranger Regiment soldiers. Ranger Regiment finally removed and replaced with the Malay Regiment. Some buildings house shops in the vicinity of Kampung Baru , Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman continues to burn . Administration was taken over by the Malay Regiment. Unfortunately, some Malay soldiers also entered the Chinese gold shops and take the property there. Some have said that soldiers in civilian clothes. Many Chinese were killed and thrown into tin mines. Many say there is a recording television, some young Chinese man was arrested, lined up beside mine and was killed . However, until now, no evidence was circulated on this recording. The young men of Chinese secret societies have acted surrounded the Odeon Theatre in Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman, Kuala Lumpur . Some ads aired on cinema screens told the audience from among the Chinese out of the theatre. These ads are in Chinese. Malay audience in the theatre many died. This includes two Malay soldiers who live in River Ramal, Kajang. A policeman named Rahim who lives in Kuala Lumpur, which also go to a movie at the Odeon hit in the head and pretended to be dead. He was still alive until now. As a result of this action, the Malays began to react, and said the head of a murdered Chinese placed on the fence. Alias Abdul Rafai with his friends from Semenyih who came to Kuala Lumpur was also caught and was surprised by the race riots which unexpectedly on May 13 that . He also moved the bodies of the measures had been killed on the road.

Sabil military rumors coming from Sungai Manik to new villages, but is blocked . Similarly, the military red scarf from Muar and Batu Pahat stuck and blocked by the Police Station Kajang and Cheras.

There are 4 Kiai in the vicinity of the New Village water distribution spells and charms of knowledge insulation resistance with a relatively expensive price . Actually, they take advantage of these situations. What is certain Malay Regiment who had saved the Malays in Kampung Baru at the time. But racial riots did not happen Kelantan, Terengganu and Pahang. In Perak, Kedah, Penang and Perlis have no quarrel . Nine states of Johor and the state does not happen anything. But there is little in Malacca. In Betong is shot by the CPM. Alliance Party (UMNO-MCA-MIC) has suffered a severe defeat in the 1969 Election. Number of seats won in the House of Representatives (Parliament) has dropped from 89 seats in 1964 to 66 seats in 1969. The Alliance has lost two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives. Gerakan, DAP and the PPP won 25 seats in the House of Representatives , while PAS won 12 seats . At the May 1969 federal elections, the UMNO-MCA-MIC Alliance polled only 48 percent of the vote, although it retained a majority in the legislature. The MCA lost most of the Chinese-majority seats to Gerakan or DAP candidates. The victorious opposition celebrated by holding a motorcade on the main streets of Kuala Lumpur with supporters holding up brooms as a signal of its intention to make sweeping changes. Fear of what the changes might mean for them as much of the country's businesses were Chinese owned, a Malay backlash resulted, leading rapidly to riots and inter-communal violence in which about 6,000 Chinese homes and businesses were burned and at least 184 people were killed. The government declared a state of

emergency, and a National Operations Council, headed by the Deputy Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak, took power from the government of Tunku Abdul Rahman, who in September 1970 was forced to retire in favour of Abdul Razak. It consisted of 9 members, mostly Malay, and wielded full political and military power.

4. Internal Security Act (ISA)

Using the Emergency-era Internal Security Act (ISA), the new government suspended Parliament and political parties, imposed press censorship and placed severe restrictions on political activity. The ISA gave the government power to intern any person indefinitely without trial. These powers were widely used to silence the governments critics, and have never been repealed. The Constitution was changed to make illegal any criticism, even in Parliament, of the Malaysian monarchy, the special position of Malays in the country, or the status of Malay as the national language.

In 1971 Parliament reconvened, and a new government coalition, the National Front (Barisan Nasional), took office. This included UMNO, the MCA, the MIC, the much weakened Gerakan, and regional parties in Sabah and Sarawak. The DAP was left outside as the only significant opposition party. The PAS also joined the Front but was expelled in 1977. Abdul Razak held office until his death in 1976. He was succeeded by Datuk Hussein Onn, the son of UMNOs founder Onn Jaafar, and then by Tun Dr Mahathir bin Mohamad, who had been Education Minister since 1981, and who held power for 22 years. During these years policies were put in place which led to the rapid transformation of Malaysias economy and society, such as the controversial New Economic Policy, which was intended to increase

proportionally the share of the economic "pie" of the bumiputras ("indigenous people", which includes the majority Malays, but not always the indigenous population) as compared to other ethnic groupswas launched by Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak. Malaysia has since maintained a delicate ethno-political balance, with a system of government that has attempted to combine overall economic development with political and economic policies that promote equitable participation of all races.

EFFECTS
1. Parliament Immediately after the riot, the government assumed emergency powers and suspended Parliament, which would reconvene again only in 1971. It also suspended the press and established a National Operations Council. The NOC's report on the riots stated, "The Malays who already felt excluded in the country's economic life, now began to feel a threat to their place in the public services," and implied this was a cause of the violence.

2.

Changes in government Tunku Abdul Rahman resigned as Prime Minister in the ensuing UMNO power struggle, the new perceived 'Malay-ultra' dominated government swiftly moved to placate Malays with the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP), enshrining affirmative action policies for the bumiputra (Malays and other indigenous Malaysians). Many of Malaysia's draconian press laws, originally targeting racial incitement, also date from this period. The Constitution (Amendment) Act 1971 named Articles 152, 153, and 181, and also Part III of the Constitution as specially protected, permitting Parliament to pass legislation that would limit dissent with regard to these provisions pertaining to the social contract. (The social contract is essentially a quid pro quo agreement between the Malay and non-Malay citizens of Malaysia; in return for granting the non-Malays citizenship at independence, symbols of Malay authority such as the Malay monarchy became national symbols, and the Malays were granted special economic privileges). With this new power, Parliament then amended the Sedition Act accordingly. The new restrictions also applied to Members of Parliament, overruling Parliamentary immunity; at the same time, Article 159, which governs Constitutional amendments, was amended to entrench the "sensitive" Constitutional provisions; in addition to the consent of Parliament, any changes to the "sensitive" portions of the Constitution would now have to pass the Conference of Rulers, a body comprising the monarchs of the Malay states. At the same time, the Internal Security Act, which permits detention without trial, was also amended to stress "intercommunal harmony".

Despite the opposition of the DAP and PPP, the Alliance government passed the amendments, having maintained the necessary two-thirds Parliamentary majority. In Britain, the laws were condemned, with The Times of London stating they would "preserve as immutable the feudal system dominating Malay society" by "giving this archaic body of petty constitutional monarchs incredible blocking power"; the move was cast as hypocritical, given that Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak had spoken of "the full realisation that important matters must no longer be swept under the carpet..."

3.

National Ideology The Rukunegara, National Ideology the de facto Malaysian pledge of allegiance, was another reaction to the riot. The pledge was introduced on 31 August 1970 as a way to foster unity among Malaysians. Our nation Malaysia is dedicated to Achieving a greater unity for all her peoples Maintaining a democratic way of life Creating a just nation shall be equitably distributed Ensuring a liberal approach to her rich and diverse cultural traditions, and Building a progressive society which shall be oriented to modern science and technology. We, her peoples, pledge our united efforts to attain these ends guided by these principles: 1. Belief in God

2. Loyalty to King and country 3. Supremacy of constitution 4. Rule of Law 5. Mutual respect and morality

4.

Causes of the Riot A guest writer over at Malaysia-Today blog, Nurihsan Majid in an article titled Time for a non-race based agenda, which basically is a political plug for the PKR approach towards the National Economic Policy (NEP), wrote the following: The NEP was launched to remedy the socio-economic inequality that led to the May 13, 1969 racial riots, which is patently incorrect. While socio-economic inequality regretably did exist, what had led to the May 13 racial riot was not that. It was true that the Malays grew disenchanted with then Prime Minister Tengku Abdul Rahmans Perikatan(Alliance) party, resulting in massive losses for his coalition. The true reason leading to the riots was the rulingPerikatan party, or to be more specific, its dominant component, UMNO, losing so many seats that it was on the verge of surrendering Selangor to the DAP, and very nearly losing Perak to the PPP of the Seenivasegam brothers. That was what caused the riots! The Selangor UMNO could not cope with the thought of losing Malaysias premier state to the Chinese-Indian parties at that time. When the Selangor State election results became more obvious, there was already discussion of how to accommodate a non-Muslim Menteri Besar (MB or Chief Minister) in Selangor, because one of the

principal roles of a MB is to advise the Sultan of the State on religious affairs. Those issues would undoubtedly have infuriated some Malays. The Perikatan had already lost Penang to the new rising star, the mighty Gerakan Party. But, unlike Selangor, Penang had always been a Chinese-majority state, so its loss was not so sensitive to Malay pride. Also, judging by the (1969) voting trend, UMNO perceived that by the next election, it would probably lose Perak as well. The UMNO members anger was further aggravated by some thoughtless jeering by the DAP-Gerakan party victors in Selangor as they conducted their jubilant victory motorcade around Kuala Lumpur though the leaders of the Gerakan Party made a public apology the following day. That anger at the unthinkable loss of Malaysias premier State to a Chinese-dominated party and the jibes and jeerings by an insensitive DAP-Gerakan were what lit the racial fire, and not the socioeconomic inequality. After-note: since then, recent facts revealed by Prof Khoo indicate that it was not the DAP but the Gerakan Party which did the provocative jeering The racial-political tension in Selangor then was like, to use a clich, sitting on a powder keg of explosives in tinder dry conditions while attempting to light a cigarette. Two days after the final results were determined, the riots started in Kampong Baru, Kuala Lumpur, right in front of the MBs official residence after incorrect or fabricated rumours that Chinese gangs in Setapak had attacked Malays. Apart from UMNO losing support from its Malay constituencies, the opposition did so well in the 1969 election, the opposition parties comprising DAP, Gerakan, PPP, and PAS developed a joint double-prong strategy where they avoided running against each other in order to prevent vote splitting, and campaigned for each

other, asking their supporters to vote for anyone other than the Perikatan. Many Malays had voted for the Gerakan because at that time it was truly a multi-ethnic party. Digressing for a while, compare that opposition unified election strategy and discipline in adhering to the plan with the 2004 opposition debacle, where an overconfident PAS wanted to go it alone while PKR wasnt sure where to put its best foot forward. To make matters worse, the Chinese-Indian component of PKR tussled with the DAP for Chinese seats. I believe the DAP was actually sincere in wanting a coalition with PAS and PKR because Lim Kit Siang was obsessed with denying the Barisan Nasional its twothird majority, and that could only be achieved if the opposition parties are united. But with a runaway PAS that was frightening the shit out of its supporters, an annoying Chinese section of PKR trying to wrestle traditional DAP seats away, and remembering its painful lesson in 1999, it wisely for that election decided to stick to its usual standalone strategy which of course had a limitation in terms of winning seats. Anyway, this posting is to set the facts correct about the real cause of the May 13 racial riots in 1969. Even the National Security Commission in its official report on the riots did not attribute the cause to the socio-economic disparity, but to the Malayan Communist Party and illegal Chinese gangs. It resulted in a silent quiet political coup detat within the Perikatan party with Tengku Abdul Rahman removed from power, and the ascendancy of Tun Razak as the next Prime Minister. Because Razak wanted the Malay votes back for the Perikatan he devised the NEP to address the economic position of the Malays. The NEP was in fact based on Dr Mahathirs seminal work The Malay Dilemma, which proposed a strong affirmative

economic programme for Malays to address their disadvantaged socio-economic standing. Tun Razak also brilliantly emasculated the Gerakan, PPP and PAS by absorbing them into a new Barisan Nasional.

5.

The Singapore response The precursor of the 1969 race riots can be traced to the May 13 Incident in Kuala Lumpur and Petaling Jaya in Malaysia. It was triggered by the results of the General Election, that were marked by Sino-Malay riots unprecedented in Malaysian history 196 people were killed and over 350 injured between May 13 and July 31. The real figures could be much higher than officially revealed. The Malaysian government declared a state of emergency and suspended Parliament until 1971. The disturbances had nothing to do with Singapore but there was an inexorable spill over of the communal violence in Malaysia into Singapore. The 1969 riots occurred not long after the earlier communal riots in 1964. It was said that the 1964 racial disturbances in Singapore contributed towards the eventual separation of Singapore from Malaysia in August 1965. The hysteria that United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) itself generated over its desire to assert Malay dominance (Ketuanan Melayu) in Singapore had its effect in heightening the suspicion between Malay and Chinese in Singapore. The dissatisfaction of the Malays over their social and economic condition and the fear that the Malays regarded as indigenous (Bumiputra) ownership would be lost, led to the May 13 disturbances.

Rumours and revenge

Rumours began to spread in Singapore about Malay atrocities against the Chinese in Malaysia. People also talked indignantly about the partiality of the Malaysian Armed Forces in dealing with those suspected of involvement in the rioting; Chinese that were caught were severely punished on the spot and these rumours aggravated tension in Singapore. Talk of possible Chinese-Malay clashes in Singapore itself began to spread. There were tales of invulnerable Malays coming to Singapore to help their fellow Malays should they be attacked. These visitors imagined or otherwise, were said to be from Batu Pahat in Malaysia and could make themselves invulnerable to injuries, including bullet wound. But what was happening in reality is that three agent representatives from a Malaysian Triad Society, of unknown connection, came to Singapore to get in touch with top leaders of local triads. Their goal was to get local triads' support to inflict revenge upon the Malays. A response came from important representatives of the Ang Soon Tong Triad Society who joined with members of the Ji It Society. After consultation in a secret location, the plotters decided to attack Malay residents of Kampong Kedah. Today, the residents have been resettled. Only a strip of land bordering the fence of the Seletar Air Baseremains to show that there actually was a kampong there and Jalan Tauge-Jalan Ubi area on May 31 as there was a sizable Malay population then. These incidents were a prelude to greater violence. Between June 1 and 2, 50 to 60 Chinese attacked houses in Jalan Ubi, Jalan Kayu and its vicinity. They appeared with swords, spears and wooden poles. The first Malay reprisals occurred on June 1. The Black Hawk Malay Secret Society undertook them by setting fires on Chinese-owned shops in Geylang afterwards.

Internal Security Department

The Singapore Immigration, the Singapore Police Force and the Internal Security Department (ISD) made stringent efforts to stop any signs of foreign encroachment. Those who entered were carefully checked, and where necessary were issued warnings. Yet from 31 May to 6 June, four persons were killed and 80 injured. Chinese martial arts gangs had planned a massacre of Malays in the Jalan Ubi area. The ISD was able to prevent this from happening. Roadblocks and police action were adequate in Kampong Glam, where some disturbances had occurred. But it required calling the military including National Servicemen, to set up a cordon round the affected districts in Singapore's north. The Police swept through these districts during a short blitz. The remaining rioters were rounded up on June 6 that finally restored public order to the affected communities.