PAPIAMENTU/O AND

THE ATLANTIC CREOLE LANGUAGES:

AFRICANS, THE JEWS, THE DUTCH AND
THE STORY OF SUGAR SLAVERY
JAIME RIVERA, MAYRA CORTES, RAMN VALLE JIMNEZ, STEPHANIE M. PREZ, KATHERINE M. CASTRO
LAMBOY, MAYRA CARDONA, RAFAEL JIMNEZ BARALT, DORIS M. ORTIZ RIVERA, JUAN SEPULVEDA FIGUEREO,
SOFA LEBRN SEPLVEDA, NICHOLAS FARACLAS AND OTHER MEMBERS OF THE RESEARCH GROUP ON THE
AGENCY OF MARGINALIZED PEOPLES IN THE EMERGENCE OF CREOLE LANGUAGES AND CULTURES,
UNIVERSITY OF PUERTO RICO, RO PIEDRAS
OPENBAAR KOLEZJE, UNIVERSIDAT DI KORSOU, 23 OKTOBER 2017
ATLANTIC CREOLES IN THE CARIBBEAN

ABC ISLANDS
ATLANTIC CREOLES BEYOND THE CARIBBEAN

THE ATLANTIC CREOLES

PAPIAMENTU/O AND THE ATLANTIC CREOLES
Papiamentu/o is an Atlantic Creole language, that is, Papiamentu/o
belongs to a group of languages that emerged during the colonial
period from contact among Africans, Indigenous peoples, and
Europeans throughout the Atlantic.
Although the grammars of all of the Atlantic Creoles are very similar
and show significant influence from African and possibly Indigenous
languages, the Atlantic Creoles can be divided into subgroups
according to which European language contributed the most words:
English lexifier Creoles like Jamaican, St. Martin English and San
Nicolas English, French lexifier Creoles like Haitian and St. Martin
Patois, Dutch lexifier Creoles like Berbice Dutch, Negerhollands and
Skepi which are all extinct, and Iberian lexifier Creoles, like
Papiamentu and Yungueo.
 WEST IBERIAN DIALECT
CONTINUUM
SPANISH VS. PORTUGUESE
Astur-Leonese
Asturian
Leonese
Mirandese
Extremaduran
Cantabrian
Castilian
Spanish/Castilian
Judaeo-Spanish/Ladino
Galician-Portuguese
Portuguese
Galician
Fala
Judaeo-Portuguese
PyreneanMozarabic
Aragonese
Navarro-Aragonese
Judaeo-Aragonese
Mozarabic
SEPHARDIM EXPELLED FROM SPAIN TO
PORTUGAL AND ELSEWHERE
PAPIAMENTU/O:
PORTUGUESE OR SPANISH LEXIFIER?
There have been intense debates among linguists about whether we
should consider Papiamentu/o to be a Portuguese lexifier Creole or a
Spanish lexifier Creole.
But during the early colonial period when Papiamentu/o emerged,
the distinctions between Spanish, Portuguese and other Iberian
Romance dialects were very unclear, especially among key
populations like sailors and the Sephardic Jews or Sephardim, many
of whom had first been expelled from Spain to Portugal, and from
there to the colonies.
The languages spoken by the Sephardim and the sailors therefore
probably included dialects of both Portuguese and Spanish.
UPPER AND LOWER GUINEA ISLANDS

UPPER GUINEA ISLANDS

(CABO VERDE)
LOWER GUINEA ISLANDS
(SO TOM & PRINCIPE)
ORIGINS: UPPER GUINEA (CABO VERDE)
VS. LOWER GUINEA (SO TOM)?
There have been intense debates among linguists about whether we
should consider Papiamentu/o to be more closely linked to the Upper
Guinea Iberian lexifier Atlantic Creoles like Caboverdiano, or to the
Lower Guinea Iberian lexifier Atlantic Creoles like Sotomense.
But during the early colonial period when Papiamentu/o emerged,
the distinctions between the Upper and Lower Guinea creoles were
very unclear, especially among key populations like the enslaved,
sailors, and Sephardim, many of whom spent time in both Lower and
Upper Guinea.
The Iberian lexifier Creoles spoken by the Jews and the enslaved
therefore probably included both Lower and Upper Guinea varieties.
 AGENCY: WHO CREATES HISTORY?
WHO CREATED THE ATLANTIC CREOLES?
Most agree that we cannot explain the origin of the Atlantic Creole
languages like Papiamentu/o without explaining the origins of the
sugar plantations in the Caribbean and the origins of Curaao as a
slave trading market in the 1600s.
But, as suggested above, we cannot explain the origins of sugar in the
Caribbean and the slave trade in Curaao without explaining what
happened to Africans, the Jews, the Portuguese and the Dutch from
1400 to 1600 in West Africa, Madeira, So Tom, and Brazil.
As we try to explain all of this, it be comes clear that it was not only
the Christian Europeans who were creating history and creating
language, but also Africans, Jews and other peoples who are not
often included in the history books.
RENEGADES AND MAROONS WERE PRESENT
AT ALL TIMES AND IN ALL ATLANTIC COLONIES
As our research group has argued in the past, renegade Europeans
(including renegade Jews) and runaway African slaves were not in
any way isolated or marginal groups in the colonial Atlantic, instead,
they were everywhere and played a central role at every stage of
colonial history in the region.
In this presentation, we show how Jewish renegades and African
maroons also shaped Papiamentu/o and the other Atlantic Creole
languages.
We also demonstrate how the colonial ruling classes, in particular
the Dutch and the English, responded to renegade and maroon
agency in the Atlantic.
SEPHARDIM FLEEING THE RECONQUISTA
THE JEWS IN CHRISTIAN EUROPE
From the end of the Roman Empire onward, European Christians
prohibited Jews prom engaging in virtually any well-payed
occupations other than those involving money lending.
It must be reiterated here, however, that at no time in the history of
Europe and the rest of the world have the majority of Jews worked as
merchants and financiers.
Instead, most Jews were systematically deprived of access to
subsistence, making them totally dependent on money for survival,
while at the same time denying them access to almost all occupations
by which they could earn enough money to meet their basic needs.
From time to time, the Christian rulers of Europe would organize
pogroms, where Jews were murdered and their possessions stolen.
JEWS AND OTHER EXILES BECOME
RENEGADES (LANADOS) IN WEST AFRICA
SEPHARDIC JEWS AND
OTHER EXILES
INQUISITION: EXPULSION OF IBERIAN JEWS
The expulsion of Muslims and Sephardic Jews from Iberia during the
Reconquista and Inquisition coincided neatly with the Spanish and
Portuguese invasion of the Atlantic during the 1400s and 1500s.
In many ways, Iberian colonization can be seen as an extension of the
Reconquista and the Inquisition in Spain and Portugal.
During the Inquisition, a significant number of Sephardic Jews in Iberia
were by forced to convert to become New Christians.
Many of the Sephardic Jews and New Christians of Spain were first
expelled to Portugal and soon afterwards were exiled as degredados
from Portugal as well, with thousands ending up on Portuguese and
Spanish ships bound for Africa and the Americas.
The Jews who were exiled to Africa were sent to both the Upper Guinea
region and the Lower Guinea regions in West Africa.
JEWS: POOR EXILES, NOT RICH MERCHANTS
The majority of the Jews who went to the colonies were poor exiles
and renegades, rather than rich merchants or financiers.

Faraclas and Viada: The Christian Portuguese routinely used their

expeditions overseas as an opportunity to expel their marginalized
populations, including Sephardim, New Christians, Romani, vagabonds,
and criminals who were collectively referred to as degredados [exiles] .
. . . Given the fact that the living and working conditions of sailors, non-
propertied settlers, and slaves were in many ways comparable,
volunteers were not exactly forthcoming and the ships were more
often than not coercively crewed by impressment and forcibly filled by
order of the authorities with settlers from the most marginalized
sectors of metropolitan society ....[including homosexuals (those
convicted of sodomy) and revolutionaries]. (2012: 14-15)
DEGRDO: IBERIAN JEWS SENT INTO EXILE
Russel-Wood: From an early date, overseas territories had been
regarded as suitable depositories for undesirables of metropolitan
Portugal: convicts, New Christians, gypsies [sic], .... Reference has been
made to the use of lanados [renegade settlers] in West and East Africa,
but they were to be found as far away as ... China. Exile (degrdo) from
Portugal could be to the Atlantic Islands, So Tom and Principe, Africa,
Brazil, or even Portuguese India .... At the first opportunity, many...
jumped ship at an intervening port, whereas others would escape their
captors .... Despite their unsavory reputation, shortages of manpower
led the Portuguese crown to view degredados as essential vehicles for
settlement and colonization .... In addition to convicts, there were those
who were the victims of society or of persecution .... [such as] fugitives
from the Inquisition. (1998: 107-9)
EXILES BECOME RENEGADE MEMBERS OF
WEST AFRICAN COMMUNITIES (LANADOS)
While many of the degredados and other marginalized people perished
from tropical diseases soon after reaching West Africa, a number of the
survivors, many of whom were of Sephardic descent, went renegade
and integrated themselves into local West African communities, where
they were welcomed, as long as they took African spouses and
respected and practiced local customs.
AR Disney: [T]here were also in Upper Guinea by the late fifteenth
century various Portuguese, and Portuguese mixed-bloods, who had
settled there permanently, if informally, amongst the Africans, [with] .
their Afro-Portuguese descendants becoming steadily more
widespread and entrenched .... they were usually referred to as
lanados, which roughly translates as outcasts. (2009: 50-1)
SEPHARDI CHILDREN EXILED TO SO TOM
Kerem: In 1493, after many Jews were expelled from Spain and three
years before the expulsion from Portugal, King Manuel of Portugal, in
seeking funds to finance his program of colonial expansion, imposed
huge poll taxes upon the Jews. . . . King Manuel wanted to colonize the
islands of Sao Tome and Principe in order to whiten the race as he
put it. . . . When it was clear that the majority of the Jews could not pay
the tax demanded, the king deported Jewish children aged 2 to 10
years of age to Sao Tome and Principe. In the port of Lisbon, no fewer
than 2,000 children were torn from their parents and herded onto
boats . Within a year only 600 children remained alive. (2013: 3-4)
Some of the children who managed to survive eventually intermarried
with local African populations in renegade acts of marronage
reminiscent of those of the lanados further up the West African coast.
LANADOS HELP CREATE AND SPREAD
AFRO-PORTUGUESE LANGUAGE & CULTURE
During the 1400s and 1500s, these lanados and their Afro-Portuguese
descendants helped integrate the Portuguese and other Europeans
into the vibrant ancient trade networks of West Africa, spreading their
Afro-Portuguese language and culture throughout the region.
The Afro-Portuguese descendants of the Sephardim and other
lanados rapidly came to constitute a large part of the ruling mulatto
merchant and planter classes both on the Upper Guinea Islands of
Cape Verde and on the Lower Guinea islands, like So Tom.
These Afro-Portuguese populations and their trade networks quickly
gave rise to Proto-Afro-Portuguese West African contact languages,
which were to become an important source for all of the other Atlantic
Creole languages, like Papiamentu/o, Jamaican and Haitian.
SUGAR 1450: WHY NOT WEST AFRICA?
 SUGAR PLANTATIONS IN WEST AFRICA?
From the 1400s to the 1800s, the Europeans tried to establish sugar
plantations in West Africa, but they invariably failed because:
1) Their was fierce and consistent resistance from Africans to
Europeans occupying their land.
2) On the mainland, African workers could easily become maroons,
that is, they could run away back to their home villages when they
realized that they were being treated as chattel slaves.
3) Renegade lanados and their descendants often allied with their
African hosts to resist European interference in their affairs.
Thus, for 400 years, both maroons and renegades helped West Africans
to successfully resist both colonization and plantation agriculture.
PORTUGUESE PLANTATION PROJECTS
FAILED IN WEST AFRICA
AR Disney: The Portuguese made no serious attempt to establish
permanent white or Afro-Portuguese settlements on the Mina Coast
[or anywhere else on the coast of West Africa], even though several
proposals to this end were put forward .... The Portuguese
promoters of these schemes seem to have had in mind plantation
colonies .... However, African rulers invariably turned down any
proposal that would allow Portuguese to settle outside the
designated feitorias [small trading stations], even on an informal
basis. Consequently few, if any, [non-renegade] Portuguese traders
penetrated very far into the African interior. (2009, 60-61)
SUGAR 1490: MADEIRA
OFFSHORE ISLANDS: THE FIRST SUGAR
PLANTATIONS IN THE COLONIAL ATLANTIC
To help solve the problem of the enslaved running away to become
maroons, the Portuguese established sugar production on small
uninhabited islands off the coast of West Africa.
Some exiles (including Sephardic Jews and New Christians) became
slaves on these plantations, while others became overseers.
A few more wealthy Sephardim became local merchants and
planters.
The first successful sugar island was Madeira which became the
world center for sugar production in the 1490s, but the Indigenous
and European slaves there soon died off, and during the 1500s the
center for world sugar production shifted to the African offshore
Lower Guinea island of So Tom.
SUGAR 1550: SO TOM AND PRNCIPE
ANNO BOM: VICTORY OF THE MAROONS
While they were establishing sugar plantations on So Tom in
the early 1500s, the Portuguese and Sephardic Jews also tried to
grow sugar on the neighboring island of Anno Bom.
In Anno Bom, many enslaved Africans ran away to the mountains
from the plantations to become maroons, and these maroons,
together with the enslaved Africans successfully stopped all
sugar production on the island and expelled the planters.
For centuries, the victorious Africans would not allow any
Europeans on the island, even priests.
This was the very first successful overthrow of an Afro-Atlantic
sugar plantation economy, and, like the Haitian revolution some
300 years later, it was led by maroons.
SO TOM: MAROONS OVERTHROW THE
WORLDS BIGGEST SUGAR ECONOMY
By 1550, So Tom had become the center for world sugar
production, but from the beginning large numbers of enslaved
Africans escaped the plantations to the mountains and forests to
become maroons.
In 1578, the maroon leader Amador led a revolt that began the
process of the abandonment by the Portuguese, the mulattos
and the Sephardic Jews of their sugar plantations on the island.
As maroon attacks continued, the Portuguese moved their head-
quarters from So Tom to the neighboring island of Principe.
Many of the Sephardic descended and other planters who fled
So Tom went to Brazil to start new plantations, and by 1590,
the center for world sugar production shifted to Brazil.
SUGAR 1600: NORTHEASTERN BRAZIL
SEPHARDIC LANADOS IN BRAZIL:
THE BACHELLOR OF CANANEIA
The Bachelor of Cananeia is unofficially credited with the founding of
the first three cities in Brazil: Cananea, Iguape, and So Vicente. The
Bachelor is known to be a new Christian exiled to Brazil circa 1501
.... a common destination for the new Christians expelled by the
Portuguese . [In Brazil] he married an Indian and settled in among
the natives. [and] went on to found So Vicente [which] flourished
as a town under his guidance and leadership . When [Portuguese
conquistador] Afonso [de Sousa] reached So Vicente in January 22,
1532 , he [Afonso] was [officially] credited with the founding of So
Vicente. . . . A year after Afonso left [and after two] years of
Portuguese rule, the Bachelor led an attack on the city. . . due to the
rise of the Portuguese administration and established a new
[Indigenous] town called Enguagguacu (Iguape) in 1536. SPE 2017
BRAZIL: THE PORTUGUESE VS. THE DUTCH
By 1600, Northeastern Brazil had become the center for world
sugar production.
From the very beginning, however, large numbers of enslaved
Indigenous people and Africans escaped to the mountains and
forests to become maroons.
Between 1620 and 1650, the Dutch invaded and conquered
Northeastern Brazil from the Portuguese, and formed an
alliance with the Sephardic Jews to transform sugar production
there to a more capitalistic type of enterprise.
The maroons and enslaved soon realized that the Dutch were
imposing a much harsher form of capitalistic slavery.
In the end, the maroons and enslaved helped the Portuguese
to reconquer Northeastern Brazil from the Dutch.
SUGAR 1650: THE CARIBBEAN
FROM BRAZIL TO THE CARIBBEAN
After the Portuguese reconquest of Northeastern Brazil, the
Dutch and the Sephardic Jews were expelled and many
eventually ended up in the Caribbean.
While the sugar industry in Brazil returned to a pre-capitalist
mode after 1650, the Dutch and the Sephardim were
determined to re-establish the capitalist production of sugar
on the English island of Barbados and other nearby islands.
With massive financial and naval support from the Dutch and
financial and technical support from the Sephardim, the
capitalist production of sugar became so successful in
Barbados and the rest of the Caribbean, that the world center
for the production of sugar shifted from Brazil to the
Caribbean by 1700.
WHY THE CARIBBEAN?
In sum, if we want to understand why the first successful and
permanent sugar plantation economy was established in the
Caribbean around 1650 with Curaao and Statia as two of its
main slave markets, it is necessary to understand the role
that maroons and renegades played in:
1) Making it impossible for sugar plantations to be
established on the African mainland from 1400 to 1800,
driving sugar production to the offshore islands.
2) Overthrowing the offshore island sugar plantation
economies in So Tom and Anno Bom, driving sugar
production to Brazil by 1590.
3) Preventing the establishment of capitalistic production of
sugar in Brazil, driving the Dutch and the Sephardim to the
Caribbean by 1650.
BARBADOS: THE JEWS, THE DUTCH AND THE ENGLISH

ABC ISLANDS
BARBADOS
WHY BARBADOS?
It is difficult to understand why the English, with the help of
the Dutch, decided to establish sugar production on a small
island like Barbados, unless once again, we see maroons and
renegades as a driving force in Afro-Atlantic history.
Because of its relatively small size, Barbados was the ideal
place for the English, with help from the Dutch and
Sepahrdic Jews, to experiment with a new capitalist model of
sugar production, where the enslaved could be closely
monitored, controlled and exploited more completely than
under the Portuguese or the Spanish.
Because of its relatively flat land, Barbados was also an ideal
place to prevent the enslaved from running away to the
mountains and forests to become maroons.
WHY THE ENGLISH AND THE DUTCH?
The financial, military and technological cooperation between
the English and the Dutch in the Caribbean from 1630 to 1700
is difficult to understand, given the fact that England and the
Netherlands were often at war with each other at the time.
Why were the Dutch so willing to protect English Barbados
from attacks by the Spanish and Indigenous peoples?
Why were the Dutch so willing to finance the Barbados sugar
plantation owners and provide slaves to them?
We can only understand this strange alliance if we take into
account the central, driving force of African maroon and
European renegade resistance to the plantation economy.
This brings us to another maroon and renegade story, this
time in North America in the English colonies of Roanoke in
North Carolina between the 1580s and the 1620s.
ROANOKE, VIRGINIA, RENEGADES, MAROONS

ROANOKE & VIRGINIA

ROANOKE: A FAILED ENGLISH SETTLEMENT
Although the English, French and Dutch wanted to establish
colonies in the Americas in the 1500s, the Spanish and
Indigenous peoples successfully blocked their efforts.
One of the first attempts by the English to establish a colony in
the Americas was the Roanoke settlement in North Carolina
near the Virginia border in the 1580s.
After two failed attempts to establish a settlement, Governor
John White led a third group of settlers to Roanoke in 1587.
The settlers could not grow food because of mercantile policy
and a severe drought, so White went back to England, claiming
that he would bring back food for them.
But when White returned three years later, the Roanoke
settlement was deserted.
ROANOKE: ENGLISH RENEGADES & MAROONS
Sir Walter Raleigh, who directed the Roanoke expeditions from
England, claimed that the Roanoke settlers had been massacred
by hostile Indigenous peoples, and during the colonial period
and beyond, Raleighs dubious explanation has become part of
the official discourse on US history.
But over the centuries, increasing evidence has come to light
that suggest that the Roanoke settlers became renegades and
maroons and went to live with the local Indigenous peoples.
As early as the 1580s, eyewitnesses who had been part of the
first two groups of settlers reported that relations between
Roanoke and neighboring Indigenous peoples were good.
Indigenous peoples in North Carolina and Virginia today also
claim Roanoke ancestors and bear family names inherited from
the settlers who ran away to live with them (Miller 2000).
VIRGINIA: ENGLISH RENEGADES & MAROONS
By 1607, the English were trying again to settle in North America,
this time at Jamestown in Virginia.
Just as in Roanoke, the first few attempts to settle Jamestown from
1607 to 1620 failed because the settlers were starving.
The conditions in Jamestown deteriorated to the point where of the
thousands of settlers who had arrived there, only a handful survived,
some by eating human flesh.
During these difficult times, one in every seven settlers, as well as
some enslaved Africans, chose to run away from the colony and
become renegades and maroons, living with the local Indigenous
peoples (Linebaugh and Rediker 2000).
These maroon communities which included European, African and
Indigenous descended peoples became a threat to the interests of
the English businessmen of the Virginia Company.
THE ENGLISH AND DUTCH REACTION TO
RENEGADES AND MAROONS
In reaction to this challenge, the investors in the Virginia Company in
England replaced the first governor of Virginia, Sir George Percy with
Governor Thomas Gates and Deputy Governor Thomas Dale.
Both Gates and Dale had extensive ties to the Calvinist Netherlands,
where Dale had lived from 1588 to 1609 and where Gates died in
1619.
At this time, the newly independent Netherlands had become a
center for a new capitalist understanding of politics and economics,
and Gates and Dale were eager disciples.
Under Gates and Dale, a harsh regime of Dutch-inspired forced labor
was imposed on the settlers in Jamestown, as well as equally Dutch-
inspired apartheid laws that punished any form of co-habitation
between European, Indigenous and African.
CONTINUED MAROON ACTIVITY IN VIRGINIA
By 1620, the initial work force in Virginia consisted of Europeans,
Indigenous peoples and Africans.
In spite of all their efforts, it became impossible for the
businessmen in England and Virginia to impose the kind of labor
discipline, exploitation and control that they needed in order to
establish their Dutch-inspired capitalist utopia/dystopia.
Within thirty years, they turned to enslaved African labor to achieve
their goals.
Despite harsh punishments, including torture and execution, meted
out by Gates, Dale and their successors, first in Virginia and then in
the rest of the slave-holding states of the US, the enslaved
continued to run away, establishing major maroon settlements in
areas such as the Great Dismal Swamps of Virginia, which lasted
until emancipation in the 1860s.
THE DUTCH, THE ENGLISH AND CAPITALISM
ENGLAND AND HOLLAND
THE DUTCH, THE ENGLISH AND A NEW
CAPITALIST FORM OF SLAVE LABOR
In essence, Gates and Dale turned Jamestown into a prison-like
work camp, on a model that they borrowed from the Dutch, who
had learned from their experiences with maroons in Brazil.
It had become clear to the English, many of whom saw the
Netherlands as a leader in imposing a new capitalist regime of
discipline and forced labor, that the Dutch had the answer to their
labor management problems.
By a series of chance coincidences, the Jamestown colony
eventually managed to survive.
The renegades and maroons in Roanoke and Jamestown made the
English question their whole colonial enterprise, and they found the
answer to their questions in the new capitalistic and Calvinist
regime in the Netherlands.
BARBADOS: AN EXPERIMENT IN CAPITALIST
LABOR EXPLOITATION AND DISCIPLINE
Barbados was first claimed and then settled by Anglo-Dutch
Calvinist merchant Sir William Courten from 1624 to 1625.
Courten, who spent many of his formative years in the Calvinist
Netherlands, was the son of a Calvinist Dutch businessman who
had fled to England from the Catholic Spanish, who had
controlled the Netherlands up until 1585.
It is therefore no accident that the English colonization of
Barbados received military and financial support from the
Dutch, whose ships protected the colony from the Spanish and
Indigenous peoples.
Barbados thus became the testing ground for a new capitalist
regime of forced labor and control over the workforce inspired
by the Dutch and piloted by the English in Virginia.
BARBADOS: RACIALIZATION OF SOCIETY
ASSURES RACIALIZED CONTROL OVER LABOR
The first labor force in Barbados consisted of Europeans,
Indigenous peoples and Africans, but the attempts of English
businessmen to enforce their new regime of forced labor were
initially unsuccessful on the island.
Within a few decades, this time relying on Dutch models tested
in Brazil, they had found a solution: a new more capitalistic
form of racially-defined chattel slavery, where African
descended peoples would be subject to unprecedented levels
of labor control and exploitation.
Because of its relatively small size and flat landscape, Barbados
was the ideal place to ensure that enslaved Africans would
have a maximally difficult time running away and becoming
maroons.
THE GARIFUNA: MAROONS BARBADOS TO ST. VINCENT

ABC ISLANDS
BARBADOS
AND ST.
VINCENT
BARBADOS, ST. VINCENT AND MAROONS
Enslaved Africans found resourceful ways to resist slavery in
Barbados and the rest of the Caribbean.
From the very beginning of colonization until the abolition of
slavery and beyond, there were maroon settlements on
virtually every island and every mainland colony in the region.
In small and flat Barbados, where going maroon was more
difficult than elsewhere, the enslaved built rafts that were
carried by ocean currents to the neighboring island of St.
Vincent, where they were welcomed by some of the
Indigenous peoples who had already been co-habiting with
enslaved Africans who had survived a shipwreck there.
Over time, these indigenous people became phenotypically
African, giving rise to a new ethnic group: the
Garifuna/Garinagu, or Black Caribs.
GARINAGU, MAROONS AND RESISTANCE
As Afro-Indigenous maroons, the Garinagu became the
fiercest point of resistance to slavery and the imposition of
capitalist forced labor in the Caribbean.
The Garinagu successfully resisted colonization and
enslavement on St. Vincent until 1797, and by that time, the
system of racially-defined capitalist chattel slavery was
disintegrating throughout the Americas.
Although official historical discourses attribute the abolition
of slavery to the work of European descended Abolitionist
activists in England and North America, the key role played
by maroons in the collapse of the slave regimes in the
Americas is more often than not minimalized or completely
ignored.
MAROONS AND THE COLLAPSE OF
RACIALLY-BASED CHATTEL SLAVERY
By the end of the 1700s the maroons in the three biggest
sugar producing territories of the Caribbean, English Jamaica,
French St. Domingue (Haiti) and Dutch Suriname, had become
so successful in destabilizing the plantation economy that they
had forced the English and Dutch to sign treaties with them as
sovereign nations, and by 1803, they had lead the first
successful overthrow of a plantation economy in the Americas
in Haiti.
It was largely through the sustained and effective resistance of
maroons throughout the Americas that businessmen in
Europe, the US, Brazil and elsewhere eventually had to replace
it with other capitalist forms of labor discipline, control and
exploitation, such as apprenticeship and wage-slavery.
MARGINALIZED PEOPLES: A DRIVING FORCE IN
HISTORY, SOCIETY, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE
There can be no meaningful understanding
of colonial history, society, language and
culture without acknowledging the
significant historical, social, linguistic and
cultural agency of Africans, maroons, Jews,
renegades, women, Indigenous and other
marginalized peoples in the creation and
propagation of the Creolized languages
and cultures of the Caribbean and the rest
of the Atlantic World.
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Linebaugh, Peter and Markus Rediker. The Many Headed Hydra. Boston: Beacon Press, 2000.
Mound, Gloria. Continuing Jewish Customs and Folklore in Ibiza and Formentera. In Proceedings of the Eleventh World Congress
of Jewish Studies, Division D, Vol 11 edited by Yitzchak Kerem, 143150. Jerusalem: World Union of Jewish Studies, 1995.
Russel-Wood, Anthony John R. The Portuguese Empire 1415-1808. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.
Story of Portuguese Exiles (retrieved 6 August 2017). http://exilesofportugal.weebly.com/stories.html
Vergne, Aida, Marisol Joseph Haynes, Diana Ursulin Mopsus, Lourdes Gonzlez Cotto, Cndida Gonzlez Lpez, Sally Delgado, Hania
Lao Melndez, Darlene Albert, Dmarys Crespo Valedn, Neusa Rodrguez Montemoo, and Nicholas Faraclas. Extending the
socio-cultural matrix of creolization in the Caribbean and the rest of the Afro-Atlantic to include the Portuguese and Spanish-
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Cultures of the Greater Caribbean, edited by Nicholas Faraclas, Ronnie Severing, Christa Weijer, Elisabeth Echteld and Marsha
Hinds-Layne, 107-121. Willemstad: University of Curaao and Fundashon pa Planifikashon di Idioma, 2011.
MASHA DANKI
IDIOMA DI KONTAKTO VS. IDIOMA NATURAL
TRADISHONALMENTE, VARIEDATNAN KU TA OPVIO E
RESULTADO DI KONTAKTO ENTRE LENGA A KEDA
KLASIFIK KOMO UN GRUPO DI IDIOMANAN DI
KONTAKTO APARTE DI IDIOMANAN NATURAL
A KLASIFIK IDIOMANAN MANER PAPIAMENTU
KOMO KRIOYO, PERO A KLASIFIK IDIOMANAN
MANERA INGLES KOMO IDIOMA NATURAL
PERO E SOSIOLINGWISTANAN TA REKONOS KU TUR
IDIOMA PAPI AWENDIA TA RESULTADO DI
KONTAKTO DI IDIOMA
CONTACT LANGUAGES VS.
NATURAL LAGUAGES
TRADITIONALLY, VARIETIES THAT CAN EASILY BE SHOWN
TO BE THE RESULT OF LANGUAGE CONTACT HAVE BEEN
TREATED AS A CLASS OF SPECIAL CONTACT
LANGUAGES, DIFFERENT FROM NATURAL LANGUAGES
SO LANGUAGES LIKE PAPIAMENTU/O HAVE BEEN
CLASSIFIED AS CREOLES BUT LANGUAGES LIKE ENGLISH
HAVE BEEN CLASSIFIED AS NATURAL LGS
BUT SOCIOLINGUISTS NOW RECOGNISE THAT ALL
LANGUAGES SPOKEN TODAY ARE THE RESULT OF
LANGUAGE CONTACT
IDIOMAS DE CONTACTO VS. IDIOMAS NATURALES
EN EL PASADO, VARIEDADES QUE SON OBVIAMENTE
EL RESULTADO DEL CONTACTO ENTRE IDIOMAS SE
HAN CLASIFICADO COMO UN GRUPO DE IDIOMAS
DE CONTACTO, APARTE DE IDIOMAS NATURALES
ASI QUE IDIOMAS COMO EL PAPIAMENTU/O HAN
SIDO CLASIFICADAS COMO CRIOLLOS PERO
IDIOMAS COMO EL INGLES HAN SIDO CLASIFICADAS
COMO IDIOMAS NATURALES
PERO LOS SOCIOLINGUISTAS SE HAN DADO CUENTA
DE QUE TODOS LOS IDIOMAS HABLADOS HOY DIA
SON EL RESULTADO DEL CONTACTO ENTRE IDIOMAS
 TRMINONAN KU TA REFER NA
IDIOMA DI KONTAKTO
Algun tiponan di IDIOMANAN DI KONTAKTO
(Bakker 2001):
JARGON pidgin instabil, inisio di pidgin , pre-
pidgin, pre-pidgin kontinuo, pidgin primitivo,
pidgin incipiente, pidgin rudimentario
PIDGIN pidgin stabil
PIDGINCREOLE pidgin ekstend, pidgin ekspand,
pidgin stabil, krioyo
CREOLE krioyo
 TERMS THAT REFER TO CONTACT
LANGUAGES
SOME TYPES OF CONTACT LANGUAGES (Bakker
2001):
JARGON unstable pidgin, early pidgin, pre-pidgin,
pre-pidgin continuum, primitive pidgin, incipient
pidgin, rudimentary pidgin
PIDGIN stable pidgin
PIDGINCREOLE extended pidgin, expanded pidgin,
stable pidgin, creole
CREOLE creole
 DEFINISHON SOSIAL
Un JARGON ta un atentado individual pa komunik den un
idioma ku e papiad no ta domin. Mester sia un PIDGIN i
tin normanan mar na esaki. Un persona por ta un bon
papiad di un PIDGIN paso esei tin norma, pero nunka un
bon papiad di un JARGON, komo ku hende solamente por
usa un JARGON den formanan altamente individualistiko i
variabel.
Asina ku un PIDGIN bira un idioma general den un
komunidat, un idioma ofisial f un idioma asosi ku un
grupo tniko f poltiko, Asina ku un pidgin bira idioma
materno, e ta bira un PIDGINKRIOYO.
Ora un PIDGINKRIOYO keda atker pa papiadnan di L1 i
bira un idioma ekspresivo di gruponan tniko f poltiko i
no ta keda us mayoria biaha komo L2 f un idioma
intermedio e ta bira un idioma KRIOYO
 SOCIAL DEFINITIONS
A JARGON is individual attempt at communication in a LG
not mastered by the speakers. A PIDGIN must be learned &
has norms. One can be a good speaker of a PIDGIN
because there are norms, but never a good speaker of a
JARGON, as persons can only use a JARGON in highly
individualistic & variable ways.
As soon as a PIDGIN becomes a general community LG, an
official LG or a LG associated with an ethnic or political
group, or as soon as a pidgin becomes a mother tongue, it
becomes a PIDGINCREOLE.
When a PIDGINCREOLE acquires monolingual L1 speakers &
becomes an expressive ethnic or political group L & is NOT
used mostly as an L2 or an inter-language, it becomes a
CREOLE
KRITERIONAN DI BAKKER P P/C C
IDIOMA NATIVO (L1) N N/S S
IDIOMA DI KOMUNIDAT N N/S S
GENERAL F IDIOMA OFISIAL
IDIOMA DI GRUPO TNIKO I NN S
POLTIKO
PAPIADNAN TA USA ESAKI N N/S S
KOMO NAN UNIKO IDIOMA
US PA HENDENAN KU NO TIN S S/N N
IDIOMANAN EN KOMUN
US MAYORIA BIAHA KOMO L2 S S/N N
USO EKSPRESIVO NS S
BAKKERS CRITERIA P P/C C
Native Language (L1) N N/Y Y
General community or N N/Y Y
official LG
Ethnic or political group LG NN Y
Speakers have it as their N N/Y Y
only LG
Used between people who Y Y/N N
have no other L in common
Used mostly as an L2 Y Y/N N
Expressive use NY Y
DEFINISHON STRUKTURAL I E
EKSEPSHONALISMO KRIOYO
TRADISHONAL : HIPTESIS DI E SIMPLESA KRIOYO-
VERSHON MAS RESIENTE: McWHORTER (2001) E
gramtikanan di mas simpel di mundu ta e
gramtikanan krioyo
RECHASO DI EKSEPSHONALISMO KRIOYO: DEGRAFF
(2003) No tin diferensia struktural ku ta distingu
gramtikanan di idiomanan krioyo for di e otro
idiomanan
HIPTESIS DI E ASPEKTO TPIKO DI KRIOYO : (KLEIN
2006) E gramtikanan di e idiomanan krioyo no ta ni
mas simpel ni mas komplik ku esnan di e otro
idiomanan
STRUCTURAL DEFINITIONS AND
CREOLE EXCEPTIONALISM
TRADITIONAL : CREOLE SIMPLICITY HYPOTHESIS -
LATEST VERSION: McWHORTER (2001) The worlds
simplest grammars are Creole grammars
CHALLENGED BY OPPONENTS TO CREOLE
EXCEPTIONALISM: DEGRAFF (2003) No consistent
structural differences between Creole and other
grammars
CREOLE TYPICALITY HYPOTHESIS: (KLEIN 2006) Creoles
tend to cluster around the typological middle or
average
DEFINICIONES ESTRUCTURALES Y
EL EXCEPCIONALISMO CRIOLLO
TRADICIONAL : HIPOTESIS DE LA SIMPLICIDAD
CRIOLLA- VERSION MAS RECIENTE: McWHORTER
(2001) Las gramticas las ms sencillas del mundo
son las gramticas criollas
RECHAZO AL EXCEPCIONALISMO CRIOLLO: DEGRAFF
(2003) No hay diferencias estructurales que
distinguen las gramticas de los idiomas criollos de
las de otros idiomas
HYPOTHESIS DE LA TIPICALIDAD CRIOLLA : (KLEIN
2006) Las gramticas de los idiomas criollos no son ni
ms sencillas ni ms complicadas que las de los otros
idiomas
 KONKLUSHON GENERAL
MASKE NOS USA E NORMANAN DI MAS STRIKTO
FAVORESIENDO SIMPLESA RIBA KOMPLEKSIDAT, DI
NINGUN MANERA NO POR KALIFIK E IDIOMA PIDJIN I E
IDIOMA KRIOYO GENERALMENTE KOMO MAS SIMPEL
NI DEN KOMPARASHON KU IDIOMANAN UNIVERSAL NI
DEN KOMPARASHON KU NAN IDIOMANAN LEKSIFIKAD
CONCLUSION GENERAL
HASTA SI NOS APLICA REGLANAN MAS
RESTRICTIVO FABORECIENDO SIMPLICIDAD RIBA
COMPLEHIDAD, E IDIOMA PIDGIN Y IDIOMA
CRIOYO DI NINGUN MANERA POR WORDO
CALIFICA GENERALMENTE DI TA MAS SIMPEL NI
DEN COMPARACION CU IDIOMANAN UNIVERSAL
OF NI DEN COMPARACION CU NAN IDIOMA
LEXIFICADO
GENERAL CONCLUSION
EVEN IF WE APPLY THE MOST RESTRICTIVE
STANDARDS FAVORING SIMPLICITY OVER
COMPLEXITY, PIDGIN AND CREOLE
PHONOLOGIES CAN IN NO WAY BE
GENERALLY QUALIFIED AS BEING SIMPLER
EITHER IN COMPARISON WITH LANGUAGES
UNIVERSALLY OR IN COMPARISON WITH
THEIR LEXIFIER LANGUAGES
 DEFINISHON SOSIO-HISTRIKO
TRADISHONAL: TEORIANAN EVOLUSHONARIO Tur
idioma krioyo ta bin for di Pidjin, Idioma krioyo =
(Pidjin + papiadnan nativo)
TEORIANAN DI ORGENNAN INDEPENDIENTE
(MUFWENE) No nesesariamente tur idioma krioyo ta
bin for di Pidjin
TRADISHONAL: IDIOMA KRIOYO vs. IDIOMANAN
NATURAL (BICKERTON) Idioma krioyo ta resultado
di kambio no-gentiko di idioma via transmishon
apnormal
IDIOMA KRIOYO KOMO IDIOMA DI KONTAKTO NO-
EKSEPSHONAL Idioma krioyo ta resultado di e
fenmeno di kontakto normal (THOMASSON AND
KAUFMANN 1988)
 SOCIO-HISTORICAL DEFINITIONS
TRADITIONAL: EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES All Creoles are
descended from Pidgins, Creoles = (Pidgins + native
speakers)
INDEPENDENT ORIGINS THEORIES (MUFWENE) All
Creoles are not necessarily descended from Pidgins
TRADITIONAL: CREOLES vs. NATURAL LANGUAGES
(BICKERTON) Creoles result from non-genetic language
change via abnormal transmission
CREOLES AS NON-EXCEPTIONAL CONTACT LANGUAGES -
Creoles result from normal contact phenomena
(THOMASSON AND KAUFMANN 1988)
 DEBATE TOKANTE E APARISHON DI
IDIOMA KRIOYO ATLNTIKO (KA)
TEORIANAN TRADISHONAL, tur MONO-KAUSAL:
SUPERESTRATO ltimo Vershon: ACs=Dialektonan di
idiomanan oropeo (Chaudenson, Mufwene)
UNIVERSAL Krioyo Atlantiko kre dor di mucha usando
nan Fakuldat di Lenga (LBH di Bickerton). ltimo
Vershonnan: KA = Universal di atkisishon di L1/L2.
MONOGNESIS: Un fuente (Sabir, Lingua Franca, etc.)
ltimo Vershon: Krioyo Atlantiko desendiente di Pidjin
Afro-Portugues di Afrika Wst (McWhorter).
SUPESTRATO: KA = Vokabulario Oropeo + Gramtika
Afrikano. ltimo Vershon: Releksifikashon - Un
supestrato (Lefebvre)
 DEBATE ON THE ORIGINS OF THE
COLONIAL ATLANTIC CREOLES (AC)
TRADITIONAL THEORIES, all MONO-CAUSAL:
SUPERSTRATE Latest Version: Atlantic Creoles are Dialects
of European Languages (Chaudenson, Mufwene)
UNIVERSALS Atlantic Creoles created by children using
their innate Language Faculties (Bickertons LBH). Latest
Versions: ACs = Universals of L1/L2 acquisition.
MONOGENESIS: One source (Sabir, L Franca, etc.) Latest
Version: Atlantic Creoles descend from West African Afro-
Portuguese Pidgin (McWhorter).
SUBSTRATE: ACs= (European Lexicon + African Grammar)
Latest Version: Relexification - One substrate (Lefebvre)
 VARIEDAT: IDIOMA VS. DIALEKTO
DIALEKTO O LEKTO: IDIOMA:
NOS TUR TA PAPIA NIUN HENDE NO TA PAPIA
VRIOS DIALEKTO UN IDIOMA
FORMAL: VARIEDATNAN FORMAL: GRUPO DI
KU TA KOMPART MAS DI DIALEKTO KU TA KOMPART
80%-90% DI NAN MAS KU 80%-90% DI NAN
VOKABULARIO BSIKO VOKABULARIO BSIKO
POLTIKO: POLTIKO: IDENTIFIKASHON
IDENTIFIKASHON LOKAL NASHONAL
POPULAR: DIALEKTO = POPULAR: IDIOMA = E
FORMA INFERIOR DI UN DIALEKTO STANDARIS
IDIOMA BAKHTIN:
DIFERENTE : GEOGRAFIA, UNITARY LG vs.
SOSIO-LEKTO, IDIOLEKTO HETEROGLOSIA
VARIETIES: LANGUAGE VS. DIALECT
DIALECT OR LECT: LANGUAGE:
EVERYONE SPEAKS A SET NOBODY SPEAKS A
OF DIALECTS LANGUAGE
FORMAL: SPOKEN FORMAL: SET OF
VARIETIES THAT SHARE DIALECTS THAT SHARE
MORE THAN 80%-90% OF MORE THAN 80%-90% OF
THEIR BASIC VOCABULARY THEIR BASIC
POLITICAL: LOCAL VOCABULARY
IDENTITY POLITICAL: NATIONAL
POPULAR: DIALECT = IDENTITY
INFERIOR FORM OF A POPULAR: LANGUAGE =
LANGUAGE THE STANDARD DIALECT
MANY TYPES: GEO- BAKHTIN:
GRAPHIC, SOCIO-LECT, UNITARY LG vs.
IDIOLECT HETEROGLOSSIA
 VARIEDADES: DIALECTO VS. LENGUA
DIALECTO O LECTO: LENGUA O IDIOMA:
HABLAMOS TODOS VARIOS NADIE HABLA UNA LENGUA
DIALECTOS FORMAL: GRUPO DE
FORMAL: VARIEDADES QUE DIALECTOS QUE
COMPARTEN MAS DE 80%- COMPARTEN MAS DE 80%-
90% DE SU LEXICO DE BASE 90% DE SU LEXICO DE BASE
POLITICO: IDENTIDAD POLITICO: IDENTIDAD
LOCAL NACIONAL
POPULAR: DIALECTO = POPULAR:
FORMA INFERIOR DE UNA LENGUA/IDIOMA = EL
LENGUA DIALECTO ESTANDAR
MUCHOS TIPOS: GEO- BAKHTIN:
GRAFICO, SOCIO-LECTO, LENGUA UNITARIA vs.
IDIOLECTO HETEROGLOSSIA
 PLURILINGUALISMO:
ST. CROIX AWENDIA (DE JESUS 2007)
Kada un di e lenganan ku ta sigui aki bou ta papi pa
50% den e komunidat:
1. Crucian: Krioyo Leksifika pIngles di St. Croix
2. Ingles Standard di e Islanan Virgenis
Kada un di e lenganan aki bou ta papi pa 25% den e
komunidat:
1. Jamaikan i otro tipo di Krioyo Leksifika pe Ingles
2. St Lucian i otro tipo di Krioyo Leksifika pe Franses
3. Puerto Rico, Viequense, St. Domingo i otro dialekto
di Spao Karibense
4. Ingles Standard di Merka
 PLURILINGUALISM:
ST. CROIX TODAY (DEJESUS 2007)
Each of the following languages are spoken by
over 50 % of the population:
1.Crucian: St Croix English Lexifier Creole
2.Virgin Islands Standard English
Each of the following languages are spoken by
over 25% of the population:
1.Jamaican, Kittitian, Antiguan, & other
English Lexifier Creoles
2.St Lucian, Haitian, & other French Lexifier
Creoles
3.Puerto Rican, Viequense, Dominican & other
dialects of Caribbean Spanish
4.United States Standard English
 PLURILINGUALISM IN A TYPICAL ST.
CROIX FAMILY TODAY (DEJESUS 2007)
Father (and step-father) Puerto Rican (PR) Spanish,
Pidginized English
Mother Crucian (English-Lexifier Creole - ELC), PR
Spanish (learned from Husband), Virgin Islands (VI)
(Standard) English
Grandfather Viequense Spanish, PR Spanish, Crucian ELC,
VI English
Adult Son Crucian ELC, VI English, Pidginized Spanish (to
step-father)
Daughters Crucian ELC, VI English, PR Spanish, Viequense
Spanish, US (Standard) English, Kittitian ELC, Jamaican ELC,
and some St Lucian French Lexifier Creole
Uncle PR Spanish, Viequense Spanish, Pidginized English
Niece PR Spanish, Viequense Spanish, Crucian ELC, VI
English, Jamaican English Lexifier Creole (ELC)
 PLURI-IDENTIFIKASHON DEN UN TIPIKO
FAMIA DI ST. CROIX (DE JESUS 2007)
Tata ta bisa ku e ta Puertorikenio, pero tin bes e ta bisa ku e ta
Crucian.
Mama - ta bisa ku e ta Crucian, tin bia e ta Porto Crucian, anto otro
bes e ta bisa e ta Puerto Rican
Abuelo ta bisa e ta Crucian, f Viequense, tin bia e ta Puertorikenio
Yu hmber may ta bisa e ta Crucian I un Virgin Islander, f
Amerikano
Yu muh may ta bisa e ta Porto Crucian, tin bisa e ta Puertorikenio,
f un Virgin Islander I un Amerikano
Di dos yu muh ta bisa e ta Crucian, tin bia Porto Crucian I otro bia e
ta Puertorikenio
Tio ta bisa e ta Puertorikenio, pero tin bia e ta Viequense
Subrino ta bisa e ta Puertorikenio, f Viequense, pero tambe e ta
Crucian i Rasta
 PLURI-IDENTIFICATION IN A TYPICAL ST.
CROIX FAMILY TODAY (DEJESUS 2007)
Father Says hes Puerto Rican, but sometimes says hes
Crucian
Mother - Says shes Crucian, sometimes Porto Crucian,
and sometimes says shes Puerto Rican
Grandfather Says hes Crucian, or Viequense, sometimes
Puerto Rican
Adult Son Says hes Crucian, a Virgin Islander, or American
First Daughter Says shes Porto Crucian, sometimes
Puerto Rican, or a Virgin Islander, and an American
Second Daughter Says shes Crucian, sometimes Porto
Crucian, and sometimes Puerto Rican
Uncle Says hes Puerto Rican, but sometimes Viequense
Niece Says shes Puerto Rican, or Viequense, but also
Crucian and Rasta
 PLURI-LINGWALISMO PROM KU INVASHON

Kontinente Pasfiko Afrika Amerika Islanan

sit wst sit ABC
Grupo Tigak- Ijo- Tupi- Caqueto
PNG Nigeria Brazil
Idioma Tigak East Ijo Tupi Caqueto
materno
Idioma Nalik, Kana, Guaran Lokono,
paterno Madak Obolo Varieties Kalinya
Idioma di Market Market Market Trade Lg.
merkado Kuanua Igbo Guaran Island
Carib
PLURI-LINGUALISM BEFORE INVASION
Continent South West South Caribbean
Pacific Africa America ABC Isls.
Group Tigak- Ijo- Tupi- Caqueto
PNG Nigeria Brazil
Mothers Tigak East Ijo Tupi Caqueto
language
Fathers Nalik, Kana, Guaran Lokono,
language Madak Obolo Varieties Kalinya
Market Market Market Market Trade Lg.
language Kuanua Igbo Guaran Island
Carib
 PLURI-LINGUISMO ANTE INVASION
Pacfico Africa/ Amrica Caribe
del Sur Oeste del Sur Islas ABC
Etnia Tigak- Ijo- Tupi- Caquetio
PNG Nigeria Brasil
Idoma de Tigak Ijo del Tupi Caquetio
la madre este
Idioma del Nalik, Kana, Varieda- Lokono,
padre Madak Obolo des del Kalinya
Guaran
Idioma del Kuanua Igbo del Guaran Arauaco de
mercado del mercado del mercado
mercado mercado Island84
PLURI-LINGWALISMO DESPUES DI INVASHON
Pasfiko Afrika W Amerika S Islanan ABC
Grupo Tigak Ijo Tupi Katibu
Materno Tigak East Ijo Tupi East Ijo
Paterno Nalik,.. Kana, Guarani Kana,
Idioma di Market Market Market Market Igbo
merkado Kuanua Igbo Guarani
Idioma di Aleman Port. Portugues Spa
Kontakto Ingles Ingles Portuguese Portugues
nobo English English Lexifier Papiamentu
Lexifier Lexifier Creole (Iberian
Creole Creole Lenga Geral Lexifier
Creole )
Katibu
PLURI-LINGUALISM AFTER INVASION
Pacific W Africa S America ABC Isls
Group Tigak Ijo Tupi Slaves
Mothers Tigak East Ijo Tupi East Ijo
Fathers Nalik,.. Kana, Guarani Kana,
Market Market Market Market Market Igbo
Language Kuanua Igbo Guarani
German Port. Portuguese Spanish
New English English Portuguese Portuguese
Contact English English Lexifier Papiamento
LGS Lexifier Lexifier Creole (Iberian
Creole Creole Lengua Lexifier
Geral Creole )
SLAVES
PLURI-LINGUALISM AFTER INVASION
Pacific W Africa S America ABC Isls
Group Tigak Ijo Tupi Caquetio
Mothers Tigak East Ijo Tupi Caquetio
Fathers Nalik,.. Kana, Guarani Kalinya.
Market Market Market Market Island Carib
Language Kuanua Igbo Guarani
German Port. Portuguese Spanish
New English English Portuguese Portuguese
Contact English English Lexifier Papiamentu
LGS Lexifier Lexifier Creole (Iberian
Creole Creole Lengua Lexifier
Geral Creole )
INDIGENOUS PEOPLE
PLURI-LINGWUALISMO AWENDIA
Pasfiko Africa W Amerika S Islanan ABC
Grupo Tigak Ijo Tupi ABC
Materno Tigak East Ijo Tupi Papiamentu
Paterno Nalik,.. Kana, Guarani Hulandes
Idioma di Market Market Market Papiamento
kontakto Kuanua Igbo Guarani
arkaiko
Lenganan Ingles Ingles Portugues Spa
di English English Ingles Ingles
kontakto Lexifier Lexifier Lenga Geral Hulandes
nobo
Creole Creole

AWENDIA
PLURI-LINGUALISM TODAY
Pacific WAfrica S America ABC Isls
Group Tigak Ijo Tupi ABC
Mothers Tigak East Ijo Tupi Papiamentu
Fathers Nalik,.. Kana, Guarani Dutch
Old Market Market Market Papiamento
Contact Kuanua Igbo Guarani
Language
English English Portuguese Spanish
New English English English English
Contact Lexifier Lexifier Lengua Dutch
LGS Creole Creole Geral
 MARGINALIZED PEOPLES:
A DRIVING FORCE IN HISTORY
There can be no meaningful
understanding of Creole
societies & languages without
acknowledging the significant
agency of Africans, Arawaks,
Jews, Renegades, Women, &
other marginalized peoples in
the creation of the cultures &
languages of the Caribbean &
the rest of the Americas.