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Godina XLVI

Skopje 2010/11

Broj 1-2

SO D R @ I N A
-


(484 518)........................................................ 5
-
:
...........................................................................

15


M
X XIX ..............................................................................

27



(1903).............................. 43

:
..................................................................... 59


(1990-2011)................................................................ 77

-

/ (1944-1963)....

89



M.................................. 103

....................................

115


,

.................................................................... 127



(1944-1991)..................................................................................... 149

- ..................... 155

:
, , ........................................... 159

Polska i acedonija. Bibliografia, komentarze, studia.................... 163

.

169

IN MEMORIAM
......................................................... 175
. - -................................. 177
..................................................................................... 179

STATII - PRILOZI



(484 518)

451 , 60- 70 V
.
.
70- V
. 477

,
.
, ,

28. .



.1 ,
.


: .
(474 - 491)
,

.

.
1

F. Dvornik, Vizantija i rimski primat, Beograd 2009, 46.

Dragan Zajkovski

482

.
, .2
,
.

kakvo bilo
.3

. III
(483 492)
4 5

. ,
,
, , , , 484
, .6
2

Evagrius Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History III, 13 14 (ed.Edward Walford,


[London 1846], reprint 2008); cf. The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus,
III, 13 - 14 (translated with an introduction by Michael Whitby, Liverpool 2000, 127)


451 .
3
, , I, 1995, 415;
The Cambridge History Of Christianity, volume 2: Constantine to c.600, ed. A.Casiday
and F.W.Norris, Cambridge 2008, 17; ,
, , V,
13, 2000, 47; . ,
(IV VI),
., . 1 4 (1995/1996), 1996, 69.
4
Epistola I, Felicis Papae III Ad Acacium Constantinopolitanum, col. 0893D col.0898D (PL 58)
5
Epistola II, Felicis Papae III Ad Zenonem Imperatorem, col. 0899A col.0904C (PL
58)
6
Acacius, qui secundo a nobis admonitus statutorum salubrium non destitit esse
contemptor, meque in meis credidit carcerizandum, hunc Deus, coelitus prolata
sententia, de sacerdotio fecit extorrem. Ergo si quis episcopus, clericus, monachus,
laicus, post hanc denuntiationem eidem communicaverit, anathema sit, sancto Spiritu

Crkovnite priliki vo Makedonija vo periodot na...

III . .. ;

, ,
.
,

.
,
,
. , ,
412 .
.
.



.


.7

(492 496).

.
. , ,
, ,
,
.
n
.
exsequente (Edictum Sententiae Felicis Papae Propter Acacii Episcopi CP.
Damnationem, col 0934B [PL 58]); . Collectio Veronensis 5, (ed. E.Schwartz, Acta
conciliorum oecumenicorum, Tom I: Concilium Universale Ephesenum, Munchen
1925/1926); . The Cambridge History of Christianity, 17. 489

(Epistola III, Felicis Papae III Ad Petrum Fullonem, Ex Synodo Romana, col.0903
col.0912D, (PL 58); . Collectio Berolinensis 26 [ed. E.Schwartz, Publizistische
Sammlungen 6 7, 76])
7
. ,
..., 69; , , I,
2000, 228.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

Dragan Zajkovski

, n

493 .

.8
,

. ,
{to

.9

,,Joannes episcopus sacrosanctae Ecclesiae Scopinae
metropolitanae civitatis.10
11

.
. ,

.
90- V
.
,
.
I

Gelasius Papa, Epistola III, Ad Episcopos Dardaniae, col.0023B (PL 59); .


Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova Amplissima Collectio, Ad Episcopos Dardaniae, 14 - 15.
(ed. Joannes Dominicus Mansi, tomus VIII, Florentiae 1760)
coepiscopum nostrum Ursicinum
.
9
Rescriptum Episcoporum Dardaniae Ad Gelasium Papam, col.0021D col.0022D
(PL 59); . Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova Amplissima Collectio, Rescriptum
Episcoporum Dardaniae Ad Gelasium Papam, 13. (ed. Joannes Dominicus Mansi,
tomus VIII, Florentiae 1760)
10

, , ,
. (Rescriptum Episcoporum
Dardaniae Ad Gelasium Papam, col.0022D [PL 59])
11
, Op.cit., 47.

Crkovnite priliki vo Makedonija vo periodot na...

.12

.
, tie .
,
II (496 498),
.


I (491 518) (454 526).
na
a 13
497
.
II II (495 511)

.14
.


(498 514), (514
523).
.
8. 512 , , ,,per Illyricum Dardaniam et
utramque Daciam.15

.

.

VI .
12

Epistola XI, Ad Laurentium De Lignido Episcopum, col.0019C col.0021C (PL 59);


. Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova Amplissima Collectio, Ad Laurentium De Lignido
Episcopum, 10 - 12. (ed. Joannes Dominicus Mansi, tomus VIII, Florentiae 1760)
13
princeps senatus.
14
Anastasius Papa, Epistola I (PL 60)
15
Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova Amplissima Collectio, Symmachus, Epistola XI, 245 246. (ed. Joannes Dominicus Mansi, tomus VIII, Florentiae 1760); . ,
Op. cit., 52.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

Dragan Zajkovski

, 515
40

.
.16
40

.


. 516
C
, ,17 , ,
15. 517 Dardania et Illyricus vicina
Pannoniae .18
n,
,

. n
I ,
,
I (511 518) II (518 520), . ,
I,19
16

,,Episcopo vero Thessalonicensi ob imperatoris metum cum Timotheo


Constantinopoleos episcopo communionem tenente, quandraginta Illyrici Graeciaeque
episcopi una convenientes, tabulis etiam testibus prefessi sunt, abeo, velut a proprio
metropolita, se discedere, missisque Romam tabulis Romani pontificis communionem
observare polliciti sunt (Theophanis, Chronographia, A.M. 6008, 139, col. 378 [PG
108]); . , Op. cit., 56; . ,
..., 69.
17
Epistola Aviti Episcopi Viennensis Ad Hormisdam Papam, col. 0394 (PL 63)
18
Epistola X, Ad Avitum Viennensem Episcopum, col. 039D col. 0397A (PL 63)
19
Epistola Anastasii Ad Hormisdam Pontificem, col.0369D col.0370B; Epistola II,
Ad Anastasium Imperatorem, col.0370C col.0371B; Epistola Anastasii Augusti Ad
Hormisdam Pontificem, col. 0374A; Epistola IV, Ad Anastasium Imperatorem
Augustum, col.0374B; Epistola V, Ad Anastasium Imperatorem Augustum, col.0379B
col.0381A; Epistola Anastasii Imperatoris Ad Hormisdam Per Legatos sedis
apostolocae missa, col.0381B col.0383A; Epistola Anastasii Imperatoris Ad
Hormisdam Papam, col.0383B col.0383C; Epistola VI, Ad Anastasium Augustum,
col.0384A col.0385A; Epistola Anastasii Ad Hormisdam, col.0409C col.0410A
(PL 63)

10

Crkovnite priliki vo Makedonija vo periodot na...

,20 n
,21
I22
II.23

n
.

.24

I,
da go
. , I 516 :
( ), ( ),
,
. 25 , ,
20

Epistola Justini Imperatoris Ad Hormisdam, col.0426D col.0427A; Epistola


XXVII, Ad Justinum, col.0427B col.0427C; Epistola Justini Ad Hormisdam,
col.0427D col.0428B; Epistola XXVIII, Ad Justinum Augustum Responsoria,
col.0428C col.0429A; Epistola XXXII, Ad Justinum Augustum, col.0435B
col.0437A; Epistola Justini Ad Hormisdam, col0448D col.0449B; Epistola XLIV, Ad
Justinum Augustum, col.0454B col.0455B (PL 63)
21
Epistola Dorothei Thessalonicensis Episcopi Ad Hormisdam Pontificem, col.0371C
col.0372D; Epistola III, Ad Dorotheum Thessaloninsem Episcopum, col.0373A
col.0373C; Epistola XXII, Ad Dorotheum Episcopum Thessalonicensem, col.0408D
col.0409B; Relatio Dorothei Episcopi Thessalonicensis, col.0499D col.0500B;
Epistola LXXIII, Ad Dorotheum Thessalonicensem Episcopum, col.0500C
col.0500D (PL 63)
22
Epistola XII, Ad Timotheum Constantinopolitanum Episcopum, col.0399C
col.0400A (PL 63)
23
Ad Joanis Episcopi Constantinopolitani, col.0429B col.0429D; Epistola XXIX, Ad
Joannem Constantinopolitanum Episcopum Responsoria, col.0430A col.0430D;
Epistola XXXIV, Ad Joannem Constantinopolitanum Episcopum, col.0438B
col.0439B; exemplum Libelli Joannis Episcopi Constantinopolitani, col.0444A
col.0445B; Joannis Ad Hormisdam, col.0449D col.0450C; Epistola XLV, Ad
Joannem Episcopum Constantinopolitanum, col.0455C col.0456D (PL 63)
24
. . ,
..., 69.
25
,,Laurentium praeteria Lychnidensem, Dommnionem Serdicensem, Alcissum
Nocopolitanum, Gaianum Naisitanum et Euangelum Pautaliensem, catholicos Illyrici
sacerdotes, suis Anastasius praesentari iussit obtutibus (Marcellinus, Chronica, IX, 3
[ed.Brian Croke, Sydney 1995, 38])

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

11

Dragan Zajkovski



.

,
80 - .26

(518 527)

. ,
, II (518 - 520)
. 518

.27

(libellus)
:
,
,
. 28. 519
.28

, .
29,
26


l, ,

. (Marcellinus, Chronica, IX, 3 [ed.Brian Croke, Sydney 1995, 38 39])
27
Joannis Episcopi Constantinopolitani, col.0429B col.0429D (PL 63); .
, Op. cit., 416.
28
Exemplum Libelli Joannis Episcopi Constantinopolitani, col.0444A col.0445B (PL
63); . Theophanis, Chronographia, A.M. 6011, 165 - 166, col.382 col.386 (PG
108); , Op.cit., 59; . ,
..., 70; , Op.
cit., 416; ..., .I, 228; The Cambridge History of
Christianity, 18.
29
Le Liber Pontificalis I, 52 (ed. L.Ducheshe, Paris 1955, 258); Relatio Dorothei
Episcopi Thessalonicensis, col.0499D col.0500B; Epistola LXXIII, Ad Dorotheum
Thessalonicensem Episcopum, col.0500C col.0500D (PL 63)

12

Crkovnite priliki vo Makedonija vo periodot na...

libellus

,
. 519 ,

.
libellus-

.30
. ,
,
. 519

.
libellus- . ,


.
, , . ,
, :

, , ,
.31

.32 ,
,

{to
.33 ttuka
C ,
, 30

Epistola LXXIII, Ad Dorotheum Thessalonicensem Episcopum, col.0500C (PL 63);


. , Op.cit., 59; . ,
..., 70; , Op.
cit., 416.
31
Epistola LXXIII, Ad Dorotheum Thessalonicensem Episcopum, col.0500C (PL 63)
32
Ibidem.
33
, Op.cit., 59; . ,
..., 70.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

13

Dragan Zajkovski


.
,
.
519 Via Egnatia
.
,
. 34

519
.35
.

V .

Dragan ZAJKOVSKI

THE CHURCH SITUATION IN MACEDONIA DURING


THE ACACIAN SCHISM
(484-518)
summary
During the Acacian schism, episcopal centers in Macedonia gained
great importance in the struggle for supremacy between the Pope in Rome
and the Patriarch of Constantinople. Bishops from Macedonia, led by
Thessaloniki bishops, had been thus far loyal to Rome and took sides with
Constantinople Patriarch. Therefore, Constantinople established the
ecclesiastical authority in Macedonia.
The period of Acacian schism is filled with attempts by
the Roman church to renew the Vicariate of Thessaloniki and thus to restore
the lost positions in Macedonia and lllyric. This can be concluded from the
papal letters sent to bishops in Macedonia in the period of Acacian shism.

34

Relatio Dorothei Episcopi Thessalonicensis, col.0499D col.0500B (PL 63)


Exemplum Epistolae Theodoriti Episcopi Lignidensis Ad Hormisdam Papam,
col.0452B col.0452D (PL 63)

35

14

Maja ANGELOVSKA-PANOVA

EASTERN DUALISTIC HERESIES:


THE CHALLENGE OF BOGOMILISM*
Bogomilism represents a spiritual manifestation, with a dualistic nature, of a religious expression, and a social and philosophical orientation. The
beginnings of Bogomilism are connected with the period from the mid10th
century and its dynamic of alternating expansion and decline, adjusting the
method of existence to the current social and political conditions, allowed it
to survive on the historical scene until 15th century when the last impulses of
its existence were realized.
The appearance of Bogomilism in Macedonia was primarily
determined by the specific socio-political and economic conditions characteristic for the medieval period; however, its spiritual source should be
searched for in the conditions created by the activities of St Clement and
Naum of Ohrid.1
Namely, during the period of second half of 9 c., after their return from
Moravia in Macedonia, the Christianity, as an official religion, was being
proclaimed by Greek priests with a religious service in Greek and under the
direct jurisdiction of Constantinople.2 With the intention of resisting the
Byzantine religious and cultural domination, the Bulgarian Tchar Boris sent
Clement to the South-western parts of Macedonia so as to pacife his
compatriots and simultaneously spread Christianity in the folk Slavonic
language. The teaching activity of Clement of Ohrid resulted in the creation
of Ohrid Literary School where traditions established with the activities of St
Cyril and Methodius were being cherished in its authentic form. In an
ambience such as that, an ambience of heightened feudalism and an evident
presence of teaching ideas, specific spiritual preconditions for expansion of

*
(Ca Foscari) 23 2009 .
1
D. Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth. London 1971, 103-104; M. Agnold,
Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni. Cambridge, 1995.
2
. , . .
. . .
. 1997, 11-20.

Maja Angelovska-Panova

bogomilheretic doctrine to be created.3 It certainly wasnt a matter of direct


connection between the activity of St Clement and the latter Bogomil
movement, but more of an immediate influence which represents one of the
preconditions for its appearance. Namely, as a man with diverse erudition St
Clement was acquainted with the appearance of apocryphal texts in
Byzantine literature, and even used some of the texts, enriching his preaching
and edifying word without, of course, trying to exhibit any kind of heresy.
Thus, in his work A Sermon for Pasha there are multiple references about
the motif for Christs descending in the hell while the Words of Praise for
the Archangels Michael and Gavril talks about the fall of Lucifer and the
victory of arhistratig Michael, topics characteristic for the apocrypha, and
later reflected in the folklore.4 The ideological platform of Clements activity
consisted of including a larger number of students in the educational process
in Slavonic language. That way literacy was available for a wider social class
without any aspirations to be treated as a privilege of the class with a higher
social status. According to the data from the Life of St. Clement, their
immediate engagement in the Ohrid Literary School resulted in a body of
3,500 students with theological and generally literary education. Most of
them probably continued their activities as devoted servants of the official
church, but there were also those that while broadening their theological and
ideological conceptions tried to find a new spiritual expression. It testifies
that the educational process in the Ohrid Literary School was not limited
only to a passive adoption of Christian dogmas, but that it indirectly
influenced the possibility of creating critical relationship in their exegesis. In
that respect, the education by itself did not represent heresy, but it
encouraged scepticism which evolved to a constructive criticism, especially
when it came to interpreting the gospel contents. So, through the literacy as
an expression of passive resistance, the need to develop an alternative way of
thinking that would contradict the monopoly of the official Christian
dogmatics was imposed. These are the conditions that also identify the
appearance of Bogomil heresy which directs the thought towards the secular
processes of universal problems of the time and in the scientific literature is
justifiably defined as an early anticipation of European humanism. The main
preacher and ideological creator of Bogomilism was the priest Bogomil, for
whom it is believed to have been a priest educated within the Orthodox
Church. He was a man who, for his time, showed reformatory tendencies
regarding many religious and social issues. The idea of Bogomilism as a new

Y. Stoyanov, The Hidden Tradition in Europe. Arcana 1994, 132-133; M. Barber, The
Cathars. Dualist Heretics in Languedoc in the High Middle Ages. Longman, 2000, . 15.
4
. ,
. , 2001, 240.
3

16

Isto~nite dualisti~ki eresi:predizvikot na bogomilstvoto

spiritual manifestation was probably due to Priest Bogomils theoretical


experience and objective reasoning, but the complete realisation of Bogomilism as a teaching with a distinct conception which concerns theological,
philosophical and social aspects was probably the result of many years of
team work with his closest associates and followers. Priest Bogomils
pragmatism, in addition to its ideological platform, lies mainly in his ability
to coordinate his associates for a complete realization of this teaching. All
that is particularly important because of the fact that Bogomilism was not
limited only to a theoretical interpretation; on the contrary, it meant more
immediate engagement in organizing the life in heretical communities and
developing a literary activity in the spirit of Bogomil theology.5
The tradition from heretical experiences and philosophical concepts
from the past have qualitatively left visible traces on the conception and
ideological direction of Bogomilism; at the same time, the attempt to include
new contents which would contribute to the authenticity and original
articulation of the teaching is an undisputed fact.
The essence of Bogomilism as a movement and as a teaching can be
followed and historically reconstructed on the basis of several key postulates,
such as the dualism, the specific theological and dogmatic determination, the
support of ethical principles within their social life, and finally the political
dimension of the teaching the determinants of which rise from the overall
social and political processes in medieval times.
The dualist ontology in its most general formulation represents an
integral part of the human spirituality which in the process of evolutional
awareness has been facing and experiencing the differentiation between the
categories of good and bad. In fact, the dualism represented an actual consequence arising from the human perception of the factual and cruel life on
earth as opposed to the visionary model of an ideal life which would be
realised in Gods heavenly realm. Philosophical orientations and religious
concepts were formed on the basis of antagonistic position of primordial
principles of good and bad, that is to say of spirit and matter. A more specific
religious status in the process of dualistic ontology is acquired by the Iranian
dualism, seen through zoroastrism and masdeism, religious and philosophical
platforms which existed 17 centuries before Bogomilism appeared. Namely,
the universe, according to Zarashutras teaching, was Ahura Mazdas
creation and later the world, in its actual and material manifestation, was
corrupted by Ahriman.6

. -, .
2004, 71.
6
M. Elijade, Istorija verovanja i religiskih ideja, II. Beograd 1991, 195; Y. Stoyanov,
The Hidden Tradition in Europe, 17-18.
5

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17

Maja Angelovska-Panova

When it comes to Bogomil dualism, its assembling character, arising


from chronologically older heretic experiences and from the influence of
canonical and apocryphal literature, should certainly be taken into account.
But the variations of dualism were at the same time largely determined by
the actual socio-political and economic conditions in the period between 10th
15th centuries, as well as by the existing understanding of the principles of
good and bad specified through the characters and acts of God and the Devil.
In that respect, the Bogomil dualism was able to express a moderate or, at
specific times of its constant development, an absolute (that is to say
extreme) orientation. In principle, the study of the greater part of the relevant
original materials suggests the impression that Bogomils were devotees of
moderate dualism which represented a kind of compromise solution between
the absolute dualism inherent to Manichaeism and Paulicianism on the one
hand, and Christianity on the other. Bogomil moderate dualism was based on
the Biblical myth of the Satan whose apostasy from the heavenly Trinity
starts the establishment of the principle of good and bad. According to the
beliefs of moderate dualists, most illustratively shown in the Secret Book, the
principle of bad was in an inferior position in relation to the principle of
good; in other words it was its creation.7 The functioning of the material
world relied on the principle of evil, which by itself meant that the matter
was being treated as an evil substance containing the kingdom of Satan as an
antithesis of the kingdom of light. The antagonistic position of the spirit and
the matter represents a philosophical foundation and a supporting point of
Bogomil doctrine. This belief brought Bogomils close to Platos philosophy
according to which the matter, identified with desolation and emptiness,
contradicts the kingdom of light.8 In spite of the evident dominance of
moderate dualistic tendencies, the extreme dualism, which in most examples
was encouraged by the actual political and social problems within the social
system, was also present in Bogomil communities at different times. A
typical example of extreme expansion of absolute dualism is detected within
the Dragovits churchheretical community, which is being connected to the
traditions of the former Sclavinia with the same name located in the western
part of Macedonia, the status of which was, at the time, based on the political
and economic freedom.9

. , . 1993, 141.
. , -
IX-XII . . Studia Balcanica, 14.
1979, 63.
9
. -, .
90-91.
7
8

18

Isto~nite dualisti~ki eresi:predizvikot na bogomilstvoto

Bogomils expressed an antagonistic attitude towards the canonical


teaching of the official church, as well as towards the feudal order in general,
through the established theological and dogmatic principles of its religious
and dualistic teaching according to which everything created out of matter is
identified with diabolism. This determination of the material world further
determines the attitude of Bogomils towards external manifestations and
attributes of Christian religion, concerning the question of credibility of its
cult system. The Bogomils attack was directed primarily against the church
as an institution which, according to their beliefs, had nothing in common
with the real Christian eclesia, particularly because of the fact that it
derogated from principles established by gospel texts. Bogomils supported
the rejection of the church in its institutional meaning with their own
interpretation of the Gospel of Mathew (XI, 6) which reads: And when you
pray, enter your chambers and while closing the door pray to your Father.
The general impression is that they supported the contents literally pointing
out that there is no mention of any kind of any church building whatsoever.
The interpretation of the Paul the Apostle syntagma is probably made in
accordance with the same principle; in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, he
points out: Dont you know that you are the temple of God and that the
spirit of God lives within you? If anyone destroys the temple of God, God
shall destroy him, because the temple of God is holy, and so are you.
In their doctrine determination, Bogomils were categorical in their
nihilism towards liturgies, icons, the cross, the christening, Eucharist, relics
as a source of miracles, the Resurrection, holidays, the Secularity of Virgin
Mary, etc. This certainly speaks in favour of the fact that Bogomil theology
was not directed directly against Christian principles, but that it was directed
against their interpretation, as an ideological substratum in medieval times,
by the official church. In that respect, the intervention of Bogomils was
more along the lines of reformulating the gospell principles regarding
exegesis, but it was also used to serve their interests and doctrine as an
unprivileged class.
The social and ethical characteristics of Bogomilism can best be seen
within the framework of organisational life, realised in their churchheretical
communities. Namely, the existence of an organized life was evident since
the earliest phase of Bogomil existentionalism which was under a strong
influence of the original apostolic Christianity and in accordance with their
concept for equality between people, collective ownership and applied
communism.10 Supporting the principles of the original Christianity,
Bogomils were against the hierarchical structure based on material goods.
. , .
, 3-4. 1951, 135.
10

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19

Maja Angelovska-Panova

Their definition for hierarchy was connected to the degree of theoretical


knowledge in presenting dogmas and practising a strict ascetic way of life
which, from currents point of view, implicates the meaning of the term
category. Depending on whether these criteria were met, Bogomils were
practically divided in three basic categories: students, atheists and perfects,
or in the spirit of their own terminology - followers, believers and perfects.11
The progressing from one to the other category was accompanied with a
certain preparatory period for confession, spiritual and physical catharsis and
constant contemplation, which in the end finished with an appropriate ritual
identified as the second or the real baptizing through the Holy Spirit. It
should be noted that both the spiritual baptizing, i.e. the change from a
follower into a believer, and the elevation in the category perfect were
accompanied with an identical ritual. It is probably due to the idea for
simplicity and complete democratization of Bogomil organizational life.12
Hence, follows the logical conclusion that the preparatory period for crossing
from one category to the other was of greater importance for Bogomils than
the actual ritual, because of the fact that it was then that the three basic
principles came to the fore: complete absorption of Bogomil theology,
radical asceticism, and an absolute poverty. The process, the aim of which
was reaching absolute perfection, was long lasting. According to Euthymius
of Akmonia the period of introduction into heretic dogmas lasted one to two
years. On the other hand, Euthymius Zigabenus and John Zonara when
addressing Priest Basils activities, the principal preacher of Bogomilism at
the end of 11th and the beginning of 12th century, point out that he studied
these dogmas for 15 years.13 It means that besides the obligatory period
which usually lasted one to two years the perfect Bogomils probably spent a
great part of their time on their personal improvement as far as absorbing and
exegesis of Bogomil occultism is concerned, especially if we have in mind
that it is not a static manifestation but a religious and ideological complex
manifesting evolution tendencies during its existentional impulse.
As an alternative form of religious and ideological belief, Bogomilism
also had a dominant influence in cultural processes by being reflected in the
spiritual culture of Macedonia, the Balkans and throughout Byzantium and
the countries of Western Europe. One of the achievements of this teaching is
actually that it went beyond the local character and, in its original or
modified form, dispersed on a wider geographical level, reaching the status

. , . , . , ,
. 1967, 42.
12
M. Lambert, The Cathars. Oxford 1998, 34.
13
B. Hamilton, Christian Dualist Heresies in Byzantine World, 650-1405. Manchester
1998, 175-178.
11

20

Isto~nite dualisti~ki eresi:predizvikot na bogomilstvoto

of a movement of international importance and character. The identification


of Bogomil cultural values and influences can best be seen through literary
compositions with an original Bogomil articulation, the apocrypha, the
philosophical aspects of the teaching, as well as through folklore. Actually it
is about presenting an alternative thinking process that goes beyond the
official Christian stereotypes which made it equally attractive not only for
the devotees of Bogomilism, but also for the orthodox Christians. The basis
of Bogomil literature was laid with its teaching conception, most probably
expressed in writing by the priest Bogomil and his closest associates.
Presbyter Kozmas familiarity with Bogomil interpretation of dogmas was
probably not accidental. Namely, he acquired his knowledge not only
through personal contacts with Bogomils who later turned back to
Orthodoxy, but also through reading books with an original Bogomil status.
The data from later sources are somewhat more general. Euthymius from
Akmonia mentions the Satan epodes which were read on the occasion of
the ritual of holy baptizing, while Euthymius Zigabenus talks about a kind of
Eucharistic prayers. Simeon of Salonica, on the other hand, mentions
prayers and songs worthy of scorn.14 These prayers probably represented a
particular kind of literature, but the sources contain almost nothing about
their content more specifically. It is reasonable to assume that the content
was available only to the elite group of Bogomil credoperfects and possibly
to the believers, as these prayers were in principle carried out during
canonization from one category to another. The evident shortage of these
Bogomil works is due to the status of the Bogomil movement as a heretic
teaching which most often made them subject to persecution. In any case it is
reasonable to assume that the original Bogomil literature expresses two
developmental tendencies: the literature which contains the ideological
platform of Bogomilism, which was probably supposed to represent a kind of
promotive material, and the esoteric literature accompanied by the ritual
practise of Bogomils. The Book of Rituals, saved in a transcript in Provencal
language from 13th century, certainly falls within the original Bogomil
literature.15 On the basis of equivalence in relation to the religious practice,
we assume that it is a translation or an adaptation of a Bogomil book of
rituals which is not saved in its Slavonic version. The affirmation of the
apocrypha, which represent a synonym for unofficial, uncannonical contents,
appear as a direct consequence of the need of the medieval man for an
additional explanation of Biblical, and religious and Christian concepts from

14
. , . , . , ,
. 174.
15
. , ( ). 1970, 115.

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21

Maja Angelovska-Panova

the point of view of the current social attitude.16 Namely, the Bible and the
canonical works generally, which were the only works recognised by the
church as an official moving force for the cultural and spiritual life, came to
be inconsistent with peoples aspiration to get a more complete idea about
how the world came to be and understand the natural phenomena. In that
respect, the apocrypha expressed tendencies which were in principle easy to
understand as far as the common man was concerned, who built his theological and moral view of the world on them. Thematically, the apocrypha
represent a mixture of pragmatisms from Biblical books and legends on
which, in fact, rest canonical books, and very often with an emphasis on
heretic elements.17 The term apocrypha, in accordance with the establishment
of a set canon of Gods literary works, was gradually losing its primarily
meaning and increasingly identifying with the books in contradiction with
the basic Christian dogmatism. Most of the apocrypha that preceded
Bogomilism (The Book of Enoh, Vision of Isaiah, Revelation of Varuh, The
Argument between Christ and the Antichrist, etc.) had an influence on
Bogomil cosmogony and eschatology. In fact, priest Bogomils establishment as an ideologist and the integral realisation of Bogomil ideology was in
effect unimaginable without the basic knowledge of the apocryphal literature
which, on the other hand, was expressing tendencies close to the beliefs and
thoughts of people in the Middle Ages. The Secret Book and Vision of Isaiah
are considered to be amongst the most important apocrypha with an original
Bogomil status. A new approach towards writings in the medieval literature
was introduced with The Secret Book, where canonical motifs are subject to a
philosophical opinion and to an additional literary adaptation. As a kind of
literature in which one religious system contrasts another, in this case the
Bogomil against the official, The Secret Book is very close to the Book of
Revelations.18 Similar tendencies regarding the content, which has a
mythological and apocalyptical character, can also be seen in the apocrypha
The Vision of Isaiah. The apocrypha in Greek language was well known
since the period between 1st and 2nd century, and somewhat later, between 2nd
and 3rd century, there was a compilation under the title The Vision of Isaiah
enriched with data about the Jewish tsar Ezekij. The Slavonic text of The
Vision, saved in two versions extensive and short, originated from the
above mentioned compilation in Greek language, or, to be more precise,
from its second part. The remarkable significance of the apocrypha and its
use is witnessed in writing in Bogomil circles. Namely, in a Greek text which

. , XIV . 1996, 293.


- e, . I. 1985, 85.
18
. , . . , 2004,
487.
16
17

22

Isto~nite dualisti~ki eresi:predizvikot na bogomilstvoto

dates from 12th century, besides the ritual formula practised for converting
Bogomils and Massilians to Orthodoxy, it is pointed out that these heretics
were using the shameless and deceiving Vision of Isaiah written by them.19
The Bogomil aspects in this apocrypha were barely noticeable. This
approach was in line with the already established principle in Bogomil
literature for presenting heretic tendencies in a discrete manner, subtly and
marginally, so that the conclusion about them was due to the interpretation of
the text. In that respect, the apocrypha represented a kind of dogmatic and
ideological material used for influencing, which circulated not only among
Bogomils, but also in Christian circles, especially because of the fact that the
essence of the text, amongst other things, also implicates the social aspect of
peoples lives. Both The Secret Book and The Vision of Isaiah had a high
rating among devotees of Catharism which speaks in favour of an established
cultural cooperation between eastern and western dualists.
There were also philosophical ideas incorporated within Bogomilism,
which was in a way conditioned by the dichotomic concept of Bogomilism as
well as by the diabolistic conviction. The presence of philosophical elements
is also a consequence of the influence of philosophical orientations as
Gnosticism, Orphism, Pythagorism and Platonism, the ideas of which were
partly incorporated in the doctrines of Bogomilism and Catharism, although
not as purely philosophical, but more with a religious connotation.20 As an
example, the use of vegetarian diet, besides the religious and dogmatic as
well as the ascetic determination, also had a philosophical justification
through the metempsychosis and the transmigration of the soul. The
philosophical speculations about the immortality and the transmigration of
the soul are very subtly presented in Bogomil circles, probably because of
the aspiration for the most secret philosophical and dogmatic determinations
not to be manifested transparently. The ideas that a mans soul can bear
experiences from a previous life can be found in the works of Euthymius
from Akmonia. Addressing the Bogomil myth about the transformation of
the soul, the author established that when a man is furious he is like a snake,
a dog, a cat... Further explanations are in connection with the Devil who, in
order to keep the opposed soul in the body, ate all kinds of impure animals
and later threw them up in order to keep Adams soul in his body.
The presence of philosophical ideas and interpretations in the
Bogomil system attracted the attention of representatives of the higher social

. , ,153; B. Hamilton, Wisdom from the East.


Heresy and Literacy, 1000-1530, eds. P. Biller and A. Hudson. Cambridge 1994, 56.
20
. -, - . , 9. 2004,
87-92.
19

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23

Maja Angelovska-Panova

class or, as Ana Komnina mentions, the wealthy people and some high
priests.21 A typical example is the Byzantine philosopher John Italus, an
intellectual and Michael Pseluss student, who founded the section of
dialectics and history of philosophy.22 His teaching, despite the philosophical
dimensions of metempsychosis, the Resurrection and the Last Judgement
exegesis, was confronted with the official Christian normative and attempted
to introduce rational behaviour in theology. All that contributed Italuss
teaching to be anathematized at the synod held in the year 1082. A similar
example is the Patriarch Eustatius Garida of Constantinople who, under the
influence of John Italus's philosophical theology, believed in the
metempsychosis of souls and denied the power of icons. On account of his
religious beliefs, Eustatius Garida held the position of a Patriarch in Constantinople only for a short time (10811084).
And finally, the spiritual and cultural founding traditions of Bogomil
teaching also reflected in the folklore. The influence of some aspects of
Bogomil ideology was first of all carried out by the apocryphal literature
which, with its expression and emotional impulse, showed remarkable
similarity with folklore works. A number of Old Testament and New Testament themes which, combined with folklore motifs had a different meaning
and significance, were infiltrated into folklore legends through the
apocrypha. The receptivity of Bogomil elements in folk literature was chronologically and practically accomplished through a long and complex
process determined by a number of factors such as: traditional, socioeconomic and cultural, which at the same time impose the typology of this
kind of folklore. In that respect, the folklore with Bogomil character is
classified according to the following principle: cosmogonical folk literature,
folk tales in which Bogomil dogmatism is interpreted from a folklore aspect
and a cycle of folk literature about Adam and Eve.
The importance of this kind of folklore is in the fact that the existing
conglomerate of ideas is interactively put to work, presenting it in an
authentic way and in accordance with the mentality, the socio-political and
social conditions. In this context, it often comes to an alteration of the
meaning of some Bogomil determinations from the point of view of the folk
narrator. From this point of view, the social factor is the most dominant
factor. The folk narrator introduced Bogomil elements, but not always with a
religious prejudice of encouraging hereticism, but more as a direct
consequence of traditionalism, the rational tendencies and, eventually, his

Annae Comnenae, Alexiadis libri XV, ed. J. Schopen, (Bonn, 1839), lib. XV, 9, 358;
A. Roach, The Devil's World, Heresy and Society 1100-1300. Longman 2005, 63.
22
. , . 1998, 262.
21

24

Isto~nite dualisti~ki eresi:predizvikot na bogomilstvoto

own survival.23 We should have in mind that this kind of literature was
established in Christian circles where religious and superstitious devotion
was obvious, although they had recognized the inconsistencies of the
church institution and of the rituals by subjecting it to criticising. The fact
that a large part of the folk literature ends didactically in the style of official
and Christian norms proves it best.
With its heterogeneous fund of positive and deviant features,
controversies concerning progress/regress and rationalism/irrationalism, and
seen from an evident time distance, Bogomilism as a universal achievement
raises an alternative and reformatory thinking process, which would also be
partly implemented in some aspects of European humanism.

:



X
.

,
-
.

,
,

,
( , ),
( , ,
, , ,
.) .
,
.

23

. , , . II. 1998, 28.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

25


X XIX

, IV .
: ,
311 ,

313 ,
326
335 .

.1
- ,
1

() . ,

. XODOK,
, peregrinus (peregrinae ),
(. Opa
enciklopedija, 3, Foc-Iw, Zagreb 1977,445)
( .)
,
( ) ,
. (.
., , 5,
( ) ANORazvoj duhovnost, culture i nauke, Moskva 2004).
pilgrim /
pilgrimage - / ( / ) /
hac (.) . .
.
- ,
, - .
. , , .
, ,
, ).
, ..() Opa enciklopedija, 3, Foc Iw, Zagreb, 1977,
326, 445.

Sne{ka Lakaliska

.

,
X
. .

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, :
,, . . .
,
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- ,
, XI XIII ,

.4 , : .
. ( , 1985),


. . ( XI XII
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( XII ),
, ,
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,
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., , 1989, 65.
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.
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. - ., I,
-, 1988, 54.
3

28

Tradicijata na pokoni~ki patuvawa...

.1. , , XI XII ,

- .. ,
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vizantijskog carstva, Beograd 1997.
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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Sne{ka Lakaliska

.

, ,

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., XIV , ,
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XVI XVII .
, ..

30

Tradicijata na pokoni~ki patuvawa...

XV
,
1415 1420
.12 ,
:
;
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. ( Smotrenie
vselnne, XVI ,
. , . ,
).14
XVII
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,

.; : .-,
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.. , , , , .,
1967,237-241, ( .238 239
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,
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.. , , , , .II,
1967, .166
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.,
, 32-33,
- 2003, 173.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

31

Sne{ka Lakaliska

- .
.
,, , 29 1657 .16
.
,


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11.12.1657 , .18

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16

., , 18.
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1748, 1973, 16.
18
., , 18 -19. . , , 15-16.
19
.., , 245.
17

32

Tradicijata na pokoni~ki patuvawa...


.20
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, .)

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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( )23
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.,-, ,
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), - ,
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,
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,, ,
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70- XIX , , 1988,101.
28
.,, (),
1991, 38. .,, , 2002,82.
29
.,, - , 103.
30
.,-, ,
1995, 133 (
,
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/ ).

34

Tradicijata na pokoni~ki patuvawa...

.
:
; ;
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XIX .
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.: ., XVIIIXIX , 2008. ,


.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

35

Sne{ka Lakaliska


.
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. 1838
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(1850-1866 .)
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., . 339. 4-5
. , . .,
, , 305.
. , XVIII - XIX
, 2008, 303-304. .,, .,, ,
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.
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,
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., , , (
), , 1976, 342; ,
.


. :
.., , .II, 1968, 69-90).

.

36

Tradicijata na pokoni~ki patuvawa...

,
.
1867 - 1870 , ,
.35 -
*
. ,
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.

.2. , ,
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, 1857
.
, - ( . 2).36

35

--- , , -, 2006,163.
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.
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36

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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Sne{ka Lakaliska


,
, , -
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XIX .
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.3. ,,
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, XIX ,

.4.,, ,
,
, XIX ,

: -
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37

,.,
(XVII - XVIII
), , 5, 1959, 45-77.

38

Tradicijata na pokoni~ki patuvawa...

, , .

,, (.3)38
,
,, (.4).39

-, ,
. ,
, XIX
XX (.5)40.

38

., - , , 2004, 327 (.
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,
,()Y.,Piatnitsky Pilgrims' Eulogias from the Holy Land in the Hermitage
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Contexts, 2,PEETERS,Leuven,Belgium 2005,109-110, Pl.3-7.

.
39
, XIX , , ..4536, , ,
22 . ,
(
),
.
,

(. 24,31; 24, 50-52; 1,9-11).
,
, ...
, , 2005, 124.(
( )
).
() ., .,
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40
, 1893 ., ,
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,
.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

39

Sne{ka Lakaliska

() .
,
1800 ,

. .
.41
1904
. , ,
.42

.5. ,,, , 1893, ,


,

, Pla taniqa. (X : Anton Iolan


Deribaba, poklonik na jivonosnago groba gospodn 1893).
41
(seisti Fer$salim na xaxi papa sava
feromonax s fvan debarski monastr glagolaem Bgor napisas i r$ki nka
odorovica leta xrta az marta 28 ).
.,
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42

(PODAROKWTXEODOSFIXANASTASFA POKLONIK1904)

40

Tradicijata na pokoni~ki patuvawa...

70- XIX ,
. ,
. ,
1875 .
,
, ; , .
, ,
, , .
.. .

.
,

,

.

,
,

.. .
, ,
, .
XVII
XX .
,
.

,
.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

41

Sne{ka Lakaliska

Sneshka LAKALISKA

TRADITION OF PILGRIMAGE IN MACEDONIA


FROM X - XIX CENTURY
- summary Based on the available historical and material sources, pilgrimage
activity in Macedonia can be tracked continuously over a span of ten
centuries. The initial steps were taken by the first monastic communities,
who were later followed by many believers. During the time in which both
Macedonia and the Holy Land fell within the borders of the Ottoman Empire,
the sacred travels were an organized affair, as the travel testimonies from that
period attest. With the emergence of the middle class in the 19th century, a
new dimension was added to the pilgrimages the travelers, following the
example of their Muslim peers, appropriated the title hajji, that made them
members of the their home communities aristocracy. A great number of
hajjis made their mark during that historic age of rebirth that included the
struggle for emancipation from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of
Constantinople and the reestablishment of the Archbishopric of Ohrid, the
building of schools and introducing the Macedonian vernacular as the
language of instruction. Chief among them were Hajji Parteniy Zografsky,
Hajji Theodosius of Sinai, Hajji Archimandrite Pavel Gramatikov
Bozhigrobski et al.
As a result of the pilgrimage tradition, all kinds of eulogies arrived in
Macedonia, their iconography being characteristic of Palestinian pilgrimage
art. Although only a small number of these survive, they are a valuable
cultural document and a testimony of centuries of cultural ties between the
two peoples.

42




(1903)
XIX
1. .
,
.2
,

. , ,
,
t .3

, ,
, .


. , ,
.

, , ,


I, :
, ().
2
v 1903 . : (, ..)
.
, ,
, .
Georgios Petcivas, Ionos Dragumis: Ta tetradia tou Ilinten, Athina, 2000, . 19.
3
,
, ; , , .
XXXIX, .1-2, 2003, . 18.

Dimitar Qorovski Vamvakovski

.


. , , , .

4,
i
.

,
5, , d

6 .

,
.
,
,

. , ,
, ,
, . te
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(1866 - 1934),
1900 1907 .
5
(1878 - 1920)
1902 . 1904 .
6
- (1897)
,
.
(Epikouron ton Makedonon epitropi).
: -, ,
, - , ,
, .

44

Aktivnosta na prvata organizirana Andarska ~eta...


.7
,
, ,
, , .


.8

,
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.9 .
. , 1901 .
. , . .
,

, emu
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1902 10.,
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: , },
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, . .

K. Svolopoulos, I apofasi gia tin organosi tou enoplou agona, O Makedonikos


agonas; Simposio, Thessaloniki - Florina Kastoria Edessa, 28 oktomvriou - 2
noemvriou 1984, Thessaloniki, 1987, . 59.
8
, (), ,
, 2000, . 25.
9
. , ..., . 15-16.
10
i .
11
Grgios Petsivas, Ioannou Karaviti, O makedonikos agon, apomnimoneumata,
Tomos A, Athina, 1994, 16.; K. Svolopoulos, I apofasi gia tin organosi tou, . 55.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

45

Dimitar Qorovski Vamvakovski

,
.12
1903 .
}: , -,
.
, . . ,
, 26 v 1904 .,
n .13
nea
.
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,

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, ,

12

. , , . 22.
Arheion Ypour. Eksoterikon fakellos Makedonikon zhtima 1904, Athina, Tmima I.
Arith. Emp. Prot. 718.
14
.
15
, ,
, ; , ,
. XXIV, . 1, 2001, . 53.
16
Aggelos A. Hotzidis, Euthimios Kaoudis enas kritikos agonizetai gia ti Makedonia:
Apomnimoneumata (1903-1907), Thessaloniki, 1996, . 12.
13

46

Aktivnosta na prvata organizirana Andarska ~eta...

17. ,
.18 ,
,
(, ..) ,
.19


.
,
, , . ,

, .
. ,
11 }a.
}, 1903 . .

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d ,
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, 10 000

17


. , , ,
.
.
,
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.
18
. , , . 53.
19
, 24 1903 . G. Petsivas, Ionos
Dragumis, . 119.
20
, I;
(1903-1905), , , 2004, . 33.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

47

Dimitar Qorovski Vamvakovski

, taa 15 675 .21


go
, .
, , .22
.
: . , . , . , .
, . , . , . . -.23
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. . 20 1903
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. O Makedonikos
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21

. , , . 52.
, . 54.
23
G. Petsivas, Ioannou Karaviti, O makedonikos agon, .17.
24
Aggelos A. Hotzidis, Eutumios Kaoudis, Enas kritikos agonizetai, . 11.
25
Natalia Mela, Paulos Melas, Athina, 1926, . 76.
26
temina },


t (
).
, .
- . G. Petsivas, Ionos
Dragumis, . 155.
22

48

Aktivnosta na prvata organizirana Andarska ~eta...

( }, ..).
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Georgiou Modi, O Makedonikos agon kai i neoteri makedoniki istoria, B ekdosi,


Thessaloniki, 2007, . 178-179.
28
G. Petsivas, Ionos Dragumis, . 149.
29
, . 155.
30
. , , . 33.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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Dimitar Qorovski Vamvakovski

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Georgios Dikonimos-Makris, Apomnimoneumata, Thessaloniki, 1959, . 1.


Vasilis K. Gounaris, Ta gegonota tou 1903 sti Makedonia mesa apo tin europaiki
diplomatiki allilografia, Thessaloniki, 1993, . 161.

37

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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Dimitar Qorovski Vamvakovski

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49

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Aktivnosta na prvata organizirana Andarska ~eta...

, . , 1 1903 .
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Vasilis K. Gounaris, Ta gegonota tou 1903 sti Makedonia, . 162.


. , , . 30.
55
, . 337.
56
. , , . 30.
57
G. Petsivas, Ionos Dragumis..., . 577.
54

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

55

Dimitar Qorovski Vamvakovski

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59
. , , . 31.
60
, ,
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. A. A. Hotzidis, Eutimios kaudis enas Kritikos
agonizete..., . 48-49.
61
, . 344.
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, . 344.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

57

Dimitar Qorovski Vamvakovski

, . ,
,
.67

-
. }
.
.
..
.

Dimitar LJOROVSKI VAMVAKOVSKI

THE ACTIVIETIES OF THE FIRST ORGANIZED


ANDARTS GROUP SENT IN SOUTHWEST
MACEDONIA (1903)
summary
To the end of 19-th and the beginning of 20-th century Greek
propaganda increasingly start to loose Christian population in Macedonia.
This would mean and loosing of the ground for pretending of the right of the
territories on which Greece had pretentions. The informations from the
ground in which clearly can be seen program goals of MRO, caused
additional unrest in the Greek state. United behind the phrases Autonomy of
Macedonia and Macedonia for the Macedonians, population generates
cohesion in the struggle for national and economical liberation from Ottoman
domination. New Greek agitators saw the salvation of Elinism in
proclamation of open conflict and war against MRO, including military
actions against the forces of Macedonian Revolutionary movement. For
Greece, creation of Greek armed forces in Macedonia was the best way to
oppose of the well organized network of nalional-liberational movement.
Initially created in Greece, but and from group of supporters in Macedonia,
defectors from MRO, which for their services gained monthly salary. In the
intention for the realization of this plan the most active was Archbishop of
Kostur, Germanos Karavangelis, who can gain the benefits of creator of the
idea for beginning of organized Greek armed actions against the Internal
Organization.

67

A. A. Hotzidis, Eutimios kaudis enas Kritikos agonizete, . 51.

58


. ,
.


, ,
.
(1878-1881)
.
,
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,

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, ,

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. 1912

:
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2

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106-109; , . ( ), 1915,
77-80; 1865-1917,

60

Kralstvoto Srbija i Vtorata balkanska vojna...

,
: .
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(1912-1913)


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;

1952, 113-117; , ,
1875-1919, 1994, 164-166; ,
1912-1913,
1979, 75-77;

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

61

Makedonka Mitrova

2. , ,

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;
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000
;
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1981, . 187, 272-274; .
: 1.
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150 000 , 200 000 .
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, 360 000
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

63

Makedonka Mitrova

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1926, 121.
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8

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, :
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

65

Makedonka Mitrova

-, , 10
1913
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

67

Makedonka Mitrova

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25
, 194.
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24

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

69

Makedonka Mitrova

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. ,

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35
. , . , 143-144.
36
. , . , 234.
37
. , , 1955; . ,
, 1913; . , 1913, , XVIII (1928) 10-11; ,
(1912-1918), 1969, 58.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

71

Makedonka Mitrova

2.


,
. ,

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.
, , .
, 15 . .38 20
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30 10 1913 ,
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. 10
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. , , 128
, ().
:
, .40

,
1912 .
25 713 ,
34 356
6798 .41
, .
38

, , 1992, 251.
Richard C. Nall,The Balkan War 1912-1913 Prelude to the First World War, London
and New York 123.
40
, , . II, 1999, 116.
41
. ,
-1913, 1924, 233; ,
(1913-1995), 2000, 29.
39

72

Kralstvoto Srbija i Vtorata balkanska vojna...

,

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2007, 109.
43

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

73

Makedonka Mitrova

,

.
.


. ,
, 18 1913 : ,, - ,
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.
. -
18
, : -
.-. ,
1908-1918, 149.
46
, , , 1965, 343, 347, 354.
47
, 19. 21. , 2009, 236.

74

Kralstvoto Srbija i Vtorata balkanska vojna...

Makedonka MITROVA

THE KINGDOM OF SERBIA AND THE SECOND


BALKAN WAR: POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC
ASPECTS
summary
During the First Balkan War the Serbian army managed to conquer
the Vardar section of Ottoman Macedonia and after defeating the Ottoman
armies in Albania to get to the Adriatic Sea. However, at the London Peace
Conference (1912) the Kingdom of Serbia was not allowed to have an access
to the Adriatic Sea and the Albanian state was created. That was the
fundamental motive for the Kingdom of Serbia to go in the Second Balkan
War demanding territorial compensation from Bulgaria in Ottoman
Macedonia. The Second Balkan War was led strictly for the division of
Ottoman Macedonia between the Balkan states. The Peace Treaty of
Bucharest (1913) marked the end of the Macedonian ethno-geographic space.
As part of the Kingdom of Serbia the Vardar section of Ottoman Macedonia
was added i.e. 25,713 km2 or 39% of the territory of Ottoman Macedonia.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

75


(1990-2011)
,
90-tite XX ,
().

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(1982), ,
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, , 2002, 347.

Qubica Jan~eva

(), ,
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, LXXXII ,
().7

,
, , , 1993, 146.
5
, , , , 2000,
10.
6
, , , , , 2000, 541.
7
, . 27/1991, , 1991.
4

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, , , 2008, .1, 3350.
10
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().
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... . 2, 5173.
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8
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

79

Qubica Jan~eva

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, 2002 ,
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Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, , 1997, 48.
16
, , 1990.
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, 38 -, 31 , 17 , 11
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, 24/98, , 1998.
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

85

Qubica Jan~eva

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Pove}epartiski pasrlamentarni izbori vo Republika Makedonija...

,47

ija 22
,48 .

Ljubica JANCHEVA

MULTIPARTY ELECTIONS
IN REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA
(1990-2011)
- summary Pluralism in the Republic of Macedonia (RM) was product of the process of
democratization, launched during the last decades of XX century. The first
political parties in RM were registered during the 1990, according to the
legal and constitutional changes. Most of them, participated in the first
multiparty parliamentary elections held in 1990.
The transition process was the key factor in making the electoral system and
the model under which elections were conducted in 1990 and 1994.
Following, held in 1998 were conducted by combined (majorityproportional) electoral model. From 2002, elections of deputies were
conducted under proportional system.
Multiple changes of electoral models is significant but not unusual, on the
contrary it is common feature for all countries in transition. Changing the
electoral models in RM was in order to respect the Constitution maximum in
which all citizens is equal.

, 21, , 1991, 8.
18 .
,
.
47
48

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

87


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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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3853 7,77%.
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

101


.

. ,


.

-

.

Marjan IVANOSKI

SOME INFORMATION ABOUT THE SOCIOPOLITICAL AND ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE


ALBANIAN AND TURKISH MINORITIES IN D.F./P.R.
MACEDONIA (1944-1963)
- summary In this article was made an attempt to present socio-political status of
Albanian and Turkish minorities through participation in political and mass
organizations in P.R. Macedonia, and their involvement in the highest
authorities. Also in this article are presented some information about the
economic situation of these minorities and the authorities' commitment to
improve their economic position through investments in infrastructure and
construction of industrial facilities in areas where national minorities existed.

102




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: ,
, , , 2007. ,
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3
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Dragica Popovska

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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Dragica Popovska

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106

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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Dragica Popovska

( ).25

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Kamenot vo muslimanskata ideologija...

,
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

109

Dragica Popovska


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,
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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

111

Dragica Popovska


.52
,
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112

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. ,
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, .

Dragica POPOVSKA

THE STONE IN THE MUSLIM IDEOLOGY AND IN


THE FOLK TRADITION OF THE MUSLIM
POPULATION IN MACEDONIA
summary
The paper presents aspects of folk tradition of the Muslim population in
Republic of Macedonia. We have shown stone and practices related to it,
within Islamic ideology, through the Holy book Quran and alongside the folk
tradition. The goal is to show the modifications which the cult toward stone
has undergone under the influence of new religious understanding in the
minds of believers. On the other words, the emphasis is placed on the way
that is coming up its symbolism.

, ,
. (, , 164)
57
, .
(, , 64)

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

113



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1

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. , 2007, 247.
2
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2006-2. . 2007, 11.

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, 12.VII 2002,. 22.
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. 1496, 16. X 2008.

116

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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. ?
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Acton, Lektures on Modern History (1906) 33.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

119

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Guerrina R. Europe, History, Ideas and ideologies. London: AmoldAmember of the Hodder Headline Groupe 2002, 137-138.
20

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

121

,
, .21



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Pool R. Nation and identity, London and New York: Routledge 1999 (

... .13)
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122



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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

123

,
24 ,
.
?
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. 25

?

Misho NETKOVSKI

COLLECTIVE MEMORY AND IDENTITY


summary
The identity whether personal, social, political or cultural has become
a classical modern word which use is incredibly expanding and with that
becoming more complex, receiving fluidness in its use, developing positively
indefinite aura, same as the words democracy, freedom, progress.
Today we pay special attention to the meaning and importance of the
identity at numerous scientific symposiums or other meeting where eminent
politicians, philosophers, sociologists, anthropologists and culturologists
meet. I believe that this frequent and often distorted determination of this
multilayered term in social sciences, publicism (with political function) and
the political speeches which have hidden national or nationalistic network,
has brought to the change of its original and real meaning, putting it in a
position of multilayered international slogan, using it for odds and ends, with
a function of defending a certain nation.
The question of identity which in the years of the former
Yugoslavian system was modeled according to the current demand of the
unity with deformed historical sense for the continuity of the antique times
and with accent on slavdom , according to modern observers (historians) has
created a completely wrong perception of identity which now it is being
complemented with the same uncritical attitude after every mentioning of the
24

, , ,
( ). .
, . 593, 1. 03. 2001.
25
, , ., 25
2011, 13.

124

antique roots. In this context I also place the remarkable national and
emotional urges of the government for placing memorial insignia on distinct
places and preparation of educative shows on television from our distant past
with a goal to fulfill a vacuum in the historical continuum of the Macedonian
ethno genesis which unjustifiably and tendentiously was removed for
decades or it was intentionally erased from our collective memory.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

125


,


Uvod

.
.



.
: ,


.1


.2
:
II ,
20 - 22.11.2003 .
.
: :
: , , 35 2000, , , , 2001, 479 :
:
, , 20-22 2003, , , ,
2004, 163.
2
. - ,
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: , 3-5
2000, , , , 2001, 457-474.
1




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1987
180 .
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5

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

129



5 .6


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1987-1988 155
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- , XIXII/1, 1990, 36-39.
6

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

131


,

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1992 1995 .


1994
, ,
:
9

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- , XI XII/1, 1990, 46-53.
8

Daskalovska Katerina, Katerina Nospalovska, Migrations in the Republik Macedoni


and spatial distribution of the population in the 1990s. Statistical Office the Republik of
Macedonia. Demobalk Conference, Saraevo, May, 2000.

132

...

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14

6075

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2010/11/XLVI/1-2

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1629

3318

Lidija GJURKOVSKA

EMIGRANTS FROM MACEDONIA IN FR GERMANY,


THE SWIS CONFEDERATION AND THE REPUBLIC
OF AUSTRIA AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR
summary
Studying the Macedonian immigrants has always been a topic that
caused great interest with the researchers. Two symposiums were held in
Macedonia regarding this issue. This article aims to reveal the reasons for the
emigration of Macedonians after the Second World War in Western Europe.
At the end of the article, there is a table outline of the statistics showing the
emigration of Macedonians from the Socialist Republic of Macedonia to
Western Europe, after the Second World War.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

147

PRIKAZI


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. - ,
, 2011, 500
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,
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161

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KOMENTARZE, STUDIA
Krzytof Wrocqawski, Magdalena Bogusqawska,
Ewa Wrblewska-Trochimiuk
Instytut Slawistyki Zachodniej i Poudniowej
Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego,
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: 1945;
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173


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174

IN MEMORIAM


(1947 - 2011)
, ,
, ,
,
, , ,
. , , ,
,
. .
. , 1947
.
, ,,
. . ,,
.
1975 . ,
. ,
. 1975 .
,, , ,,.
.


, 1975-76 .
,
,


.

.
,
,
. ,
,
, . ,
,
,

,

. ,,.
,
,
(11 12 2001 .).

, ,
, ,
.
, 35
.

.

,
, ,
, , .
,
.

,
,

.
, ,
- ,
,
.
,
- - ,
,
,
- - .
,
, ,

. ,
.
,,
.

176

, ,
, ,
,
, , ,
.
,
, , ,
, ,
.

2010/11/XLVI/1-2

177

IN MEMORIAM

. - -

22 2011 .,
. - - ,
1924 . , .
, (1962
.) (1962-1972),
1965 1989. 1969
, 1971 .
Zbornik
jevrejskog istorijskog muzeja,
.
: ,, , ,,
,
,,
1988 p Muzejski prostor. ICOM , .

: ;
.
, ,
.
1964 . ,,
,
,
:
,,
. e t
, 1972 .
,
1979-1980 . . 1978

F
Arheologija bliskog istoka (l, 1981 1984)

.
,
.
prof. ,
F
. ,
,
F
, . ,
(Arheologija bliskog
istoka), ( )
.

.
. . ,
,
, , ,

-
( ) .
-
. . ,
, 22
, , , .

180

IN MEMORIAM


(1949-2011)


(, ),
. ,
. Paris X
Nanterre
():
.
1949 .
(grande cole) Ecole Normale Suprieure (ENS),
1971 . . ,
les normaliens .. ,
, ,
. 1972 .
, 1985 . Nancy II. , Paris IV Sorbonne

(1982).
: La royaut
en Grce avant Alexandre (1984), Dmosthne (1990), Le IV sicle grec
jusqu' la mort d'Alexandre (1995), Homre (1999).
Guide de l'pigraphiste : bibliographie choisie des
pigraphies antiques et mdivales. ,
. 1991 Diane-Potier-Bos,

( , ). , (. , Pierre
Carlier, Dmosthne, Paris 1990, . 331 XL, 1991, .
236-241). 1994, te Historia Antiqua Macedoniae,

, ,
(

). ,
,
, . ,
,
.
, A propos des "te-re-ta*, Tractata Mycenaea :
proceedings of the eighth international colloquium on Mycenaean studies,
held in Ohrid, 15-20 september 1985, Skopje 1987, p. 65-73.
2003 ., ,
. ,

,
.
,
.
( 2007 .)
. 25 2011 .
. ,
.
,
. ,
, ,
( ).
, ,
, ,
.
Repose en paix !

182

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