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Cultural Identity: Is it a Deep-Seated Peace Issue of the Bangsamoros in Mindanao?

By: Annalyn Bautista-Alenton

I was teary-eyed watching my TV News featuring an eight-year old Moro child. He, was cradling himself, crying, while sharing accounts of his parents untimely death. The cause of their death was an issue on land rights. Just a week before, the same TV Station featured a young woman molested by several uniformed men. Her confused and angry father, who is a Moro, promised to take revulsion against those who killed his daughter. This is an example of a real tragedy that poses crucial questions on the state of turmoil and injustice in Mindanao and even in the entire Philippines. This repugnance is just one of the root causes of the conflict between Filipino Muslims and the Philippine Government. Filipino Moros grieve with their families and unite with other Filipino people in demanding for justice over the brutal deaths of members of both camps. What are the reasons barring the roadmap towards conflict resolution? Will the Moros realize their dream of independence and distinct identity as Bangsamoros? These are the questions that most of us are posing to all stakeholders of the peace process in Mindanao. This paper tries to examine the loose ends of this Mindanaoan struggles, and hopefully tries to refute if indeed, political and not culture as the root cause of the conflicts. Who are the Bangsamoros? The Muslims in the Philippines consist of thirteen ethno-linguistics groups: Iranun, Magindanaon, Maranao, Tao-Sug, Sama, Yakan, Jama Mapun, Ka'agan, Kalibugan, Sangil, Molbog, Palawani and Badjao. There are also Muslims among the other indigenous peoples of Mindanao like the Teduray, Manobo, Bla-an, Higaonon, Subanen, T'boli, and others. In recent years, significant number of people from Luzon and Visayas and migrant communities in Mindanao converted to Islam. 1 Of the 82 million Filipino population, 5% or about 4 million are Bangsamoros. The origin of the name Bangsamoro was coined from the Malay word Bangsa which means nation and moro used to identify Filipino Muslims. "Moro" was used by the Spaniards as a derogatory term referring to the moors who invaded Spain.2 Historically, the Bangsamoro was home to the Muslim sultanates of Mindanao (i.e. Maguindanao and Sulu) in the Philippines. Long before the Philippines was ruled under the Spanish colony, the Bangsamoros already established governance through political subdivisions ruled by the sultans. They successfully resisted Spanish colonial rule, that is why the area of jurisdiction was not fully integrated with the rest of the islands as part of the Spanish colony.

1 2

Majul, Cesar Adib (1999) Muslims in the Philippines, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press. As defined in Bangsamoro web site http://www.bangsamoro-free-nation.ph.

They continued to fiercely fight against American imperialism. After the Philippines reclaimed its independence from the Americans, the Bangsamoros claimed Mindanao as the "Moro homeland" separate from the Philippines. Nonetheless, claims were postponed due to the 1996 peace agreement. When the Moro leaders realized that it is not possible to regain independence using the Philippine political systems, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was organized as a liberation movement the objective of which is the liberation of the Bangsamoro people and their homeland from the Philippine colonial rule. The Philippine governments reaction to the independence movement triggered the violent clash between the Bangsamoro forces and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) which got worse up to this time. After the conflict flared up, several initiatives were undertaken by the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) in trying to resolve the conflict through an Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers in 1972 which tried to seek the good offices of the Government of the Philippines to guarantee the safety and property of the Muslims 3 as citizens of the country. Apart from this, there were successive efforts in tackling the conflict including summit meeting of the ASEAN leaders, fact finding missions, mediation and peace negotiation efforts to find peaceful solutions. In 1990, the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) was created to act as a homeland for Moros but, only the provinces within the Sulu Archipelago and the provinces of Lanao del Sur and Maguindanao (excluding Cotabato) were included. The Bangsamoros Struggle: Its Cultural Perspective The Bangsa Moro struggle for self-determination is already a struggle of generations. The longest in Asia, it started in the 16th century and up to now there is no clear indicator as to when it will end. It is still going on their struggle for survival, cultural identity and for the right to self-determination. 4 They feel that they are struggling for so many years against prejudices, discrimination, homelessness and more often as scapegoats. This struggle has been there for decades, starting from the struggle against the Spanish up to the Moro rebellion in the American period until the current Islamic Insurgency in the Philippines. This is armed conflict in Mindanao fought by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Abu Sayyaf against the government of the Philippines. The intention is to create a Muslim homeland (Bangsamoro), which includes the southern portion of Mindanao, the Sulu Archipelago and Palawan as shown in the figure in the next page. Special considerations were given to Moros after the creation of the government agencies intended to deal with Muslim concerns such as Moros receiving exemptions from national laws prohibiting polygamy and divorce.

Lingga, Abhoud Syed M. (2002c) Issues and Challenges for Peace and Conflict Resolution in Southeast Asia. Paper for presentation during the SEACSN Conference 2004:, Shangri-La Hotel, Penang, Malaysia, 12-15 January 2004 4 Guiamel M. Alim, Bangsamoro Struggle
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The government took a step further by harmonizing Muslim customary law with the national law. Unfortunately, the Moros, dissatisfied with the government, established the Moro National Liberation Front led by Nur Misuari with the intention of creating their own homeland. This initiated the Islamic Insurgency in the Philippines, which is still ongoing up to the present and has since created a fracture between Muslims and Christians. The Armed Forces of the Philippines were deployed to install peace in the area, however, this only created more violence.

Source : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islamic_Insurgency_in_the_Philippines

The Birth of the MILF, Their Cries and Aspirations In 1981, internal divisions within the MNLF gave way to the creation of a conservative organization called the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The MILF is a breakaway group from the MNLF. It is an offshoot of the differences between the MNLF chair Nur Misuari and vice chair Salamat Hashim. The disagreement between the two leaders was the form of state for the Islamic regions in the Philippines. Hashim wanted independence, not autonomy, so he pushed for the inclusion of only the areas that were Moro-dominated such as Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-tawi, and some towns in Lanao del Norte, North Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat and South Cotabato. Hashim said the Tripoli Agreement was not practical because it covered areas no longer dominated by the Bangsamoro. According to him, those in Libya, where the agreement was being made, were Misuaris friends so his idea prevailed. (Tolosa, Maricar. Philippine Daily Inquirer). The MILF believes that autonomy failed to address the grievances of the moros. Not wanting to sign an agreement that he deemed useless, Hashim started organizing the MILF in 1976. Differences in ideas and goals paved the way for the separation. It was formalized in 1977 and officially declared a separate group in 1978. It was called the New Leadership of the MNLF but the name of the group was changed in 1981 to avoid confusion. The MILF has a more religious orientation than the MNLF. Aside from pursuing nationalist objectives, the group also aims to promote Islamic ideals in the country. Its political objective is to create a separate Islamic State encompassing provinces in Mindanao where Muslims are majority. According to Philippine National Police (PNP) and military intelligence records, the

current strength of the MILF is between 8,000 and 11,000, although some independent analysts have put the total number of fighters as high as 15,0005. Even after Hashims death in 2003, thousands strong MILF members continue to seek an independent Islamic state in Mindanao. The ultimate aspiration of the Moro nation, as envisioned by Hashimthe Bangsamorois to become, or to form, an independent sovereign state where there is distinct identity of the Bangsamoro as a people occupying a definite territory, referred to in the document as the Bangsamoro homeland; there is inherent right of the Bangsamoro people over their ancestral domain; there is fundamental right of the Bangsamoro people to determine their future and political status, and negotiations and peaceful resolution of the conflict should involve consultations with the Bangsamoro people free of any imposition. To support this proclamation, MILF pledged total adherence to the maintenance, protection, and preservation of the rebirth and existence of their nation, and its commitment to a just, meritocratic and democratic order. The Peace Process: Is it Culturally Sensitive? The armed conflict is believed to be simply a problem of implementing the agreements signed over the past decades. There were several peace efforts initiated from both parties to resolve the issue. The most noted are the Tripoli Agreement of 1976, Jeddah Accord in 1986, the 1996 GRPMNLF Peace Accord, and the 2001 MILF-GRP Tripoli Agreement. Unfortunately, all peace process end-up either misunderstood, ignored, or run short of the will to implement, because of various agenda or interests. Moros highly uphold the holiness of treaties. They are religious hence they prioritize Gods word (Quran) that states that believers should, fulfill their bonds (S5:V1), covenants should not be broken because one community feel stronger than another (S16:V92), and breaking treaties puts the culprit into a state lower than animals (S8:V55). The MNLF on the contrary to their religious belief, does not have an inch of trust towards the Philippine Government, hence, the peace talk proposals are often set aside. Per the last speech of Prof. Nur Misuari (MNLF chair and former ARMM governor) prior to his illegal arrest and detention in Malaysia stated : We have been betrayed again. Countless times we were betrayed by the Philippine government to show that they dont want peace in Mindanao. They want that we are always be in a state of war. I dont know why. I dont know what kind of government is this. Let us see if their foolishness will succeed. Let us see what will be the consequence of their treachery and their betrayal of the peace agreement.6

Mike Winchester, Mindanao, Soldier of Fortune, September 1998, p. 66; Philippine Left Announces Ties with Islamic Rebels, CNN Interactive World Wide News, March 29, 1999.
5

Misuari, Nur P. A speech delivered during the 5 Bangsamoro Peoples National Congress, Silangkan, Parang, Sulu, November 34, 2001

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With this statement, how can one expect that an agreement is possible? Despite this scenario, the government is still hopeful. It said that it will soon forge an Agreement by the end of this year, hoping that it will not be counted among other agreements that were ignored, misinterpreted and violated. The Peace Talks between GRP and MILF There were series of talks and negotiations initiated by the Philippine Government the focus and approaches of which changed after every assumption of new administration. Per statistical record, Soliman Santos, who has documented the history of the MILF peace process notes that from 1996 to 2000, the government and the MILF entered into a total of 39 agreements, joint communiqus, acknowledgments, and resolutions: 16 agreements on the implementation of the cease-fire pact (organization of committees, repositioning of government and MILF troops, return of evacuees, and safety and security guarantees), 13 on the framework of the talks, six on procedural matters, and four on recognition and verification of MILF camps. Of these, only the meeting on June 2001 resulted to the signing of the Agreement on Peace between the Philippine Government and the MILF, otherwise known as the Tripoli Agreement on Peace of 2001, which calls for the discussion of three issues: 1) security (ceasefire); 2) rehabilitation and development of conflict-affected areas; and 3) ancestral domain. 7 Throughout this period, no resolution was reached on the substantive issues raised by the MILF, until in 2000, President Joseph Estrada launched major offensives against the MILF. This resulted in the suspension of the peace process, the shift in the MILFs armed struggle from conventional to guerilla warfare.

Just What is the Bangsamoro Problem? The core issues of the conflict in Mindanao are the continuing assertion of the Bangsamoro people for restoration of their independence and cultural identity, but it is the issue on political relationship with the government that is being perceived as the root cause of the social, economic and religious problems. Although unproven, it is also presumed that Bangsamoros passion to push for their demands resorted to antagonistic approach using armed battle against the government. Cultural or Political? Several cases of unrests and armed conflicts around the world are rooted to political and economic issues. Analyst theorized that poverty is major cause of the Mindanao conflict. Based on the National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) statistical report, 5 of the 13 poorest provinces in the Philippines are populated by Moros. The ten provinces with the highest proportion of poor families in 2000, were : Sulu, Masbate, Tawi-Tawi, Ifugao, Romblon, Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Sultan Kudarat, Camiguin, and Camarines Norte. However, the
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Lingga, 2004

same provinces are vulnerable to unstable peace and order conditions caused by sporadic armed clashes between Moro armed groups and the revolutionary forces on the one hand, and the AFP, on the other hand. The same perspective is written in the book by Salah Jubair, entitled Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny8. In this book, Jubair specified that based on the hierarchy of poverty, the Moros belong to the poorest of the poor where most of them live each day as peasant farmers and fisherfolks. Due to lack of education and skills development for access to technology, Moro farmers suffer from low productivity aside from the lack of capability to buy materials/equipment for farm inputs. Prof. Thomas McKenna, in his book entitled Muslim Rulers and Rebels: Everyday Politics and Armed Separatism in the Southern Philippines mapped out the causes of the armed conflict in Mindanao and concluded that since Spanish rule period, colonization differences in culture and religious beliefs divided Muslims and Christians. Prof. Mckenna further wrote that cultural differences do not by themselves create ethnic conflict. But the Christian Filipinos tended to view Philippine Muslims as socially backward and untrustworthy because of their history of resistance to Hispanicization while Muslims tended to be highly suspicious of the intentions of the Philippine government and generally wary of Christians. This is not to say that religion and cultural differences exactly create tension and discord, but because of economic inequalities or status. The resettlement policies brought Filipino-Christians to migrate from Luzon to Mindanao which resulted for Moros to be relatively impoverished minority in their own homeland. Marco Garrido of the Asian Times, concurs to the idea who specifically wrote Christian immigration in Mindanao, sectarian violence, and martial law transformed the kind of pliable sanitized Islam, the colonial administration had propagated into a basis for discrimination and, eventually, rebellion. Absence of a Legal Identity is Absence of Culture and Tradition There is neither a single law which specifically mentions nor recognize Bangsamoros as ethnic group. Although there is an article that generally mention about indigenous peoples or communities, but the 1987 Philippine Constitution did not specifically recognize the Bangsamoro as an Ethnic Identity. The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) is the landmark law that recognizes and promotes the rights of indigenous cultural communities (ICCs). Also known as RA 8371, IPRA law enumerates the civil and political as well as the social and cultural rights of indigenous peoples (IPs) in the Philippines, but it does not specifically mention Bangsamoro as one of the qualified indigenous communities or peoples.
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Salah Jubair, Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny, 3rd edition, IQ Marin SDN BHD, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia,1999

Apart from the absence of a legal identity, the Bangsamoros are mostly regarded as terrorists. Moros are associated to the muslim extremists who use terrorism to ensure their cries reach the government. All terrorist attacks are directly pinpointed to all moros. All recorded mystery bombings in Mindanao were charged to Muslims without due process while crimes perpetrated by Muslims were sensationalized via the Media. Some observations were noted that the Philippine government, in their efforts to contain the Abu Sayyaf Group, linked Islamic fundamentalism or extremism in the Philippines to international terrorism to impress the anti-Muslim groups and smear their name through black propaganda. Some militant groups would claim that most mass executions were the work of criminals discreetly maneuvered by the government. Although the Constitution provides for a commission to draft an Organic Act that would shape the autonomous government in the region which has become the legal basis for the creation of the ARMM, the Moros did not consider this beneficial to them. The moros believed that the ARMM is merely an extension of the Congress. It has not lived up to the expectations of its constituents and has not diligently followed the provisions of the law. It has not made any significant improvement both in the economic life of the people and their security. In fact, it has become a congregation of the Moro elite as an extension arm of the President. Worse, the MILF members believe it has become the source of corruption and polarization of the Bangsa Moro. People believe that the problems of the moros will continue to plague the Philippines for as long as the concerns of the Moro people, specifically legal identity are ignored by the authorities. Discrimination against Moros It is evident that for years, there were various prejudices inflicted towards the moros. In the statement made by Arch. Quevedo, he cited: Through various movements, by Spanish, American, and Filipino governments seeking to subjugate, or assimilate and integrate the Moros into the mainstream body politic, apparently without regard to their historical and cultural makeup, is an injustice to the Bangsamoros' religious, cultural and political identity.9 Bangsamoros were perturbed for decades against prejudices and discrimination, and as scapegoats. This is further worsened by the global action against terrorism escalated by the 9/11 incident. The American invasions to Afghanistan and Iraq, and the campaign against the global threat of terrorism, impliedly associating Muslims, has subjected them to worse stigma as terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers. These historical accounts, the Bangsamoros struggle to seek self-determination and acceptance by the society. A lot of colonists attempted to usurp their independence which eventually led to

Quevedo, Orlando B, O.M.I., President of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines during the 27th General Assembly of the Bishops' Businessmen's Conference in Taguig, Metro Manila, July 8.

the loss of their sovereignty. This was in one way a form of an unjust treatment by non-Muslims towards them. Loss of Land is Loss of Identity The moros have been the very first people to live in this country. Today, one would begin to wonder why most of them are landless or deprived of its ancestral lands. The issue about ancestral domain is supposedly a simple problem but remains to be unresolved. In Moros perception, the loss of land pinpoints to governments greed. They have neglected the Moros right to participate in the integral development during the history of Commonwealth and post-independence governments. In all dimensions of human development, political, economic, educational, and cultural, the Moro population continues to lag far behind its Christian Filipino counterparts. The latest national census bears this out in terms of educational improvement, political participation, and economic development. Several reasons were cited by the Bangsamoros. Firstly, their land belonged to them since time immemorial, has been taken unjustly by non-moros. Secondly, the first peace agreement signed in Tripoli in 1976 promised the Moros autonomy in thirteen provinces and nine cities. But the maneuvers of the Philippine government succeeded in preventing them from gaining true autonomy in these provinces/cities. The best they have been able to do is get the ARMM, comprising five poverty-stricken provinces and one city. Moros feel that they have been cheated and now may be their final opportunity to get any kind of honest deal from the government. Reality tells us that Bangsamoros are deprived from their own ancestral domains. Years before, it has been enjoyed by the non-Muslims by abusive land grabbing and illegal paper legalization. Most often, without the proper understanding of the Moro people, this has drastically reduced the areas of ancestral domain and benefited the Christian population 10. By 1976 Moros owned less than 17% of the Mindanao land they once owned almost exclusively before the Spaniards came 11.

Unrelenting Cultural Differences and Biases After independence was granted to the Philippines by the United States, the Muslim territories in Mindanao and Sulu became part of the Philippines and the Philippine government considers them Filipino citizens, including those fighting the government. The previous Philippine President Marcos (1977) statement to the Batasang Bayan underpinned the concept that the Philippine government considers the MNLF citizens of the Republic even if they are in rebellion. As such, he emphasized that agreements with the liberation movements are agreements between the Philippine Government and its own nationals. They have equal rights and obligations with other Filipinos.

10 11

See Jubair, pp. 95-97, 102-04, 119-24. Jubair, p. 121, quoting Aijaz Ahmad (1982), p. 7.

But the Muslims claim they belong to a separate nation by virtue of their distinct identity and long history of political independence. They also claim that they have a right to selfdetermination, including the right to a state, at least in areas where they are in majority. 12 Their experience in state formation and resistance against colonial rule are often cited as bases of their claim for separate nation and state. The Muslim leaders registered their strong objection to be part of the Republic of the Philippines. In the petition to the U.S. President, the people of Sulu archipelago said that they would prefer being part of the U.S. rather than to be included in an independent Philippine nation. 13 Although there is no specific government policy that clearly discriminate Muslims, but policies are formulated in response to popular demand. Since majority of the populations are Christians, policies can be biased in favor of the majority. There are also policies and programs that are meant to reinforce the position of government but they work against the interest of the Muslims. For example, in the name of development, Christians from the north were encouraged to settle in Mindanao resulting to the minoritization of the Muslims in many parts of their traditional homeland. On the other hand, the Muslims view their situation in different way. Muhammad al-Hasan (Quoted by Gowing 1978: 78 Of Different Minds: Christian and Muslim Ways of Looking at Their Relations in the Philippines) articulates this view in these words: We [Moros and Filipinos] are two different peoples adhering to different ideologies, having different cultures, and nurtured by different historical experiences. Moros have diverse conceptions of sovereignty. The Filipinos believe that sovereignty resides in them, but Muslims believe that sovereignty belongs to God alone. The political, social, economic and judicial institutions they inherited from the colonizers, organized on the basis of the separation of spiritual and mundane aspects of life, are incongruous with ours which are established on the postulates that life is a unity, God is the Sovereign and man is His vicegerent 14. Our culture, imbued with Islamic beliefs, tenets and principles, is diametrically in contrast with what is known today as Filipino culture which is the amalgamation of the residues of the colonizers cultures. Our art, architecture, literature and music have retained their Asian character [which] is not true [of] theirs. Even after their territories were made part of the Philippine republic in 1946, the Muslims continue to assert their right to self-determination. They consider the annexation of their homeland as illegal and immoral since it was done without their plebiscitary consent. This culture of separatism from non-muslims has become a major stumbling block in conflict resolution.

12 13

See Buendia 2002: 9 A Re-examination of Ethnicity and Secessionist Movements in the Philippines and Indonesia: The Moros and Acehnese Jubair 1999: 293-7 Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny

14

See Lingga, 2002

Flaws in the negotiation? Why such conflict for decades still fail to end despite the efforts being spent by both opposing parties? Historians and analysts believe that one of the reasons is due to some flaws on how these agreements were negotiated. Major observations pointed out that the OIC at the start of its mediation efforts already set its own reference in tackling the problem. This was probably because the OIC was more interested of having a success story in conflict mediation rather than addressing the fundamental issue of the problem, and it was handicapped by the fact that some of its member countries are having problems with their minority populations asserting their right to self-determination. 15 Apparently, as observed by analysts, there is a lack of participation or interest of the Bangsamoros in the peace process, particularly on crucial matters that are relevant to their clamor. Since the MNLF decided to accept the Philippine governments offer and reject independence in favor of autonomy without consulting the majority members. This resulted to the lack of support to the peace agreement, while people viewed it as product of betrayal to their aspirations. These flaws resulted to the lack of support of the moro members to the MNLF. In its declaration, the Bangsamoro Peoples Consultative Assembly (2001), the members gave the MILF a conditional support and mandate in negotiating with the government. We are giving our full support and mandate to the MILF to represent us in (the) negotiations provided, however, that the MILF does not deviate from our demand for complete independence. Should the MILF choose to deviate, these support and mandate are deemed automatically rescinded and withdrawn. Given the real scenarios, where does the future of Moros lead to? Will the fighting ever stop? Will wartorn evacuees ever return to their home? Muslim and Christian religious leaders have a major role in realizing the Bangsamoros quest for self-determination. Both the Quran and the Bible teach respect, understanding, reconciliation, and love. Unless terrorism manages to sabotage the peace process, the two opposing parties will surely resume discussions on substantive peace agenda. It is worth noting Jubairs reflections: The Moros are not asking for the whole of Mindanao, because circumstances have superseded some facts of history. They just want a parcel of it, especially where they predominate. This will enable generations after them to live in peace and piety, as Islam enjoins all believers. The indigenous peoples, whom the Visayans call Lumads may opt to join their blood-brothers, the Moros, and they are welcome. After all, the two peoples

15

See Lingga, 2002

are inseparable in the history of Mindanao and Sulu. Is this too much a price for peace, development and prosperity for all? 16 It is the what and the how of this just and fundamental Moro aspiration for freedom within the context of circumstances that "have superseded some facts of history" that must be at the heart of all political negotiations for a lasting peace.

VI. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alim, Giuamel M., The Bangsamoro Struggle for Self-Determination, A paper presented during the European Solidarity Conference on the Philippine Solidarity 2000: In Search of New Perspectives, 23-25 June 1995, Hoisdorf, Germany. Buendia, Rizal G. (2002) A Re-examination of Ethnicity and Secessionist Movements in the Philippines and Indonesia: The Moros and Acehnese, Philippine Political Science Journal 46: 3-48. Gowing, Peter G. (1978) Of Different Minds: Christian and Muslim Ways of Looking at Their Relations in the Philippines, International Review of Missions 265: 74-85. Lingaga, Abhyoud M., SEACSN Conference 2004: Issues and Challenges for Peace and Conflict Resolution in Southeast Asia, Shangri-La Hotel, Penang, Malaysia, 12-15 January 2004 Lingga, Abhoud Syed M. (2002c) Issues and Challenges for Peace and Conflict Resolution in Southeast Asia. Paper for presentation during the SEACSN Conference 2004:, Shangri-La Hotel, Penang, Malaysia, 12-15 January 2004 Marcos, Ferdinand E. (1977) The Presidents Report on Southern Philippines, during the Special Session of the Batasang Bayan, May 3. Majul, Cesar Adib (1999) Muslims in the Philippines, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press. McKenna, Thomas. Muslim Rulers and Rebels: Everyday Politics and Armed Separatism in the Southern Philippines, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998 . Misuari, Nur P. A speech delivered during the 5th Bangsamoro Peoples National Congress, Silangkan, Parang, Sulu, November 3-4, 2001 Salah Jubair, Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny, 3rd edition, IQ Marin SDN BHD, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia,1999 Soliman M. Santos, Jr., The Moro Islamic Challenge: Constitutional Rethinking for the Mindanao Peace Process (2001)

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16

Jubair, p. 263.

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