Performance Farm Worker 1AC (ADI)

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DE COLORES : A Performative/Ethnographic 1AC

Performative 1AC: De Colores.................................................................................................................2
COLORBLIND POLICIES BAD: EDUCATION SPECIFIC..............................................................7
CURRENT POLICYMAKING IS COLORBLIND.............................................................................29
ETHNOGRAPHIC/HISTORICAL ANALYSIS GOOD......................................................................32
COLORBLINDNESS BAD: GENERAL..............................................................................................47
FARM WORKER LINKS TO SUBSIDIES..........................................................................................59
FARM WORKERS SUFFER FROM WHITNESS/HISTORY OF FARM WORKER....................71
CHAVEZ SPEECH: FULL TEXT.........................................................................................................83
Note : The bulk of this file is to provide context for the claims made in the 1AC and to be accessible to
document the factual claims. It is not intended to be read as cards, per se, and for that reason is largely not
underlined.
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Performative 1AC: De Colores
Y por eso los grandes amores, de muchos colores, me gustan a mi
Part I: Our framework

Excerts from White Washing Race, by UC Santa Cruz Politics professor Michael Brown and 6 co-authors:
“…White Americans…believe the civil rights revolution was successful…if vestiges of racial inequality persist, they believe that is
because blacks have failed to take advantage of opportunities created by the civil rights revolution… (p1)
…most white Americans think the United States is rapidly becoming a color-blind society… (p2)
Today, many white Americans are concerned only with whether they are, individually, guilty of something called racism. Having
examined their souls and concluded they are not personally guilty of any direct act of discrimination, many whites convince
themselves that they are not racists and then wash their hands of the problem posed by persistent racial inequality…But if Americans
go no deeper than an inquiry into personal guilt, we will stumble backward into the twenty-first century, having come no closer to
solving the problem of the color line…After three decades of simply admitting Asian American, Latino American, and African
American individuals into institutions that remain static in terms of culture, values, and practices, the inadequacy of that solution
should be obvious. (p4)
But this neglects how the past has shaped contemporary patterns of racial inequality, or how it continues to constrain the choices of
African Americans and other groups. (p21)
Durable racial inequality is both generated and sustained, as we have shown, by routine organizational rules and practices that on the
surface may appear to have nothing to do with race. (p241)
One way that schools (and other institutions) perpetuate inequality is through inaction – often through the encouragement of a hands-
off, sink-or-swim climate…(p244)
We talk about black poverty...and public policies for blacks. We rarely, however, talk about the gains whites receive from the troubles
experienced by blacks. Only when the diverging fates of black and white Americans are considered together—within the same
analytic framework—will it be possible to beyond the current stale debate over how to transform the American color line.”
The same things might be said about academic debate:
Debaters believe the civil rights and UDL revolution was successful. If vestiges of inequality persist, they believe that is because
others have failed to take advantage of opportunities the revolution created for them. They think the debate community is rapidly
becoming color-blind. Debaters are only concerned with whether they are, individually, guilty of something called racism. Having
examined their souls and concluded they are not personally guilty of any direct act of discrimination, many debaters convince
themselves they are not sexists or racists and then wash their hands of the problem posed by persistent inequality.
But if debaters go no deeper than an inquiry into personal guilt, we will stumble backward into the 21st century, having come no closer
to solving the problem. After three decades of simply admitting Asian-American, Latino American, and African-American individuals
into debate institutions that remain static in terms of culture, values, and practices, the inadequacy of that solution should be obvious
This neglects how the past has shaped contemporary patterns of inequality, or how it continues to constrain the choices of other
groups. Durable inequality is both generated and sustained by routine debate practices that on the surface have nothing to do with
race. One way debate perpetuates inequality is through inaction, often through the encouragement of a hands-off, sink-or-swim
climate.
We talk about minority failure and non-participation, UDLs and recruitment and retention efforts for minorities. We rarely talk about
the gains others receive from their troubled experiences. Only when the diverging fates of white and non-white debaters are
considered together will it be possible to move beyond the current stale debate.
* * * *
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It is our argument that the institutions and normal practices of American society and competitive debate are characterized by
institutional whiteness. Nothing is color-neutral; the “normal” way of doing things is neither normal nor race-neutral but already
white. Focusing on individual guilt will lead us backward; admitting these cultural biases and critically examining the history that has
led to our current unequal structures can move us forward.
Part II: The history of subsidies

Agriculture has always been, first, a question of identity and not polices. Policies have been an expression of various identities.
Jennifer Manion has traced the history of sharecropping. Although the practice was associated with the post-Civil War South, the
practice was also prevalent in 20th-century California, and particularly with Japanese Farmers. Professor Dale Tomich notices similar
patterns among Chinese immigrants in the 1850s, who provided cheap labor and a willingness to put up with dismal conditions. Prior
even to that, Chumash tribes in California were Christianized and brought into the mission system, where they lost their native ways
of existence and became manual agricultural laborers, often paid in alcohol. Soon they were utterly dependent on the missions.
All these patterns require two identities: That of a landowner wise to the ways of business and contracts, and an un-educated,
migratory labor identity capable of providing manual labor but largely unable to challenge the landowner. Significantly, these
identities were always racially coded, and the uneducated labor identity changed in color but was never white.
This is not the product of a distant past, but is alive and well today:
Jennifer T. Manion* 2001

Copyright (c) 2001 Ohio State Law Journal Ohio State Law Journal 2001 62 Ohio St. L.J. 1665 NOTE: Cultivating Farmworker
Injustice: The Resurgence of Sharecropping
Thought by many to be a practice of the post-Civil War past, where former plantation owners devised sharecropping arrangements in
order to keep former slaves in perpetual servitude-and poverty n7-sharecropping has emerged as an employment system in the
contemporary agricultural industry. n8 While sharecropping arrangements have resulted in success for some, n9 the arrangements
[*1667] also provide numerous opportunities for abuse, as is frequently the case when the sharecroppers are immigrants who are
unfamiliar with the contractual terms, their legal rights, and the English language. n10
Subsidies are central to these identity constructions. Fred Foldvary and others have identified that the main recipients of subsidies are
corporate farms, who can make a profit even when sales prices are below production costs. The subsidies never improve the wages of
the workers, but the perpetuation of factory farms consistently harms workers. According to factoryfarms.org, workers are exposed to
hydrogen sulfide, ammonia, particulate matter, volatile organic compounds, and antibiotic-resistent bacteria; 25-30% of CAFO
workers report serious respiratory ailments.
Additionally, subsidies are the cause of the migratory identity in the first place. A bevy of authors, including professor of science
Michael Pollan, Peace Corps worker Jayne Tomissee, Oxfam worker Kevin Watkins, Ian Gillson of the Overseas Development
Institutes, John Baffes of the World Bank, all document that subsidies lower global food prices, driving indigenous farmers off their
land and converting them into migratory laborers. These laborers then come the US where they enjoy no rights, and the constant
supply of cheap labor means that if they will not agree to impossible conditions there is always a different migratory worker with a
different racial identity ready to take the job. Thus, the landowner is always able to play the different identities off of the workers to
prevent them from organizing, thereby maintaining their own privileged identity. Absent the different identities evokes by subsidies,
the system of migratory-labor fueled agriculture is impossible to sustain.
Tomissee 05. Jayne Thomisee (National Peace Corps Association Campaign Coordinator) “The Cotton
Debate.” World View Magazine. Fall 2005. Vol. 18, No 3.
The early afternoon sun beats down on Oumar Diallo as he bends over to pluck weeds from the
cracked earth. Sweat trickles down his face and his cotton t-shirt, damp and soaked, clings to
his lean frame. In the lush Bandafassy hills of southern Senegal, Diallo is tending to his three
hectares of cotton, the main source of income for his family of five. Corn and groundnuts put food
on their table through the end of the summer, but his cotton harvest puts clothes on their backs and
provides security for the rest of the year. However, in recent years, it has become increasingly
difficult to earn a profit.
“It is mainly our cotton income that enables us to support our family,” shares Diallo, “but last
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year, my earnings did not enable me to face all of the expenses.” At about the same moment and
halfway around the world the sun has just crossed the horizon when the door slams behind Ken
Gallaway and he heads out to his fields in Olton, Texas. In the heat of the Texas panhandle, Gallaway
treads across cotton fields in the footsteps of his father and grandfather who have farmed this land since
the turn of the century. While some of his land is planted with corn and his wife works off the farm teaching
in a local school, cotton continues to bring in the bulk of the family's earnings and helps send their children
to college. Foreseeing another year of overproduction and a corresponding plummet in cotton prices, Ken
Gallaway is bracing himself this year by joining a local coop that may give him better prices
through greater marketing, distribution and storage. “In the past we had no trouble selling
our cotton on the open market,” explains Gallaway, “but now with overproduction, prices are
low and we don't get much for it.” Worlds apart, two cotton farmers are united by their
struggle to keep their farms in business and provide for their families. They are united by
something more: the negative impacts of generous U.S. and European Union subsidies. These
subsidies have come under scrutiny as international trade has increasingly been seen as an integral
component of poverty reduction. International development advocates such as Oxfam America and
the National Peace Corps Association argue that U.S. agriculture subsidies undercut the work of
small-scale farmers in developing countries such as Senegal.
The final, decisive clue to the centrality of identity and the relative irrelevance of policy and economics, is that the low wages are not
necessary to keep food prices down.
Luke Patton (Ph.D. In political science at Bryn Mawr). “Organizing the Unorganized:The Coalition of Immokalee Workers and Latino Migrant Farm Labor in the
21 Century.” Thesis under the advising of Steve McGovern. Spring 2008.
st
unfair pay and poor working conditions in agriculture stems from attitudinal, not
In the grand scheme of things, though,
economic, causes. The US government gives billions in agricultural subsidies every year and yet somehow farm
workers are earning $3200 less than minimum wage each year. John Bowe points out that minimum wage rates could be
achieved for these marginalized workers by raising the cost of food by about $50 per year per American
household. The demand for food is there, and the money to pay the workers is there, but the respect for these
hard working immigrants is not. More than just structural and procedural obstacles, CIW has had to work to overcome a culturally entrenched attitude
unkind to immigrants and farm workers.
In other words, we do not sustain low migrant worker wages to keep food prices down, but instead to maintain their subordinate
identity.
Part III: The value of history

We cannot address the problems of racial identity until we admit that racial identity is the problem. The remedy to looking at race as a
question of individual guilt is to study history and understand it as a structural pattern. If the exclusion of history in the name of race
neutrality is the problem, the study of history with an eye to identity is the solution.
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Jean Comarof. Ethnography and the Historical Imagination. 1992. ISBN: 0813313058
* *
Excerpts from a Cesar Chavez speech, November, 1984

(http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/cesarchavezcommonwealthclubaddress.htm
Today, thousands of farm workers live under savage conditions. Vicious rates gnaw on them as they sleep. They walk miles to buy
food at inflated prices and they carry in water from irrigation pumps.
Child labor is still common. As much as 30 percent of Northern California’s garlic harvesters are under-aged children. Babies born to
migrant workers suffer 25 percent higher infant mortality than the rest of the population. Malnutrition among migrant worker children
is 10 times higher than the national rate.
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Farm workers’ average life expectancy is still 49 years compared to 73 years for the average American. All my life, I have been
driven by one dream, one goal, one vision: To overthrow a farm labor system in this nation which treats workers as of they were not
important human beings.
It grew from the frustration and humiliation I felt as a boy who couldn’t understand how the growers could abuse and exploit farm
workers.
The UFW was the beginning! We attacked that historical source of shame and infamy that our people in this country lived with. We
attacked that injustice, not by complaining; not by seeking hand-outs.
The message was clear: If it could happen in the fields, it could happen anywhere—in the cities, in the courts, in the city councils, in
the state legislature.
Growers only have themselves to blame for increasing attacks on their publicly-financed hand-outs and government welfare: Water
subsidies; mechanization research; huge subsidies for not growing crops.
Yet we are filled with hope and encouragement. We have looked into the future and the future is ours!
* * *
Y por eso los grandes amores, de muchos colores, me gustan a mi
(And that is why the love of infinite colors is pleasing to me)
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COLORBLIND POLICIES BAD: EDUCATION SPECIFIC
FACIALLY NEUTRAL HIGHER EDUCATION POLICIES DISADVANTAGE WOMEN;

WE NEED A BROADER FRAMEWORK
Kathleen M. Shaw 2004 Associate Professor of Urban Studies at Ohio State

Using Feminist Critical Policy Analysis in the Realm of Higher Education: The Case of Welfare Reform as
Gendered Educational Policy
The Journal of Higher Education, Vol. 75, No. 1, Special Issue: Questions of Research and Methodology (Jan. -
Feb., 2004), pp. 56-79
Many higher education policies, such as those regarding tuition, degree programs, and transfer policies, would
appear to be gender neutral if analyzed within a relatively narrow framework that does not acknowledge broader
economic, social, and political factors. Yet large-scale shifts in the global economy, along with major changes in
national social policy, can have distinct and far-reaching effects on the practices and policies of colleges and
universities, and in turn on the lives of the women who work in them and/or attend them. Recently, several
researchers have provided evidence to support the argument that broad economic and political factors do indeed
intersect with institutions of higher education and that they have a clear and consistent effect on women
(Slaughter, 1999; Glazer, 1999).
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RACE DISCUSSIONS ARE ESPECIALLY IMPORTANT IN AREAS DOMINATED BY

WHITES
Lewis 2001 PhD, University of Michigan 2000

There Is No "Race" in the Schoolyard: Color-Blind Ideology in an (Almost) All-White School Amanda Lewis
2001, American Educational Research Journal, Vol. 38, No. 4 pp. 781-811
Critical multiculturalism then involves not only the examination of school practices, but of school outcomes
including issues of student access to the academic curriculum. In this way the goal is not merely, or primarily,
about fostering appreciation of diversity, but of ensuring equal access to the kind of education that translates
into access to real opportunities. Even though, given parental resistance to the limited multicultural curriculum
currently offered in the school, it is difficult to imagine such a critical multicultural curriculum being put into
place immediately in Foresthills, we cannot give up arguing that it should be. A more honest, critical
educational experience will help those students better understand their place in the world and what it would
really mean to operate in a color-blind context.22 803
As I have tried to establish in this article, it is essential to talk about how race operates even in settings where
people say it is not important. Race matters as much in (almost) all-White settings like Foresthills as it does in
any multiracial inner city school-perhaps even more so. In particular, if we continue to have an investment in a
future of greater racial equity, we must confront the way race operates in White settings as much as we do in
other settings. As Giroux (1998b, p. 132) states, "Education works best when those experiences that shape and
penetrate one's lived reality are jolted, unsettled, and made the object of critical analysis." Yet it is clear that in
many ways the stakeholders in Foresthills will not throw out their arms in welcome of such jolting and
unsettling changes. It is not an accident that dominant multiculturalism has remained primarily focused on
minority students and more radical forms have remained at the level of theory, only rarely put to work in
schools and even more rarely considered in White settings.
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One Size Fits All Education is Ineffective. The Style Must Be Changed from One
Size Fits all Education to One That Accounts for the Differences Students Bring
to the Forum for Learning.
Katherine R. Allen 1988 Professor of Human Development at Virginia Tech

Integrating a Feminist Perspective into Family Studies Courses Source: Family Relations, Vol. 37, No. 1, (Jan.,
1988), pp. 29-35
Cooperative/lnteractive Teaching and Learning

Feminists have critiqued the traditional approach to faculty and student conduct in the classroom. A feminist
orientation involves an interactive style that encourages students to "claim their education" (Rich, 1979), to be
active constructors of their own knowledge. The feminist method is political and implies an integral relationship
between knower and known (Maher, 1985). Feminist pedagogy shares the goals of participatory teaching whose
purpose is to empower students and teachers (Freire, 1968/1971; Maher, 1985; Shor, 1980). Knowledge is not to
be accumulated for its own sake; rather, "knowledge should be defined, interpreted and created so as to
empower different groups of people to understand (and improve) their own lives" (Maher, 1985, p. 35). The
integration of feminism and teaching requires energy and preparation on the part of the instructor and a
willingness to learn from as well as to teach students. Teaching is a mutual endeavor, as students and teachers
become co-investigators in the discovery and interpretation of knowledge (Maher, 1985). Cooperation is
operationalized by distributing the power in the classroom among students rather than adhering rigidly to the
traditional hierarchical structure of teacher in the power position and student in the receptive position. Students
are more likely to invest their energy in a class if they feel that their perspectives count and that certain students,
such as the most vocal, the brightest, the pushiest, or the one most like the teacher, do not dominate
automatically in the classroom. Incorporating lessons from feminist pedagogy does not necessarily require the
complete abandonment of traditional methods. Davis (1985) cautions that it is unrealistic to relinquish the
professorial role given the diversity of students in the classroom and the expectations of the institution.
Traditional students have been socialized to be passive recipients of knowledge im- parted from the professor.
As Davis (1985) explains, students become frustrated if the teacher relinquishes the role of "dispenser of
wisdom" (p. 247). Often, they expect to be told exactly what the teacher wants and then to repeat it verbatim on
exams. However, as a feminist teacher whose classroom contains some feminist students, Davis (1985) feels
obligated to model participatory learning and to renounce the professorial role of superiority. Her compromise is
to "work out a role as teacher which leans toward a peer relationship but includes enough of the professor to
reassure those students who feel comfortable in a more traditional classroom" (p. 247). One suggestion for
achieving an interactive teaching style and reinforcing respect for diversity is to combine formal lectures and
classroom discussion of readings and ideas. By honing one's skills at group discussion, the teacher allows each
person an equal opportunity to speak and to be heard. This strategy demonstrates that all viewpoints are valid
and reflects the feminist principle of "self as subject" (Maher, 1985, p. 41). Conversely, to stand before a class
each week, lecture from behind a podium, and allow only a few token questions at the end of the lecture
reinforces the passivity of students. Students shape their own ideas when class is organized to facilitate
discussion.
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Teachers, as Educators, Need to Account for Differences Between Their

Students and Educate Accordingly in Order to Stop Discrimination in the
Educational System
Katherine R. Allen 1988 Professor of Human Development at Virginia Tech. Integrating a Feminist Perspective
into Family Studies Courses Source: Family Relations, Vol. 37, No. 1, (Jan., 1988), pp. 29-35
Consciously Creating an Atmosphere of Equality

Feminism critiques traditional learning environments as inequitable. Teachers need to recognize the overt and
subtle ways they participate in discrimination and to actively promote equality in and out of the classroom. One
strategy is to be aware of which students have not spoken and to draw them out with sensitivity. As Hall and
Sandler (1982) note in their summary of men's and women's speech patterns, students exhibit sex-typed
behaviors that inhibit women's participation and reward men's. The typical classroom environment favors
masculine patterns of highly assertive speech, impersonal and abstract styles, and competitive and devil's
advocate interchanges. Women's speech patterns of hesitation, high pitch, excessive use of qualifiers and being
polite and deferential make it hard for them to be taken seriously. For a more thorough discussion of the
complexity of this literature beyond the empirical generalizations noted above, Kramarae, Thorne, and Henley
(1983) have compiled an extensive annotated bibliography documenting sex-related patterns in language,
speech, and nonverbal communication. Teachers need to be aware of how their own classroom behaviors
reinforce women students' invisibility and communicate different expectations for men and women. These
behaviors include ignoring women students even when they volunteer to participate in class, calling directly on
men but not women, only calling men students by name, addressing the class as if no women were present,
coaching male but not female students in working toward a fuller answer, waiting longer for men than for
women to answer a question before going on to another student, interrupting women students, and responding
more extensively to men's comments than to women's comments (Hall & Sandler, 1982, pp. 8-9). Faculty
development seminars and curriculum integration projects are two strategies to combat inequities and to
sensitize teachers to the overt and subtle ways they discriminate in class. An extensive literature has
accumulated on these projects (for information on initiating such strategies see Aiken et al., 1987; Hall &
Sandler, 1982; Schmitz, 1985).
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DISCUSSIONS INVOLVING PERSONAL INVOLVEMENT AND SELF-IMPLICATION

ARE KEY TO FEMALE PARTICIPATION
Katherine R. Allen 1988 Professor of Human Development at Virginia Tech
Integrating a Feminist Perspective into Family Studies Courses Source: Family Relations, Vol. 37, No. 1, (Jan.,
1988), pp. 29-35
The teacher who wishes to integrate feminism does not remain aloof in the classroom. By revealing occasional
personal anecdotes about oneself, the teacher demonstrates how the personal is political. Sharing personal
information by using the self as subject models the feminist value of giving testimony of the reality of one's life,
regardless of whether the teacher is female (Maher, 1985) or male (Snoek, 1985). One caution is to avoid
carrying self-disclosure to the point of overzealousness. Being the first person in class to sensationalize a story
about one's radical college years, or overreacting to a student's complaint about "women's libbers," for example,
denies students the opportunity to discover the antifeminist myths perpetuated by the media and other
institutions. Feminist values are best demonstrated by structuring class discussions to allow students the
opportunity to express their own perspectives and experiences first. The instructor's insertion of a few well-
chosen examples can serve to punctuate the discussion or to model self-disclosure effectively. For example, in a
discussion of the concepts of dependence, independence, and inter- dependence, I use the example of family
finances. One way to maintain financial security and personal identity in a relationship is for partners to have a
system of "yours, mine, and ours money." When I reveal that I follow that system personally, students react to
my self-definition as a feminist. I respond that there are many ways to be a feminist, and the options expressed
in one's life style are influenced by many factors, such as birth cohort, social class, gender, and involvement in
the political aspect of the women's movement. I was in college just as the women's movement was getting
underway in the early 1970s. The intersection of this political movement with my own young adult development
is an example of what Bertaux (1981), Erikson (1975), and Mills (1959) refer to as the meshing of one's
personal life history with the historical moment. A feminist orientation was instilled in me as I was forming my
ideas about myself as an adult, and it will be part of my identity for the rest of my life. When I get beyond the
labels and let my actions toward my students reveal my feminist orientation, we are able to find a common
ground. Finding a common ground is a major goal of feminist teaching. Often, people are living by feminist
values such as equality and cooperation, but they have only been exposed to stereotypical images of what
feminism is supposedly about. Subtlety, more than grand pronouncements, facilitates the discovery of one's
adherence to an egalitarian stance. Announcing in the first three minutes of class that one is a feminist and that
the course will be taught from a feminist perspective may backfire by setting up an either/or dichotomy, raising
student animosity, and trivializing the feminist perspective. The media has contributed to the polarization of the
feminist approach as one of an angry stance. Often, students will express "I'm not a feminist, but" indicating
that they adhere to a feminist philosophy but are turned off to the stereotypes of angry, man-hating, bra-burning
women, all of which are one-dimensional stereotypes without basis in reality. A more powerful approach to
communicating a feminist orientation is to incorporate feminist values into the structure and syllabus of the
course, to use nonsexist language and examples in class, and to be alert and sensitive to how students are treated
in class by the teacher and peers. By not disclos- ing immediately that I have marched in demonstrations for
ERA or served on the Board of Directors of feminist organizations, I give my students the opportunity to know
me as a person first. Otherwise, I am inviting them to label me before they come to know me.
[…]
Feminism gives new focus to the educational values of diversity, cooperation, interaction, and equality.
Collectively, they are redefined by the feminist assumption that the knower cannot be separated from the known
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or from the process by which knowledge is gathered (Maher, 1985). Feminism calls attention to implicit and
explicit barriers in the traditional education of women and members of minority groups, and proposes that
change begins by recognizing that the personal is political. Having identified a feminist orientation that can be
incorporated by family studies teachers, the discussion now turns to three strategies for integrating feminism
into the curriculum.
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UNLESS WE VIGOROUSLY PROTECT OUR EDUCATION SPACE THE RADICAL

RIGHT WILL CO-OPT IT; LIP-SERVICE TO DIVERSITY ISN’T ENOUGH
Giroux 2006 (Susan Searls, Assistant Professor in the English Department at McMaster University, “Playing in
the Dark: Racial Repression and the New Campus Crusade for Diversity,” College Literature 33.4, 93-112,
07/29/2008, page Muse)
Cataloguing external, repressive forces "from above" all-too-often serves to impede a necessary gaze inward, to
consideration of the less visible, more prickly processes of internalization and normalization of the tenets of
professionalism and (neo)liberalism in the post-civil rights American academy. Thus, I find myself returning
again to the "culture wars" of the 80s and 90s, locating part of an explanation for such confounding quiet in the
ideals that marked the university's "multicultural turn." I contend that such commitments, in hindsight, proved
very much more difficult to materialize than its advocates were willing to recognize—and required far more
than many, if not most, were willing to concede. The limp endorsement and bland acceptance of principles such
as "nondiscrimination," "diversity," and "openness" in the abstract enabled the Right's ruthless appropriation of
the vision and language of multiculturalism, turning fact and history on their heads.
RACE IS ALREADY THERE; IT IS A WILLFUL IGNORANCE NOT TO SEE IT.

CURRICULAR ISSUES ARE KEY.
07/29/2008, page Muse)
In her eloquent and provocative challenge to the historical tendency of literary criticism and education to ignore
the centrality of race to any understanding of the national culture, Morrison offered a theory of the American
canon to rival such venerable classics as Vernon Parrington's three-volume Main Currents in American Thought
(1927-1930), F.O. Matthiessen's American Renaissance (1941), Leslie Fiedler's Love and Death in the American
Novel (1960) and Leo Marx's Machine in the Garden, (1964). Countering the conventional wisdom of literary
historians and critics that the four-hundred-year-old presence of Africans and then African Americans "had no
significant place or consequence in the origin and development" of American literature, Morrison suggests that
the "major and championed characteristics of our national literature—individualism, masculinity, social
engagement versus historical isolation; acute and ambiguous moral problematics; the thematics of innocence
coupled with an obsession with figurations of death and hell" are in fact responses to a "dark and abiding
Africanist" presence (1992, 5). Through a writerly investigation of black characterization, narrative strategies,
and idiomatic expressions in the fiction of white American writers such as Willa Cather, Edgar Allen Poe,
Herman Melville, and Ernest Hemingway, Morrison gathered persuasive evidence for her compelling thesis.
Had it not been for the "willful critical blindness" of scholars in the field, she argued, such commentary on
American literature's encounter with racial ideology would have been commonplace.
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EDUCATION IS NEVER NEUTRAL; CLAIMS TO OBJECTIVITY AND UNIVERALISM

ONLY CLOAK THEM
07/29/2008, page Muse)
Yet, she contended, silence and evasion have historically ruled literary discourse:
When matters of race are located and called attention to in American literature, critical response has tended to
be on the order of a humanistic nostrum or a dismissal mandated by the label "political." Excising the political
from the life of the mind is a sacrifice that has proven costly . . . . A criticism that needs to insist that literature is
not only "universal" but also "race-free" risks lobotomizing that literature, and diminishes both the art and the
artist.
(Morrison 1992, 12)
Political agendas, she argued, cloaked in appeals to objectivity and universalism—further complicated by the
problematic liberal assumption that ignoring race is a "graceful, even generous" gesture—have shut down
scholarly inquiry into the very processes by which American culture distinguishes itself as a coherent entity
through an excluded racialized population.
Morrison's political and pedagogical objectives far exceeded the typical demand for the expansion of the canon,
a remedy-through-inclusion of different voices in American arts and letters. She also challenged the triple-effect
of the official colorblinding rhetoric of the Reagan-Bush era with its insistence that "race no longer matters,"
effectively used to silence any serious discussion of everyday racisms, its tendency toward historical denial
precluding any connection between past and present inequality, and its subsequent displacement of racially
charged relations to the relatively invisible realm of the private. 2 Morrison insisted on nothing less than a
radical rethinking of American intellectual history and its role in the perpetuation of racist exclusions within and
beyond the Ivory Tower. Hers was a project in keeping with what some (though certainly not most) progressives
in the university saw as nothing less than their intellectual and social responsibility. Indeed, Morrison offered a
glimpse at what might have been possible if rigorous critical engagement with the national culture and history
were allowed to unsettle and challenge the official narratives of post-civil rights America as classless and now
raceless society, what changes in culture and consciousness might have enabled a real experiment in economic
and social justice, in substantive democracy.
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TRADITIONAL APPROACHES WILL SERVE POLITICAL ELITISM.

07/29/2008, page Muse)
The contributions of Morrison and others associated with more insurgent versions of multiculturalism, however,
were seldom met with the spirit of intellectual courage and hope that they were meant to inspire. Rather,
conservatives who described themselves as "independent thinkers" yet covertly backed by well-endowed think
tanks such as the Olin and Heritage Foundations or American Enterprise, Cato, and Hoover Institutes came out
in force to claim that the academy had become the privileged site for the dissemination not of truth or
excellence, but rather left-liberal political propaganda that sought to unravel the very fabric of American
civilization. Conservatives in the academy cast themselves as the last vestiges of Enlightenment rationality,
before the barbarians took over. Sterling Professor of Humanities at Yale, Harold Bloom, for example,
responded to multiculturalist [End Page 96] critiques of sustained efforts to maintain European hegemony in the
world of ideas, "its special monopoly of access to scientific, ethical or aesthetic modernities" (Gilroy 2000, 244)
in the following terms:
We are the final inheritors of Western tradition. Education founded upon the Iliad, the Bible, Plato and
Shakespeare remains, in some strained form, our ideal, though the relevance of these cultural monuments to life
in our inner cities is inevitably rather remote. Those who resent all canons suffer from an elitist guilt founded
upon the accurate realization that canons always do indirectly serve the social and political, and indeed the
spiritual concerns and aims of the wealthier classes of each generation of Western society. It seems clear that
capital is necessary for the cultivation of aesthetic values. . . . This alliance of sublimity and financial and
political power has never ceased, and presumably never can or will. (Bloom 1994, 31)
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THE EXCLUSION OF RACE AND LIBERAL PERSPECTIVES IS NOT NEUTRAL

AND SERVES AN UBER-CONSERVATIVE AGENDA
07/29/2008, page Muse)
Canonical knowledge serves power; and power—financial and political—was indeed on Bloom's side. In the
1980s and 1990s, conservatives, for all their rhetoric about liberal media and radicalized college campuses,
were neither weak nor isolated. Democratic hegemony, in place from FDR's New Deal to the Great Society of
the 1960s, now eclipsed, the Right enjoyed greater representation in government and increasing visibility in a
variety of public forums and mass media, from television (MSNBC, Fox,) talk radio, newspapers (The Wall
Street Journal, Washington Times—as well as op-eds in the Washington Post and New York Times) smaller
journals of opinion (National Review, Commentary, The American Spectator, The New Criterion) to carefully
orchestrated and well-endowed advertising campaigns in the realm of publishing, prior to obtaining their own
houses. Consider the "push" for such classic screeds as The Closing of the American Mind, Illiberal Education,
Tenured Radicals, and The Western Canon, among others. Out they came—Harold Bloom, William Bennett,
Roger Kimball, Phillis Schafly, George Will, Dinesh D'Sousa—to expose and castigate the "liberal fascism"
permeating universities across the nation, attacking political correctness and campus hate speech codes, sexual
harassment, "femi-nazis," the decline of standards, affirmative action for overly-advantaged and under-
appreciative minorities, "reverse racism," black separatism, white guilt, moral relativism, postmodernism and,
of course, Jacques Derrida and Paul de Man. (Pomophobia we call it.)
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THE ACADEMY IS NOT LEFTIST; IT’S THE COLORBLINDNESS OF THE

CURRIULUM THAT MUST BE CHALLENGED
07/29/2008, page Muse)
Similarly, in "The Inspirational Value of Great Works of Literature," Richard Rorty suggests that the current
academic fervor for literary analysis of the "knowing, debunking, nil admirandi kind" drains the possibilities for
enthusiasm, imagination and hope from scholars and students alike. In place of critical analysis, Rorty urges an
appreciation of "great" works of literature; by which he means seeking inspiration from works of literature that
"inculcate . . . eternal 'humanistic' values" (1995, 15). What such an appeal to transcendent truth means coming
from a philosopher once committed to the notion of cultural relativism remains unclear, but the universalizing
gesture has a profoundly Eurocentric pedigree. Decrying the rise of particular forms of cultural critique in
English departments and its cult of knowingness, Rorty contends that "You cannot . . . find inspirational value in
a text at the same time you are viewing it as a product of a mechanism of cultural production" (13). Pitting
understanding against the romantic values of awe, inspiration, and hope, Rorty advocates a kind of intellectual
passivity among readers in the name of "hopefulness," though it might be described more aptly as a kind of
helplessness. So much for the concept of a unified, left-leaning academy.
CURRICULUM THAT NARROWS THE FIELD OF INQUIRY IS FULLY COMPLICIT

WITH A CONSERVATIVE POLITICAL AGENDA
07/29/2008, page Muse)
What both Rorty and Fish share with conservative critics of the humanities is a desire to narrow the field of
intellectual inquiry, to reduce the productive work of English departments to what makes it most "distinctive":
its capacity for formal aesthetic appreciation. Such a call is a retreat from the political in the name of
professional survival. The moral and ethical imperative to engage the social implications of what and how
students learn to read is traded for either a breathless romanticism (Rorty) or a cool-headed pragmatism (Fish).
Edward Said rightly associates the call for such limited notions of professionalism (what he calls after Burton
Bledstein "cult of professionalism") and its attendant demands for specialization and expertise with intellectual
inertia and laziness. In the study of literature, Said argues, "specialization has meant an increasing technical
formalism, and less and less of a historical sense of what real experiences actually went into the making of a
work of literature" (1994, 77) The result is an inability to "view knowledge and art as choices and decisions,
commitments and alignments, but only in terms of impersonal theories or methodologies" (77). The specific
target of Said's animus is the renewed impetus to return to the new critical formalism of a bygone era, which
divorced texts from any contextual consideration.
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THE STUFF ON THE CASE IS NOT SEPARATE FROM THE ACADEMY; THE COST
OF COLLEGE IS PART OF THE CYCLE THAT HELPS DENY EDUCATION TO
THOSE OUTSIDE THE SYSTEM OF WHITENESS
07/29/2008, page Muse)
Needless to say, this was not the conversation Toni Morrison had in mind. As for the deleterious, disuniting
impact of a radicalized university on the national culture, I want to return, briefly, to 1992 for a cursory glance
at other events that year which would seem to temper any claims about the academy's precarious influence on
the nation in its pursuit of radical anti-racist and anti-sexist "agendas." In fact, 1992 proved a banner year for the
nation's criminal justice system which reached the half way point in its incarceration of the over a million
Americans (2.3 million citizens are currently serving time), 70 percent of whom are black and Latino in spite
making up only 23 percent of the nation's population. The U.S. carceral apparatus at this point was approaching
an average rate of arrest for young black males of 1 in 3 between the ages of 20 and 29, a ratio it would meet
and surpass, with that statistic becoming almost 1 in 2 in the nation's capital by 2004. What is less known is the
impact of mass incarceration for black women, which increased more than 859% in the decade of the 1990s.
The year 1992, for instance, saw the incarceration and sentencing of Cornelia Whitier "for endangering the life
of her unborn child," a judicial decision in a landmark case that would spark a media-manufactured "crack baby
epidemic" and lead to the criminalization of pregnancy among young black and Latino women—as well as
conditions, not unlike those reproduced from chattel slavery, of black women giving birth in chains only to have
their babies forcibly removed from them by the state (Roberts 1997, 169-72). The year 1992 was notable for the
fact that while the "get tough" movement remained popular with Washington ideologues and much of the
electorate, even as its impact on actually reducing crime was mixed, (one is tempted to say) its only
demonstrable success was in escalating tensions between police and the minority communities they were to
serve and protect. By mid-year, one community in South Central Los Angeles was aflame after the jurists at the
Rodney King trial returned a verdict declaring the four police officers accused of beating King innocent of the
charge of excessive force. But get tough policies had also succeeded in another way, quite literally by
"bankrupting the states," according to the Connecticut Corrections Commissioner attending a high profile
Washington conference that same year (qtd. in Mauer 1999, 67). In other words, the pressure that this mass
incarceration experiment had put on state coffers had sunk them well into the red, which translated into deeper
cuts in the nation's health care, K-12 education, and most profoundly higher education—funding for which is
seen as "discretionary" thus hardly a guarantee. The upshot has been spiraling tuition rates that have pushed
middle-class parents to the financial edge for the last two decades, as it put college out of reach for youth of
poor and minority families.
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COLORBLINDNESS HAS FAILED IN ALL OTHER AREAS; THERE IS A

MONSTROUS PRESUMPTION AGAINST IMPOSING IT ON OUR CURRICULUM
07/29/2008, page Muse)
So, to recapitulate my claims thus far, on the one hand, we have conservatives who insist on an end to campus
radicalism and in its place value-neutral, race-free education as they support "colorblind" public policies
favored by a largely white electorate that result in the maintenance of pervasive residential and school
segregation, mass criminalization, and incarceration of populations of color, with tacit approval for police
surveillance, harassment and profiling (if not brutality and murder), along with the attendant consequences of
exacerbated unemployment, increasing poverty, alienation and dislocation. And on the other hand, we have an
academy at least nominally committed to multiculturalism (though hardly unified, especially on the left),
accused of foisting a politicized debate about race, among other issues, onto discussions of national culture and
consciousness (where, the implication is, none is needed) and pushing a value system onto impressionable
students—at public expense—that transgresses, for the most part, those mainstream beliefs that their taxpaying
parents uphold. What conclusions can be drawn, then, about the relative success (or threat, as the more
conservative-minded would insist) of academic multiculturalism, given the broader political and cultural
climate in the U.S., when the principles of racial justice and equality are not only imperiled but excised from
mainstream public discourse?
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ITS NOT ABOUT INTEGRATING INDIVIDUAL PEOPLE, OR OUTSTANDING

DEBATERS OF COLOR. WE MUST INCORPORATE THEIR PERSPECTIVE INTO
OUR IDEAS OR THEY ARE SIMPLY MARGINAL TOKENS.
07/29/2008, page Muse)
With the ascendancy of the "welfare queen" to public enemy number one in the Reagan-Bush era, it would
seem, at first blush, that the university did offer one of the few spheres (outside of Oprah) where a woman of
color could be accorded some respect. After the "discovery" of the black woman writer in the 1970s, the works
of Alice Walker, Toni Morrison, and Zora Neale Hurston—and later, the self-conscious additions of Sandra
Cisneros, Barbara Kingsolver, and Maxine Hong Kingston—became a ubiquitous part of the college curriculum
by the 1990s, with many departments and programs proudly pointing to an "integrated" curriculum, as
"diversity" became the dominant code word of the day. The triumph of the last leftist redoubt? Seems doubtful.
The university, upon closer inspection, could be said to follow, in its embrace of multiculturalism, a corporate
logic akin to the promotion of a new niche market. Or, in keeping with the conservative tenor of the times,
investing in a kind of symbolic racial diversity, if not the actual racial and ethnic diversity of its faculty or
student body. Yale literary theorist Hazel Carby suggests that:
We need to ask why black women, or other women who are non-white, are needed as cultural and political icons
by the white middle class at this particular moment? What cultural and political need is being expressed, and
what role is the black female subject being reduced to play? I would argue that it is necessary to recognize the
contradictions between making the black female subject in the classroom and failing to integrate the university
student and faculty bodies on a national scale. Instead of recognizing these contradictions, the black female
subject is frequently the means by which many middle-class white students and faculty cleanse their souls and
rid themselves of the guilt of living in a society that is still rigidly segregated. Black cultural texts have become
fictional substitutes for the lack of any sustained social or political relationships with black people in a society
that has retained many of its historical practices of apartheid in housing and schooling.
(Carby 1992, 192)
Against the victory of whiteness purged of collective guilt and self-doubt (through a process Barthes called
"inoculation") in an officially colorblind era, Carby points to the actual, ongoing conditions of segregation in
post-civil rights America. "Inclusive" curricula perpetuate the illusion of a post-racist, or raceless new world
order. In contrast to the financial drain of an actual commitment to inclusive student body, the costs of curricular
expansion are insignificant to the university and its interests in terms of either money or power sharing, while
serving to pacify new student-consumers of color.
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CAN’T SOLVE IN A DE-CONTEXTUALIZED WAY; THE ADDITION OF THE COLOR

QUESTION WITHOUT THE AFF IS WORSE THAN NOTHING AT ALL
07/29/2008, page Muse)
I want to expand on Carby's insights about the university's multicultural commitments by drawing attention to
further implications of such policy that I think are central to understanding the new conservative attack on the
university in the wake of September 11. As colorblind public policy gives way to a lexicon of bland corporate
multiculturalism and ethnic diversity, the academic marketplace rushes to quash guilt and responsibility as it
satisfies consumer demand for exotica or "authentic" insider information about nonwhite others. In an era
marked by colorblind politics, race is, at long last, an officially irrelevant category, officially removed from the
discourses of politics, power and history; and yet in the private sphere, racial differences seem to proliferate
endlessly. A movement from absolute homogeneity to absolute difference. The university's often weak
endorsement of pluralism and diversity may not function simply to mystify the operations of white guilt or
efforts to attract ethnic markets (which I think it does), but to consciously rearticulate contemporary racial
reason, now reconceived as a matter of private discrimination. The university's embrace of multiculturalism is
not necessarily in contrast to, but rather in concert, with the colorblinding policy commitments of the Right.
Rather than understand, for example, the academy's enthusiastic inclusion of women of color in literature and
the arts as against their exclusion or denigration in every other social sphere, we might read their presence in the
liberal arts as part of the process of the privatization of racial discourse, in keeping with the neoliberal push to
privatize the university and every other public sphere in the United States.
As Robin D. G. Kelley (1997), Arif Dirlik (1999), David Theo Goldberg (2002) and others have noted, there has
been a silent migration of critical race theory from the social sciences to fields in the humanities in keeping with
the "culturalist turn" of the last few decades—for better and worse. Liberalism's courtship with race relations in
the mid-century has given way [End Page 103] to a full-blown romance with racial identities by the dawn of the
new millennium. It seems that the progressive possibilities of that turn, as Goldberg suggests, "have run their
course. Time . . . to move on" (2002, 2). Moving on, though, requires looking back at the consequences of such
disciplinary transit—the critical blind spots and bothersome gaps resulting from the displacement of
structuralist analyses of racialized relations of power and inequality manifest in schools, housing, medical care;
the evasions concerning the role of the state in the formation of its citizenry, its conceptualization of order
through homogeneity, its power to include or exclude, endow or withhold rights, construct enemies or grant
protections. In short, we must ask: What happens when African American history becomes literary history?
When analyses of state power give way to an infatuation with hybridism, the claims of identity and reputedly
transgressive possibilities of race traitorhood? My argument is not opposed to the study of African American,
Latino, or Asian American cultural texts, but rather against certain de-historicized, de-socialized engagements
that have all-too-frequently lent themselves to brash essentialisms and cultural reifications, a dubious priority of
culture over history. Without recourse to a language of modern state power, shifting historical
conceptualizations of race, exploitative economic relations that have translated into public policies governing
racialized populations, we are left to examine (not altogether unfruitfully) private, individual experiences and
the formation of particularized identities. Then another unsettling question: How might the privatization of
racial experience reproduce, as oppose to challenge, the neoliberal emphasis on individualization and its
depoliticizing effects? Does it not help us to understand how students can read and appreciate Toni Morrison in
the classroom and return home to redlined, segregated neighborhoods without ever making the connection? It
seems necessary to acknowledge that the upshot of an often narrow focus on the politics of identity is, rather
ironically, in keeping with the ideology of colorblindness and its commitment to historical denial. Moreover, by
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reconceptualizing racism as a private—as opposed to deeply social and structural—phenomenon, a function of

individual discrimination, colorblind ideology displaces the tensions of contemporary racially charged relations
to the relative invisibility of the private sphere—safely beyond the reach of public policy intervention or the
hope of social amelioration (Goldberg 212).
But this may not be the most tragic legacy of the university's ambivalent commitment to liberal
multiculturalism, cultural diversity and ethnic pluralism. Its often depoliticized and dehistoricized expression, I
want to argue, has enabled the ruthless appropriation of left-liberal discourse by the Right for starkly
reactionary, often racist ends at the dawn of the new millennium.
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REMOVING THE RACE QUESTION FROM PUBLIC DEBATE SERVES A

CONSERVATIVE POLITICAL AGENDA
07/29/2008, page Muse)
The recourse to colorblind rhetoric and its commitments to inclusion and diversity, purged of historical memory
and the discourse of power, have come full circle, as new educational and legislative demands shift accordingly
"from redressing past and present racist exclusion to protecting the expression of private racial preference in the
'racial marketplace'" of ideas as it excises them from intellectual discussion and debate (Goldberg 2002, 229).
RACE REFLECTION SHOULD BE CENTRAL TO EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY

WHERE MOST TEACHERS ARE WHITE, LIKE IN DEBATE
Milner 2003 (H. Richard, Assistant Professor of curriculum foundations and diversity at the Peabody College of
Vanderbilt University, Teacher Reflection and Race in Cultural Contexts: History, Meanings, and Methods in
Teaching, Theory Into Practice 42.3 173-180, page Muse)
Reflection around race in cultural contexts should become central in reflection, expanding teachers' general
reflection to more directive reflection. The notion of race in cultural contexts refers to the many educational
issues associated with race—the endemic and ingrained perceptions and realities that exist in education as a
consequence of one's skin color. These perceptions and realities exist in a variety of cultural contexts that range
from socio-economic realities, value systems, knowledge dispositions, as well as ways of knowing,
communicating, and understanding. My argument for a reflective focus on race in cultural contexts is motivated
by the increasingly large numbers of White teachers in increasingly diverse schools across the United States.
ONLY COLOR-CONSCIOUSNESS TREATS PEOPLE EQUALLY

In a race-conscious society, the development of a positive sense of racial/ethnic identity not based on assumed
superiority or inferiority is an important task for both White people and people of color. The development of
this positive identity is a lifelong process that often requires unlearning the misinformation and stereotypes we
have internalized not only about others, but also about ourselves. (p. 53)
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RACIAL REFLECTION IS THE ONLY WAY TO UNCOVER HIDDEN BELIEFS
Race reflection can be seen as a way to uncover inconspicuous beliefs, perceptions, and experiences,
specifically where race is concerned. It can be a process to understand hidden values, dispositions, biases, and
beliefs that were not in the fore of a teacher's thinking prior to conscious attempts to come to terms with them.
Race reflection is an inquiry-based process, an intellectual activity that is sometimes a consequence of social
dynamics—those experiences in society that shape our thinking and thus our reality as racial beings. Race
reflection can be seen as a process of totality, one where individuals deliberate about racial matters concerning
themselves and their students in attempts to understand the whole person rather than fragmented parts of
individuals. To dismiss a person's race is to misunderstand who that person is in the world as society often
mistreats and misunderstands individuals based on their racial heritage. Consequently, the way a person
interprets a reading [End Page 175] passage or a mathematical example may stem from how that person
experiences the world through race.
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RACE NEUTRAL APPROACHES WILL NOT PRODUCE FAIRNESS

Hakuta et al (1999) Founding Dean of the School of Social Sciences, Humanities and Arts at the University of
California, Merced. 'The Dynamics of Race in Higher Education: An Examination of the Evidence', Equity &
Excellence in Education, 32:2, 12 — 16
MISCONCEPTION 3:Fairness is best achieved through race-neutral policy.The chapter, "Social Psychological
Evidence on Raceand Racism," by Shana Levin, assistant professor of psychologyat Claremont McKenna
College, leads to one ofthe central tenets of the book, namely that racism (whetherintentional or not) exists and
has always existed in thiscountry on an individual, institutional, and societal level.Therefore, proxies for race
continually fail to address currentdisparities that were historically created by race andracial practices. According
to Levin, the two sides of thefairness debate can be characterized in terms of the "individualperspective" and the
"group perspective." The individualperspective proposes that all individuals,regardless of race, should be judged
on the same establishedcriteria of competence, which are considered objective.According to the group
perspective, however, usingthe same standards to judge individuals from majority andminority groups is unfair
because differences in powerprevent the two groups from having equal opportunity.Levin critiques these two
perspectives by drawing largelyfrom the social psychology literature.The evidence presented in this chapter
supports JusticeBlackmun's opinion in the 1979 Bakke case: "In order to getbeyond racism, we must first take
account of race. There isno other way. In order to treat persons equally, we musttreat them differently" (Regents
of the University of Californiav. Bakke 1978, pp. 2806-2808). Despite the decline of blatantracism and most
Whites' ostensible acceptance ofracial equality and integration, Levin submits a substantialbody of evidence
demonstrating that subtle and unconsciousracial biases still persist with grave consequences forintergroup
relations. Moreover, research consistently demonstratesthat race influences social perceptions, attitudes,and
behaviors in ways that disadvantage members of minoritygroups. Levin shows that evidence of
institutionalracism has been found in several different domains, includingthe criminal justice system, banking
industry (e.g.,housing loans), employment sector, educational system,and media. Among other things, this body
of empiricalevidence suggest that racial inequalities are not reducibleto class inequalities; disparities in racial
outcomes persist even when differences in socioeconomic standing aretaken into account.Thus, given present
racial circumstances and the existinginequalities in educational access and opportunity (asdocumented in Trent's
chapter), Levin concludes that colorblindnesswill most likely preserve the racial status quorather than improve
it. The negative effects on minoritiesthat are manifested through subtle and unconscious racialbiases, Levin
contends, cannot be eradicated by mererace-neutral policies. Instead, race-conscious policies suchas affirmative
action are needed to bring about true equalopportunity.
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AT: “YOU’RE BLACK YOU WIN”
WHITE STUDENTS BENEFIT FROM DIVERSITY THE MOST

'The Dynamics of Race in Higher Education: An Examination of the Evidence',
Equity & Excellence in Education, 32:2, 12 — 16
MISCONCEPTION 4
Diversity programs benefit only students of color.
In the chapter entitled, "The Educational Benefits of Diversity:Evidence from Multiple Sectors," Jeff Milem, assistant
professor of education at the University of Maryland, addresses the statement put forth by Justice Powell in the Bakke
decision, namely that a race-conscious policy is justified if it serves a "compelling goal." Mileme xamines a broad
literature base on diversity to address Powell's legal opinion. The framework for Milem's discussion centers on examining
the benefits of diversity at thelevels of the individual, the institution, and society. Not only does Milem's examination
support Powell's opinion,but he also illustrates how research from a variety of disciplines and perspectives that document
the value of diversity can be used to enhance educational policy and practice in institutions of higher education.Milem
cites numerous empirical findings to highlight the benefits that a diverse student body brings to the entireuniversity
community and to the community beyond theuniversity walls. For example, he cites studies which haveshown that cross-
racial interaction increases students' acceptanceof people from other cultures, their participationin community service
activities and in other areas of civicparticipation, retention rates, overall satisfaction with college,intellectual and social
self-concepts, and their commitmentto the goal of racial understanding. Moreover, thegreater representation of women
and people of color in thefaculty ranks has been shown to directly and indirectlyshape the organizational climates of the
institutions inwhich these faculty members are working. According toMilem, women faculty and faculty of color are more
likelyto use student-centered approaches and active learningmethods in the classroom, to include the perspectives of
racialand ethnic minorities in the curriculum, and to be moreactively engaged in conducting research on issues of raceand
gender. Such student-oriented university climates,more than almost any other environmental variable, havebeen found to
produce more positive student outcomes.The benefits of diversity have also been documented inother educational settings.
The literature on the effects ofschool desegregation in grades K-12 cited by Milemshows that participation in integrated
school settings ata young age has a lasting impact that leads to later desegregationin college, social settings, and
careers.Among White adults who attended desegregatedschools, desegregation has been found to reduce
racialstereotyping and diminish fears of hostile interactionsin interracial settings. Conversely, segregated schoolinghas
been found to perpetuate itself among both Whitesand Blacks in college and the work environment.The positive effects of
diversity extend beyond education.Research done on diversity in the employmentsector shows that effective utilization of
diversity (gender,race, and age) enhances organizational performanceby (1) attracting and attaining the best
availabletalent, (2) strengthening marketing efforts, (3) bolsteringcreativity and innovation, (4) improving
problemsolvingcapacity, and (5) enhancing organizationalflexibility. This and other evidence, Milem adds, also
indicatethat diverse work teams promote creativity andinnovation because of the great variation that exists inattitudes,
beliefs, and cognitive functioning amongpeople of different races, genders, and ages. Milemmaintains that there is also
extensive evidence thatpoints to the fact that minority physicians of all subspecialtiesare significantly more likely than
non-minorityphysicians to practice in under-served areas and to treatMedicaid patients. The increase in the number of
minorityphysicians that occurred with the advent of affirmativeaction programs in medical schools has,therefore,
substantially improved minority populations'access to health care.The documented benefits of diversity raise
seriousconcerns about the broader purpose of higher education.The more traditional view of the role of the universityis to
enable participants to preserve, transmit, anddiscover knowledge. If this knowledge is considered tobe static and absolute,
then diversity among the studentsto whom it is transmitted is unimportant. However,if the goal of transmitting this
knowledge isperceived to be the creation and relevance of newknowledge, then diversity takes on new significance.
Indetermining their diversity policies, both universitiesand the communities into which they send their studentsmust
grapple with the following questions: Towhat extent can students receive a meaningful educationthat prepares them to
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participate in an increasinglydiverse society if the student body and faculty are notdiverse? To what extent will
universities be able to addressthe issues that are central to diverse societies ifthey do not have adequate representation of
thatdiversity?
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Debate as Merely a Test Based Evaluator of Merit is Incomplete Without Taking

Into Account the Salience and Negative Consequence of Race in American
Society
'The Dynamics of Race in Higher Education: An Examination of the Evidence',
Equity & Excellence in Education, 32:2, 12 — 16
Policy discussions about diversity and race conscious practices are typically clouded by misconceptions that are not
substantiated by empirical evidence but are instead politically and emotionally driven. Although the evidence in this area
is still emerging, there are many lessons to be learned from social science research that have powerful implications for
diversity policies in higher education. The review of the research in this volume, conducted and deliberated by expert
scholars, leads to the following compelling conclusions: (1) there is clear evidence of continuing inequities in educational
opportunity along racial categories; (2) test-based definitions of merit are incomplete; (3) race is a major social
psychological factor in the American consciousness behaviors; and (4) racially diversified environments, when properly
utilized, lead to quantitative as well as qualitative (otherwise unattainable in homogeneous environments) improvements
in educational outcomes for all parties. Several major policy implications corresponding to these conclusions are also
offered in Compelling Interest. First, interventions that specifically address past and current effects of racial
discrimination are still needed to achieve equality of opportunity for all. Second, university admissions must operate
under an inclusive definition of merit that takes into account the relative intellectual and civic contributions an applicant
will make to the university and the broader community, and that accurately reflects the detrimental effects of social and
environmental factors on the test performance of racial and ethnic groups who continue to be targets of discrimination.
Third, in order to be truly equitable and effective, admissions and campus diversity policies should not only consider the
individual, but also reflect the salience and negative consequences of race in American society. For example, recognizing
group membership as well as individual merit in the selection process will enhance perceptions of fairness and reduce
ambiguity about the extent to which selection was deserved. Lastly, colleges and universities that seek to realize the
benefits of diversity for all members of the university community and of the broader society must maximize and integrate
all dimensions of diversity, including student, faculty, and administrative composition; a more inclusive curriculum; and
structured and continuing dialog across racial and ethnic lines, to name a few. Although we are generally optimistic about
the potential for higher education to play a central role in improving the racial circumstances in this country, we also
believe that many colleges and universities do not maximize the educational opportunities before them. For example,
many institutions fail to provide undergraduates with the critical experiences necessary to discuss constructively and to
understand critically their racial experiences and perceptions. Moreover, the academy has generally been surprisingly
silent in the court battles and national dialogs regarding affirmative action that are taking place across the country. The
book makes a compelling argument for why institutions of higher learning need to focus on issues of racial dynamics, to
establish a blueprint for research on what we still need to know, and to suggest techniques and tools for institutions to
maximize the opportunities that diversity presents. The message we hope to convey is that the energy and work required
to bring about widespread educational benefits not only have, a high rate of return, but are necessary for truly creating
equal opportunity and for effectively educating students to live in the twenty-first century. .
28
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CURRENT POLICYMAKING IS COLORBLIND
Gender Blind Policy Can Still Discriminate Against Women

Gendered Educational Policy Source: The Journal of Higher Education, Vol. 75, No. 1, Special Issue: Questions
of Research and Methodology, (Jan. - Feb., 2004), pp. 56-79
Using feminist critical policy analysis, I have engaged in an exercise to illustrate how policy formation and
implementation can be understood as a series of disconnects between policymakers and mainstream analysts
and the individuals whose lives are most affected by the policy. Utilizing welfare reform as a case study of
broad social policy and its effects on access to higher education, this analytical lens has clearly revealed the
ways in which various elements of policy can create particularly onerous barriers to education and training for
poor women. Elements of formal policy clearly create enormous barriers to education. Limits on the amount
and type of education available, an emphasis on rapid employment, lifetime limits on the receipt of welfare, and
lack of access to child care create barriers to education so high that most women receiving welfare cannot
overcome them. Yet equally important is the policy implementation process. The informal elements of policy in
action, such as the ways in which caseworkers, states and educational institutions respond to the policy with
specific practices, can also erect enormous barriers to education. When combined, then, formal policy and
informal elements of welfare policy implementation create a web of obstructions to education. In large part,
these barriers are exacerbated because policymakers and implementers are blind to the unique context of the
lives of poor, single mothers. And many of these barriers are simply not visible when welfare reform is
examined using more conventional modes of policy analysis. This article utilizes welfare reform as a case study
in employing feminist critical policy analysis to policy that affects access to postsecondary education. As I hope
my analysis has illustrated, this methodological and analytical tool provides a potential corrective to more
traditional analyses of policy in general, and higher education policy in particular. This framework is self-
consciously anchored by questions of whether particular policies will empower and democratize women
(Kahne, 1994). As such, it is an analytical perspective that allows policy researchers to place gender at the
center of analyses, and it allows as well the development of democratizing solutions to current policy
conundrums (Marshall, 1999). As the field of higher education continues to exhibit an increased interest in
issues of power, representation, and social justice, feminist critical policy analysis can be utilized as an
important tool with which to analyze emerging educational policies. This approach to policy analysis
encourages us to understand the broader context in which policy is developed and enacted and to understand as
well the particularities of the lives of those most affected by policy. Thus, for example, an examination of
financial aid policy utilizing feminist critical policy analysis might focus on whether such policies disadvantage
women, whose attendance patterns or ability to pay tuition may differ from those of men because of familial or
childcare responsibilities. Similarly, this lens can be used to determine whether articulation agreements between
two- and four-year institutions may be biased against particular areas of study in which women are frequently
overrepresented; and the movement towards workforce development, contract training, and other non-degree-
granting programs could be examined through the experiences of women to determine whether such programs
present particular difficulties or benefits for women. Too, broader social policy can also be examined through a
29
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critical lens to develop a better understanding of how such policies may affect access to higher education
generally, and for women in particular. Recent or potential changes in family leave and marital law, health care
and insurance policies, and economic development policies may well be seen as unrelated to access to higher
education, and as gender-neutral public policy. But, as this analysis of welfare reform has hopefully illustrated,
such seemingly straightforward policies become much more complicated when examined from the perspective
of women's lives. Moreover, because such policies affect important aspects of women's lives, they can affect the
ability and willingness of women to pursue postsecondary education in a myriad of ways. Ultimately, policy
analysis that poses as "neutral" in any sense of that word is not only inadequate in developing a full
understanding of educational policy. In addition, it can also obscure and dismiss as unimportant the differential
effects of such policies on our most vulnerable populations. For these reasons, it is important that the field of
policy analysis employ methods and theories that move beyond seemingly "neutral" analyses to directly address
issues of power, status, and context.
30
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Current Policy Making Structures Are Structured by the White Male Power Base
and Ignore and Disadvantage Minority Voices

Gendered Educational Policy Source: The Journal of Higher Education, Vol. 75, No. 1, Special Issue: Questions
of Research and Methodology, (Jan. - Feb., 2004), pp. 56-79
Feminist Critical Policy Analysis: Through a Different Lens Feminist critical policy analysis has been most
clearly articulated in the work of Catherine Marshall, whose two edited volumes both lay out the theoretical and
methodological underpinnings of this approach to policy research and also provide examples of the ways in
which it can be used to examine both secondary and postsecondary education (Marshall, 1997a, 1997b).
Feminist critical policy analysis melds critical theory and feminism in a way that is designed to challenge the
traditional, mainstream approaches to policy analysis that have dominated policy research for the last fifty
years (Marshall, 1997a). The methods and theoretical frameworks that dominate current policy analysis have
been developed and implemented by those in power who, particularly in the world of policy formation and
analysis, are overwhelmingly white, male, and well educated. Thus, traditional policy research has, according to
Marshall, reflected the assumptions, worldview, and values of this group. As is the case with much mainstream
research in the social sciences, traditional policy analysis can be characterized by the following elements.
Among the most important are a belief in a single concept of truth (truth with a capital "T"); the assumption that
objectivity on the part of the researcher is both achievable and desirable; the assumption that all research
subjects share the same relationship to their social environment, thereby rendering such particularities as gender,
race, social class, and sexuality unimportant; and the practice of evaluating women on the basis of male norms
(Bensimon & Marshall, 1997, p. 7-8). Since this positivist paradigm is so widely accepted in the policy world, it
allows policy analysts to assume a dispassionate, objective stance and at the same time encourages the broader
policy community to perceive the research enterprise in this way. Thus, traditional policy analysis willfully
ignores the inherently political nature of all research, and policy research in particular. As Marshall states,
"Traditional policy analysis is grounded in a narrow, falsely objective, overly instrumental view of rationality
that masks its latent biases and allows policy elites and technocrats to present analyses and plans as neutral and
objective when they are actually tied to prevailing relations of power" (1997a, p. 3). In contrast, these power
relations are exactly the target of feminist critical policy analysis. This approach to policy research is a variant
of critical policy analysis, which focuses on the policies and structures that restrict access to power (Anderson,
1989, pp. 251).
31
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ETHNOGRAPHIC/HISTORICAL ANALYSIS GOOD
Our Form of Ethnography is one that transcends the boundaries of conventional

thought. It cannot be classified as application or action of some sort but instead
evokes an understanding of experiences. Our method is one that uses dialogue
and experience instead of monological research which only attempts to
persuade the reader instead of allows the reader to understand and experience
the text.
TALBURT in 04
Susan Talburt. Ethnographic Responsibility Without the "Real"
The Journal of Higher Education - Volume 75, Number 1, January/February 2004, pp. 80-103 - Article
To encourage inquiry to create open texts that invite readers to participate in the creation of meaning is to ask it to let go
of its search for certainty and certain purposes. Texts that exceed the boundaries of what can be verified ask readers to
take responsibility for thinking through, with, and against research. This indeterminate, relational nature of inquiry is
articulated in Stephen Tyler's (1986) imagining of ethnography as refusing functions some would claim for it, such as the
accretion of knowledge or critical intervention:Defined neither by form nor by relation to an external object, it produces
no idealizations of form and performance, no fictionalized realities or realities fictionalized. Its transcendence is not that
of a meta-language. . . nor that of a unity created by synthesis and sublation, nor of praxis and practical application.
Transcendent then, neither by theory nor by practice, nor by their synthesis, it describes no knowledge and produces no
action. It transcends instead by evoking what cannot be known discursively or performed perfectly. (pp. 122-
123)Evocation, he says, "aims not to foster the growth of knowledge but to restructure experience" (p. 135). Rather than
seeking accurate representation, theory-building, or critical change, inquiry becomes an ethical project that implicates its
participants in relations of here and there, now and then, reader and writer, writer and subject, and reader and subject. This
implication, I want to suggest, comes from complication of our texts and a refusal of interpretive closure. Some
researchers who reject qualitative inquiry's role as offering linear contributions to a "knowledge base" (the accretion of
knowledge) argue for dialogic rather than monologic research texts that seek less to persuade than to invite readers to
form relations with the text by offering "a balance between engagements with others and self-reflexive considerations of
those engagements" (Goodall, 2000, p. 14). Gottschalk (1998) calls for narratives in which participants—and I take him to
mean writers, "subjects of research," and readers—are "invited into our texts to speak and participate, in a manner that
differs qualitatively from traditional ethnography" (p. 220). Such multivocal texts are not predicated on verifiability or
realism but reflect multiple representations of "private" and "social" worlds, including participants' and authors' views,
experiences, and emotions (see Banks & Banks, 1998; Krizek, 1998). A vocal proponent of authoethnography, Carolyn
Ellis (1995) draws from reader response theory, which places meaning-making both in individuals and communities, to
describe evocation as "a means of knowing" (p. 318). She says, "In evocative storytelling, the story's validity [End Page
95] can be judged by whether it evokes in you, the reader, a feeling that the experience described is authentic, that it is
believable and possible; the story's generalizability can be judged by whether it speaks to you, the reader, about your
experiences" (p. 318). Ellis's privileging of feeling over thinking and her desire to speak directly to readers' experiences
rather than opening readers to new experiences points to areas traditionally ignored in discussions of research methods
and purposes yet runs the danger of being overly emotive and solipsistic. 11 However, despite these limitations, these
writers' search for implication and complication over verifiable realism offers an alternative to canonized research by
engaging the topics of their disciplines on terms that are open and do not presume their effects beforehand.If research is to
do more than represent "real" identities and experience, readers are to do more than gain information about and
understand these identities and experiences, and new thought is to be cultivated, the sorts of complications I argue for
32
ADI 08
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Farmer Workers Aff
through new uses of member checks, triangulation, and a fluid transferability are a needed first step. The resulting
complex representations let go of an idea of progress based in a unidirectional idea of the accretion of knowledge by
admitting difficulty, uncertainty, and paradox. To return to the interests of research, technical, practical-hermeneutic, and
emancipatory, each is oriented to a particular type of usefulness: control, action within a context, or action to change the
conditions of a context. In each, the viability of the knowledge research produces is predicated on the ability of research to
verify itself. Each interest demands interpretive closure, whether that interpretation is located in research participants or
the researcher. 12
33
ADI 08
Bruschke
Farmer Workers Aff
A2: Framework
Questions of the best interpretation of debate are impossible. These debates

only resolve the production of transgressive validity through the expansion of
limits and paradoxes. Doing this allows for a usefulness of the topic which can
impart better knowledge of the resolution. We create meaning to the resolution
through our framework instead of information consumerism and thus creating a
better method of interrogation.
TALBURT in 04

The Journal of Higher Education - Volume 75, Number 1, January/February 2004, pp. 80-103 – Article
To respond to the question of "whose interpretation is of most worth?" (a question that could easily but not
"usefully" be reduced to a debate over the value of "emic" and "etic" views), I answer that neither is and both
are. There will be times that interpretations diverge and times that they converge—and times that resolution will
be impossible. These might be moments when research draws on what Patti Lather (1995) called "transgressive
validity," which foregrounds the production of "truth as a problem" (p. 54) and does not conceal but reveals
"undecidables, limits, paradoxes, and complexities" (p. 57). 13 Indeed, her co-authored Troubling the Angels
(1997) acknowledges difficulties, multiplicities, and limits, openly questions and contradicts itself, addresses
readers in multiple registers—all while refusing paralysis and claiming multiple potential usefulnesses. To
understand "usefulness" as indeterminate and interpretation as multiple rather than singular is to acknowledge
the importance of the interpretations of a third figure, the reader. Presenting verifiably "real" subjects and events
designed to impart [End Page 96] knowledge creates what Barthes (1974) called a "readerly" text in which the
reader becomes a consumer of the text. To refuse verifiable and thus closed interpretations is to construct a
"writerly" text (p. 4) that acknowledges the reader as an active producer of the text. The reader as meaning-
maker rather than information consumer enters the circle of conversation—one that does not end with him or
her but continues with ongoing interpretation and dialogue.
34
ADI 08
Bruschke
Farmer Workers Aff
We are not an attempt to speak for someone else but instead gesture to
encourage rethinking the subjects of the ethnography. Our method disrupts
static knowledge that constitutes truths and instead enacts uncertainty through
the demanding of thought. It is not about finding a conclusion, those pragmatic
solutions are what have caused the current predicament, but more so to think,
feel and understand with others concerning a situation of dilemma.
TALBURT in 04

My emphasis on complicating what inquiry depicts is intended as a gesture to help research overcome its will to
knowledge and to encourage a rethinking of the subjects who speak in, through, and to ethnography.
Ethnographic knowledge refuses illusions of transparent reality and suspends utility even as it engages the real
and the purposeful. Its uses are potential rather than given. Because it is relational and social, ethnography
offers contingent knowledges that are never self-evident but whose meanings and implications must be
constantly reinterpreted. As an enactment of uncertainty and noncorrespondence to a "real," ethnography does
not offer knowledge but demands thought.
Ethnography has had its appeal because it offers real people and real situations—a humanizing endeavor amidst
what is often abstract, decontextualized, and dehumanizing research. However, if ethnography is to become
interesting, it must cede its authority by admitting into its textualizations speculations about the indeterminate,
ambiguous times and places its subjects inhabit—and that inhabit its subjects. These times and spaces remind us
that inquiry can not capture a totality or offer neat stories of progress, whether about the building of knowledge,
theory, or change in the field. Ethnography should be thought of as offering its readers the responsibility of
responding with thought to what they find. Lyotard (1997) tells us, "Response is not to answer, but to address
and carry forward" (p. 228). To answer is to conclude. In ethnography, we respond to a person, a situation, or a
dilemma without certainty, without an illusion of a neat end. We do so to imagine the real otherwise, to think
with others.
35
ADI 08
Bruschke
Farmer Workers Aff
Ethnographies attempt to uncover and bring imperfect knowledge to light. It is

important for us to recognize the impossibility of truth and suspend our beliefs
of static knowledge. Totalizing claims and universal truth fail to resolve the
problems of the 1AC.
COMAROFF in 92
36
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A2: SFO
Ethnographies do not speak for others but seek to understanding historical

circumstances and instances which interplay into the subjectivity of others.
Doing this allows us to disrupt the universal norms that have created static
identities on people.
COMAROF in 92
{page break}
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Our method is a form of politics. But if we continue to remain in the current

mode of politics of formal analysis we will evade the importance of culture and
experience. Instead we need to exercise intersubjective translation.
COMAROF in 92
38
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Our goal is to disrupt the current dominant narrative of hegemonic power. These
forms of power has become ingrained into culture, society, government and
everyday life. In the context of mexican migrant families and workers is to create
a symbolic relationship to the real.
TRUEBA and MCLAREN in 00
Enrique T. Trueba and Peter M. McLaren. “Immigrant Voices: In Search of Educational Equity”. Chapter 1:
Critical Ethnography for the Study of Immigrants. ISBN: 0742500411. 2000.
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A2: Civil Rights Act Solve
The adoption of colorblindness post civil rights era hides normalized whiteness
Dawn G. Williams and Roderic R. Land. “Legitimation of Black Subordination: The Impact of Color-Blind
Ideology on African American Education” The Journal of Negro Education. Fall 2006.
For many Whites in America, the civil rights era and the laws that came out of the movement marked the end of
racial oppression for Blacks (Bonilla-Silva, 2001). During that time, the collective conscious of mainstream
culture was set on the idea of a "meritocratic" society, where individuals were rewarded or sanctioned based on
their individual achievement. Thus, White Americans argued that the state in which Blacks found themselves
was their fault, and could no longer point to racism as a factor contributing to their social position. In essence,
this laid the foundation for the color-blind ideology that is so currently prevalent. There are White teachers who
may profess to be color-blind, and while boasting of their color-blind approach to teaching, they admit that they
treat and see everyone the same. But the same as what? The authors argue that under a color-blind approach all
students are being held to the normalized White standard, regardless of their cultural background or ethnicity.
As DeCuir and Dixson (2004) note, colorblindness and race neutral ideologies set the stage for the illusion of a
meritocratic society.
Racial blind Education does not Work
Being socialized into a color-blind ideology is not a process that occurs overnight. Smith (2003) argued that this process is
a cumulative one that takes a life-span in which Whites systematically internalize racist attitudes, stereotypes, jokes,
folklore, assumptions, fears, resentments, discourses, images, and fictitious racial scripts handed down through an elite
discourse that fit into a dominant White post-civil rights world view of color-blind racism and anti-Black rhetoric. The
process that Smith (2003) termed "racial priming" often emerges through seemingly race neutral discourse, ideologies,
and practices. If this socialization process goes unimpeded and is allowed to take its course and develop throughout young
adulthood, racism and racial scripts will become a permanent fixture of an internalized color-blind self-identity (Smith,
2003), whether one acknowledges the behavior or ideology as racist or not (Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Bowman & Smith,
2002). House (1999) questioned if such images and ideologies are built into the national identity, what ramifications
would one expect them to have for educational policy, particularly for students of color?
40
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Non-recognition of race reinforces and reproduces the flawed structure of society because it does not allow for the
analysis of social inequality at the core of the problem. Furthermore, it does not allow for compensation from centuries of
marginalization, exploitation, and oppression. Gotanda (2000) argued that this technique of non-recognition ultimately
supports the supremacy of Whites' interests. He stated "Color-blind application of the technique is important because it
suggests a seemingly neutral and objective method of decision-making that avoids any consideration of race" (p. 35). In
other words, non-recognition ironically means noticing, but not considering, race in decision-making. Thus, subscribing to
a color-blind ideology is a 'safe' space for Whites who either (un)consciously choose not to 'deal' with race-related issues.
However, it is often White America's lack of understanding of their own roles as racial actors that stands as a roadblock to
further progress toward racial justice (Lewis, 2001).
Racially blind education hurts Policy Making and the students who are affected
Seeing color is not a terrible act, it is a reality. Considering race or ethnicity in the classroom or when making
policy decisions should not be seen as taboo. It is these considerations that are used to help address the specific
needs of the individual. However, it is this lack of initiative to see race that the authors charge anyone, albeit
government officials, policymakers, school administrators, or teachers who are Black, White, Latina/o, or
Asian, who adhere to and hide behind this color-blind ideology with the crime of contributing to the continued
subordination of Blacks in America through educational policies and practices.
A2: Race does not Matter in Education
Race is a huge factor in how one is treated in education
One's cultural orientation will dictate how he or she experiences reality and the world. For those who are
oriented to "Black" culture-which some argue is a slippery subject in and of itself-they may say it is a racial
thing. However, those who are oriented in "White" culture may subscribe to the same color-blind and
meritocratic ideology and say it is a matter of hard work and determination and if anything it is a class issue
(see Feagin & McKinney, 2002; Shapiro, 2004; Shujaa, 1994).
House (1999) affirmed that beliefs about race have played a central role in education. These beliefs lead to
education policies that separate, differentiate, and mandate different treatment for ethnic minorities, while
attempting to justify that these policies are fair and democratic. This is what color-blindness does. As a result of
racially biased policies, a disproportionate amount of African Americans are being excluded from the schooling
process each year, which has a damaging effect on their chances to pursue higher education.
Some educational policies and practices are often explained and justified without a single reference to race. At a
glance, they may appear to have little to do with race. After a prolonged examination of how these policies
function and are applied reveals that they effectively segregate, differentiate, and subjugate ethnic minorities
with an inferior education.
41
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EXPERT-BASED DECISION-MAKING BAD
Our Form of Ethnography is one that transcends the boundaries of conventional

thought. It cannot be classified as application or action of some sort but instead
evokes an understanding of experiences. Our method is one that uses dialogue
and experience instead of monological research which only attempts to
persuade the reader instead of allows the reader to understand and experience
the text.
TALBURT in 04
The Journal of Higher Education - Volume 75, Number 1, January/February 2004, pp. 80-103 - Article
To encourage inquiry to create open texts that invite readers to participate in the creation of meaning is to ask it
to let go of its search for certainty and certain purposes. Texts that exceed the boundaries of what can be verified
ask readers to take responsibility for thinking through, with, and against research. This indeterminate, relational
nature of inquiry is articulated in Stephen Tyler's (1986) imagining of ethnography as refusing functions some
would claim for it, such as the accretion of knowledge or critical intervention:Defined neither by form nor by
relation to an external object, it produces no idealizations of form and performance, no fictionalized realities or
realities fictionalized. Its transcendence is not that of a meta-language. . . nor that of a unity created by synthesis
and sublation, nor of praxis and practical application. Transcendent then, neither by theory nor by practice, nor
by their synthesis, it describes no knowledge and produces no action. It transcends instead by evoking what
cannot be known discursively or performed perfectly. (pp. 122-123)Evocation, he says, "aims not to foster the
growth of knowledge but to restructure experience" (p. 135). Rather than seeking accurate representation,
theory-building, or critical change, inquiry becomes an ethical project that implicates its participants in relations
of here and there, now and then, reader and writer, writer and subject, and reader and subject. This implication, I
want to suggest, comes from complication of our texts and a refusal of interpretive closure. Some researchers
who reject qualitative inquiry's role as offering linear contributions to a "knowledge base" (the accretion of
knowledge) argue for dialogic rather than monologic research texts that seek less to persuade than to invite
readers to form relations with the text by offering "a balance between engagements with others and self-
reflexive considerations of those engagements" (Goodall, 2000, p. 14). Gottschalk (1998) calls for narratives in
which participants—and I take him to mean writers, "subjects of research," and readers—are "invited into our
texts to speak and participate, in a manner that differs qualitatively from traditional ethnography" (p. 220). Such
multivocal texts are not predicated on verifiability or realism but reflect multiple representations of "private"
and "social" worlds, including participants' and authors' views, experiences, and emotions (see Banks & Banks,
1998; Krizek, 1998). A vocal proponent of authoethnography, Carolyn Ellis (1995) draws from reader response
theory, which places meaning-making both in individuals and communities, to describe evocation as "a means
of knowing" (p. 318). She says, "In evocative storytelling, the story's validity [End Page 95] can be judged by
whether it evokes in you, the reader, a feeling that the experience described is authentic, that it is believable and
42
ADI 08
Bruschke
Farmer Workers Aff
possible; the story's generalizability can be judged by whether it speaks to you, the reader, about your
experiences" (p. 318). Ellis's privileging of feeling over thinking and her desire to speak directly to readers'
experiences rather than opening readers to new experiences points to areas traditionally ignored in discussions
of research methods and purposes yet runs the danger of being overly emotive and solipsistic. 11 However,
despite these limitations, these writers' search for implication and complication over verifiable realism offers an
alternative to canonized research by engaging the topics of their disciplines on terms that are open and do not
presume their effects beforehand.If research is to do more than represent "real" identities and experience,
readers are to do more than gain information about and understand these identities and experiences, and new
thought is to be cultivated, the sorts of complications I argue for through new uses of member checks,
triangulation, and a fluid transferability are a needed first step. The resulting complex representations let go of
an idea of progress based in a unidirectional idea of the accretion of knowledge by admitting difficulty,
uncertainty, and paradox. To return to the interests of research, technical, practical-hermeneutic, and
emancipatory, each is oriented to a particular type of usefulness: control, action within a context, or action to
change the conditions of a context. In each, the viability of the knowledge research produces is predicated on
the ability of research to verify itself. Each interest demands interpretive closure, whether that interpretation is
located in research participants or the researcher. 12
43
ADI 08
Bruschke
Farmer Workers Aff
A2: Framework
Questions of the best interpretation of debate are impossible. These debates

only resolve the production of transgressive validity through the expansion of
limits and paradoxes. Doing this allows for a usefulness of the topic which can
impart better knowledge of the resolution. We create meaning to the resolution
through our framework instead of information consumerism and thus creating a
better method of interrogation.
TALBURT in 04

To respond to the question of "whose interpretation is of most worth?" (a question that could easily but not
"usefully" be reduced to a debate over the value of "emic" and "etic" views), I answer that neither is and both
are. There will be times that interpretations diverge and times that they converge—and times that resolution will
be impossible. These might be moments when research draws on what Patti Lather (1995) called "transgressive
validity," which foregrounds the production of "truth as a problem" (p. 54) and does not conceal but reveals
"undecidables, limits, paradoxes, and complexities" (p. 57). 13 Indeed, her co-authored Troubling the Angels
(1997) acknowledges difficulties, multiplicities, and limits, openly questions and contradicts itself, addresses
readers in multiple registers—all while refusing paralysis and claiming multiple potential usefulnesses. To
understand "usefulness" as indeterminate and interpretation as multiple rather than singular is to acknowledge
the importance of the interpretations of a third figure, the reader. Presenting verifiably "real" subjects and events
designed to impart [End Page 96] knowledge creates what Barthes (1974) called a "readerly" text in which the
reader becomes a consumer of the text. To refuse verifiable and thus closed interpretations is to construct a
"writerly" text (p. 4) that acknowledges the reader as an active producer of the text. The reader as meaning-
maker rather than information consumer enters the circle of conversation—one that does not end with him or
her but continues with ongoing interpretation and dialogue.
44
ADI 08
Bruschke
Farmer Workers Aff
We are not an attempt to speak for someone else but instead gesture to
encourage rethinking the subjects of the ethnography. Our method disrupts
static knowledge that constitutes truths and instead enacts uncertainty through
the demanding of thought. It is not about finding a conclusion, those pragmatic
solutions are what have caused the current predicament, but more so to think,
feel and understand with others concerning a situation of dilemma.
TALBURT in 04

My emphasis on complicating what inquiry depicts is intended as a gesture to help research overcome its will to
knowledge and to encourage a rethinking of the subjects who speak in, through, and to ethnography.
Ethnographic knowledge refuses illusions of transparent reality and suspends utility even as it engages the real
and the purposeful. Its uses are potential rather than given. Because it is relational and social, ethnography
offers contingent knowledges that are never self-evident but whose meanings and implications must be
constantly reinterpreted. As an enactment of uncertainty and noncorrespondence to a "real," ethnography does
not offer knowledge but demands thought.
Ethnography has had its appeal because it offers real people and real situations—a humanizing endeavor amidst
what is often abstract, decontextualized, and dehumanizing research. However, if ethnography is to become
interesting, it must cede its authority by admitting into its textualizations speculations about the indeterminate,
ambiguous times and places its subjects inhabit—and that inhabit its subjects. These times and spaces remind us
that inquiry can not capture a totality or offer neat stories of progress, whether about the building of knowledge,
theory, or change in the field. Ethnography should be thought of as offering its readers the responsibility of
responding with thought to what they find. Lyotard (1997) tells us, "Response is not to answer, but to address
and carry forward" (p. 228). To answer is to conclude. In ethnography, we respond to a person, a situation, or a
dilemma without certainty, without an illusion of a neat end. We do so to imagine the real otherwise, to think
with others.
45
ADI 08
Bruschke
Farmer Workers Aff
46
ADI 08
Bruschke
Farmer Workers Aff
COLORBLINDNESS BAD: GENERAL
COLORBLINDNESS SIMPLY KIDS DISCRIMINATORY MOTIVATIONS;

OVERWHELMING EVIDENCE PROVES IT
David 2000 (James R., Associate professor of sociology at Indiana University, Bloomington, “Colorblind versus
Color-Conscious Justice,” Social Science History 24.2 (2000) 429-434, page Muse)
By contrast, Shaw v. Reno and its successors are based on the principle that equals must be treated equally.
Colorblindness is a standard that rejects the notion that whites and blacks are fundamentally different. Justice is
served when whites and blacks are treated equally by the state. Hence, race-based gerrymandering of electoral
districts violates the first principle of equity.
Colorblind Injustice provides compelling evidence of the racial injustice that is preserved by enforcing a
colorblind standard on the drawing of electoral districts. Colorblind electoral policies redound to the advantage
of white voters because they are less interested than blacks in protecting minorities against discrimination in
employment, housing, and enforcement of the laws. Furthermore, the United States often fails to implement the
first equity principle fairly. Laws written in race-neutral language hide the discriminatory motivations of
lawmakers and dominant groups. The equity principle of treating equals equally is invoked to mask the
intention of treating unequals unfairly. Colorblindness is a ruse, a farce, that masks discriminatory intent. The
volume of evidence supporting the claim that lawmakers and judges often justify discriminatory acts by appeals
to the widely accepted standard of colorblindness will be difficult for critics to ignore or refute. Colorblind
Injustice’s preference for color-conscious policies is motivated by the overwhelming evidence that lawmakers
and courts often attempt to hide racially motivated actions with appeals to colorblindness.
Race Neutrality is Ineffective. To Overcome Inequalities we must Acknowledge

Race and Privilege
Aubry 04 Sentinel Columnist
(Aubry, Larry. Sentinel. Los Angeles, Calif.: Jun 24-Jul 1, 2004. Vol. LXX, Iss. 14; pg. A7)
This "new-conservatism" perpetuates the status quo by minimizing the continuing impact of race and racism.
They exalt individualism while denigrating the value of group identity, thus relegating people of color to a
systemically determined sub-status in society. Cross-racial and ethnic collaboration must never serve as a
barrier to equity and social justice for African Americans and others of color. The conservatives' racial
manifesto is preposterous and should be soundly rejected.
The plight of African Americans will not change for the better because of race-neutral strategies. The opposite is
true; racially-specific remedies are critical in combating existing systemic race-based inequities. This means
acknowledging, not denying, the existence of race. New, honest approaches to improving race relations will
incorporate race and ethnicity as vital to the success of serious cross-racial collaboration efforts.
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When people ignore the existence of “color-blindness” in our institutions it

allows for an increase of power dichotomies within our social structures.
Chesler 2005
(Mark A., Challenging Racism in Higher Education: Promoting Justice, Chapter 1: Contemporary Struggles
over Race and Racial Equality/Justice, pg. 9-10)
Even as race, gender, and class operate in way that benefit some and subordinate others, dominant
American discourses about the individualism, opportunity, and freedom undermine the ability to attend such
divisions. Popular narratives suggest that every person has an equal chance to be successful and that we all
succeed or fail based on our individual merits. This rhetoric leads to high levels of denial and rationalizations
about the obstacles many people face and the privileges others enjoy. For example, in recent years many
commentators have argued that race is no longer important, that we should all be color-blind, that even talking
about race is racist in that it perpetuates racial classification (Berg 1993). But if we fail to recognize the
existence of racial groups and collectives, and of their differential treatment, we obscure relations of domination
and oppression of people of color (Young 1994). In this sense, it is not important to speak of racial groups as
having specific and uniform cultures or immutable and natural essences, or even as having self-conscious group
identities, but as possessing shared histories that result in similar present-day social locations and treatment
within the social structure (Lewis 2004).
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Only the analysis of our institutions opens the space to understand socially
constructed realities about race in the effort to change programs and eliminate
racism.
Chesler 2005
over Race and Racial Equality/Justice, pg. 9-10)
Thus, although we recognize that race is not genetically or biologically meaningful and that the
categories are neither fixed nor even mutually exclusive and dichotomous, race is quite clearly real in
psychological, social, and material terms. Our society and its institutions and their members use it to organize
lives, guide social interaction, shape social institutions, and provide greater or lesser access to social
opportunities and resources. Deeply embedded notions of racial superiority or inferiority are used to justify and
legitimate patterns of domination and subordination. Only through careful analysis of institutional,
organizational, and interactional processes can we come to a more conscious and complex understanding of
why and how this socially constructed category continues to have such profound impact on our personal and
national lives. An analysis focusing on these processes is essential for planning and implementing effective
policies and programs to reduce and someday hopefully eliminate racism.
Policy debate is a unique forum where knowledge is valued. A call for a more
definitive analysis of race is necessary for change.
Chesler 2005
over Race and Racial Equality/Justice, pg. 10)
Changes in our society and its cultures, legal rules, and ways of understanding racial matters have
altered scholarly and public understanding of race, racial prejudice, racial discrimination, and racism. The
twentieth century American traditions of scientific inquiry and public policy debate consistently emphasized
various forms of prejudice, or individual racial attitudes, as marks of racism and as the cause of discrimination
and inequality in private and public life. We argue for a more systemic and institutionalized definition and
analysis of racism.
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The assumption that educational merit is neutral and fair is highly objective and
further legitimizes and reproduces inequality and injustice.
Chesler 2005
over Race and Racial Equality/Justice, pg. 16)
This ideological framework conveniently explains the racial and class status quo and provides a rational
for maintaining it and excluding people of color further. Failure to hire, admit, or promote blacks and Latinos/as
can be rationalized on the ground that everyone has an equal shot in the existing economic and educational
systems. Similarly, admissions offices can treat standardized tests- which largely measure “accidents like birth,
social position, access to libraries, and the opportunity to take vacations or to take SAT prep courses” (Fish
1993:136)- as neutral, decontextualized measures of individual merit.
The national belief in a meritocracy has deeply penetrated higher education. As Bonacich (1989)
describes it, this set of assumptions suggest that society operates as a sort of foot race in which everyone is
assumed to have lined up at the same starting line (called the assumption of equal opportunity) and started at the
same moment. “this meritocratic ideology of winners and losers is deeply embedded in our schools and
universities....Teachers and professors are the judges of performance. They define who will win and lose. And
they are themselves caught up in a race to win at their own level” (Bonacich 1989:7). Obviously, however,
everyone does not begin at the same starting line and the race is not fair. By suggesting fairness while
countenancing unequal starting positions, the meritocratic system legitimates and reproduces inequality and
injustice.
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The persistence of inequality is frequently see in those who deny its existence.
When Americans wash their hands of racial injustices, solutions remain static.
Brown in 2003
(Michael A., Martin Carnoy, Elliott Currie, Troy Duster, David B. Oppenheimer, Marjorie M. Shultz, David
Wellman, Whitewashing Race: The Myth of a Color-Blind Society, University of California Press, 2003, pg. 4)
Today, many white Americans are concerned only with whether they are, individually, guilty of
something called racism. Having examined their souls and conclude they are not personally guilty of any direct
act of discrimination, many whites convince themselves that they are not racist and then wash their hands of the
problem posed by persistent racial inequality. This predilection to search for personal guilt has been reinforced
by a Supreme Court that analogously locates the constitutional problem of racial injustice solely in an
individual's intent to discriminate.
But if Americans go no deeper than an inquiry into personal guilt, we will stumble backward into the
twenty-first century, having come no closer to solving the problem of the color line. Given America's history,
why should anyone be surprised to find white privilege so woven into the unexamined institutional practices,
habit of the mind, and received truths that American's can barely see it? After three decades of simply admitting
Asian American, Latino American, and African American individuals into institutions that remain static in terms
of culture, values, and practices, the inadequacy of that solution should be obvious.
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The genealogy of racism must be the focus point for patterns of injustice and
violence. Once we realize the root of inequality, we can understand and change
the effects of structural inequities.
Brown in 2003
Inequalities are cumulative, a fact adherents of the new public wisdom on race ignore in their rush to
celebrate progress. The story told by the Thernstroms in America in Black and White, for example, is
disturbingly, sometimes even stunningly, ahistorical. This may seem surprising because the book does trace race
relations over time, from the early 1940s to the present, and one of the authors is a prize winning Harvard
historian. Yet the book is insensitive to the ways in which the past shapes the future. By assuming that
behavioral changes are produced by changes in attitudes, the Thernstroms implicitly distinguish between past
and present discrimination. But if discrimination has declined, this means one cannot look to history to explain
the persistence of racial inequalities. As a result, proponents of the new understanding of racial inequalities are
forced to focus on individual motivations. But this neglects how the past has shaped contemporary patterns of
racial inequalities, or how it continues to constrain the choices of African Americans and other groups. Thus,
conservatives and their realist colleagues ignore how the accumulation of wealth- economic, cultural, social,
and political capital- molds economic opportunities for all Americans over time, especially blacks, Latinos, and
other racial minorities. Wealth matters. At the conclusion of his book on race, wealth, and social policy in the
United States, Dalton Conley writes: “One may conclude that the locus of racial in equality no longer lies in the
labor market, but rather in class and property relations that, in turn, affect other outcomes. While young African
American men may have the opportunity to obtain the same education, income, and wealth as whites, in
actuality, they are on a slippery slope, for the discrimination their parents faced in the housing and credit
markets sets the stage for perpetual economic disadvantage.”
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When race blinds ourselves from our own position in the world we deny the
multiplicity of problems in society and allow for violence and dehumanization to
continue.
Brown in 2003
According to a well-known philosophical maxim, the last thing a fish notices is the water. Things that
are unproblematic seem natural and tend to go unnoticed. Fish take the water they swim in for granted, just as
European Americans take their race as a given, as normal. White Americans may face difficulties in life-
problems having to do with money, religion, or family- but race is not one of them. White Americans can be
sanguine about racial matters because their race has not been (until recently) visible to the society in which they
live. They cannot see how this society produces advantages for them because these benefits seem so natural that
they are taken for granted, experienced as wholly legitimate. They literally do not see how race permeates
American institutions- the very rules of the game- and its distribution of opportunities and wealth.
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Ideas about racism has changed. The view of racism as unintentional

perpetuates systems of advantage that generate exclusion at the expense of
minorities.
Brown in 2003
These empirical flaws in studies purportedly demonstrating that racism has declined are compounded by
fundamental conceptual problems. By now, the prejudice approach to the study of racism has been discredited
and had become almost completely obsolete. The challenge to the prejudice paradigm began as early as 1958
when sociologist Herbert Blumer first argued that racism was better understood as a sense of group position
than as a collection of bigoted individual attitudes. Since Blumer's groundbreaking article, a long line of
sociologists, social psychologists, and legal theorists have moved beyond the outdated notion of racism
employed by most advocates of color-blind ideology. Instead of locating racism in intentions, attitudes, and
obviously crude supremacist expressions or in pathological individual psyches, These scholars use a more
complicated conception. Their analysis assumes that racism is often unintentional, implicit, polite, and
sometimes quite normal. They look for racism in behavior as well as in attitudes and find it in culturally and
economically produced systems of advantage and exclusion that generate privilege for one racially defined
group at the expense of another.
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Races are divided on the idea that racial equality exists in the United States.
Those who are highly disillusioned by their subject positions are the ones
farthest from the truth.
Brown in 2003
Wellman, Whitewashing Race: The Myth of a Color-Blind Society, University of California Press, 2003, pg.
224)
White Americans, and African Americans and Latinos, are sharply divided over the successes and
failures of the civil rights movement. African Americans are deeply disillusioned about the future. At the turn of
the millennium, 71 percent of African Americans believed racial equality would not be achieved in their
lifetimes or would not be achieved at all. Seventy-three percent of African Americans believed they were
economically worse off than whites. White Americans, on the other hand, are unduly sanguine about the state of
black America. According to a recent survey, a majority of whites think blacks are worse off than whites
themselves are, but 38 percent think blacks' economic status is about the same as their own. Fifty percent of
whites think America has achieved racial equality in access to health care, and 44 percent think African
Americans have jobs that are the same as those of whites.
The color line in America is whitewashed. A change in the way we view the
relationship between race and power is a necessary step to crush unequal
advantage. Our discourse is the first challenge we must overcome in our
communities.
Brown in 2003
228)
The majority of white Americans today do not comprehend the multiple ways in which their lives are enhanced by
the legacy of unequal advantage. they are unaware because their racial position is so much a part of their accepted
surroundings that they do not even recognize it. They take it for granted. they consider it normal. All too many white
Americans ascribe their well-being and hard-earned success to their own efforts, while believing that African American
poverty is the result of character flaws or just plain laziness.
If we are to face up to race instead of whitewashing it, we must begin by acknowledging a fundamental reality:
race is a relationship, not a set of characteristics that one can ascribe to one group or another. Racial inequality stems from
a system of power and exclusion in which whites accumulate economic opportunities and advantages while
disaccumulation of economic opportunity disempowers black and Latino communities. Therefore, the first task in
challenging America's color line is to change the terms of discourse. It is time to move beyond the debate over color-blind
versus color-conscious policies and to begin to discuss how we can change the devastating dynamics of accumulation and
disaccumulation between black and white communities.
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Public and private spheres must work simultaneously to attack inequalities in

institutions. The development of equal social programs relies on a balance
between government and communities.
Brown in 2003
230)
It should also be clear from earlier chapters that the central problem of disaccumulation in minority
communities is a product of both private actions and public policies, and sometimes of both in concert.
Accordingly, any effective assault on racial inequality must operate simultaneously on private and public
institutions. Within the public sector, moreover, disaccumulation reflects not only the many ways in which the
government is too little present in minority communities but also the ways in which it is too much present.
Developing better and fairer social policies means not just providing more public investment in communities of
color; it also requires changing the way the public investment is now deployed in those communities. There is
too little public investment in health care or job creation in the black community and too much public
investment in corrections. There is too much public investment in the punitive response to drug abuse and too
little public investment in high quality drug treatment. There is too much public investment in tax breaks to lure
large businesses to the ghetto, and too little public investment in the salaries of schoolteachers and day-care
workers.
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It is more urgent now than ever before to recognize the way race serves to
create unequal standards by which we judge each other if we are to move
beyond them. Ignoring race or pretending it does not exist will only ensure that
racism continues unquestioned.
Brown in 2003
247)
We need to renew the American commitment to equality once more and combine it with the same sense
of urgency that drove the best movements of a generation ago. But this time we need a much longer time
horizon, a much deeper political and personal will, and a much more savvy appreciation of how deeply race
continues to shape our experience, our language, and our destiny. We are aware that there are many people of
good will in America who are uncomfortable with that kind of appreciation, who wish to downplay the public
discussion of race in the interest of achieving a truly color-blind society. We are sympathetic to that desire. Yet
we think the only way to achieve a society in which the color of people's skin really matters less than the
content of their character is by forthrightly acknowledging the role that race still plays in American life, by
facing up to the consequences, and by moving forward with a new seriousness to address the historical and
contemporary sources of racial inequalities.
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Responses to racial inequalities call for change in American culture and identity.
We must rearticulate the ways in which we deal with minority identities in order
to rewrite the dominant narrative.
Brown in 2003
228)
Now that segregation is illegal but racial inequality and discrimination persist, what can we do to
challenge durable racial inequality? What kind of policy strategies make sense? A vigorous political debate has
erupted around these questions, and at least three political responses have emerged. One, forcibly articulated by
law professor Derrick Bell is that racism is a permanent feature of American society and cannot be eradicated.
The second strategy addresses racial inequality by attacking class inequality. Advocates of this position assume
that social class is more fundamental to contemporary inequality that race. William Julius Wilson has believed
for a long time that African Americans need to realize that black poverty is mainly caused by “nonracial
economic forces”- wage stagnation among workers , collapsing the demand for unskilled labor, and widening
wealth inequality. A third strategy calls for transforming American culture and identity. Proponents of this
approach argue that white identity must be abolished or rearticulated as a positive identity.
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FARM WORKER LINKS TO SUBSIDIES
SUBSIDIES ONLY HELP BIG FARMERS; IGNORANCE AND PUBLIC APATHY

FUEL THE CYCLE
Fred E. Foldvary. Senior Editor of The Progress Report. “End All Farm Subsidies”
http://www.progress.org/fold113.htm 1999.
The governments of the United States, the European Union, Japan, and many other countries subsidize the
owners of agricultural land. The public mistakenly thinks that the subsidies are going to the farm workers. But
people need to disaggregate their thinking. First, there is the "farmer" as the farm worker, whether he owns his
land, rents it, or is hired by an owner. Secondly, there is the "farmer" as the owner of the farmland, whether he
works it himself, rents it out, or hires workers. Who is the real beneficiary from subsidies to agriculture? It is
not the farmhand. So long as there are unemployed workers, the wage for farm workers will remain low. The
wage is low because the general wage level is set where farmland is the least productive. Workers in the more
productive areas won't get paid more, since they compete with the farm workers in the less productive areas.
Since subsidies don't raise the wages of farm workers, who benefits? The farmland owners get the loot. The
bigger the farm, the greater the subsidy. The subsidy pushes up the rent and selling price of the farmland.
The latest US "emergency" farm aid package is redistributing $8.7 billion from taxpayers to farmland owners. A
typical Iowa soybean or corn farmer had an income of about $48,000, and with this latest subsidy, his income
will rise by $16,000 to $64,000. That extra $16,000 is rent. The hired hand won't get it. The aid is proportional
to the size of the farm: the bigger the farm, the bigger the government's farm owner welfare check.
A 1700-are cotton farm in Texas provides an income of $180,000. The extra subsidy from the new bill will give
the cotton farm owner an extra $20,000. The farmer renting land will have to pay more rent, and the workers
picking cotton won't get any of that loot. A study by Texas A&M University's Agricultural and Food Policy
Center concludes that the latest aid will boost average farm income by 25 percent or more.
The reason given for this extra aid, which is in addition to the usual annual farm subsidies, is that agricultural
prices, especially for grains, have been very low. Some of the aid is also going to farmers who lost crops from
flooding and draught. It's true that many farm owners were facing hard times. But why should much of the aid
go to the biggest farms and landowners? And why should the aid also go to farms that were not hurt by floods
and draught, and are doing well?
The price of many crops is low because too much is being grown, due to subsidies in Europe, North America,
Japan, and elsewhere. So we have a vicious circle: prices are low due to subsidies that increase the amount of
crops, so then subsidies have to be paid because farm income is low.
There are market remedies for the swings in the weather and the ups and downs of crop prices. Farmers can
insure their crops against the destruction by floods, draughts, and pestilence. Farmers can also hedge the prices
of their crops in futures markets. A farmer sowing corn or wheat can enter into a contract to sell his crop when it
is harvested, based on the price when the contract is made. Then if prices drop, the farmer is protected.
The elimination of farm subsidies will make some farms no longer economical. These farms should be
converted to other uses, since they are reducing the productivity of the economy by forcing resources to be
shifted to less productive uses. Some of this land can revert to a more natural status and support wildlife and
recreation. The trend over the last century has been for the proportion of farmers to go down as they move to
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manufacturing and services. Critics of farm subsidies say that aid to farms just helps consolidate farming into
large corporate operations. There is another type of subsidy besides the explicit payments to farm owners, and
that is the subsidy of government services paid for by taxes on labor. Roads, schools, and other infrastructure
boosts the rent of farmland, creating an implicit subsidy from workers to the owners of farmland.So a pure free
market in agriculture would not just exclude farm subsidies but also shift taxation from workers and goods to
land rent. That way, government services would be financed from the rents they generate instead to pumping up
rents and land values.With a pure free market in agriculture, no longer would the gain go mostly to the
landowner. Farm worker's wages would rise both from not having to pay taxes and from the elimination of the
least productive farms. With greater real productivity, the whole wage level would rise, and workers would get
to keep it all.
When enough folks realize what is going on with taxes and subsidies, they will rise from their apathetic slumber
and demand big constitutional changes. Meanwhile, ignorance feeds apathy, letting the powerful interests get
the loot.
Narratives on the negative effects of subsidies.
Subsidies hurt farmers both in and out of the United States.

Tomissee 05. Jayne Thomisee (National Peace Corps Association Campaign Coordinator) “The Cotton
Debate.” World View Magazine. Fall 2005. Vol. 18, No 3.
The early afternoon sun beats down on Oumar Diallo as he bends over to pluck weeds from the cracked earth.
Sweat trickles down his face and his cotton t-shirt, damp and soaked, clings to his lean frame. In the lush
Bandafassy hills of southern Senegal, Diallo is tending to his three hectares of cotton, the main source of
income for his family of five. Corn and groundnuts put food on their table through the end of the summer, but
his cotton harvest puts clothes on their backs and provides security for the rest of the year. However, in recent
years, it has become increasingly difficult to earn a profit.
“It is mainly our cotton income that enables us to support our family,” shares Diallo, “but last year, my earnings
did not enable me to face all of the expenses.” At about the same moment and halfway around the world the sun
has just crossed the horizon when the door slams behind Ken Gallaway and he heads out to his fields in Olton,
Texas. In the heat of the Texas panhandle, Gallaway treads across cotton fields in the footsteps of his father and
grandfather who have farmed this land since the turn of the century. While some of his land is planted with corn
and his wife works off the farm teaching in a local school, cotton continues to bring in the bulk of the family's
earnings and helps send their children to college. Foreseeing another year of overproduction and a
corresponding plummet in cotton prices, Ken Gallaway is bracing himself this year by joining a local coop that
may give him better prices through greater marketing, distribution and storage. “In the past we had no trouble
selling our cotton on the open market,” explains Gallaway, “but now with overproduction, prices are low and
we don't get much for it.” Worlds apart, two cotton farmers are united by their struggle to keep their farms in
business and provide for their families. They are united by something more: the negative impacts of generous
U.S. and European Union subsidies. These subsidies have come under scrutiny as international trade has
increasingly been seen as an integral component of poverty reduction. International development advocates
such as Oxfam America and the National Peace Corps Association argue that U.S. agriculture subsidies
undercut the work of small-scale farmers in developing countries such as Senegal.
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Subsidies make it near impossible for farmers in developing countries to

educate their children.
Tomissee 05. Jayne Thomisee (National Peace Corps Association Campaign Coordinator) “The Cotton Debate.”
World View Magazine. Fall 2005. Vol. 18, No 3
For the cotton-dependent countries of West and Central Africa, 11 cents a pound adds up quickly. Based on this
figure, Oxfam America estimated that sub-Saharan African countries lost $350 million due to U.S. subsidies in
2001. Millions of dollars in lost export earnings means less money for basic services: education, health care and
debt refinancing. Diallo feels the impact on his family. “Here, in the farm setting,” Diallo says, “there is no
school. We would like to have one with the benefits of fairer trade rules, particularly as the population here is
growing.” The lack of a local school means that of all of Diallo's children, the only one who attends school has
to travel to a neighboring village for classes.
Cotton Subsidies Perpetuate Cyclical Poverty

Bannerman 07. The Times
Karim Ouattara should be a happy man. His cotton fields have just produced a bumper crop of the “white gold”
upon which millions of West Africans depend. Six tonnes of picked and priced cotton lie heaped on his farm,
ready to be sold. When he finally sells his crop and repays his loans, Mr Outtara expects to make a profit of just
25,000 CFA (West African francs). That is £25. He can no longer afford to pay university fees for Mariam, his
23-year-old daughter, who has dropped out of her accounting course. “I just have to hope the price will pick up.
If it doesn’t, it will be a catastrophe,” he said. It is a word increasingly heard around the scrubland of the Sahel
region. “The situation is criminal,” François Traoré, president of the Association of African Cotton Producers,
said of the American subsidies.“Families who don’t even know where America is are being punished by their
policies. We are not their enemies. Why are they destroying us with their riches? One day, when we face the
same God, how will they explain them-selves?” In an unprecedented move, Sofitex, the largest of Burkina
Faso’s three cotton companies, has advised farmers to build a storage shed for every 50 tonnes of the latest
harvest, amid fears that much of this year’s crop will end up in mountains rather than marketplaces. Mr Outtara
(a farmer in Burkina Faso) is in despair, saying: “Cotton production is meant to be a way out of poverty, not a
means of keeping us there.”
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Farmers in the developing world are hurt more by subsidies in the long run than
their American counterparts.
Gillson 05. Gillson, Ian (Overseas Development Institutes). “Trade: How Cotton Subsidies Harm Africa.”
Overseas Development Institute Annual Report. 2005 pg 10.
The financial damage inflicted by US cotton subsidies has grave implications for poverty. Cotton growers in the
US can shift relatively easily to other crops, but the scope for substitution is much more limited in the Sahel.
Grown alongside maize and other cereals, cotton is the main cash crop for a large section of the rural
population. It is also an important source of government revenue for spending on health and education. Apart
from exacerbating balance-of-payments pressures, lower world prices are transmitted to the poor in the form of
reduced farm incomes, lower agricultural wages, and diminished provision of basic services. Africa’s
experience in cotton raises wider concerns about American policy. Through its aid program, the Bush
Administration has sought to promote free-market reforms in Africa. Similarly, trade preferences under the
Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) are conditional on African governments liberalizing agricultural
markets, including in the cotton sector. Yet when farmers in Mali or Burkina Faso enter world markets they are
forced to compete against heavily subsidized American exports.
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Cotton is a pivotal crop for the poor farmers throughout the world and subsidies
devastate the rural poor of developing nations
Watkins 02. Watkins, Kevin (Oxfam International). “Cultivating Poverty: The Impact of US Cotton Subsidies
on Africa.” Oxfam America: Boston: 2002.
Cotton is one of the most widely produced agricultural crops in the developing world. It is a vital source of
foreign exchange, investment, and economic growth for some of the world’s poorest countries. Cotton also
occupies a pivotal role in the livelihoods of poor people. Around one billion people in developing countries are
thought to be directly or indirectly involved in its production and marketing. They include smallholder farmers
in the arid regions of countries such as Burkina Faso and Mali, women working as seasonal laborers on the
cotton farms of Maharashtra in India, and workers in the coastal areas of Peru. For millions of poor rural
households, the state of the world’s cotton economy has a critical bearing on nutrition, and on whether they
have sufficient income to send their children to school and to cover health costs.
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Eliminating subsidies decreases International Trade Barriers which are essential

to the survival of small farms.
Griswold, Slivinski, Preble. 05. Daniel Griswold, Stephen Slivinski, and Christopher Preble(CATO Institute)
Ripe for Reform Six Good Reasons to Reduce U.S. Farm Subsidies and Trade Barriers September 14, 2005
A sizable minority of U.S. farmers clearly benefit from federal farm programs. If that were not true, certain
farmers and their political representatives would not fight so tenaciously to preserve their protected status. But
existing federal farm programs also work against the interests of many other farmers and arguably undermine
the economic viability of a large swath of rural America. U.S. farmers themselves pay a heavy price in lost
export opportunities because of high trade barriers abroad. American farmers need access to global markets to
prosper. After all, 95 percent of the world’s food consumers live outside the United States. Yet U.S. agricultural
exporters face average tariffs abroad that are several times higher than the average tariffs on manufactured
products. The most promising opportunity to lower those barriers would be through a multilateral agreement in
the current Doha Round negotiations in the WTO, and such an agreement is unlikely without significant
reductions in our own agricultural subsidies and trade barriers. High global barriers to farm trade have stunted
export growth. While global exports of manufactured goods accelerated from an annual growth rate of 5.7
percent in the 1980s to 6.7 percent in the 1990s, exports of agricultural goods decelerated from 4.9 percent to
3.4 percent. The exceptions to the trend have been fruits and vegetables, fish and seafood, and alcoholic and
nonalcoholic beverages, sectors in which trade barriers tend to be low and demand high in richer countries.
Trade restrictions have also “thinned” global markets, reducing competition and trade flows, leading to world
market prices that are more volatile and vulnerable to shocks than they would be if trade flowed more freely. If
global barriers to farm trade were removed, the World Bank estimates that global farm exports would be 74
percent higher by 2015 than they would be under current policies. For American farmers, comprehensive global
and agricultural trade reform would mean an additional $88 billion in annual farm exports by 2015 and an
additional $28 billion in farm imports, for a net $60 billion surplus. American farmers would be among the big
winners if global agricultural barriers and subsidies, including our own, were eliminated.
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Subsidies stifle development in rural America.
Griswold, Slivinski, Preble. 05. Daniel Griswold, Stephen Slivinski, and Christopher Preble(CATO Institute)
Ripe for Reform Six Good Reasons to Reduce U.S. Farm Subsidies and Trade Barriers September 14, 2005
For the farm sector as a whole, government payments and protection have failed to deliver the “rural
development” supporters of farm bills routinely promise. Farm programs may even be contributing to the
relative decline of jobs and population in rural areas by concentrating payments on a narrow range of “program
commodities,” such as corn, cotton, rice, wheat, and dairy products, rather than more diversified production of
so-called specialty crops. Producers of program commodities must realize ever-higher economies of scale to
stay competitive, which reduces economic diversity, employment, and business opportunities in rural
communities. A recent study by the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City found a negative correlation between
the amount of farm payments rural counties receive and job and population growth. The bank’s Center for the
Study of Rural America concluded: Farm payments are not providing a strong boost to the rural economy in
those counties that most depend on them. Job gains are weak and population growth is actually negative in most
of the counties where farm payments are the biggest share of farm income. . . . In short, farm payments are not
yielding robust economic and population gains in the counties where they should have the greatest impact. If
anything, payments appear to be linked with subpar economic and population growth. To be sure, this quick
comparison cannot answer whether growth would have been even weaker in the absence of payments. Still,
farm payments appear to create dependency on even more payments, not new engines of growth.
65
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US corn subsidies increase immigration by forcing Mexican farmers – who can't

compete with subsidized prices – out of business.
Michael Pollan (Knight professor of science and environmental journalism – that's journalism about the
environment and science – at UC Berkeley). “You are what you Grow.” The New York Times Magazine. April
22, 2007.
To speak of the farm bill’s influence on the American food system does not begin to describe its full impact —
on the environment, on global poverty, even on immigration. By making it possible for American farmers to sell
their crops abroad for considerably less than it costs to grow them, the farm bill helps determine the price of
corn in Mexico and the price of cotton in Nigeria and therefore whether farmers in those places will survive or
be forced off the land, to migrate to the cities — or to the United States. The flow of immigrants north from
Mexico since Nafta is inextricably linked to the flow of American corn in the opposite direction, a flood of
subsidized grain that the Mexican government estimates has thrown two million Mexican farmers and other
agricultural workers off the land since the mid-90s. (More recently, the ethanol boom has led to a spike in corn
prices that has left that country reeling from soaring tortilla prices; linking its corn economy to ours has been an
unalloyed disaster for Mexico’s eaters as well as its farmers.) You can’t fully comprehend the pressures driving
immigration without comprehending what U.S. agricultural policy is doing to rural agriculture in Mexico.
Subsidies drive Mexican farmers north, causing a flood of labor which guts
wages and kills unionizing.
Luke Patton (Ph.D. In political science at Bryn Mawr). “Organizing the Unorganized:The Coalition of
Immokalee Workers and Latino Migrant Farm Labor in the 21st Century.” Thesis under the advising of Steve
McGovern. Spring 2008.
Globalization and the subsidization of American agriculture have also posed major problems for CIW. Where
NAFTA and CAFTA (Central American Free Trade Agreement) have opened up channels for US farmers to sell
their crops to Latino countries and compete with local farmers in these countries, government subsidies have
made it possible for them to sell these products at incredibly low prices and dominate the foreign market at the
expense of local farmers. Unable to compete with American crop prices, these Latino farmers have been forced
to migrate in massive numbers to the US for work. It is these trade agreements and their mass dislocation of
farm workers which have increased worker competition and made organizing difficult for the CIW. If some
workers threaten to strike, for example, there are always other immigrants willing to work in their place.
The money may be there, but farm workers see none of the gain from subsidies.
Luke Patton (Ph.D. In political science at Bryn Mawr). “Organizing the Unorganized:The Coalition of
Immokalee Workers and Latino Migrant Farm Labor in the 21st Century.” Thesis under the advising of Steve
McGovern. Spring 2008.
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In the grand scheme of things, though, unfair pay and poor working conditions in agriculture stems from
attitudinal, not economic, causes. The US government gives billions in agricultural subsidies every year and yet
somehow farm workers are earning $3200 less than minimum wage each year. John Bowe points out that
minimum wage rates could be achieved for these marginalized workers by raising the cost of food by about $50
per year per American household. The demand for food is there, and the money to pay the workers is there, but
the respect for these hard working immigrants is not. More than just structural and procedural obstacles, CIW
has had to work to overcome a culturally entrenched attitude unkind to immigrants and farm workers.
67
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Guest worker programs are subsidies – the government provides cheap,

nonunion labor to farmers.
Mario T. Garcia (professor of Chicano/a studies at UC Santa Barbara). Review: Operation Wetbacks. The
Public Historian 3:2. Spring 1981.
Since the late-nineteenth century when American captains of industry integrated the Southwest into the
capitalist system of the United States, immigrant workers from Mexico, both documented and undocumented,
have functioned as a reserve army of labor. During periods of economic growth, employers of cheap labor have
recruited and hired Mexicans with little concern for their immigration status. However, in hard times such as in
the 1930s, employers and government officials have deported or repatriated Mexicans, including citizens of the
United States. Historically, Mexican immigrant workers have thus been treated as disposable workers, easily
returned to Mexico when no longer needed, brought back when economic conditions improve.
The role of Mexican immigrants as a reserve army of labor forms the background to historian Juan
Ramon Garcia's study of what, in 1954, was called “Operation Wetback.” At this writing it appears that
President Reagan is about to arrange a “guest worker” program with Mexico, thereby reviving an old idea that
has been used on at least two other occasions in this century. Garcia's study is therefore timely, providing
important historical information on the relationship between contract labor and undocumented immigration.
In rich detail, Garcia examines one of the most massive efforts to deport Mexican workers out of the
United States. His study complements Abraham Hoffman's 1971 study of the 1930s deportations, Unwanted
Mexican Americans. During the 1930s close to a half million Mexicans were deported or repatriated.
Although Garcia focuses mainly on institutions which reacted to “wetbacks” and braceros rather than
focusing on the Mexicans themselves, it is still an important contribution to the growing literature about the role
of Mexicans in U.S. society. According to Garcia, the large-scale deportation of Mexicans in 1954 under
“Operation Wetback” must be seen in connection with the Bracero Program, enacted in 1942. Designed as a
wartime emergency program to relieve a “manpower' shortage in the U.S., the Bracero Program continued until
1964. Under formal agreements between the U.S. and Mexican government, America employers, primarily
agribusiness, received what amounted to taxpayer-funded labor subsidies. It has been estimated that 4.5 million
braceros came to the U.S. under the program, which constituted a regulated source of cheap, nonunion labor for
growers. Needless to say, in states like California, agriculture profited greatly from the program.
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MIGRANT WORKERS ARE ABUSED
Martin and Martin 1994 (Philip L. and David A., George Mason University, “The Endless Quest: Helping
America’s Farm Workers,” Westview Press, 11., 07/29/2008, page Questia)
Migrant farm workers are persons who move in order to do farm work. A Presidential Commission defined a
migrant as a "worker whose principal income is earned from temporary farm employment and who in the course
of his year's work moves one or more times, often through several States." 1 This definition captures the
familiar image of a person moving from farm to farm, and on each farm, doing work for two weeks to two
months. Other terms are often used to complete the picture: grueling work, low wages, few benefits, poor
housing, child labor, and abusive employers. 2 Although there is no generally accepted definition of migrant
farm worker, migrants, however defined, have been near the bottom of the U.S. job ladder for over a century,
and their place there has been a concern for governments and organizations concerned about the well-being of
all workers. The Presidential Commission noted in 1951 that there were migrants engaged in seasonal
employment in nonfarm industries, but "only in agriculture [has] migratory labor become a problem of such
proportions and complexity as to call for repeated investigations by public bodies." 3
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IT’S NOT ABOUT FOOD PRICES; THE SYSTEM OF MIGRANCY EXISTS TO KEEP MIGRANT
LABOR OPPRESSED
Martin and Martin 1994 (Philip L. and David A., George Mason University, “The Endless Quest: Helping
America’s Farm Workers,” Westview Press, 5., 07/29/2008, page Questia)
The most prominent myth is that poor farm workers are the price that the society must pay for cheap food. The
facts disprove this myth. Two-thirds of the nation's farm work is done by farmers and their families, leaving
only one-third to be done by hired workers. Migrant farm workers, the poorest hired workers, do less than half
of the work done by hired workers. If there were no migrant farm workers, almost 90 percent of the nation's
farm work would still be done. In other words, the migrant labor system that impoverishes hundreds of
thousands of workers holds down the average family's food bill only a little. Even in the case of the fruits and
vegetables that migrant workers often harvest, farm wages account for less than 10 percent of the retail price of
a head of lettuce or a pound of apples. Doubling farm wages, and thus practically eliminating farm worker
poverty, would raise retail food prices of even the crops picked by migrants by less than 10 percent. 5
Instead of reforming the migrant labor system, the U.S. government has been persuaded to open the border
gates to foreign farm workers. both documented and undocumented. These laborers, who usually have no other
U.S. job options, have proved to be willing to accommodate themselves to the low wages and migratory
lifestyles of seasonal agriculture. So long as foreigners without other U.S. job options are available to be
migrant farm workers, however, little effective pressure exists to persuade farmers to improve wages and to
eliminate migrancy. Thus a vicious circle is created: vulnerable migrant workers are available and so migrancy
continues; migrant workers aspire to nonfarm jobs, and some of them escape; and the resulting farm labor
shortages are used to justify the admission of more alien workers.
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FARM WORKERS SUFFER FROM WHITNESS/HISTORY OF FARM WORKER
The agricultural industry has thrived off of the use, exploitation, and ultimate
displacement of Native American farmworkers.
Tomich 06
(Professor of Sociology and History Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison )
Dale, “Fields of Toil” History Workshop Journal 62.1 (2006) 310-318
Street carefully documents the atrocities committed in converting the Indians to Christianity, but gives greater weight to
the role of voluntary conversions. The problem for the padres was not attracting Indians to the missions, but preventing
them from leaving. Enticed by food and trinkets, Indians were readily baptized, but then they had to be coerced into
staying at the mission and working for the common good. The conversion to Christianity and mission work was very hard
on the pre-agricultural native population. Even when they were not being overworked and underfed, the routine of mission
life exacted a heavy toll. They suffered from disease and had a low birth rate and high mortality rate, especially among
women. The Franciscans were devoted to the religious ideal of an ordered and disciplined daily routine. To this end,
mission Indians were reduced to dependence, and all aspects of their lives were regulated. They lived in barracks
separated by age and gender. Mission bells marked an unbroken cycle of work, prayer, meals, and sleep. They were
subjected to constant toil, enforced by harsh corporal punishment, that was designed not to maximize production, but to
prevent idleness. Although the routine was punctuated by frequent fiestas, it was dreary and demoralizing.
The Indians adapted to the various tasks required by the missions, above all, to agricultural labour. They made possible
not only the survival of the missions, but also that of the military garrisons in the presidios. Nonetheless, the harsh and
dreary routine of mission life occasioned resistance. There were sporadic revolts, but these were quickly suppressed.
Street instead emphasizes the centrality of ‘silent sabotage’. The mission Indians acquiesced in the daily routine, but never
really accepted it. They malingered, stole, vandalized, abused animals, and engaged in malicious mischief as a matter of
course. Though dangerous and uncertain, flight, both by individuals and groups, was common. Acts of defiance and
resistance from apparently loyal ‘subjects’ perplexed the padres, who responded with harsh punishment and increased
surveillance and confinement.
By the early 1800s, labour crises changed the character of Indian labour as the repressive yet sheltered world of the
missions gave way to the uncertainties of a secular society and a market economy. In response to growing shortages,
expeditions were sent to retrieve runaways and forcibly recruit interior Indians. At the same time, the demand for labour
superseded conversion. Indians began to engage in voluntary paid labour without converting to Christianity. Mexican
independence accelerated the disintegration of the mission system. The missions themselves became more
commercialized, leaving many mission fieldworkers without food, [End Page 312]shelter, and security. The Mexican
government's policy of secularization disestablished the missions. Mission Indians became Mexican citizens and were to
receive individual plots. However, an influx of settlers from Mexico took up the lands. Too often outmanoeuvred in the
battle to retain property and rights, and without the skills to return to a traditional way of life, the Indian farmworkers
were left to fend for themselves without any resources. They ended up on private ranchos, where they suffered from
neglect, alcoholism and indebtedness and were pushed into peonage.
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Native Americans historically became virtual slaves to the agricultural industry

in order for it to become the corporate monster that it is today.
Tomich 06
When California became a US territory, Indians became even more exploitable in their role as agricultural
labour. With the agricultural boom accompanying the Gold Rush, they were disenfranchised, stripped of
protections, including land and subsistence, and placed under the authority of local Justices of the Peace. The
Indian Indenture Act institutionalized forced labour. Restrictions were placed on their movement, and on pretext
of drunkenness or vagrancy Indians, including children, were forced into involuntary labour. Virtual slave
markets flourished in the free state of California. Indians were paid in alcohol and forced into debt. At same
time white settlement and agriculture encroached on Indian lands, restricting food supplies and resources.
Indians were compelled to move back and forth between partial subsistence and partial farm labour economies.
The availability of this cheap native labour freed commercial farmers from labour pressures and allowed them
to use land for specialty crops.
Instead of accepting the conventional view of the origin of California agriculture in a Golden Age created by
small farming entrepreneurs, Street calls attention to the harsh and repressive conditions imposed on native
labour. By the late 1850s and early 1860s, the expansion of California commercial agriculture encouraged
diversification and specialization. More repressive legislation extended indentures and corralled Indian labour
into farm work. With some individual exceptions, repeal of this harsh legislation after the Civil War hardly
affected conditions. Native farmworkers were whipped, cheated, subjected to bad working conditions and
housing, tricked, defrauded, beaten and even killed with impunity. In Street's words, field labour was ‘one more
nail in the coffin of native Californians’. They were in a downward spiral because of their desperate conditions,
and masses of native field hands were dying off.
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Chinese farm workers historically suffered racial oppression and open hostility
in the labor market.
Tomich 06
After his discussion of the bindlemen, Street turns to the role of Chinese and Japanese workers in California
agriculture. Here too he debunks various historiographical myths and provides an incisive account of these two
groups. One reason why the white farmworkers have received so little attention from historians is the
prominence of Chinese and Japanese field labour in the history of California agriculture. But the influence of
these groups was disproportionate to their numbers. Neither ever constituted a majority of farmworkers.
Chinese appeared in the 1850s when the first contingents of peasants arrived in California seeking to make their
fortunes in the ‘Country of Gold’. They soon distinguished themselves by doing the dangerous, back-breaking
work of draining the malaria-infested Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta, creating some of the richest farmland in
California and enabling the creation of some of the state's great fortunes. There they demonstrated the
characteristics that made them attractive to California growers: their capacity for working and providing for
their own maintenance under conditions that no one else would accept, reliability, frugal living habits, and a
labour broker system that extended through kin and regional associations back to China. Chinese labourers
looked toward home and preservation of traditional life. They were willing to put up with dismal conditions in
the hope of a successful return to their villages and families. [End Page 314]
Labour contractors were crucial to the impact of the Chinese. The contractors were highly successful in
underbidding their competitors and mobilizing labour at key moments in the crop cycle. In bargaining over
working conditions and wages, they also came to play a key role in farm management. Chinese workers under
the contractor system were reliable and disciplined. They were attractive to growers (especially in contrast to
irregularity of the bindlemen) because they minimized wage expenditures, stabilized labour relations, and
provided an ample supply of tractable labour.
Chinese farmworkers were the object of white prejudice and terror both because they were seen as unfair
competition with white labour and because the presence of segregated Chinatowns aroused the fear and anger of
white citizens. Street calls attention to repeated examples of white workers protesting against Chinese and
Japanese labour but quickly refusing to do the same tasks even at higher wages when given the opportunity.
Chinese agricultural workers were subject to injustice, brutality, including murder, and mob action. Both
Federal and State governments enacted legislation that sought to ban the immigration of Chinese labourers. In
the face of such hostility, members of California's agricultural elite argued that Chinese labourers were
indispensable, even as they attempted unsuccessfully to replace them with young boys and family labour. In
response to anti-Chinese sentiment, the Chinese manifested greater militancy. Utilizing their strength in
strategic sectors of farm labour, they struck for wage parity with whites and for higher wages overall. However,
by the 1890s economic depression and immigration restriction began to take their toll. Although they continued
in California agriculture, the Chinese ceased to be a significant presence in the labour force.
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In the past, Japanese farm workers have been targets of racism and violence in
the creation of the agricultural industry that exists today.
Tomich 06
As the Chinese work force declined in size and grew older, Japanese workers assumed a prominent role in the
fields. Like the Chinese, the Japanese also had an influence that was out of proportion to their numbers. At their
peak, they represented slightly more than forty per cent of the farm labour force and were concentrated in
strategic sectors of California agriculture. They provided a disciplined and reliable labour force. If anything,
their willingness to work cheap and hard, and to put up with miserable conditions, surpassed even the Chinese.
But they also exhibited a new militancy that had not been seen before in Californian farms and fields. They
were effectively organized by Japanese contractors who often supplied them with housing and organized them
into mutual-aid groups as well as providing them with work. The contractors played a key role in supplying
labour and organizing production on California farms. For the Japanese, direct action was the means to social
mobility. They understood the strategic importance of the harvest and were willing to strike in order to press
their interests even if they had already negotiated a contract. Employers regarded the contractors as dishonest,
tricky, and cunning. But in the end the reliability of Japanese labour when the harvest was threatened [End Page
315]gave the edge to the contractors. They were very successful in bargaining over wages and working
conditions. Their numbers and militancy enabled them to dominate the labour market. Growers met Japanese
success with intimidation, violence, and even murder. They attempted to undercut their power and regulate
wages by engineering a labour glut. The Japanese responded with more direct action. They engaged in
collective bargaining and organized the first multiracial unions in California agriculture. The effectiveness of
their actions is beautifully documented by Street in his splendid chapter on the Oxnard sugar beet strike.
However, they were unable to gain support from AFL (American Federation of Labour) unions largely for racist
reasons. In the face of anti-Japanese sentiment and immigration restrictions, their bargaining position declined.
But by pooling resources, exploiting marginal lands, and concentrating on labour-intensive crops, many
Japanese labourers were able to acquire land, establish families, and become small farmers.
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Filipino women are another group of people that have been excluded from both
farm work and provide a unique insight towards understanding a diverse
society.
Rony 00
Dorothy Fujita (assistant professor of Asian American studies at the University of California)
Journal of Asian American Studies 3.2 (2000) 139-162 “Coalitions, Race, and Labor: Rereading Philip Vera
Cruz”
In addressing the history of the union movement, the marginalization of women is another important topic to
consider. Early on, Vera Cruz says, "There were no Filipino women around of us. Only men came over to the
U.S." 81 While Vera Cruz was likely referring to the fact that Filipino men vastly outnumbered women because
of the selective migration of young male workers to the U.S., as scholars like Barbara Posadas and Dorothy
Cordova have shown, there were significant, if limited numbers of Filipina women in the U.S. Some of these
women worked in the fields [End Page 155] or did valuable labor in the family economy. And, although the
labor movement was overwhelmingly male, they also contributed to struggles for equity.82 In addition, less
analyzed at this stage is the pivotal participation of figures like Debbie Vollmer, a lawyer who is mentioned by
Philip Vera Cruz in his narrative as protesting at a 1977 UFW convention that featured government officials
from the Marcos government, and who was a longtime partner of Vera Cruz. 83 The need to document the
instrumental role of women in this labor struggle is one of the under-researched areas that needs to be more
developed in the historiography of Filipina/o American studies.
These subjects open up many questions. What will be the nature of the coalitions that we build across our
different communities, particularly as race takes on different dimensions? What are the new political alliances
that will be formed? How will groups like Filipina/o Americans be positioned, not only in relation to
Chicano/as, but to other communities as well? What will their status be within the "Asian Pacific American"
category, both in relation to other ethnic groups with relatively more political power and to other ethnic groups
that might not have as much access to these resources? How we address these changes in our political work to
create a more fair and equitable society will remain a central challenge in the coming century. For these reasons,
the lessons we can learn from Philip Vera Cruz's life history have continuing relevance for us today.
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Close examinations of working sector reveal that there is an underground

subversion to the dominant whiteness in the labor market.
Arnesen 98
Reviews in American History 26.1 (1998) 146-174

“Up From Exclusion: Black and White Workers, Race, and the State of Labor History”
(Eric; teaches African-American and labor history at the University of Illinois at Chicago)
Beyond the issue of class are questions of the very character of opposition and resistance. In a subsequent
article, "'We Are Not What We Seem,'" Kelley proposes a creative and radical "rethinking" of black working-
class opposition. Eschewing the "privileging" of "public utterances of black elites" and historians' focus on
formal, public organizations like trade unions or civil rights groups, Kelley directs attention to what he calls the
"daily, unorganized, evasive, seemingly spontaneous actions" which form an "important yet neglected part of
African-American political"--and by extension, labor--history. The appearance of silence or accommodation by
black southerners in [End Page 159] the Jim Crow era was just that, an appearance designed to deceive whites.
"Beneath the veil of consent lies a hidden history of unorganized, everyday conflict waged by African-American
working-people." 44 Drawing upon the concepts explored by anthropologist James Scott, Kelley insists that
oppressed groups "challenge those in power by constructing a 'hidden transcript,' a dissident political culture
that manifests itself in daily conversations, folklore, jokes, songs, and other cultural practices." African
Americans' everyday forms of resistance--their infrapolitics--become the focus for historical research. Focusing
his sights on seemingly mundane, previously ignored, or dismissed activities, Kelley successfully uncovers a
world of opposition that calls into question many southern historians' assertions of black acquiescence,
resignation, and passivity, and promises to open up dramatic new areas of investigation to southern, black, and
labor historians.
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Sharecropping is a form of old south exploitation.

Manion* 2001
Jennifer T. ,Ohio State Law Journal Ohio State Law Journal 2001 62 Ohio St. L.J. 1665 NOTE: “Cultivating
Farmworker Injustice: The Resurgence of Sharecropping” 2001
The arrangement that the Ramirez family entered with Veg-a-Mix has apparently become quite common among
Hispanic farmworkers in California, n4 but "language barriers and a lack of experience with the business side of
farming" have resulted in many farmers losing rather than making money in the deals. n5 With farmers winding
up in debt to their brokers and thus remaining obligated to continue working under contracts that are unlikely to
become profitable, there appears to be a resurgence of sharecropping in the California agricultural industry. n6
Thought by many to be a practice of the post-Civil War past, where former plantation owners devised
sharecropping arrangements in order to keep former slaves in perpetual servitude-and poverty n7-sharecropping
has emerged as an employment system in the contemporary agricultural industry. n8 While sharecropping
arrangements have resulted in success for some, n9 the arrangements [*1667] also provide numerous
opportunities for abuse, as is frequently the case when the sharecroppers are immigrants who are unfamiliar
with the contractual terms, their legal rights, and the English language. n10
Reconstruction era south continued oppression by tying former slaves to land

by sharecropping
Manion* 2001
Sharecropping arrangements-and their potential unfairness to farmworkers-can be traced back to the post-Civil
War South, n18 when plantation owners hired former slaves to work as "tenant farmers." n19 By overcharging
the farmworkers for the land they rented as well as other supplies that had been advanced to the farmers as part
of the initial deal, landowners were able to ensure that the workers' debts exceeded their portion of the profits
from the harvest. n20 In debt to the landowners, the farmworkers were bound to continue working under the
same unfavorable terms with little chance of ever paying off their debts or becoming independent farmers. n21
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Sharecropping has resurfaced itself in modern agriculture under the

euphemistic banner “independent contractors” allowing landlords to forgo labor
laws and protections granted to mainstream workers. Legally and socially
however, sharecropping and independent contracting are synonymous.
Manion* 2001
Sharecropping has reemerged in the agricultural industry in the form of labeling immigrant farmworkers as
"independent contractors" instead of as employees. n25 A worker's classification as an independent contractor
or employee is significant because the classification determines which legal protections apply to the worker. n26
By labeling farmworkers in sharecropping contracts "as independent contractors, agricultural employers are
able to avoid the expense and inconvenience of complying with worker protection provisions of the Fair Labor
Standards Act (FLSA), including health and safety standards, unemployment and disability insurance, and . . .
protections against oppressive child labor." n27 Farmworkers who are classified as independent contractors are
likewise precluded from the protections available under the National Labor Relations Act. n28
Despite criticism of classifying workers in sharecropping agreements as independent contractors, n29
agricultural employers have succeeded in defending [*1670] this system by asserting either that farmworkers
are independent contractors or the employees of independent crewleaders. n30
AT: sharecropping = success
Lower-class farmers are the most likely to be trapped in sharecropping. The few
who succeed involve mostly those with some privilege.
Manion* 2001
The development of sharecropping in the United States indicates that it is groups who are precariously situated
socially, financially, and legally who are [*1671] drawn into sharecropping deals: African Americans after the
Civil War, Japanese Americans who were precluded from owning land, and, currently, Hispanic immigrants
during an era of much anti-immigration sentiment. n38 By looking at the prevalence of sharecropping among
these groups, a pattern emerges in which members at the lower socio-economic level in agricultural
communities become the victims of unfair sharecropping deals. n39 While some Hispanic farmers have
succeeded through sharecropping, n40 those success stories usually involve farmers who are proficient in
English and who have some business experience. n41 Groups with few to no legal rights who are also the
targets of racial or ethnic prejudice suffer the most adverse consequences as sharecroppers. n42
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AT:FLCRA
The FLCRA was met with further abuse of workers.

Manion* 2001
The FLCRA sought to assist farmworkers by requiring crewleaders to register with the DOL. n107 By
attempting to regulate crewleaders instead of the agricultural businesses that employed the crewleaders, the
legislation seemed to [*1680] leave farmworkers still open to abuses. n108 Amendments to the FLCRA in
1974 were unsuccessful at ending continuing abuses, and the Act was repealed in 1983. n109
AT: AWPA
AWPA ended in no tangible or practical social justice for sharecroppers.

Manion* 2001
Despite congressional attempts to prevent agricultural employers facing AWPA actions from proffering the
independent contractor defense, n118 agricultural [*1681] employers have managed to "avoid liability for
AWPA violations" using this strategy. n119 Because the AWPA only protects employees, an agricultural
employer that convinces a court that a plaintiff is in fact an independent contractor cannot be held responsible
for any alleged violations of the Act. n120 The relative success of the independent contractor defense is
problematic, however, because the legislative history of the AWPA indicates that the Act was to be interpreted
like the FLSA, to achieve its "remedial purposes." n121
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AT: The courts worked
The USFG has empirically failed in achieving rights for immigrant/migrant

workers.
Manion* 2001
The facts of Real v. DSA allowed no other conclusion but that the plaintiffs were employees of the defendant,
despite contractual attempts to classify them as independent contractors. Although many contracts establishing
sharecropping arrangements are analyzed according to the Real factors, courts do not always reach the same
conclusion. n72 These agreements propose to set up workers and owners as two independent parties, but
looking at the circumstances and the economic reality of the situations reveals that the owners are actually
employing the workers and are using the independent classification to avoid their legal responsibilities to their
employees. n73
In Donovan v. Brandel, a sharecropping contract challenge brought by the Department of Labor (DOL), the
Sixth Circuit applied the same six factors as the Ninth Circuit in Real v. DSA, n74 but concluded that the
farmworkers were [*1676] independent contractors rather than employees of the farm owner. n75 The
sharecroppers in Brandel were hired to harvest cucumbers, a labor-intensive task. n76 The defendant farm
owner claimed to have used a sharecropping arrangement with the workers in order to "delegat[e] to the migrant
workers the responsibility of supervising their own field labor." n77
The court accepted the rationale that by using a sharecropping agreement, where workers are paid based on
profits earned rather than at a fixed hourly rate, the farmworkers would be motivated to use greater care in their
harvesting. n78 This care and "knowledge of . . . methods of maximizing production constituted a skill,"
indicating greater independence than employee farmworkers would possess. n79 Despite the care farmworkers
had to exercise, the actual skill required to harvest cucumbers seems to be minimal because children of the
workers actively assisted their parents in the fields. n80 A skill that children readily develop cannot be so
specialized that it precludes an employment relationship. n81
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Courts decision process do not address the underlying social and cultural
hierarchies stopping migrant workers from being seen as employee’s as
opposed to independent contractors.
Manion* 2001
The opposing decisions in Real and Brandel, cases presenting similar facts, reveal the inconsistent and unfair
results of using a case-by-case analysis of sharecropping agreements. n88 In addition, decisions such as the one
in Brandel often leave poor farmworkers with no legal recourse; after the Sixth Circuit's decision, many
attorneys became reluctant to pursue farmworkers' claims. n89 For as long as courts continue to apply the six-
factor test on a case-by-case basis, many workers will be at risk of receiving an unfair decision under the
application of the test established in Brandel. n90
The relative success of the independent contractor defense indicates that the guidelines provided by the FLSA
and AWPA give courts too much flexibility when determining whether the label "independent contractor" or
"employee" should be applied to a plaintiff farmworker. n125 As the Sixth Circuit's decision in [*1682]
Brandel indicates, courts applying the current six-factor economic realities test may reach the incorrect
conclusion about a farmworker's status. n126
LX: Immigrant sharecroppers / FW
Public attitude is what prevents effective policy for immigrant farmworkers and
sharecroppers from being passed.
Manion* 2001
Public attitudes about immigration are usually connected to overall economic conditions. n134 When the U.S. economy is
slow, immigrants often become targets of blame and public outrage. n135 After substantial criticism of immigration policy
[*1683] and calls for reforming immigration law, n136 the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility
Act (IIRIRA) was passed in 1996 n137 in response to anti-immigrant sentiment in the United States. n138
The goal of immigration policy under the IIRIRA was to promote immigrants' self- sufficiency and to decrease their
dependence on public assistance. n139 Providing public assistance, in particular to undocumented workers, has been
especially unpopular. n140 It is far from certain, however, that receiving public assistance benefits is an incentive to move
to the United States. n141 Nevertheless, it is clear that anti-immigration attitudes among the general population affect the
way legislatures handle issues affecting immigrants. n142
The policy behind the IIRIRA is also bound to affect the manner in which courts handle grievances brought by immigrant
workers. A challenged sharecropping contract purporting to make an immigrant farmworker independent and self-
sufficient appears consistent with the goals the IIRIRA endorses. A court [*1684] may favor an arrangement that fosters
this independence, even if there are FLSA and AWPA violations underlying the working relationship. n143
In addition, common attitudes expressing anger or resentment toward immigrants also appear at times to color judicial
perspectives of immigrant issues. n144 With legislatures and judges subject to anti-immigrant biases, it is not surprising
that the AWPA, as well as the FLSA, has failed to protect the group it was passed to assist.
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Agriculture subsidies are not equal, they happen on a field of whiteness and are
used to increase animosity, resentment, and competition amongst minority
groups.
Cunningham 2007
Christi ,Howard University School of Law Howard Law Journal 50 How. L.J. 755 “WILEY A.
BRANTON/HOWARD LAW JOURNAL SYMPOSIUM: WHAT IS BLACK? PERSPECTIVES ON A
COALITION BUILDING IN THE MODERN CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT: Exit Strategy for the Race
Paradigm” e.
Similarly, basing identity in the race paradigm undermines anti-racist work by investing people in racial
property, the third premise. If whiteness is property and white privilege has entitled people to ownership of race,
then not-white people vie for sharecropping rights on a white terrain stolen from Indigenous peoples. The result
is often competition for sharecropping rights that creates divisions within and among communities and
undermines anti-racist efforts. The fourth premise of the race paradigm, the Black/white dynamic, has meant
that Black people have historically had the right of first refusal in sharecropping interests on white property.
This investment in racial property undermines anti-racist work by creating competition among prospective
sharecroppers. For example, because some immigrant populations may be perceived as threatening the Black
position as primary sharecropper, Black/Korean, Black/Latino, Black U.S. slave descendants/African, [*797]
and Black U.S. slave descendants/Black Caribbean slave descendants tensions occasionally run high.
A front-page article in the Washington Post illustrates this point. n229 The headline reads, "Lawn-Care
Entrepreneur Faces a Changing Racial Landscape." The reporter tells the story of Nikita Floyd, a Black owner
of a landscaping company that tended the fifty-acre grounds of a Black church in Prince George's County in the
mid-1990s. While Floyd received no complaints about the quality of his work, subsequently, a minister at the
church scolded him for having sent "a crew of half-dozen Latin American immigrants to do the job." n230
"'Why don't you have any black workers?'" the minister threatened, since Black people lived in the
neighborhood and attended the church. n231 Investment in the race paradigm causes economically
disadvantaged people to see their plight as a battle over crumbs, rather than a battle between those eating
crumbs and those eating loaves of bread with butter. The reporter explains, "when immigrants compete for jobs,
black workers are more vulnerable, says economists who point out that blacks are still disproportionately
employed in low-skilled jobs." n232 When Floyd started his business, he had fewer than a dozen employees
who were all Black. A little more than a decade later, he makes approximately $ 2.5 million in annual sales and
all of his laborers are from El Salvador. n233
The article reports that immigrants comprise seventy-three percent of landscaping workers, fifty-one percent of
office cleaners, and forty-three percent of construction workers in the Washington, D.C. area. n234 According to
the article, tensions among Black residents and immigrants result, and a growing number of scholars oppose
immigration because it threatens Black jobs. n235 Investment in the race paradigm means that not-white people
fight each other for sharecropping space rather than challenging the sharecropping system and the resulting
unjust distribution of resources and wealth, thereby undermining anti-racist efforts.
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CHAVEZ SPEECH: FULL TEXT
"The Last Shall be First"

by Cesar Chavez, President
United Farm Workers of America
November 9, 1984
http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/cesarchavezcommonwealthclubaddress.htm
Twenty-one years ago last September, on a lonely stretch of railroad track paralleling U.S. Highway 101 near
Salinas, 32 Bracero farm workers lost their lives in a tragic accident.
The Braceros had been imported from Mexico to work on California farms. They died when their bus, which
was converted from a flatbed truck, drove in front of a freight train.
Conversion of the bus had not been approved by any government agency. The driver had "tunnel" vision.
Most of the bodies lay unidentified for days. No one, including the grower who employed the workers, even
knew their names.
Today, thousands of farm workers live under savage conditions--beneath trees and amid garbage and human
excrement--near tomatoe fields in San Diego County, tomatoe fields which use the most modern farm
technology.
Vicious rats gnaw on them as they sleep. They walk miles to buy food at inflated prices. And they carry in water
from irrigation pumps.
Â
Child labor is still common in many farm areas.
As much as 30 percent of Northern California's garlic harvesters are under-aged children. Kids as young as six
years old have voted in state-conducted union elections since they qualified as workers.
Some 800,000 under-aged children work with their families harvesting crops across America. Babies born to
migrant workers suffer 25 percent higher infant mortality than the rest of the population.
Malnutrition among migrant worker children is 10 times higher than the national rate.
Farm workers' average life expectancy is still 49 years --compared to 73 years for the average American.
All my life, I have been driven by one dream, one goal, one vision: To overthrow a farm labor system in this
nation which treats farm workers as if they were not important human beings.
Farm workers are not agricultural implements. They are not beasts of burden--to be used and discarded.
That dream was born in my youth. It was nurtured in my early days of organizing. It has flourished. It has been
attacked.
I'm not very different from anyone else who has ever tried to accomplish something with his life. My
motivation comes from my personal life--from watching what my mother and father went through when I was
growing up; from what we experienced as migrant farm workers in California.
That dream, that vision, grew from my own experience with racism, with hope, with the desire to be treated
fairly and to see my people treated as human beings and not as chattel.
It grew from anger and rage--emotions I felt 40 years ago when people of my color were denied the right to see
a movie or eat at a restuarant in many parts of California.
It grew from the frustration and humiliation I felt as a boy who couldn't understand how the growers could
abuse and exploit farm workers when there were so many of us and so few of them.
Later, in the '50s, I experienced a different kind of exploitation. In San Jose, in Los Angeles and in other urban
communities, we--the Mexican American people--were dominated by a majority that was Anglo.
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I began to realize what other minority people had discovered: That the only answer--the only hope--was in
organizing. More of us had to become citizens. We had to register to vote. And people like me had to develop
the skills it would take to organize, to educate, to help empower the Chicano people.
I spent many years--before we founded the union--learning how to work with people.
We experienced some successes in voter registration, in politics, in battling racial discrimination--successes in
an era when Black Americans were just beginning to assert their civil rights and when political awareness
among Hispanics was almost non-existent.
But deep in my heart, I knew I could never be happy unless I tried organizing the farm workers. I didn't know if
I would succeed. But I had to try.
All Hispanics--urban and rural, young and old--are connected to the farm workers' experience. We had all lived
through the fields--or our parents had. We shared that common humiliation.
How could we progress as a people, even if we lived in the cities, while the farm workers--men and women of
our color--were condemned to a life without pride?
How could we progress as a people while the farm workers--who symbolized our history in this land--were
denied self-respect?
How could our people believe that their children could become lawyers and doctors and judges and business
people while this shame, this injustice was permitted to continue?
Those who attack our union often say, 'It's not really a union. It's something else: A social movement. A civil
rights movement. It's something dangerous.'
They're half right. The United Farm Workers is first and foremost a union. A union like any other. A union that
either produces for its members on the bread and butter issues or doesn't survive.
But the UFW has always been something more than a union --although it's never been dangerous if you believe
in the Bill of Rights.
The UFW was the beginning! We attacked that historical source of shame and infamy that our people in this
country lived with. We attacked that injustice, not by complaining; not by seeking hand-outs; not by becoming
soldiers in the War on Poverty.
We organized!
Farm workers acknowledged we had allowed ourselves to become victims in a democratic society--a society
where majority rule and collective bargaining are supposed to be more than academic theories or political
rhetoric. And by addressing this historical problem, we created confidence and pride and hope in an entire
people's ability to create the future.
The UFW's survival--its existence-was not in doubt in my mind when the time began to come--after the union
became visible--when Chicanos started entering college in greater numbers, when Hispanics began running for
public office in greater numbers--when our people started asserting their rights on a broad range of issues and in
many communities across the country.
The union's survival--its very existence--sent out a signal to all Hispanics that we were fighting for our dignity,
that we were challenging and overcoming injustice, that we were empowering the least educated among us--the
poorest among us.
The message was clear: If it could happen in the fields, it could happen anywhere-- in the cities, in the courts, in
the city councils, in the state legislatures.
I didn't really appreciate it at the time, but the coming of our union signaled the start of great changes among
Hispanics that are only now beginning to be seen.
I've travelled to every part of this nation. I have met and spoken with thousands of Hispanics from every walk
of life--from every social and economic class.
One thing I hear most often from Hispanics, regardless of age or position--and from many non-Hispanics as
well--is that the farm workers gave them hope that they could succeed and the inspiration to work for change.
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From time to time you will hear our opponents declare that the union is weak, that the union has no support, that
the union has not grown fast enough. Our obituary has been written many times.
How ironic it is that the same forces which argue so passionately that the union is not influential are the same
forces that continue to fight us so hard.
The union's power in agriculture has nothing to do with the number of farm workers under union contract. It has
nothing to do with the farm workers' ability to contribute to Democratic politicians. It doesn't even have much
to do with our ability to conduct successful boycotts.
The very fact of our existence forces an entire industry --unionized and non-unionized--to spend millions of
dollars year after year on improved wages, on improved working conditions, on benefits for workers.
If we're so weak and unsuccessful, why do the growers continue to fight us with such passion?
Because so long as we continue to exist, farm workers will benefit from our existence--even if they don't work
under union contract.
It doesn't really matter whether we have 100,000 members or 500,000 members. In truth, hundreds of thousands
of farm workers in Calfiornia--and in other states--are better off today because of our work.
And Hispanics across California and the nation who don't work in agriculture are better off today because of
what the farm workers taught people about organization, about pride and strength, about seizing control over
their own lives.
Tens of thousands of the children and grandchildren of farm workers and the children and grandchildren of poor
Hispanics are moving out of the fields and out of the barrios--and into the professions and into business and into
politics. And that movement cannot be reversed!
Our union will forever exist as an empowering force among Chicanos in the Southwest. And that means our
power and our influence will grow and not diminish.
Two major trends give us hope and encouragement.
First, our union has returned to a tried and tested weapon in the farm workers' non-violent arsenal--the boycott!
After the Agricultural Labor Relations Act became law in California in 1975, we dismantled our boycott to
work with the law.
During the early- and mid-'70s, millions of Americans supported our boycotts. After 1975, we redirected our
efforts from the boycott to organizing and winning elections under the law.
The law helped farm workers make progress in overcoming poverty and injustice. At companies where farm
workers are protected by union contracts, we have made progress in overcoming child labor, in overcoming
miserable wages and working conditions, in overcoming sexual harassment of women workers, in overcoming
dangerous pesticides which poison our people and poison the food we all eat.
Where we have organized, these injustices soon pass into history.
But under Republican Governor George Deukmejian, the law that guarantees our right to organize no longer
protects farm workers. It doesn't work anymore.
In 1982, corporate growers gave Deukmejian one million dollars to run for governor of California. Since he
took office, Deukmejian has paid back his debt to the growers with the blood and sweat of California farm
workers.
Instead of enforcing the law as it was written against those who break it, Deukmejian invites growers who break
the law to seek relief from the governor's appointees.
What does all this mean for farm workers?
It means that the right to vote in free elections is a sham. It means that the right to talk freely about the union
among your fellow workers on the job is a cruel hoax. It means the right to be free from threats and intimidation
by growers is an empty promise.
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It means the right to sit down and negotiate with your employer as equals across the bargaining table--and not as
peons in the field -- is a fraud. It means that thousands of farm workers--who are owed millions of dollars in
back pay because their employers broke the law--are still waiting for their checks.
It means that 36,000 farm workers--who voted to be represented by the United Farm Workers in free elections--
are still waiting for contracts from growers who refuse to bargain in good faith.
It means that, for farm workers, child labor will continue. It means that infant mortality will continue. It means
malnutrition among our children will continue. It means the short life expectancy and the inhuman living and
working conditions will continue.
Are these make-believe threats? Are they exaggerations?
Ask the farm workers who are still waiting for growers to bargain in good faith and sign contracts. Ask the farm
workers who've been fired from their jobs because they spoke out for the union. Ask the farm workers who've
been threatened with physical violence because they support the UFW.
Ask the family of Rene Lopez, the young farm worker from Fresno who was shot to death last year because he
supported the union.
These tragic events forced farm workers to declare a new international boycott of California table grapes. That's
why we are asking Americans once again to join the farm workers by boycotting California grapes.
The Louis Harris poll revealed that 17 million American adults boycotted grapes. We are convinced that those
people and that good will have not disappeared.
That segment of the population which makes our boycotts work are the Hispanics, the Blacks, the other
minorities and our allies in labor and the church. But it is also an entire generation of young Americans who
matured politically and socially in the 1960s and '70s--millions of people for whom boycotting grapes and other
products became a socially accepted pattern of behavior.
If you were young, Anglo and on or near campus during the late '60s and early '70s, chances are you supported
farm workers.
Fifteen years later, the men and women of that generation of are alive and well. They are in their mid-30s and
'40s. They are pursuing professional careers. Their disposable income is relatively high. But they are still
inclined to respond to an appeal from farm workers. The union's mission still has meaning for them.
Only today we must translate the importance of a union for farm workers into the language of the 1980s. Instead
of talking about the right to organize, we must talk about protection against sexual harasasment in the fields. We
must speak about the right to quality food--and food that is safe to eat.
I can tell you that the new language is working; the 17 million are still there. They are resonding--not to
picketlines and leafletting alone, but to the high-tech boycott of today--a boycott that uses computers and direct
mail and advertising techniques which have revolutionized business and politics in recent years.
We have achieved more success with the boycott in the first 11 months of 1984 that we achieved in the 14 years
since 1970.
The other trend that gives us hope is the monumental growth of Hispanic influence in this country and what that
means in increased population, increased social and economic clout, and increased political influence.
South of the Sacramento River in California, Hispanics now make up more than 25 percent of the population.
That figure will top 30 percent by the year 2000.
There are 1.1 million Spanish-surnamed registered voters in California; 85 percent are Democrats; only 13
percent are Republicans.
In 1975, there were 200 Hispanic elected officials at all levels of government. In 1984, there are over 400
elected judges, city council members, mayors and legislators.
In light of these trends, it is absurd to believe or suggest that we are going to go back in time--as a union or as a
people!
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The growers often try to blame the union for their problems--to lay their sins off on us--sins for which they only
have themselves to blame.
The growers only have themselves to blame as they begin to reap the harvest from decades of environmental
damage they have brought upon the land--the pesticides, the herbicides, the soil fumigants, the fertilizers, the
salt deposits from thoughtless irrigation--the ravages from years of unrestrained poisoning of our soil and water.
Thousands of acres of land in California have already been irrevocably damaged by this wanton abuse of nature.
Thousands more will be lost unless growers understand that dumping more poisons on the soil won't solve their
problems--on the short term or the long term.
Health authorities in many San Joaquin Valley towns already warn young children and pregnant women not to
drink the water because of nitrates from fertilizers which have contaminated the groundwater.
The growers only have themselves to blame for an increasing demand by consumers for higher quality food--
food that isn't tainted by toxics; food that doesn't result from plant mutations or chemicals which produce red,
lucious-looking tomatoes--that taste like alfalfa.
The growers are making the same mistake American automakers made in the '60s and '70s when they refused to
produce small economical cars--and opened the door to increased foreign competition.
Growers only have themselves to blame for increasing attacks on their publicly-financed hand-outs and
government welfare: Water subsidies; mechanization research; huge subsidies for not growing crops.
These special privileges came into being before the Supreme Court's one-person, one-vote decision--at a time
when rural lawmakers dominated the Legislature and the Congress. Soon, those hand-outs could be in jeopardy
as government searches for more revenue and as urban taxpayers take a closer look at farm programs--and who
they really benefit.
The growers only have themselves to blame for the humiliation they have brought upon succeeding waves of
immigrant groups which have sweated and sacrificed for 100 years to make this industry rich. For generations,
they have subjugated entire races of dark-skinned farm workers.
These are the sins of the growers, not the farm workers. We didn't poison the land. We didn't open the door to
imported produce. We didn't covet billions of dollars in government hand-outs. We didn't abuse and exploit the
people who work the land.
Today, the growers are like a punch-drunk old boxer who doesn't know he's past his prime. The times are
changing. The political and social environment has changed. The chickens are coming home to roost--and the
time to account for past sins is approaching.
I am told, these days, why farm workers should be discouraged and pessimistic: The Republicans control the
governor's office and the White House. They say there is a conservative trend in the nation.
Yet we are filled with hope and encouragement. We have looked into the future and the future is ours!
History and inevitability are on our side. The farm workers and their children--and the Hispanics and their
children--are the future in California. And corporate growers are the past!
Those politicians who ally themselves with the corporate growers and against the farm workers and the
Hispanics are in for a big surprise. They want to make their careers in politics. They want to hold power 20 and
30 years from now.
But 20 and 30 years from now--in Modesto, in Salinas, in Fresno, in Bakersfield, in the Imperial Valley, and in
many of the great cities of California--those communities will be dominated by farm workers and not by
growers, by the children and randchildren of farm workers and not by the children and grandchildren of
growers.
These trends are part of the forces of history that cannot be stopped. No person and no organization can resist
them for very long. They are inevitable.
Once social change begins, it cannot be reversed.
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You cannot uneducate the person who has learned to read. You cannot humiliate the person who feels pride. You
cannot oppress the people who are not afraid anymore.
Our opponents must understand that it's not just a union we have built. Unions, like other institutions, can come
and go.
But we're more than an institution. For nearly 20 years, our union has been on the cutting edge of a people's
cause--and you cannot do away with an entire people; you cannot stamp out a people's cause.
Regardless of what the future holds for the union, regardless of what the future holds for farm workers, our
accomplishments cannot be undone. "La Causa"--our cause--doesn't have to be experienced twice.
The consciousness and pride that were raised by our union are alive and thriving inside millions of young
Hispanics who will never work on a farm!
Like the other immigrant groups, the day will come when we win the economic and political rewards which are
in keeping with our numbers in society. The day will come when the politicians do the right thing by our people
out of political necessity and not out of charity or idealism.
That day may not come this year. That day may not come during this decade. But it will come, someday!
And when that day comes, we shall see the fulfillment of that passage from the Book of Matthew in the New
Testament, "That the last shall be first and the first shall be last."
And on that day, our nation shall fulfill its creed--and that fulfillment shall enrich us all.
Thank you very much.
88

Performance Farm Worker 1AC (ADI)

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ADI 08

DE COLORES : A Performative/Ethnographic 1AC

Performative 1AC: De Colores

Y por eso los grandes amores, de muchos colores, me gustan a mi

Part I: Our framework

The same things might be said about academic debate:

Part II: The history of subsidies

Jennifer T. Manion* 2001

Part III: The value of history

Excerpts from a Cesar Chavez speech, November, 1984

COLORBLIND POLICIES BAD: EDUCATION SPECIFIC

FACIALLY NEUTRAL HIGHER EDUCATION POLICIES DISADVANTAGE WOMEN;

Kathleen M. Shaw 2004 Associate Professor of Urban Studies at Ohio State

RACE DISCUSSIONS ARE ESPECIALLY IMPORTANT IN AREAS DOMINATED BY

Lewis 2001 PhD, University of Michigan 2000

Katherine R. Allen 1988 Professor of Human Development at Virginia Tech

Cooperative/lnteractive Teaching and Learning

Teachers, as Educators, Need to Account for Differences Between Their

Consciously Creating an Atmosphere of Equality

DISCUSSIONS INVOLVING PERSONAL INVOLVEMENT AND SELF-IMPLICATION

UNLESS WE VIGOROUSLY PROTECT OUR EDUCATION SPACE THE RADICAL

RACE IS ALREADY THERE; IT IS A WILLFUL IGNORANCE NOT TO SEE IT.

EDUCATION IS NEVER NEUTRAL; CLAIMS TO OBJECTIVITY AND UNIVERALISM

TRADITIONAL APPROACHES WILL SERVE POLITICAL ELITISM.

THE EXCLUSION OF RACE AND LIBERAL PERSPECTIVES IS NOT NEUTRAL

THE ACADEMY IS NOT LEFTIST; IT’S THE COLORBLINDNESS OF THE

CURRICULUM THAT NARROWS THE FIELD OF INQUIRY IS FULLY COMPLICIT

COLORBLINDNESS HAS FAILED IN ALL OTHER AREAS; THERE IS A

ITS NOT ABOUT INTEGRATING INDIVIDUAL PEOPLE, OR OUTSTANDING

CAN’T SOLVE IN A DE-CONTEXTUALIZED WAY; THE ADDITION OF THE COLOR

reconceptualizing racism as a private—as opposed to deeply social and structural—phenomenon, a function of

REMOVING THE RACE QUESTION FROM PUBLIC DEBATE SERVES A

RACE REFLECTION SHOULD BE CENTRAL TO EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY

ONLY COLOR-CONSCIOUSNESS TREATS PEOPLE EQUALLY

RACIAL REFLECTION IS THE ONLY WAY TO UNCOVER HIDDEN BELIEFS

RACE NEUTRAL APPROACHES WILL NOT PRODUCE FAIRNESS

AT: “YOU’RE BLACK YOU WIN”

WHITE STUDENTS BENEFIT FROM DIVERSITY THE MOST

Debate as Merely a Test Based Evaluator of Merit is Incomplete Without Taking

CURRENT POLICYMAKING IS COLORBLIND

Gender Blind Policy Can Still Discriminate Against Women

Kathleen M. Shaw 04 Associate Professor of Urban Studies at Ohio State

Kathleen M. Shaw 04 Associate Professor of Urban Studies at Ohio State

ETHNOGRAPHIC/HISTORICAL ANALYSIS GOOD

Our Form of Ethnography is one that transcends the boundaries of conventional

Questions of the best interpretation of debate are impossible. These debates

Susan Talburt. Ethnographic Responsibility Without the "Real"

Susan Talburt. Ethnographic Responsibility Without the "Real"

Ethnographies attempt to uncover and bring imperfect knowledge to light. It is

Ethnographies do not speak for others but seek to understanding historical

Our method is a form of politics. But if we continue to remain in the current

TRUEBA and MCLAREN in 00

A2: Civil Rights Act Solve

Racial blind Education does not Work

A2: Race does not Matter in Education

Race is a huge factor in how one is treated in education

EXPERT-BASED DECISION-MAKING BAD

Our Form of Ethnography is one that transcends the boundaries of conventional

Questions of the best interpretation of debate are impossible. These debates

Susan Talburt. Ethnographic Responsibility Without the "Real"

Susan Talburt. Ethnographic Responsibility Without the "Real"

COLORBLINDNESS BAD: GENERAL

COLORBLINDNESS SIMPLY KIDS DISCRIMINATORY MOTIVATIONS;