Gender Dimensions of Electoral Politics in Nagaland

Dr. Toshimenla Jamir *

The State of Nagaland consists of 14 to 16 major Naga tribes. The language spoken by each tribe, the design of clothing used by them, and the customs and manners are different. But patriarchy is common to all. In fact, one may say that Nagas are staunch patriarchal communities. Hence, the Naga women stood on a pedestal lower to their menfolk. There are of course instances in some of the Naga tribes who had women with powerful influence. In fact, we are portraying one such instance in the present issue of Ishani, namely of Longkongla, a woman of Ao Naga tribe who was associated with the origin of a clan. Women had no say in the traditional village councils. The decision making on any issue concerning the village rested with the menfolk only. Advent of Independence in India unexpectedly ushered in a silent revolution in Naga society. The Constitution of India provides for adult franchise and equal voting rights to all adults irrespective of their gender, caste, creed or language. By this provision, the Naga women stood on equal footing with men as far as voting to elect a member of a legislature was concerned. However, as far as their traditional institutions and village government was concerned, the old order prevailed. There are some provisions like village development boards of every village and committees formulated for communitized functioning of services and institutions, the concerned legislation provides for mandatory inclusion of women members. It is true that the womens participation in these bodies still continues to be of a passive nature. But there is no cause for great worry. For any traditional society, the process of transformation is better to be gradual. The author of this article, who is by now a senior teacher in the University, has pointed out how the women have not been able to find entry into State legislature. She shares information on this subject and also her views in this article. The very fact that there are now women in Naga society who can articulate their views and also voice their opinion is a highly welcome and encouraging development. Dr Toshimenlas article throws light on an aspect of life in Naga society.

The resurgence of the worldwide Womens Movement post the UN Decade for Women (1975-1985) has legitimized the investigation of women as a distinct category. Subsequently, the many researches and studies on womens issues and problems constituting the academic wing of the womens movement for empowerment has identified womens political participation as a central issue in present time. About three decades ago, more emphasis was on economics as a path for women to attain greater equity. However, today the emphasis is on politics local, national and global. The reasons for these is that, in the first place, there can be no true democracy, no true peoples participation in governance and development without equal participation of women and men in all spheres of life and at different levels of decision-making. Secondly, in order to advance towards the Millennium Development Goals by the UN in 2000, womens full and active participation not only in development process but also in the shaping of its goals becomes a pre-requisite. It is in this context that the concept of political participation and the subsequent empowerment of women assume great significance. Political empowerment through participation is envisaged as an aid to help women achieve equality with men,

or, at least reduce the gender gap considerably. Subsequent to the fourth World Conference on Women held at Beijing in 1995, the Beijing Platform for action recognized the gender gaps in economic power, property rights and poverty. The Platform also recognizes the link between the economic and the political, i.e., the eradication of poverty cannot be accomplished through anti- poverty programmes alone, but will require democratic participation and changes in economic resources, opportunities and public services. The political participation of women hence, remains a leading issue in modern democracies. United Nations international Human rights instruments affirm that women are entitled to enjoy all the rights and freedom on the same basis as men. Womens equal participation is essential to the conduct of democratic elections. At the practical level, an election fails to comply with international obligations and standards unless the opportunity for full and equal participation by women is provided. Equality in all spheres is inseparable from active political participation and is integral to the progress of women. Without active and continuous participation of women at all levels of government, including local party structure, equality in true sense will continue to remain deceptive. Table 1
Men/Women candidates in the State Assembly Elections 1964-2003

Year of election 1964 1969 1974 1977 1982 1987 1989 1993 2003 Total

Total seats contested 40 40 60 60 60 60 60 60 60

No. of male candidates 73 144 207 303 245 214 140 178 225 1729

No. of women candidates Nil 2 Nil Nil Nil 3 Nil 1 3 9

Percentage of women candidates

No. of women elected

1.38 1.40 0.56 1.33 0.52

Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil

Source: Reports on the General Assembly Elections of Nagaland, 1964-2003, Government of Nagaland.

The state of women representation in the Nagaland State Legislative Assembly presents a dismal picture. Since the first election to the State Legislative Assembly conducted in 1964 to the latest one held in 2003, not a single woman has made it to the state legislature. As table 1 indicates, starting from the first election in 1964 to the latest one in 2003, there had been only nine women candidates (two of whom contested twice), out of a total of 1729 candidates. This accounts for a mere 0.5 percent of the total candidature. Further, an analysis of the comparative performance of the women candidates with regard to the votes secured in the elections suggests that the attitude of the Naga electorate towards women legislators is not favorable. This is illustrated by the table below. The above figures clearly indicate the wide margins between the numbers of votes secured by the women candidates as against the winning (male) candidates. For instance, during the 6th General Election in 1987, in the three Constituencies of Peren (7A/C), Arkakong (22A/C) and Bhandari (40A/C), the women candidates could secure only 729, 2350 and 271 votes respectively as against the winning male candidates who could secure 2548, 3747 and 3698 number of votes respectively in these three

Constituencies. This shows that none of the three women candidates could secure more than 27.35 percent of the total votes. The performance of the women candidates is no better in the other years too. Election records show that where women candidates have been fielded by the political parties as candidates, they are usually put up in a constituency where the party position is not very strong, or where the opposing candidate has a very strong foothold and is widely predicted to emerge as the winner. A case in point is the candidature of Ms. Chubalemla being put up by the Nagaland Peoples Front (NPF) party in the 2003 general assembly election against Mr. S.C.Jamir, a stalwart of the Nagaland political scene. As a three time Chief Minister and the incumbent of the Chief Ministerial office, his influence and hold on the constituency (22 Aonglenden A/C) was unquestionable, and therefore, his winning the election was a forgone conclusion. Predictably, he won the election by a wide margin. Thus, the role of the political parties of Nagaland, which are all manned by male politicians, in fielding women candidates is questionable. The pattern of candidature of the women candidates in Nagaland indicates that political parties of the state are not in favor of fielding women as their candidates. For instance, a look at their candidature from 1987 to 2003 shows that out of the seven women candidates, four of them (57.1 percent) contested as Independent candidates. The fact that majority of the women candidates contested as Independent candidates, and not fielded by any political party highlights the reluctance of the political parties in Nagaland to sponsor women as candidates in the elections. Without the backing of a major political party, the chances of any candidate winning the election becomes doubtful, given the fact that money power plays an integral part in the Naga electoral processes. For a Naga woman candidate, a combination of financial constraints, exacerbated by a social structure that is not in favor of seeing women in political leadership role, makes the chances of winning the election as independent candidates very slim indeed. Further, a look at the participation of the electorate during the last four Assembly Elections held in 1987, 1989, 1993, and 2003 offers a quantitative measure of political participation by the Naga women. Figure 1 given below reflects the participation of women voters as against the number of male voters in the last four Assembly Elections to the state Legislature. It indicates that Naga women are very active voters in the elections. In fact, according to the statistics below, it reveals that in two consecutive years i.e., 1987 and 1989, women voters outnumbered the male voters with 85.9 percent and 86 percent of votes as against 83.2 percent and 85.3 percent of male voters respectively. This shows a margin of 2.7 percent and 0.7 percent respectively in favor of women voters. Hence, there is no significant gender gap between men and women, as far as voting is concern. Table 2 Performance of women candidates party-wise (1987- 2003) Sl No Year No. and Name of Constituency 7 Peren A/C 22 Arkakong A/C 40 Bhandari A/C 37 Tyui A/C 3 Dimapur111 A/C 5 Ghaspani 11 A/C Name of women candidate Sebeule Chubalemla Lochumlo R.L. Kinghen Anupama Mech Akheli Party Votes polled Total votes polled 9353 8606 8808 10,648 14221 20979 9674

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1987 1987 1987 1993 2003 2003 2003

IND NNDP IND INC IND IND NPF

729 2320 271 652 427 486 928

26Aonglenden A/C Chubalemla

Source: Reports on the General Assembly Elections of Nagaland, 1987-2003, Government of Nagaland

However, this high percentage of women voters, viewed against the failure of women candidates, is glaringly significant and has to be analyzed against the backdrop of the Naga socio-cultural milieu. The reasons for the lack of empathy for women candidates by the Naga electorate in general, and the women voters in particular, lies in the determinants of their voting behavior, which are most often not politically motivated. The important determinants of voting of the Naga women includes considerations of kinship ties, economic considerations, and political affinity of family members, and rarely rests on political ideology or party principles. Often, their choice of candidate depends on the decision of the male members in the family. As most men in Naga society are yet to fully accept the idea of having women in leadership roles, it adversely affects the outcome of the women candidates in the elections. Another factor that works against the women candidates in the Naga electoral process is the double standards of morality employed to assess the characters of the women candidates. In interaction with women political activists, it is learnt that while the character of the male politicians are rarely subject to scrutiny, it is not the same for female candidates. When the name of any woman as a probable candidate in the election crops up, her morals and character are immediately subjected to scrutiny by the concerned political leaders as well as the electorate at large. This culture of double standards employed against the women candidates can be regarded as a clear manifestation of the patriarchal ethos that seeks to keep women subordinate and out of the power arena by the malecentered Naga society. Naga Women political leaders claim that most of the ground works during the electioneering are done by the women. However, they are not given the due recognition and appreciation for their efforts by their male colleagues, who are always in the forefront. Women, being in a numerically disadvantaged position, are compelled to follow the dictates of their male colleagues. Due to their minimal number in the parties, women cannot forge any common agenda for womens uplift. Even within the party hierarchy, Naga women find it hard to reach the top party position where all policy decisions are taken. For instance in the BJP State Working Committee, out of twelve members, there is only one woman, in the middle rung of the party hierarchy. Again in the list of the NPCC Office bearers, which is the oldest and most organized political party in Nagaland, out of twelve members, there is not a single woman. The gender-scene is no different in the other political parties too. Therefore, even though there are a handful of Naga women in the political parties, they do not have the numerical strength to influence the policy matters of the party. Most of the women political activists in the state are concentrated at the lower levels of the political party structure, who can play foot soldiers to the party bosses, but are not in a position to influence any party decision. Thus, decisions regarding the support of women candidature, or the fielding of women candidate in the elections rest entirely upon the male politicians. Most political parties deny women candidate their tickets on account of their non-win ability factor, which serves to perpetuate male dominance in the political process of the state.

The primary factor for the low political participation of Naga women can be associated with the traditional political system in the patriarchal Naga socio-cultural system, which excludes women from every decision-making institution in society, and relegates them in the domestic sphere. The political consequence of the Naga tradition and culture on the women is their almost total eclipse from the administrative and decision-making bodies and institutions, which continue till date. With the granting of statehood, even though a new democratic political system has been introduced in Naga society, it was merely superimposed on the pre-existing social system where the women were not given any place in the governance of society. Therefore, unless space is created for Naga women in the traditional seats of decision-making by reviewing and restructuring the customary law to suit the modern era, their entry into the modern political institutions remain in doubt. However, today in Nagaland, there are indicators that women are increasingly becoming more aware and conscious, politically as well as socially, as exemplified in the proliferation of many womens organizations in the state. They are actively making efforts to create more space for themselves in the Naga society through concerted action by way of organizing themselves. The most influential womens organization is the Naga Mothers Association (NMA) which represents all the women in the state irrespective of tribe. Besides the NMA, there are the tribal units like the Wats Mungdang among the Aos, the Angami Public Women Organization among the Angamis, the Sumi totimi Hoho among the Semas, etc.. These organizations are seeking to create political and gender awareness among the women and bring pro-gender changes in society. For instance, the NMA is currently engaged in awareness programme on the norms of voting behavior for women, in an effort to clean up the electoral politics in the state. The Wats Mungdang is propagating a change in the customary law which will allow even female children the right to an equal share in the parents acquired property. Further, in the year 2004, a group of Naga women, comprising of University teachers, media person, and social workers, who called themselves as Facilitators and Initiators made an effort to field women candidates for the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha elections in the state. They came together with the view that Naga women must stop pleading for justice, but must work for and earn justice, well aware of the fact that it would take a very long time for the State Legislative Assembly (an all male bastion) to resolve to legislate womenfriendly acts and laws, especially in pertaining to power sharing. However, their effort did not succeed in the face of non-cooperation from the male politicians, who failed to extent support for their cause. Further, most of these women, being from the elite section of society, had made no effort to garner the support of the general female electorate at the grass-root, who form the bulk of the women electorate. Their very sudden and abrupt way of coming into the electoral scene did not make much impact with the general masses, which played a significant role in their inability to succeed. These womens organizations have tried to change the prevailing social and political system by demanding for more rights from outside the political system, because they have not been able to enter the political system, i.e., the State Legislature. To make effective changes in the social system, Naga women have to act from within the political system, which necessitates that Naga women increase their political participation on all fronts. Improving the political status of Naga women is an integral part of the overall problem of socioeconomic change of Naga society, and broadening the political elite structure. Given the positive trend towards Naga womens educational attainment and their achievements in other arena besides politics, it is expected that a gender-sensitized re-structuring of the formal institutions in society, both traditional and modern, will alleviate the Naga women into positions of equal partnership with men in politics, as well as in every aspect of life. .
* Dr. Toshimenla belongs to Ao Naga tribe of Nagaland. She has been working for the past ten years in the Department of Sociology of Nagaland University and is based at the Lumami complex of the university in the neighbourhood of the town of Mokokchung. She has keen interest in gender issues in general and in Nagaland in particular.